b-44ir
■y: “Jxks
W:-
kf
Ruffia.
• R U S [ 40
fian army entered Finland in the beginning of March,
under the command of General Buxhovden, and advan¬
ced again!! Ilelfingfors, which was occupied by a Angle
battalion of a Svvedith regiment. This fmall force re¬
tired into the fortrefs of Sweaborg, where they main¬
tained themfelves with great bravery till the 17th of
April, when they were obliged to capitulate. The lofs
of this fortrefs, though inconliderable in itlelf, fo highly
enraged the king of Sweden, that he difmiffed the naval
and military commanders who had been concerned in
the capitulation.
On the 27th of April, feme flight advantage was
gained over the Ruffians near Rivolax, by the bvvedifli
army under General Count Klinfpor ■, but this was only
a partial gleam of fuccefs. lire Ruffians foon overran
almoft all Finland, took poffeffion of Wafa, old and
new Carleby, and reduced under fubjedtion the whole
province of which Wafa is the capital. The army of
Field-rnarflral Klinfpor, which originally conflfted of
16,oco regulars, and many boors, was, by the end of
the campaign, reduced to little more than 9000 men.
The Ruffian troops were faid to have committed great
excefles, in confequence of w’hich the king of Svreden
addreffed the following letter to the emperor of Ruffia.
“ Honour and humanity enjoin me to make the moft
forcible remoniirances to your imperial majefty againft
■the numberlefs cruelties and the injuftice committed by
the Ruffian troops in Swedifh Finland. Thefe proceed¬
ings are too wTell known and confirmed, to require from
me any proof of their reality j for the blood of the iil-fated
victims fiill cries aloud for vengeance againft the abet¬
tors of fuch enormities. Let not your imperial majetly’s
heart be infenfible to the repreientations which I find
myfelf compelled to make to you, in the name of my
faithful fubjecls in Finland. But what is the objefl of
this war, as unjuft as it is unnatural ? It is not I fup-
pofe to excite the ftrongeft averfion for the Ruffian
name ? Is it criminal in my fubjefts in Finland not to
have fuffered themfelves to be feduced from their alle¬
giance by promftes as falfe as the principles on which
they are founded ? Does it become a fovereign ,to make
loyalty a crime ? I conjure your imperial majefty to
put a flop to the calamities and horrors of a wyar which
cannot fail to bring down on your own perfon and go¬
vernment the curfes of divine Providence. Half of my
dominions in Finland are already delivered by my brave
Finnifti troops ; your majefty’s fleet is (hut up in Baltic
port, without the hope of ever getting cut, any other-
wife than as a conqueft •, your flotilla of gallies has re¬
cently fuftained a very fevere defeat, and my troops are
at this moment landing in Finland, to reinforce thofe
who will point out to them the road to honour and to
glory.”
“ Head-quarters, Sept. 7. 1808.”
(Signed) “ Gustavus Adolfhus.”
Vci,. XVIII. Part II.
i&toy.
1 ] HUS
The king of Sweden continued to fend reinforcements Ri ffia.
to his armies in Finland, but no advantages of any ini- "
portance were obtained, and the Ruffians fiill remain in
poffieffion of a great part of that province. It. was ex¬
pected that the late depofition of Guilavus Adolphus,
and the elevation of his uncle, the duke of Sudermania,
to the Swedifh throne, would have produced a change
of meafures *, but it appears that hoftilities between the
Swedes and Ruffians have not yet terminated, though
nothing of moment has lately been attempted by either
party.
We have now brought to a conclufion the hiftorical
part of this article, in which we have taken a compre-
henfive view of the principal military and political tranf-
aClions of Ruflia, from the eftabliffiment of the monarchy
under Ruric, to the prefent year 1809. The military
power of Alexander, fo much weakened in the battles of
Aufterlitz, of Eylau, and of Friedland, feems not to have
recovered that vigour by which it was diftinguifiied at
the commencement of his reign. The boafted fuccours ,
which he has been fo king expe&ed to fend to his im¬
perial ally Napoleon, have not reached the banks of the
Danube ; but the concentration of the Ruffian forces in
Polith Galicia, (hews that Alexander is preparing to
fhare in the fpoil of Auilria, now once more on the
point of fubjugation to the haughty power of France.
The fanguinary battle of Afpern, fought on the plain
of the Marchfield, on the 2ift, 22d, and 23d of
May, though it was fuppofed to have paralifed the ex¬
ertions of Bonaparte, had evidently fo much weakened
the inferior forces of the Auftrians, that they could do
little more than a£t on the defenfive, and entrench
themfelves between Vienna and Prefburg. If the af¬
flicting intelligence that is juit publithed, of a fecond
battle on the 5th and 6th of July, in which the
French gained a complete victory, be correCt, the fate
of Auftria is decided ; and the difinemberment of her
territories will probably be the refult of her intrepid
but unavailing oppofition to the ambitious views of
Napoleon (k.)
In our remarks on the political and civil geography Extent of
of Ruffia, we ffiall begin with the population. To ftate P°P11 at‘on
this with any degree of accuracy, in an empire fo ex-
tenfive, and where the inhabitants are, in many places, *U' Cn 1
fo thinly fcattered, is almoft impoffible. It is not fur-
prifing, therefore, that the accounts given by different
writers are extremely various. The population has been
commonly ftated at about 25,000,000, before the laft
partition of Poland ; and as by this event the empire
was fuppofed to have gained about 5,000,000 of inha¬
bitants, its whole population has been eftimated at
30,000,000. According to an enumeration taken fe-
veral times by government during the 18th century,
the population had gradually increafed from 14,000,00©
to 30,000,000. Thus, the number of people was,
3 E in
193
(K) There is every reafon to believe that the campaign between the French and Auftrians is at an end. When
this ineet was put to prefs, the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th bulletins of the French army on the Danube had ar¬
rived ; and from thefe it appears, that the battle above alluded to, took place at Enzerfdorf on the 5th, and was
renewed at Wagram on the 6th 5 that in both thefe aCtions the Auftrians were defeated with great lofs ; that on
the ntn the conteft had again begun near Znaym, but was terminated by the arrival of an Auftrian general in
the.camp of Napoleon, and that on that day, an armiftice for one month was concluded between the two emperors.
r} its meafure, which feems to have been haftened by the intelligence that the Ruffians were rapidly approaching in
t ie rear of the Auftrians, is probably the prelude to a peace, which can fcarcely be obtained without great facrifices
«n the part of Auftria.
Rrflia.
194
Govcin-
ment.
HUS
in 1*722,
3762,
1782,
1788,
i4,cco,ooo
i6,cco,coo
20,coo,coo
28,000,000
30,000,000
[ 402 ]
If ihefe data are correft, we fliould, fince the laft:
partition of Poland, ellimate the whole population at
35,000,000, and even this is probably below the truth,
bir John Carr, in his Northern Summer, has extended
it to 40,000,000, which is perhaps not too much.
Of this population very little belongs to Afiatic Rul-
fia, to which Mr Tooke will not allow more than
4,000,000. In eltimating the degree of population by
the fquare mile in Aiiatic Ruffia, he reckons, but upon
what data it is not eafy to aicertain, a little mere than
3 6 inhabitants for the fquare German mile, and he allows
no more than 318 to the fame furface in European Ruflia.
There are feveral fads which prove that the popula¬
tion of the Ruffian empire is hill on the increafe. Thus,
in 1803, the number of marriages was 300,470, that of
the births of the fame year 1,270,341, and that of the
deaths only 791,973, fo that the number of births ex¬
ceeded that of deaths by 478,368, and the population
had of courfe in that year increafed nearly half a mil¬
lion (l).
In the year 1804, t^le nurnher of marriages was
311,7985 of births 715,334 males, and 642,233 fe¬
males, making 1,357,567, and of deaths 439,137 males,
and 380,681 females, making a total of 819,8185 fo
that in the courfe of that year, the number cf births ex¬
ceeded that of deaths by 537,749«
The government of Ruffia appears always to have
been defpotic 5 and we have no traces of any legiflative
power diftind from that of the fovereign, as what is
called the fenate, is only the fupreme court of judica¬
ture. Vafilii Schuilkoy, who obtained the crowm in
1606, (fee N° 88.), pretended to obtain it in confequence
of a free eledion by the fenate and people 5 but we have
feen that his coronation vTas produced by intrigues among
the chiefs, and there appears in the Ruffian hiftory no
veftige of any national council, parliament, or eftates of
the empire, far lefs of a free eledive diet, like that
which dillinguiffied the republic of Poland. The em¬
peror is abfolute lord, not only over all the eftates of
the empire, but alfo of the lives of his fubjeds. The
greateft noblemen call themfelves his flaves, and exe¬
cute his commands Vvith the moft implicit obedience.
The common people revere him as fomething fuperna-
tural, and never mention his name, or any thing imme¬
diately belonging to him, without marks of the moft
profound refped and awful veneration.
During the reign of Catharine II. the immediate ad-
miniftration of affairs was nominally veiled in what was
called her imperial majefty’s council. This was com-
pofed of the principal officers and perfons of the empire,
namely, of general feldt-marlhals, generals in chief,
and adual privy-counfellors : at prefent they are 14 in
number 5 the fifteenth fills the place of a chancery-di-
R U S
redor, and has a fecretary under him. The vice-chan- Rnffis.
cellor of the empire is a member of this council. T he ' 1
poll cf grand-chancellor is lometimes luffered to remain
vacant.
The cabinet, to which belongs the care of the fove-
reign’s private affairs or concerns, as likewife the recep¬
tion of petitions, confilts generally of ten perfons, the
high-fteward of the houlehold, privy-counfellors, major-
generals, and ftate-couniellors, with their feveral fubor-
dinate officers and chanceries. It alfo examines dif-
patches, paffes accounts, &c. takes cognizance of the
produce of fiiver mines, &c. Whoever is not fatisfied
wilh a decifion of the fenate, may appeal by petition to
the cabinet 5 and in this refped it does the office of a
fupreme tribunal, in which the fovereign in perfen de¬
cides.
In extraordinary cafes it fometimes happens that a
fpecial high court of juftice is appointed, not fubordi-
nate to the fenate, but immediately under the fovereign.
The prefidents are ufually taken from the imperial col¬
leges and other eminent ilations, and likewife from
among the members of the fynod. Where the alleged
offence is of an extremely heinous nature, the examina- Tcoke’s
tion is firft made by particular perfons appointed for
that purpofe, and the protocal is laid before the cOm-p ^
miffioners for their judgements. . 195
In number of titles the emperor of Ruffia rivals the Imperial
proudeft monarchs of the eaft. In the reign of Catha-tltles.
vine II. the imperial titles, when written at length, ran
thus :—“ By the grace of God, Catharine II. emprels
and autocratrix of all the Ruffias, of Mofco, Kief, Vla¬
dimir, Novgorod 5 tzarina of Kazan, tzarina of Aftra-
khan, tzarina of Siberia, tzarina of the Tauridan Cher-
fonefe, lady of Pfkove, and grand duchefs of Smolenfk 5
princefs of Efthonia, Livonia, Karelia, Tver, Yugoria,
Permia, Viatka, Bulgaria, and other countries 5 lady
and grand duchefs of Novgorod of the low country, of
Tfchemigof, Reazan, Pololfk, Roll of, Yaroflavl, Bi-
elofero, Udoria, Obdoria, Kondia, Viteplk, Mftillavl ;
fovereign of the whole northern region, and lady ol the
country of Iveria, of the Kartalinian and Grufinian
tzars, and of the Kabardinian country, of the Tfcher-
kaffians, and of the mountain princes, and of others he¬
reditary lady and fovereign. I94
We probably know very little of the amount of the Revenues.
Ruffian revenues. From the moft correcf intelligence
that Mr Tooke could procure, he has eftimated them at
about 46,000,000 of rubles, though it is probable that
they amount to a much greater fum. Taking the ruble
at an average value of four (hillings, according to Mr
Tooke’s direftions, we may compute the revenue at
about 10,000,0001. fterling, all at the entire difpofal of
the emperor. It dees not appear that this revenue is
diminiffied by any national debt. 197
The Ruffian empire appears to poffefs a very large Army,
difpofable armed force. The following eftimate made
up from the reports of the different corps, inferted in
the reffifters of the college of war, will ftiew the ftate
* of
(l) It is curious to remark how many people of a very advanced age died in Ruffia during this year. Thus
among the deaths are reckoned 1145 between 95 and 1005 158 between 100 and 105 ; 90 between 105 and 1105
34 between no and 115 5 36 between 115 and 120 5 15 between 120 and 125 5 5 between 325 and 130 5 and
3 between 145 and 150.
HUS
l 403 1 HUS
Ruflia, of the Ruflian army at the beginning ot the year
1795-
Number of
men in pay.
19 regiments of artillery, 38,110
11 regiments of grenadiers, of 4075 men"'
each’ . i- r - 51,048
3 regiments or grenadiers, or 1000 to 3000 ^
men each,
51 regiments of mufketeers, compofed of
10 companies of mulketeers, and two
companies of grenadiers, each regiment
being compofed of 2424 men,
7 regiments of mufketeers without grena¬
diers,
1 regiment of mufketeers, of 4 battalions
4143 men,
New arquebufiers, fo called,
12 battalions of mufketeers, of 1019 men, 1
3 battalions of mufketeers, of 1475 men, ^
48 battalions infantry, in garrifon on the f
frontiers, 10 in the country, \
9 corps of chaffeurs of 4 battalions of 9881
men each, 3992, J
3 battalions of chaffeurs,
5 regiments of cuirafliers of 1106 and )
1125 men, J Jj’
10 regiments of dragoons of 1882 men, two 1
with huflars mounted, j
8 regiments of carabineers of 1106 men,")
eight do. of 988 men, J
2 regiments of huffars of 1119 men, three 1
fquadrons of huflars, one do. §
4 regiments of chaffeurs of 1838 men,
5 regiments of light horfe of 1047 men,
6 regiments of cavalry of the Ukraine, of
1047 men,
16 regiments of regular Kozak cavalry,
Troops to guard the country,
In the new provinces acquired from PoO
land in the firft partition, fix brigades of j
1819 men,
5 brigades of light horfe, of 1098 men, j
four of infantry of 1447, ^cc’ *n a^> J
.Invalids in garrifon,
Soldiers fons at fchool for fervice,
Troops to aflifl the commiflaries, &c.
}
r39>592
5,897
l6>653
82,393
25,928
2,994
5,490
23,573
16,352
2,722
7,352
5,235
6,282
30,882
22,216
23,360
3,864
16,816
1,258
Total regular troops, 541,741
Irregular Kozak cavalry 21,625, T
Irregular troops of the Don Kozaks, V- 46,601
Cavalry all in a&ual fervice 24,976, J
A great number of other irregular troops,
all cavalry, as Kalmuks, Baichkirs, &c.
not enrolled, but ready when called out,
(they receive no pay), at lead; 100,000
688,3-42
The Ruffian regiments are ufually encamped from the
end of May to the end of Auguft. The folditrs are al¬
lowed no draw in their tents, but each man lies on the
bare and often wet ground. When he mounts guard,
it is for a fortnight together ; but when he is taken ill,
he is attended with the greateft care by the medical
officers appointed by government. No expence is fnar-
ed in providing hofpitals, for which purpofc large build- Ruifia.
ings have been condiufted in the principal towns, and
a proper number of phyficians and furgeons attached to
each. Here the patients are fupplied with medicines
and diet fuited to the nature of their complaints. Still,
however, the Ruffian foldiers enter the hofpitals with
reluftance, and leave them as foon as poffible.
Notwithdanding the great population of the Ruffian
empire, it fometimes requires the utmod dretch of ar¬
bitrary power to raife levies for recruiting the army, as
tire lower orders of the people are more averfe to the
military pvofeffion in Ruffia than in almoft any other
country. This is the more extraordinary, as the pay is
tolerably good, and they are furnilhed in abundance
with the neceflaries of life. It is true that leave of ab-
fence can leldom be obtained, and each foldier is bound
to ferve for 25 years. The diicipline is fevere, and the
fubaltern officers may, on their own authority, intiidl:
punifhment on any private, to the extent of 20 drokes
of a cane. While the foldiers remain in garrifon, they
are generally not allowed to marry j but when permitted
to marry, there is an extra allowance for their wives
and children *. * Tooke'f
There is one abfurdity in the drefs of the Ruffian fol Cathe-
diers, efpecially in that of the officers, which merits
notice. Their waids are fo pinched by the tightnefs of
their clothes, and a leathern belt over the coat, as mull
certainly impede their refpiration, and otherwife affedt
their health f. | See Par.
Of the regular troops, the imperial foot guards nxtter's Tra->
the mod refpeftable. Their uniform confids of a green
coat turned up with red, with white pantaloons, and
very high caps or hats, furmounted with a black feather
or tuft of hair. Of the other troops, the molt remark¬
able are the Kozaks, which form the principal cavalry
of the empire. Of thofe there are feveral varieties, but
the mod driking are the Donlky Kozaks. The per-
fons, air, and appointments of thefe troops feem com¬
pletely at variance with thofe of the horfes on which
they are mounted. The men are fierce and robud, ge¬
nerally dreffed in a blue jacket and pantaloons or loofe
trowfers, with a black cap furmounted by a kind of red
turban. They are diitinguilhed by formidable whilkers,
and are armed with a fabre, a brace of pidols, and a
long fpear. Their horfes are mean in fliape, douching
in motion, and have every appearance of languor and
debility. They are, however, extremely hardy and
tradlable ; will travel incalculable journeys, and remain
expofed, without inconvenience, to all the viciffitudes of '
the weather.
The navy of Ruffia is refpeftable j but fince her rup- Navy.
ture with Great Britain, it has become nearly ufelefs.
It generally confids of feveral detached fleets, of which
one belongs to the Baltic, and another to the Black
fea 5 the former having its rendezvous at Crondadt,
the latter at Sevadopol and Kherfon. There is alfo ge¬
nerally a fmall fquadron on the Cafpian. In 1794, the
Baltic fleet confided of 40 {hips of the line, and 1 5 fri¬
gates ; while that of the Black fea was compofed of 8
fhips of the line, and 12 frigates. The Cafpian fqua¬
dron confids of three or four fmall frigates, and a few
corvettes. Befides thefe fleets, there was lately at Odeffa
in the Black fea, a flotilla confiding of 25 very large
vefl'els, and 60 veffels of inferior fize, to ferve as tranfi
ports for conveying troops. The Ruffians are faid to
3 E 2 be
I
Pi U S [ 404
to a feafaring life, but the failors are ex-
199
Coins.
Ruffia. be averfe
tremely brave. In point of neatnefs, the Ruffian fhips
are inferior to thofe of any other European nation.
As conne&ed with the government of the empire,
we lhall here notice the coins, weights, and meafures,
all of which are regulated by government.
The ftandard according to wEich the value of the
Ruffian coins is ufually eftimated, is the ruble j but as
the value of this coin, with refpe£t to the money of
other countries, varies according to the courle of ex¬
change between thefe countries and Ruffia, it is necef-
fary to take into account the value of the ruble as it
Hands at any particular time. When Sir John Carr
was in Ruffia in 1804, ^ie ru^e was wort^ onty 2S-
of Englifn money, and as the courfe of exchange be¬
tween Great Britain and Ruffia is now againft the lat¬
ter country, w'e may perhaps eltimate the ruble at about
2s. Keeping this in view, the following table by Mr
Tooke will ffiow the value of the Ruffian coins.
PUS
dry meafures of capacity, the fmalleft is the gar- Ruins.
Weights.
201
Meafures.
Gold.
Silver.
Copper.
C Imperial,
/ Half imperial,
Ruble,
Half ruble,
Quarter ruble,
Twenty-copeck piece,
Fifteen-copeck piece,
Grievnik,
Five-copeck piece,
' Petaki,
Grofch,
<| Copeck,
| Denufhka,
Polufhka,
10 rubles.
5
ico copeeks.
5°
20
10
5
5
2
1
It is not eafy to compute the Ruffian weights, ac¬
cording to the ftandard of either avoirdupois or troy
weight. The lead Ruffian weight is called fclotnik,
and weighs about 68 troy grains, or a little more than
one troy dram. Three fo/otmhs make a /ate, and 32
lotes or 96 folotniks, a Ruffian pound. Thus the Ruf¬
fian is to the troy pound, as 6528 is to 5760. Forty-
five Ruffian pounds are equal to 38 Hamburgh pounds.
It is ufual in Ruffia to eftimate the parts of a pound by
folotniks, and not by lotes ; thus, any thing that weighs
7 lotes, is faid to weigh 27 folotniks.
A Ruffian pood weighs 40 Ruffian pounds, or 3840
folotniks, and is by Mr Tooke reckoned at 36 Englifh
pounds avoirdupois.
The meafures of Ruffia, as in other countries, mav be
divided into meafures of length and meafures of capaci¬
ty. The former are eafily eftimated in Englifh mea-
fure, as the Englifh foot was adopted by Peter the
Great, and is now the ftandard for the whole empire.
It is alfo divided into 1 2 inches, but every inch is di¬
vided into 10 lines, and each line into 10 fcruples.
Twenty-eight Englifh inches make an arfhine, and three
arfhines one fajene, or Ruffian fathom, equal to 7 feet
.Englifh.
A Ruffian verft is equal to 3500 Englifh feet'-, and a
geographical mile contains 6 verfts, 473 fajenes, and
7.25 arfhines.
Superficial meafure is fometimes eftimated by fquare
verfts and fajenes, but more commonly by defsettines
each of which is equal to 24.cc fquare TajEies, or
117,6co Englifh fquare feet.
Of
nhza, ofmuka, or ofrnufchka, which is a meafure ca-
pable of holding 5 Ruffian pounds of dried rye, and is
ufed chiefly in meafuring out corn for horfes. A polt-
chetverick contains 614^ Paris cubic inches, or half a
pood of dried rye. A pololmina contains 8 poltche-
tveriks, or four tchetvericks. A tonne of corn at Reval
holds 5964 French cubic inches; at Riga, 6570^ at
Narva, 81725 and in Viborg it is equal to the weight
of 6 pood. A Riga lof meafures 3285 French cubic
inches, and is equal to 27 cans 5 and a lafl is equal to
24 tonnes.
Of liquid meafure the vedro contains 610 French
cubic inches, and is equal to 5 Riga cans 5 a krufhka or
oflim is and a tchetverk 5 of a vedro : a ftoff is about
60 French cubic inches 5 19 vedro make 1 hogflieSd,
or 6 ankers, and 57 vedro amount to 152 Englifh
gallons, each containing 233 French cubic inches. rox
We have feen that in the earlier periods of Ruffian Laws,
hiftory, the empire was regulated by no other laws than
the will of the fovereign, as promulgated in his uka/es ;
and that even the ftril Ruffian code of laws, viz. thofe
publifhed by Ivan IV. in the 16th century, contain
rather the arbitrary orders of that monarch, than fuch
regulations as might have been the refult of the deli¬
berations of a national affembly. The code of Ivan
■was greatly improved by Alexei Mikhailovitch 5 but
the late emprefs has the merit of giving to the empire a
new and rational code, chiefly drawn up by her own
hands. Of the precife nature of the laws contained in
this code very little is known, as all converfation on the
laws of the empire is either forbidden, or is confidered
as indelicate. It is not indeed of much conlequence to
afcertain the prefent exifting laws, as they are fubjetblo
continual alterations. 40.
In 177^, the late emprefs made a complete new Admint-
modelling of the internal government in a form of great ftration of-
firaplicity and uniformity. By that reglement fheJulhce’
divided the whole empire into governments, as we have
already mentioned, placing over each, or where they
are of lefs extent, over two cqntiguous governments, a
governor-general with very confiderable powers. 'Stic
fubdivided each government into provinces and dt-
ftrifts ; and for the better adminiftration of juftice,
erefted in them various courts of law, civil, criminal,
and commercial, analogous to thofe which are found in
other countries. She eftablithed likewife in every go¬
vernment, if not in every province, a tribunal of con-
fcience, and in every dillrift a chamber for the protec¬
tion of orphans. Amidft fo many wife inftitutior.s, a
chamber for the adminiftration of her imperial majeltyTs
revenues was not forgotten to be eftablithed in each
government, and a tribunal of police in each diftrifE
The duty of the governor-general, who is not properly
a judge, but the guardian of the laws, is to take care
that the various tribunals in his government difeha/ge
their refpeffive duties, to protefl the oppreffed, to en¬
force the adminiftration of the laws 5 and when any
tribunal (hall appear to have pronounced an irregular
fenlence, to flop the execution till he make a report to
the fenaie, and receive her majefty’s orders It is his
bufinefs likewife to fee that the taxes be regularly paid;
and, on the frontiers of the empire, that the proper
number of troops be kept up, and that they be attentive
to their duty.
This
R U S
C 4°5 ]
R U S
Raffia.
204
Panifii-
Ii/tiUS.
205
The knout.
This rcgletnent contains other inflitutions as well as
many direftions for the conducing of law-fuits in the
different courts, and the adminiffration of juftice, which
do her majefty the higheft honour ; but the general want
oi morals, and what we call a fenfe of honour, in every
order of men through this vaff empire, muff make the
wifetf regulations of little avail. Ruffia is perhaps the
only nation in Europe where the law is not an incor¬
porated profeffion. There are no feminaries where a
pra&bioner may be educated. Any man who wall pay
the fees of office may become an attorney, and any man
who can find a client may p’ead at the bar. The
judges are not more learned than the pleaders. They
are not qualified for their offices by any kind of educa¬
tion, nor are they neceffarily chofen from thofe uho
have frequented courts, and been in the praftiee of
pleading. A general, from a fuccefisful or an equivo¬
cal campaign, may be inifantly placed at the head of a
court of juftice ; and in the abfence of the imperial
court from St Peterfburgh, the commanding officer in
that city, whoever he may be, prefides ex officio in the
high-court of juftice. The other courts generally
change their prefidents every year. Many inconve-
niencies muff arlfe from this Angular conftitution ; but
fewer, perhaps, than we are apt to imagine. The ap¬
pointment to fa many interior governments makes the
Ruffian nobility acquainted with the, grofs of the ordi¬
nary bufinefs of law-courts •, and a ftatute or imperial
ediff is law' in every cafe. The great obflacles to the
adminiffration of juftice are the contrariety of the laws,
and the venality of the judges. From inferior to fupe-
rlor courts there are two appeals *, and in a great pro¬
portion of the caufes the reverfal of the fentence of the
inferior court fuhjefls its judges to a heavy fine, unlefs
they can produce an edift in full point in liipport of
th eir decifion. This indeed they feldom find any dif¬
ficulty in doing ; for there is fcarcely a cafe fo fimple
that edidls may not be found clear and precife for both
parties; and therefore the judges, fenfible of their fafety,
are very feldom incorruptible. To the principle of
honour, which often guides the conduct of judges, in
other nations, they are fuch abfolute ftrangers, that an
officer has been feen fitting in ffate and diftributing
juftice from a bench to wffiich be was chained bv an
iron collar round his neck, for having the day before
been detected in conniving at fmuggling. This man
feemed not to be afhamed of the crime, nor did any one
avoid bis company in the evening.
Few crimes are capital in Ruffia; murder maybe
atoned for by paying a fum of money ; nay, !be c’vii
magiftrate takes no cognizance of murder, without ha¬
ving previoufly received information at the fuit of fome
individuals. Criminals were puniihed with torture and
the moft cruel deaths till the reign of Catharine T. when
a more merciful fvftem took place; and this the late
emorefs confirmed by law.
T'he ufual punifhments for crimes of inferior magni¬
tude are, imprifonment, and banifhment to the d< ferls
of Siberia ; and for crimes of greater moment, that
moft dreadful of all corporal puniffiments, the inojjt.
The exact nature of this punifhment has not been well
underftood in this country. We (hall therefore explain
it, from the information of one of our lateft travellers in
Ruffia.
The apparatus for inflicting the punifhment of-the
knout confifts principally of a wffiip, compofed of a
wooden handle about a foot long, very ftrong, and
bound tightly round vfith leather, and having attached
to it a ftout and weighty thong, longer than the handle,
and formed of a tapering tinp of buffalo’s hide, well
dried, and about ^ inch thick, fattened to the handle in
the manner of a flail. Betides this, the executioner is
furniftied with a pair of iron pincers for the purpole of
flitting the nofe, and another inftrument ftiaped like a
round brulh, ftrongly 1'et with iron teeth, tor marking
the forehead, or any other part of the body, according
to the terms of the ientence.
The inffidion of the puniffiment, in a cafe where it
wras peculiarly fevere, (viz. that ot a fervant who had
murdered his mailer) is thus delcribed by Air Ker Por¬
ter.
“ The poor wretch, attended by part of the police,
had been walked through the lireets, in order to fhew
him to the populace, and to flrike them with horror afc.-
his guilt. As loon as the proctflion arrived in front of
the troops, a circle was formed, and preparations made-
for the inftan: commencement of the execution. A pa¬
per being read aloud in the Rufs language, which, moft
probably wras an account of his crime and fentence ; he
was fpeedily ftripped of his deaths, leaving on his per-
fon only a pair of loofe trowders. In the midtt of this
filent groupe (and awful indeed was their filence) ftood,
firm and well fecured, a block of wood, about three
feet high, having three cavities in the top, to receive
the neck and arms. Being fully prepared for his dread¬
ful punifliment, the unhappy man croffed himfelf, re¬
peating his goffierdian pomelia with the greateil devo¬
tion. The executioner then placed him with his breaft
to the board, ftrongly binding him to it by the neck
and the upper parts of his arms, paffing the rope clofe
under the bend of both knees. Thus bowed forward,
the awful moment approached. The firft ftroke was
ft ruck, and each repeated lafli tore the flelh from the
bone. A few feconds elapfed between each ; and for
the firft ten or twelve, the poor fufferer roared moft ter¬
ribly ; but foon becoming faint and lick, the cry died'
away into groans ; and in a few minutes after, nothing
was heard but the bloody fplafli of the knout, on the
fenfelefs body of the wretched man.
“ After full an hour had been occupied in ftriking'
thefe dreadful blows (and more than 200 were given
him), a fignal was made from the head officer ot the'
police, and the criminal was raifed a little from the-
block. Not the fmalleft fign of life feemed to remain ;
indeed, fo long did it appear to have fled, that during
the half of the ladling, he had funk down as low as the-
ligatures which bound him would allow. The execu¬
tioner took the pa1e and apparently lifelefs body by the
beard, while his affiftant held an inllrument like a bruflr
with iron teeth, and placing it a little below his temple,
ftmck it with the utmoft force, and drove its pointed
fangs into the flefti. The oppotite temple and forehead
received the fame application. T he pa ts thus pierced,
were then rubbed with gunpowder, to remain, ftimnd
the mangled fufferer furvive, a perpetual mark of ids
having undergone the punithment.
“ You woul l fupnofe that rigour had exhaufted all
her torments, that juftice was now appeafed : But no ;
anolhir punifhment vet remained, to deprive the i o;'e of
its noftrils. The inffcfling pincers, fomething like men-
ftrous
Ruffr-r.
R U S [ 406 ] HUS
* Porter's
Travelling
Sketches,
vol. ii.
p. 21.
206
Religion-
Ruflia. ftrous curling irons, were inferted up the nofe of him
rrr—^ whom I fuppofed dead (and indeed I only endured the
latter part of the fight, from having imagined that thefe
inflictions were directed to one already part the fenfe of
pain) } the performer of this dreadful fentence, aided
by his companion, actually tore each from his head in
a way more (hocking than can be de(cribed. The
acutenefs of this laft torture, brought back fenfe to the
torpid body :—What was my horror, to fee the writh-
ings of the poor mangled creature j and my aftonifli-
ment, as foon as he was unbound, to fee him rife by the
afliftance of the men, and walk to a cart ready to re¬
turn him to his prifon. From whence, if he did not
die, he was immediately to be conveyed to Siberia,
there to labour for life. His loft ftrength feemed to re¬
vive every moment, and he fat in the vehicle perfectly
upright, being covered with his kaftan, which he him-
felf held upon his (boulders, talking very compofedly
with thofe who accompanied him *.
The ertabliihed religion of Ruflia is that of the Greek
church, which differs little from the Roman Catholic
perfuafion, except in a few rites and ceremonies. The
people are very (triCt in the obfervance of the external
forms of worftiip, as attendance on mafs, keeping nu¬
merous farts, performance of domertic devotions morning
and evening, confeflion, receiving the facrament, &c.
To build churches is confldered as a meritorious aCt,
and hence even the fmall towns abound in thefe religi¬
ous edifices ; and as, from the feverity of the winter, it
is neceffary to heat the churches during that feafon, it
is not uncommon to fee two churches in the fame
churchyard j one ufed for winter, and the other for
iummer worfhip. The clergy are held in great honour j
and every one meeting a prieft kifles his hand, in return
for which he receives his blefling with the fign of the
crofs. From the external ceremonies of the Greek
church, we (hall felect thofe of baptifm, marriage, and
burial.
As foon as a child is born, the prieft repairs to the
chamber of the mother, and offers up a thankfgiving
for her and her infant. On the eighth day the child is
carried to the church, and receives its name, in addi¬
tion to which is given that of the faint to which the
Jay is dedicated. Thirty-two days after this the puri¬
fication of the mother takes place, after which fucceeds
the baptifm itfelf. The child is dipped three times, and
then immediately anointed on feveral parts of the body,
and figned with the crofs. Seven days after unftion,
the body of the child is walked, and its head is (horn in
the form of the crofs •, and, in general, a little crofs of
gold or other precious material, is fufpended from its
208 neck.
Marriage The marriage ceremony in the Greek church confifts
ceremony. cf three parts. The firft office is that of the efpoufals
or betrothing. The parties' pledge themfelves to be
true to each other, by the interchange of rings1, and the
prieft before whom the vows are made, prefents lighted
tapers to the contracting pair. The liturgy being faid,
the prieft places the parties who come to be betrothed,
before the door which leads into the fanftuary, while
two rings are laid on the holy table. The prieft makes
the fign of the crofs three times on the heads of the be¬
trothed couple •, and then touching their foreheads with
the lighted tapers, prefents one to each. Then follows
i'he benediction, with a few fnort prayers, after which
207
Eaptifm.
the prieft takes the rings, and gives one to the man, Rufi’a,
and the other to the woman, with a (liort addrefs, which T-"”
he repeats thrice to each, (igns them on the forehead
with the rings, and puts thefe on the forefingers of their
right hands. The efpoufed couple then exchange their
rings, and after a long prayer from the prieft, are dif-
mifled.
The fecond rite is called the matrimonial coronation,
as in this the bride and bridegroom are crowmed, to in¬
dicate their triumph over all irregular defires. The be¬
trothed parties enter the fanfluary with lighted tapers
in their hands, the prieft preceding with the cenlbr (ing-
ing the nuptial pfalm, in which he is accompanied by
the chorifters. After being aflured of the inclination of
each party to receive the other in \vedlock, the prieft:
gives them the holy benediction, and after three invoca¬
tions, takes the crowns, and places one on the head of
the bridegroom, and the other on that of the bride.
After this is read St Paul’s epiftle on the duties of mar¬
riage, with fome other portions of Scripture, and feve¬
ral prayers. The cup is then brought, and blefied by
the prieft, who gives it thrice both to the bride and
bridegroom, after which he takes them by the hand,
and leads them in proceflion, attended by bridemen and
maids, three times round a circular fpot, turning from
weft to eaft. The crowns are now taken off their heads,
and after proper addreffes, and a (hort prayer, the
company congratulate the parties; thefe falute each
other, and the ceremony of coronation is terminated by
a holy difmiffion.
The third rite is called that of diffolving the crowns,
and takes place on the eighth day. It confifts of little
more than a prayer for the comfort and happinefs of the
married pair, after which the bride is conducted to the
bridegroom’s houfe.
On the death of a perfon, after the ufual offices ofpuner*!
clofing the eyes and mouth, and wafhing the body, arefervice.
performed, the prieft is fent for to perfume the deceafed
with incenfe, while prayers and hymns are faid and
fung befide the corpfe. The body is watched for a
longer or (horter time, according to the rank of the de-
ceafed ; and when all things are ready for the inter¬
ment, thofe relations who are to aft as mourners and
pall-bearers, are called together. Before the coffin is
clofed, the ceremony of the kifs muft be performed, as
the laft refpeft paid to the body. The prieft firft, and
then the relations and friends, take their farewel, by
kiflrng the body of the deceafed, or the coffin in which
it is contained. The funeral fervice then begins with
the prieft pouring his incenfe from the holy cenfer on
the coffin and the attendants, after which he gives the
benediftion, and the chorifters chant fuitable refponfes.
The coffin is then carried into the church, the priefts
preceding with a lighted taper, and the deacon with
the cenfer. When the procefiron reaches the fanftuary,
the body is fet down j the 91ft pfalm is fung, followed
by feveral anthems and prayers. The corpfe is then
laid into the grave, while the funeral anthem to the
Trinity is fung over it; and the ceremony of fprinkling
earth on the coffin, ufual in moft countries, is perform¬
ed. After this oil is poured from a lamp on the coffin,
and incenfe again diffufed. The grave is next covered
in, and the ceremony ends with a prayer to the Saviour
for the reft and eternal happinefs of the deceafed.
Thofe who wifh for a more minute account cf thefe
aad
R U
C 4°7 ]
R U S
212
Toleration
Rufila. r<nd oilier ceremonies of the Greek church, may confult
Mr Ker Porter’s Travelling Sketches, vol. i. letters 8,
9, and 10.
The hierarchy of the Ruffians conlifts of three metro¬
politans, feven arch'oifhops, and 18 biffiops. We have
feen that there was originally at the head of the church
a patriarch, who pofleffed all the power of the Roman
pope. This office was abolilhed by Peter I. The
whole number of ecclefiaftics belonging to the church
of Ruffia, is computed at 67,900, and the number of
211 churches at 18,350.
Monalte- There are feveral monafteries and convents in the
nes. Ruffian empire, where the monks and nuns, as in Ro¬
man Catholic countries, lead a life of feclulion and in¬
dolence, though their inhabitants are not fubjefl to
fuch fevere reftrictions as thofe of the Catholic perfua-
fion. The heads of the monafteries are called archi¬
mandrites, or hegumens, the former being nearly fyno-
nymous with abbot, the latter with prior. The i'upe-
rior of a nunnery is called hegumena. The principal re¬
ligious order is that of St Bafil \ and the chief monafte¬
ries are thofe of St Alexander Nefsky at St Peterlburgh,
and Divitchy at Mofco.
Formerly no religion, except the Greek, was tolera¬
ted in Ruffia *, but, fince the reign of Peter I. all reli¬
gions and feels are tolerated throughout the empire. It
wras indeed wdth great difficulty that Peter could be
prevailed on to allow the free exercife of the Roman
Catholic religion ; but this is now not only tolerated,
but is dignified by the eftablifhment of Ruffian Catholic
biffiops. Even the defpifed Jews are permitted to hold
their fynagogues, and the Mahometans their mofques.
The Ruffian language is a dialed of the ancient Go¬
thic, and is extremely difficult of pronunciation by a
fouthern European ; though in the mouth of the politer
Ruffians, it appears by no means deficient in melody.
It is very difficult to acquire, as it abounds with extra¬
ordinary founds and numerous anomalies. The charac*
ters amount to at lealt 36, fome of w hich referable thofe
of the Greek language, while others are peculiar to the
Rufs. Among other Angularities there is one chara&er
to exprefs fch, and another fsch, which latter found is
faid to be fcarcely capable of enunciation, except by
the moft barbarous of the Ruffian natives. See Philo¬
logy, N° 220.
Since the acceffion of the emperor Alexander, the
literature of Ruffia has undergone a material improve¬
ment. Incredible indeed, was the preffure of the ri¬
gorous genius-deftroying reftridions and prohibitory
edids under the reign of Paul, of the ftate of whofe were
213
Language.
£14
Prefent
ftate of li¬
terature in
Ruffia.
mind, continually tormented with fufpicion, but in other
refpeds endowed with many good qualities, fo ftriking a
pidure has been drawn by Kotzebue, in The Mojl Re¬
markable Tear of his Life, of which a Ruffian tranfla-
tion has been pubhffied. During that inaufpicious lea-
fon, only a few plants fprang up here and there in the
garden of Ruffian literature, chiefly in Peterfburgh, and
for the glorification of imperial inftitutions. Among
thefe, for inftance, may be reckoned the Cabinet of Pe¬
ter the Great, written in the Ruffian language by Jo-
feph Bieliajeu, under-librarian to the Academy of Sci¬
ences, and fplendidly printed in 1800, at the expence
of the academy, in three large quarto volumes. It is
intended to be a catalogue of the books, natural curiofi-
ties., ivorks of art, medals, pidures, and other treafures,
which the academy founded by Peter the Great poffef-
fes -, but it is to be feared, that this lift itfelf will iwell
to a library, if the fucceeding parts Ihould be written in
the fame fpirit as the firlt three. The firlt volume con¬
tains only the relicks of Peter the Great, with five
plates, comprehending even the produdions of his turn¬
ing lathe, which are preferved, as is w'ell known, in a
feparate apartment. The fecond volume gives tome,
but extremely defedive accounts of the Academic Li¬
brary, in which there are 2964 Ruffian works (and
among them not fewer than 305 Ruffian romances i)
and 1350 MSS. (236 of them Chinefe, and 410 rela¬
ting to the hiftory of Ruflia). In the third volume, the
cabinet of medals is illuftrated. It is really aftoniftiing
how many curiofities and exquifite wwks of art have
from every part of Europe been collected in St Peterf¬
burgh, efpecially under the reign of Catharine II. What
treafures of art and literature are to be found only in the
imperial hermitage ! Here, for inftance, is the rnoft va¬
luable and complete colledion of ancient engraved
gems, of which the celebrated colledion of the duke of
Orleans compofes only a linall part. Here the libraries
of Voltaire and Diderot are placed, containing their
MSS. and manufeript notes on the margins of the
books. M. Von Kohler, a German, is the keeper of
thele trealures 5 and the antiquarian writings which he
has publilhed in the French and German languages, fuf-
ficiently prove him to be a proper perfon for iuch an,
office. It is, however, an unfortunate circumftance for
the reft of Europe, that it is difficult to learn what has
been fwallowed up by thefe repofitories on the banks of
the Neva. It is therefore to be lamented, that the fplen-
did defeription of the Michaelswdtzian palace has fince
the death of Paul been difeontinued. From what Kot¬
zebue has faid concerning it in the fecond volume of the
account of his exile, one may guefs what immenfe quan¬
tities of curiofities it contained. At prefent only three
large engravings of the external views of the now de¬
fected palace, are to be obtained at the price of 40 ru¬
bles. Of Gotfchiza too, the favourite relidence of Paul,
and which the new emperor has prefented to the em-
prefs dowager, we have a view in fix large fheets, en¬
graved before the death of the late emperor, and giving
us at lea ft a general idea of the plan of the extenfive
pleafure grounds, &c.
There is no longer any doubt that the new univerfity
of Dorpat, which has already coft the nobility of Ei-
thonia and Livonia more than 100,000 rubles, will at
length be eftablifhed by authority. Several learned men
were invited from foreign countries to fill the profef-
fional chairs, and fome of them had arrived in the be¬
ginning of 1802. The military academy, which has
likewife been eretfted at Dorpat, has received great fa¬
vour and fupport from the emperor. Full perraiffion is
now again granted to vifit foreign fchools and univerfi-
ties ; and in confequence, about 70 Livonians, Eftho-
nians, and Courlanders, nowr profecute their rtudies at
the univerfity of Jena ; and proportionate numbers at
the univerfities of Germany.
The book-trade, which bad been entirely annihilated,
has for the mofl part broken the iron fetters impofed by
the licenfers j it is indeed a highly beneficial change,
that no I umanfkow, and other Ruffian zealots, but
Germans, are appointed to examine German books.
Here, however, many things lull require to be corredL
ed.
Ruffia.
Pt u s
[ ^
oS ]
P u
P-ijffia. ed. The nev/ emperox-, notvvUhftanclIng his almoft in-
v credible aftivity, cannot at once difcover all the abuies
and improper applications of fome of the laws, nor by
an emmeno'i ukafe, open to every innoxious book (as
was the cafe with refpeft to Kotzebue’s AIo/? Remark¬
able 'Tear') the gate that had been (hut againft it by
.the licenfers. For Kotzebue’s work would not have
been permitted to pafs, if the procurator-general in St
Peterlhurgh had not laid a copy before the emperor
- himfelf, and received a particular ukafe in its favour.
.Another great impediment to literature is, that all
books muft be imported by fea j and confequently du¬
ring the winter no new publications can be procured
from abroad. The greateft difficulty in procuring
books, however, arifes from the circumftance that a
Ruffian ukafe always remains in full force till it be ex-
prefsly repealed by another. Previous to the reign of
Paul, the examination and licenfing of books was en-
trufted to the chief magiftrates of the refpeftive capitals;
but Paul appointed inferior licenfers for that purpofe,
and the fame regulation continues, unlefs altered by a
particular ukafe. Under Paul, nothing was permitted
to be printed in the large printing-office of Reval, ex¬
cept advertifements, playbills, hymns for the Reval
hymn book, and the weekly newfpaper, the articles con¬
tained in which were fubjefted to a ftrid! previous exa¬
mination ; and the fame reftridlions continued to be en¬
forced in 1802, though repugnant to the emperor’s in¬
tentions, becaufe no emmeno'i ukafe had been publiffied
to aboliffi them. A wine merchant in Reval was deli-
rous of having fome tickets printed, for the purpofe of
diftinguifhing his different forts of wine. At firft the
Jicenfer would not permit any of the French wines to
have their names printed, and when at laft he relented
with refpect to this point, the printing of the words St
-U/per’r wine, and bifiwp, a well-known drink compofed
■of wine and oranges, w'as deemed by him quite inadmif-
fible, becaufe St denotes faintlhip, and ought not to be
profaned by being affixed to a wine bottle, and becaufe
biffiop denotes an ecclefiaftical dignity, and of courfe
« Monthly fhould not be expsfed to a fimilar profanation *.
Maga%ine, A new fchool of practical jurifpmdence has lately
been eftabliflied at St Peterfburgh. Here there are four
profeffors who give leisures on the law of nature and na¬
tions, on the Roman lawq on ethics, and on the hiftory
of Ruffia, beiides a courfe of ledlures on the commiffion
of legiflation. All the leftures are in the Ruffian lan¬
guage.-
The Academy of Sciences at St Peterlburgh have
formed the plan of a rule for the manner of wndting
Ruffian words with foreign charafters, and foreign words
with Ruffian charafters. This plan confifts of a voca¬
bulary, drawm up by a committee of the academy, and
compofed of two alphabets, German and French, by
means of which the proper orthography and pronuncia¬
tion of words in the Ruffian language arc rendered in¬
telligible to foreigners.
For a fuller account of the language and literature of
Ruffia, we may refer our readers to Tooke’s View of the
Ruffian Empire, vol. iii. p. 572. and his Life of Catha¬
rine II. vol. iii. p. 394.
State of the Notwithftanding the partiality of the court of St Pe-
Stuffian terfburgh for dramatic exhibitions, no idea was enter-
AaSe* tained of ere£ling a Ruffian theatre in the capital till
-the year 1756. Feodor Wolchof, the fon *f a merchant
*ol. xiii
P- *‘5
2*5
of Yaroilavl had, in 1749, erefted a theatre in his native
city, in confequence of the delight with which he had ~
been infptred on witneffing the exhibitions ol the Ger¬
man players at the capital. Accordingly, when he
returned home, he fitted up a large faloon in his father’s
houfe for a theatre, and painted it himfelf; then muf-
tering a fmall company, confifting of his four brothers
and fome other young perfons, he repreiented fometimes
the facred pieces of the biffiop Dimitri Roitoft’schy,
fometimes the tragedies of Sumarokof and Lomoncffof,
which had juft appeared; and at other times, comedies
and farces of his own compofition. The undertaking of
Wolchof met with the greateli encouragement. Not
fatisfied with laviffiing applaufe upon him, the neigh¬
bouring nobility furnilhed him in 1750 with the requi-
fite funds for erefting a public theatre, where money
was taken for admiffion. The report of this novelty-
reached St Peterffiurgh, and in 1752 the emprefs Eli¬
zabeth fent for Wolchof’s company. He was placed,
with feveral of his young aftors, in the fchool of the ca¬
dets, to improve himfelf in the Ruffian language, and
hi particular to praftife declamation.
At length, in 1756, the firft Ruffian theatre was for¬
mally eftabliffied by the exertions of Sumarokof, and
the adlors paid by the court. A German company ap¬
peared in 1757, but it was broken up by the arrival of
an Italian opera. The opera Buffa formed in 1759 at
Mofco bad no better fuccefs; its failure was favour¬
able to that which remained at St Peterffiurgh, and
which received fo much the more encouragement. The
fireworks difplayed on the ftage after the performance,
afforded great amufement to the public, and drew to¬
gether more company than the mufic. At the coro¬
nation of the emprefs Catharine II. the Ruffian court
theatre accompanied her to Mofco, but foon returned
to St Peterffiurgh, where it has been fixed ever fince.
The tafte for dramatic exhibitions had at this period be¬
come lo general, that not only the moft diftinguifhed
perfons of the court of the two capitals performed Ruf¬
fian plays, but Italian, French, German, and even Eng-
liftr theatres arofe, and maintained their ground for a
longer or fliorter time. Catharine the Great, defirous
that the people ftiould likewife participate in this plea-
fure, ordered a ftage to be erefted in the great place m
the wood of Brumberg. There both the adfors and the
plays were perfeftly adapted to the populace that heard
them. What will feem extraordinary is, that this per¬
formance fometimes attrafted more diftingmfiied ama¬
teurs; and it is perhaps the only theatre where fpecla-
tors have been feen in carriages of four and fix horfes.
But what is itill more furprifing is, to fee adlors enno¬
bled as a reward for their talents, as was the cafe in
1762, with the two brothers Feodor and Gregory Wol¬
chof. The former died the following year, while ftiil
very young. Plis reputation as a great tragic and co¬
mic after wall perhaps one day be confiderably abated;
but the Ruffians will ever recolleft with gratitude that
he was the real founder of the Ruffian ftage.
They will likewife remember the fervices of Suma-
rakof as a tragic poet. He fiift ftrow’ed of wdrat the
Ruffian language, before neglefted, was fufceptible.
Born at Mofco in 1727, of noble parents, he zealoufly
devoted himfelf to the ftudy of the ancient claffic au¬
thors and of the French poets. This it was that roufed
his poetic talents. His early compofitions were all on
the
RafUa,
I
HUS [ 409 ] HUS
Ruffia. the fubjei?t of love. His countrymen admired liis fongs,
and they were foon in the mouth of every one. Ani¬
mated by this fuccefs, Sumarakof publUhed by degrees
his other poetical produdbions. Tragedies, comedies,
plaints, operas, epitaphs, madrigals, odes, enigmas, ele¬
gies, fatires; in a word, every fpecies of compolition
that poetry is capable of producing, flowed abundantly
from his pen, and filled not lets than ten odfavo vo¬
lumes. His tragedy Choruf was the fin'd good play in
the Ruffian language. It is written in Alexandrine
verfes, in rhyme, like his other tragedies, as Ham¬
let, Sinaw, and Trumor, Ariidona, Semira, Ngaropolk,
and Dimila, the falie Dimitri, &c.; and this firfd per¬
formance ffiewed, that in the plan, the plot, the cha-
radder, and llyie, he had Uken Corneille, Racine, and
Voltaire, for his models. Though Sumarakof poffefled
no very brilliant genius, he had, however, a very happy
talent of giving to his tragedies a certain originality,
which diftinguithed them from thofe of other nations.
He acquired the unqualified approbation of his country¬
men by the feledlion of his fubjedfs 5 almolb all of which
he took from the Ruffian hiidory, and by the energy
and boldnefs which he gave to his charadlers. But his
iiiccefs rendered him fo haughty and fo vain, that he
could not endure the mildeid criticifm. Jealous of the
fame acquired by Lomonoffof, another Ruffian poet,
.he fought every opportunity of difeouraging him ^ and
it was a great triumph to Sumarakof to obferve that
the public fcarcely noticed the firft dramatic effays of
that writer, and that they were loon configned to obli-
T’ion.
Sumarakof has likewife written a great number of
comedies, in which the manner of Moliere is difeover-
able. In fpiie of their original and fometimes low hu¬
mour, they were not much liked. The principal are,
the Rival Mother and her Daughter ; the Imaginary
Cuckold; the Malicious Man, &c. Ke has compofed
fome operas 5 among others, Cephalus and Procris, let
* Monthly to mulic by d’Araja, mailer of the imperial chapel, and
Magazine, reprefeqted for the firld time at St Peterfhurgh during
voi. xxi. the carnival of 1755. The performers of both fexes
^ 1 were children under the age of 14 *.
Agricul- The Idate of agriculture in the Ruffian empire is of
ture. courfe extremely various. Huffiandry is fcarcely known
in the northern parts of the governments of Olonetz and
Archangel; but in the central parts of the empire has
been purfued from the earlieid ages. The Ruffian
plough is light and fimple, and fcarcely pierces the
ground to the depth of two inches; but in the fouthern
provinces a heavier kind is ufed, refembling the Ger¬
man. In what is called the fummer field the corn is Town
and reaped in the fame year; while in the winter field
the corn is fown in autumn, and the produce reaped in
the enfuing fummer. The former yields what is called
fummer wheat, and rye, barley, millet, buck wheat, flax,
hemp, peafe, &c. the latter only wheat or rye ; and the
winter field is commonly left fallow to the following
fpring. In general agriculture is conduced with great
negligence, yet the harvelds are abundant. Even in the
neighbourhood of St Petei ffiurgh, there are large marlhes
which might be eafily drained, and converted into fer¬
tile land. In the north, rye is moll generally culiiva-
.ted ; but in the middle and fouthern regions, wheat 5
in the government of Ekatarinoflaf the Arnautan wheat
is beautiful, the flour yellovvilh, the velum commonly
. Vol. XVIII. Part II.
fifteen fold: nor is Turkilh wffieat, or maize unknown Ruflh.
in Taurida. Barley is a general produftion, and is con-
verted into meal, as well as oats, of which a kind of
porridge is compofed. Rice fucceeds well in the vicinity
of Killear. Poiatoes are unaccountably negledded, ex¬
cept in the north. This invaluable root bears the colei
of Archangel, and yields from 30 to 50 fold. Flax anil
hemp form great obje&s of Ruffian cultivation. Mad¬
der, woad, and faffron, grow wild in the feuth. The
hop is alto cultivated, and is found wild near the Ura-
lian chain, and in Taurida. Tobacco has been produced
fince the year 1763, chiefly from Turkilh and Perfian
feed. In the gardens are cultivated cabbages (of which
a great number is confumed in the form of four-krout),
and other plants common in Europe. The government
of Mofco produces abundance of excellent afparagus,
and fugar-melons abound near the Don and the Volga.
Large orchards are feen in the middle and fouthern parts
of Ruffia, yet quantities of fruit are imported. What is
called the Kirelkoi apple often weighs four pounds, is
of an agreeable flavour, and will keep a long time. A
tranfparent fort from China is alfo cultivated, called the
Nalivni, melting and full of juice. The culture of the
vine has been attempted in the fouth, and will certainly
fucceed in Taurida. Bees are not known in Siberia,
but form an objedt of attention in the Uralian forefts,
where proprietors carry their hives to a confiderable
height in large trees, and they are fecured from the
bear by ingenious contrivances deferibed by Mr Tooke.
Mulberry trees and lilk are not unknown in the fouth of
European Ruffia, especially in Taurida and the Kri-
mea. In the Krimea, camels are very commonly ufed
for draught, a cuftom which feems peculiar to that pro-
vince. ^ ^
i. he arts in Ruffia have received very confiderable State of the
improvement within the lafl 50 years. Moft of theart3-
arts that relate to luxuries are exercifed at St Peters-
burgh, to fuch an extent, and in fuch perfeftion, as to
render it unneceifary to import thefe articles from other
countries. The chief w’orks of this kind are thofe of
gold and filver goods. Here are 44' Ruffian and 139
foreign, confequently in all 183 workers in gold, fil-
ver, and trinkets, as maflers ; and befides them feveral
gilders and filverers. The pomp of the court, and
the luxury of the rich and great, have rendered a tafle
in wmrks of this kind fo common, and carried the art
itfelf to fuch a pitch, that the moft extraordinary objedls
of it are here to be met with. Several of them are
wrought in a fort of manufaftory ; in one fet of premifes
are all the various workmen and (hops for completing
tire moft elegant devices, .ornamental and ufeful, from
the rough bullion. Even the embroiderers in gold and
filver, though they are not formed into a company, are
yet pretty numerous. The works they produce are
finifired in fo high a tafte, that quantities of them are
fold in the ffiops that deal in Englifti or French goods,
and to which they are not inferior. This bufmefiq
which is a perpetual fource of profit to a great number
of widow's and young women of {lender incomes, forms
a ftrong objedlion to the declamations againft luxury.
Perhaps the remark is not unneceffary, that fham laces
and embroidery cannot here be ufed, even on the ftage.
Next to thefe may be ranged the hort of millinew, who
aie moftly of French defeent 5 and here, as in Paris, to¬
gether with their induftry, are endowed with a variety of
3 F agreeable
R U S [ 41
Raffia, agreeable and profitable talents. Their numbers are
-“'Y-—' daily increafing; and the greater their multitude, the
better they feem to thrive. Their works are neat, elegant,
and modilh-, but they certainly bear an enormous price :
a marchande des modes, if ihe underhand her bufinefs,
is hire to make a fortune. The generality of them,
after completing this aim, return to their native coun-
t!T-
The ccachmaker’s trade is likewife here in a flour!idl¬
ing hate. The great concerns in which this bufinefs is
carried on in all its parts, from the Ample fcrew to the
hneh varnilh j the folidity and durability, the elegance
and the tahe of the carriages they turn out, the multi¬
tude of workmen, and, in ihort, the large fums of money
that are employed in them, which would otherwife be
fent abroad for thefe vehicles, render this bufinefs one
of the moh confequential of the refidence. In the
judgement of connoiffeurs, and by the experience of
fuch as ufe them, the carriages made here yield in nothing
to thole of Paris or London •, and in the making of
varnifh the Ruflians have improved upon the Englifh :
only in point of durability the carriages are faid to lall
fliort of thofe built by the famous workmen of the lalt-
mentioned nation ; and the want of dry timber is given
as the caufe of this failure. With all thefe advantages,
and notwithftanding the great difference in price, in-
creafed by the high duties of thofe carriages which come
from abroad, yet thefe are yearly imported to a great
amount. The Ruflians have, however, fucceeded in ap¬
propriating the greater part of this bufinefs to them-
felves. The fliape of their carriages is in the height of
the mode ; the varnifli is excellent, and the whole out¬
ward appearance elegant and graceful ; but for durabili¬
ty, the reputation of the Ruffian workmen is inferior to
that of the Germans fettled in this country. This cen-
fure applies to all the Ruffian works of art ^ their exte¬
rior is not to be found fault with, but they are deficient
in the folidity which fo much recommends the work of
foreign ardfts. The Ruffians have indeed to contend
with an obflacle that renders it. almoft impoffible for
them to employ fo much time, labour, and expence, on
their work, as are requillte for bringing it to the utmoft
perfedfion. This is the general prejudice in favour of
Britifh commodities, which is nowhere carried to fo
high a pitch as it was in Ruffia a few years ago. The
Ruffian workman, therefore, naturally endeavours to
impofe his work upon the cuftomer for foreign : and
where this is not practicable, he is obliged to facrifice foli¬
dity to outward appearance, for which alone he can expect
to be paid. A chariot made by a German coachmaker
will coft 600 or 700 rubles,, whereas a Ruffian chariot
can be bought for half the money ; and it fometlmes
happens that the latter is even more durable than the
former.
joinery is exercifed as well by the Ruffians as the
Germans y but the cabinet-maker’s art, in which the
price of the ingenuity far exceeds the value of the ma¬
terials, is st prefent folely confined to feme foreigners,
among whom the Germans diftinguifli themfelves to
their honour. 'The art ills of that nation occafionally
execute mafterpieces, made at intervals of leifure under
the influence of genius and tafte, and for which they
find a ready fale in the refidence of a great and magnifi¬
cent court. Thus, not long fince one of thefe made a
cabinet, which for invention, tafte, and excellency of
o ] R u s
workmanfliip, exceeded every thing that had ever been Raffia,
feen in that way. The price of this piece of art was '“T——^
7000 rubles; and the artiit declared, that with this
fum he ihouid not be paid tor the years of application
he had bellowed upon it. Another monument of Ger¬
man ingenuity is preferved in the Academy of Sciences,
in the model of a bridge after a defign of the Hate coun-
fellor Von Gerhard. This bridge, which would be the
moft magnificent work of the kind, if the poffibility of
its conilrudlion could be proved, confifts oi 1 1 arches,
a drawbridge for letting veffels pafs, dillincl raifed foot-
ways, landing places, &c. The beauty of the model,
and the excellency of its execution, leave every thing
of the fort very far behind. The emprefs Catharine
II. rewarded the artificer with a prefent of 4000 rubles}
and he was ever after employed by the court.
Both thefe works of art have been, however, far ex¬
celled by a writing delk made by Roentgen, a native of
Neuvvied, and a Moravian, who lived ieveral years in
St Peterfburgh, and embellilhed the palaces of the em¬
prefs and principal nobility with the ailonithing produc¬
tions of his art. In this writing delk the genius of the
inventor has lavilhed its riches and its fertility in the
greatefl variety of compofitions : all feems the woik of
inchantment. On opening this amazing delk, in front
appears a beautiful group of bas-reliefs in bronze luperb-
ly gilt} which, by the flighteft preffure on a fpring,
vanhhes away, giving place to a magnificent writing-flat
inlaid with gems. The fpace above this flat is devoted
to the keeping of valuable papers or money. The bqld
hand that fliould dare to invade this fpot would imme¬
diately be its own betrayer ; for, at the leaft touch of
the table part, the moft charming brains of foft and
plaintive mufic inftantly begin to play upon the ear, the
organ whence it proceeds occupying the lower part cf ,
the defk behind. Several fmall drawers for holding the
materials for writing, &c. likewife flail forward by the
preffure of their fprings, and fhut again as quickly, with¬
out leaving behind a trace of their exiflcnce. If we
would change the table-part of the bureau into a read¬
ing defk., from the upper part a board fprings forward,
M m which, with incredible velocity, all the parts of a
commodious and well contrived reading defk expand,
and take their proper places. The inventor offered this
rare and aftonifhing piece to the emprefs Catharine II.
fur 20,000 rubles; but fire generoufly thought that this
fum would be barely fufficient to pay for the workman-
fliip } {he therefore recompenfed his talents with a far¬
ther prefent of 50CO rubles. Her majefty prefented
this matchlefs piece cf art to the Academy of Sciences,
in whofe mufeum it flill remains *. * Tccle'f
The Ruffian fkill in architeffure is evinced by the Catherine
magnificent buildings which adorn the city of St Peterf-lL vo1' u
burgh, and more efpecially by the Taurida palace. p'50‘
Here is feen the largeff hall of which we have any ac¬
count. This piodigicus hall was built after the unaffift-
ed defign of Prince Potemkin, and unites to a fublime
conception, all the graces of finifhed tafle. It is fup-
ported hyMouble rows of eoleffal doric pillars, opening
on one fide into a vaft pavilion, which forms the empe¬
ror’s winter garden. This garden is very extenfive, the
trees chiefly orange, of an enormous fize, funk in the
earth in their tubs, with fine mould covering the furface
between them. The walks are gravelled j wind and un¬
dulate in a very delightful manner } are neatly turfed,
and
f Carr's
Northern
Summer,
P- 33i-
218
Manufac¬
tures.
R U S [41
TUiffia. and lined with rofes and other flowers. The whole pa,-
y vilion is lighted by lofty windows, and from the ceiling
are fufpended feveral raagnincent luflres of the richeft
cut glafs. In che enormous hall of which this garden
forms a part, P.ince Potemkin gave the moft fumptuous
entertainment ever recorded -fince the days of Roman
voluptuoufne's
Among the Rufiian manuf. ftories, the imperial efla-
blilhments are io much dillinguifiied for the magnitude
of their plan, and the iclmefs and excellence of their
productions, that they may enter into competition with
the mod celebrated m.dilutions of ihe fame kind in any
other country. The ; a peltry manufactory, which weaves
both hangings and carpeting, produces fuch excellent
work, that better is not to be feen from the Gobelines
in Peris. The circumtiance that at prefent only native
Ru Tins are employed, enhances the value and curiolity
c,' the eltablilh'Tjem. No wheie, perhaps, is the pro-
grefs of the nation in civilization more linking to the
foreigner ihan in the Ipac.uus and extenfive work rooms
of this manufactory. - 1 he porcelain manufactory like-
wife enter: ains, .excepting the modellers and arcanifts,
none but Ruffian workmen, amounting in all to the
number of 400, and produces w are that, for tafte of de-
fign and beauty of execution, approaches near to their
bell patterns. The clay was forpaeily brought from the
Ur.tl, bu‘ at prefent it is procured from the Ukraine,
s..,d the quartz from the mountains of Oionelz. It is
carried on entirely at the expence of government, to
which it annually colls 15.000 rubles in wages, and
takes orders. But the price of the poicelain is high ■,
and the general prejudice is not in favour of its dura¬
bility. The Fayence manufadlory has hitherto made
only ineffectual attempts to drive out the queen’s ware
of England ; but the neat and elegant chamber-fibves
made there, give it the confequence of a very ufeful
eilablilhment. Alrnofl. all the new built houfes are pro¬
vided with the excellent work of this manufactory, and
confiderable orders are executed for the provinces.
A bronze manufaftory, which was ellablilhed for the
ufe of the conllruClion of the Ifaak church, but works
nmv'for the court and private perfons, merits honourable
mention, on account of the neatnefs and taile of its
executions.
The Hone-cutting works of Peterhof are remarkable
for the mechanifra of their conllruClion. All the inllru-
ments, faw’S, turning lathes, cutting and polilhing en¬
gines, are worked by water under the floor of the build¬
ing. Fifty workmen are here employed in working
foreign, and efpecially Ruffian forts of (lone, into flats,
vafes, urns, boxes, columns, and othdr ornaments of
various kinds and magnitudes. Many other imperial
fabrics for the ufe of the army, the mint, &c. are carried
on in various places; but the defeription of them wmuld
iead us beyond our limits.
The number of private manufaClories at prefent fub-
fifling in St Peterlburgh amounts to about 100. The
principal materials on which they are employed, fome
on a larger and others on a fmaller fcale, are leather,
paper, gold and filver, fugar, filk, tobacco, diftilled wa¬
ters, wool, glafs day, w7ax, cotton and chintz. Lea¬
ther, as is well known, is among the mofl important of
their manufactures for the export trade •, accordingly
here are 16 tan-works. The paper manufactories amount
to the like number, for hangings and general ufe.
1 ] R u S
Twelve gold and lilver manufactories fell threads, laces; Rcittii.
edgings, fringes, epaulets, &c. There are 8 fugar ^ ^
works; 7 for liik goods, gauze, cloths, hofe, Huffs, and
feveral others. Here muff not be forgotten the great
glafs-houfes fet on foot by Prince Potemkin, where all
the various articles for ule and ornament, of that mate¬
rial, are made ; but particularly that for looking-glaffes,
where they are manufactured of iuch extraordinary
magnitude and beauty, as to exceed any thing of the
kind produced by the famous glafs-houfes cf Murano
and Paris. Among many others which we cannot
here particularize, are not fewer than five letter foun-
deries, one manufactory for clocks and watches, &c. *19
In giving a general view of the commerce of the ^cnuiu:rce*
Ruffian empire, it wall be neceffary that we fliould firff
enumerate the exports and imports, with their average
amount, and we ffsall then be able, by comparing thefe,
to form a juft effimate of the commercial advantages
enjoyed by the empire. Mr Tooke has furnffhed us
with the following ftatements of the annual exports from
St Peterfhurgh, on an average of ten years, from 1780
During that time there were annually ex-
2;655>038 poods.
19,528 do.
M98>95° do-
792,932 do.
2,907,876 arfehines.
214,704 pieces.
106,763 poods.
167,432 do.
192,328
52=645
129
105^36
271,976
35>8‘$4
200,000
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
to 1790
ported,
Iron,
Saltpetre,
Hemp,
Flax,
Napkins and linen,
Sail cloth and flems,
Cordage,
Hemp oil and linfeed oil,
Linfeed,
Tobacco,
Rhubarb,
Wheat,
Rye,
Barley,
Oats,
Mafts, 1456
Planks, 1,193,125
Boards, 85,647
Rofin,
Pitch,
Tar,
Train oil,
Wax,
Tallow, and tallow candles,
Potalhes,
Ifinglafs,
Caviar,
Hone hair,
Horfe tails, 69,72s
Hogs briftles,
Ruflia matts, 106,045
Goats Ikins, 292,016
Hides and foie leather,
Pieces of peltry, 621,327
Ox tongues, 9982
Ox bones, 73,350
It will be feen from the above table, that a very great
proportion of the exports of Ruflia confifts of raw ma¬
terials, or of the unmanufactured products of the coun¬
try. Indeed the employment of the nation, confider-
ably as it has increafed fmee the time of Peter I. is ftill
dire&ed more to production than to manufacture. This
3 F 2 - is
7>487
9,720
37>336
81,386
10,467
943,618
3^712
5*5! 6
8,958
5,655
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
29,110 do.
144,876 do.
R U S
RlfS [41
RjilTla. is the natural progrefs of every human fociety advancing
towards civilization ; and Faifiia muft continue to confine
itfelf to the production and to the commerce in pro¬
ducts, till the degree of its population, and the employ¬
ment of its inhabitants, be adequate to the manufacturing
of its raw materials.
The buying up of the foregoing articles, and their
conveyance from the remote and midland regions of the
empire, form an important branch of the internal com¬
merce. The greater part of thefe produCts is raifed on
the fertile (hares of the Volga j and this ineftimable ri¬
ver, which, in its courfe, conneCts the molt diftant pro¬
vinces, is at the fame time the channel of bufinefs and
induitry almolt to the whole empire. Wherever its
water laves the rich and fruitful coaft, diligence and
induflry have fixed their abode, and its courfe marks
the progrefs of internal civilization. St Peterfburgh,
though at a diltance of from 5000 to 6000 verlts from
the rich mines of Siberia, receives, through the medium
of this river, the (tores of its enormous magazines, the
greater part of which are brought thither from the mod
ealtern diitriCts of Siberia, almolt entirely by water.
The Selenga receives and transfers them to the Baikal,
whence they proceed by the Angara to the Yeniffy,
and pafs from that river along the Oby into the Tobol.
Hence they are tranfported over a traCl of about 400
verfts by land, to the Tchu(Tovaiya ; from this river in¬
to the Kamma, and thence into the Volga, from which
they pafs through the fluices at Vifiiney-Volotlhok into
the Volkhof, and from that river into the Ladoga lake,
from which laftly, after having completed a journey
through two quarters of the globe, they arrive by the
Neva, at the place of their deftination. This aftonifh-
ing tranfport is rendered dill more intereding by the
confideration that thefe produCts, thus conveyed to St
Peterfburgh from the neighbourhood of the north-eadern
ocean, remain here but for a few Aveeks, for the purpofe
of again felting out on a fecond, and perhaps a longer
voyage, or, after being unlhipped in didant countries,
of returning hither under an altered form, and by a te¬
dious and difficult navigation, coming back to their na¬
tive land. Thus, how many fcythes of the Siberian
boors may have-gone this circuitous courfe !
The number of veiYels which, taking the average of
ten years, from 1774 to 1784, came by the Ladoga
canal to St Peterfburgh, wras 2861 barks, 797 half-barks,
508 one maded veffels, 1113 chaloups ; in all 5339. If
to thefe w’e add 6739 floats of balks, we fliall have a
total of 12,078.
The value in money of thefe produCls is, by the want
xvhich Rufiia experiences of wrought commodities, and
by the increafing luxury, fo much leffened, that the ad¬
vantage on the balance is proportionally very fmall.
A lid of the articles of trade with which St Peterf¬
burgh annually furniflies a part of the empire, would
afford matter for the mod intereding economical com¬
mentary.
The annual imports brought to St Peterfburgh, on an
average of ten years from 1780 to 1790, will appear
from the following table.
Ruble0.
Silken duffs to the amount of, 2,500,000
Woollen duffs, - - 2,000,000
Cloth, - - 2,000,000
Ccttcn duffs, - - 53-l>oco
Rubles. Ruflla
700,000
50,000
50,000
43,800
101,500
65,000
20,000
262,000
2 ]
Silk and cotton dockings 10,000 dozen pairs.
Trinkets,
Watches, 2,000.
Hardxvare,
Looking glades,
Englidi done-ware,
Engldh horfes, 250. .
Coffee, 26,300 poods.
Sugar, 372,000 poods.
Tobacco, 5,000 poods.
Oranges and lemons,
Frefh fruit,
Herrings, 14,250 tons.
Sweet oil,
Porter and Englifh beer,
French brandy, 50,000 ankers.
Champagne and Burgundy, 4000 pipes.
Other wines, 250,000 hogfheads.
Mineral waters,
Paper of different kinds.
Books, - -
Copper-plate engravings,
Alum, 25,500 poods.
Indigo, 3,830 poods.
Cochineal, 1335 poods.
Glafs and glafs wares,
Scythes, 325,000, &c. &c.
A confiderable part of thefe commodities remains for
confumption at St Peterfburgh, while the red is convey¬
ed by land carriage to various parts of the empire. Land
carriage is preferred on thefe occafions, as the paffage of
the river up the dream wrould be tedious and expendve.
The carts or hedges made ufe of in this conveyance are
generally drawn by one horfe, and have each its own
driver-, though fometimes on long journeys there is only
one driver to every three carts. They commonly go in
caravans of from 25 to 100 carts.
According to the above tables, we are now enabled
to date the value of the exports and imports, and the
balance of trade, at St Petei(burgh, and from thefe to
deduce pretty jud conclufions with refpeft to the com¬
merce of the whole empire. By the mod probable edi-
mation on this fame average of 10 years from 1780 to
1790, the datement will dand as follows.
I 2,COO
42,750
SW0
60,200
64,000
Exports,
Imports,
Profit,
To this profit we mud add for
coined and uncoined gold and
filver, annually imported in the
lad three years, viz. from 1788
to 1790,
13,261,942 rubles.
12,238,319 do,
1,023,623 rubles.
337,064 rubles.
making a total profit of, 1,360,687 rubles.
Thus the amount of the whole commerce of St
Peterfburgh during the above period of ten years, was
annually 215,837,325 rubles. If we admit, upon the
mod probable computation, that the whole annual com¬
merce of the empire amounts to about 50,000,000 of
rubles, it will follow that more than the hail is (hared
by St Pctei(burgh.
The
Ruffia.
R U S [4
The proportion which the other piincipal fea ports
' of the Ruffian empire fhare in the general commerce,
will appear from the following table, drawn up for the
year 1793.
St Peterfhurgh,
Riga,
Archangel,
Taganrok,
Eupatoria,
Narva,
Otchakof,
Pernau,
Cronlladt,
Kherfon,
Vyborg,
Reval,
Theodofia,
Ffiedrifchfhamm,
Kertfch,
Onega,
Arenfburg,
Yenikaly,
Sevaftopol,
Rubles.
23>757>954
8s9855929
2.525,208
428,087
334»398
238’555
209,321
189,131
157^65
147,822
124,832
109,897
54,281
3E374
9,960
9,552
9>346
4,3 2 2
858
OO 37,328,192
State of ge- The commerce of St Peterfburgh is carried on chiefly
peral trade by commiffion in the hands of factors. This clafs of
in Raffia, merchants, which confifls almoft entirely of foreigners,
forms the moil refpeilable and confiderable part of the
perfons on the exchange. In the year 1790, of the fo¬
reign counting houfes, not belonging to the guilds,
were 28 Engliih, 7 German, 2 Swifs, 4 Daniflr, feve-
ral Pruffian, 6 Dutch, 4 French, 2 Portuguefe, 1 Spa-
nifh, and 1 Italian. Fefides thefe, were 12 de¬
nominated burghers, and of the firft guild 106, with
46 foreign merchants, and 17 belonging to other towns,
though feveral caufe themfelves to be enrolled in thefe
guilds who are not properly merchants.
The Ruffian merchants from the interior of the em¬
pire repair, at a ftated time, to St Peterfburgh, where
they bargain with the fadors for the fale of their com¬
modities. This done, they enter into contracts to deli-
13 ] it u s
ver the goods according to the particulars therein fpe- Ruffia.
cified, at which time they commonly receive the half or v
the whole of the purchafe-money, though the goods
are not to be delivered till the following ipring or fum-
mer by the barks then to come down the Ladoga ca--
nal. The quality of the goods is then pronounced on
by fworn bracket's or forters, according to the kinds
mentioned in the contrad. The articles of importation
are either difpofed of by the Ruffian merchants through
the refident fadors, or the latter deliver them for fale
at foreign markets} in both cafes the Ruffian, to whofe
order they came, receives them on condition of paying
for them by inflalments of 6, .12, and more months.
The Ruffian merchant, therefore, is paid for his exports
beforehand, and buys fuch as are imported on credit;
he rifks no damages by fea, and is exempted from the
tedious tranfadions of the cuflom houfe, and of loading
and unloading.
The clearance of the fhips, the tranfport of the goods
into the government warehoufes, the packing and un¬
packing, unloading and difpatching of them,—in a
word, the whole of the great buflle attendant on the
commerce of a maritime town is principally at Cronfladt,
and that part of the refidence called Vaffilioflrof. Here
are the exchange, the cullom-houfe 5 and in the vicinity
of this ifland, namely on a fmall iiland between that
and the Peterfburgh ifland, the hemp warehoufes and
magazines, in which the riches of fo many countries are
bartered and kept. In all the other parts of the city,
the tumult of bufinefs is fo rare and imperceptible, that
a flranger whofhould be fuddenly conveyed hither, would
never imagine that he was in the chief commercial town
of the Ruffian empire. The opulent merchants have
their dwellings and counting houfes in the moll elegant
parts of the town. Their houfes, gateways, and court¬
yards, are not, as in Hamburgh and Riga, blocked up
and barricadoed with bales of goods and heaps of tim¬
ber. Here, befides the counting houfe, no trace is feen
of mercantile affairs. The bufinefs at the cuftom-houfe
is tranfacled by one of the clerks, and people who are'
hired for that purpofe, called expeditors ; and the la¬
bour is performed by artelfchiki, or porters belonging to
a kind of guild.
The fador delivers the imported goods to the Ruffian
merchant.
(m) To this table of the principal feaports of Ruffia, muff now be added the town of Odeffa, or New Odeffa,
which 10. years ago was fcarcely known as a place of trade, but is now become a populous and important fea-port.
Oueffa is fituaied in the government of Katharinoflaf, on a fmall gulf of the Flack fea, between the rivers Dniepr
and Dmeftr, 44 miles W. by S. of Otchakof, and nearly 1000 miles S. of St Peterfhurgh. In 1805, this town,
contained a population of 10,000 perfons, and its population was yearly increafing. The houfes are well built of
free uone ) the ftreets are wide, and are difpofed according to a regular plan, but unpaved. The town is fortified^.
. s a fecuie ana capacious harbour, capable of admitting veflels of confiderable burden, and a mole or quay extend-
mg above one fourth of a mile into the fea, fufeeptibk of being converted to the moft ufeful purpofes. There are
feveral warelioufes for the purpofe of depofiting bonded goods, at times when the market proves unfavourable.
I he public mangels are well fuppned, and there are two good theatres, befides other places of public amufement.
Tiie fociety cf this thriving town is rendered extremely gay by the refidence of the Polifli nobles, who refort to it
in great numbers, during the fummer, for fea-bathing ; and the wife and upright adminifiration of the duke de
Richelieu, who was governor in 1805, added greatly to the profperity of the place. The merchants are chief-
ly..Germans and Italians, though, at the time we mention, there were eftablifhed in this port two Britilli houfes of
rGpeclability. The chief exports from this place are wheat and other grain, with which icoo fhips have been
loaded m a fingle year. Among the natural (Hfadvantages of Odeffa, muff be noticed the barenefs and want of
v.ooc in its immediate neighbourhood, and tue dangerous navigation of the Black fea, from the currents and want
01 fea 100m, In poun. of commercial importance, Odella ranks at leaf! on an equal footing with Taonnrok,
Long. 29“. 24 E. Lat, 46" 28' N. See Macgi/Ps Travels in Turkey, Italy and Ruffia, vol. i. p. 257.
k u s r 414 i R u s
merchant, who fends them off, in the manner already
mentioned, or retails them on the fpot, in the markets,
vrare-howfes, and drops.
There is no exaggeration in affirming, that it would
be difficult to point out a people that have more the fpi-
rit of trade and mercantile induflry than the Ruffians.
Traffic is their darling purfuit ; every common Ruffian,
it he can bat by any means fave a trifling fum of mo¬
ney, as it is very poffible for him to do, by his frugal
and poor way of living, tries to become a merchant.
This, career he ufually begins as a rafnofehih or feller of
things about the ftreets ; the profits arifing from this
ambulatory trade, and his parfimony, foon enable him to
Hire a Icvha or {hop; where, by lending fmall fums at
large intereft, by taking advantage of the courle of
exchange, and by employing little artifices of trade, he
in a fhort time becomes a pretty fubftantial man. He
now buys and builds houfes and fliops, which he either
lets to others, or furnifhes with goods him'elf, putting
in perfons to manage them for fmall wages ; begins to
launch out into an extenfive trade, undertakes podriads,
contradis with the crown, deliveries of merchandife,
&c. The numerous inftances of the rapid fuccefs of
fuch people almoft exceed all defeription. By thefe
methods a Ruffian merchant, named Sava Yacovlof,
who died not many years ago, from a hawker of fiffi
about the flreets, became a capitalift of feveral millions
of rubles. Many of thefe favourites of fortune are at
fiiit vaffals, who obtain paffes from their landlords, and
with thefe ftroll about the towns, in order to feek a
better condition of life, as labourers, bricklayers and
carpenters, than they could hope to find at the plough
tail in the country. Some of them continue, after for¬
tune has raifed them, and even with great riches, flill
(laves, paying their lord, in proportion to their circum-
flances, an olerck, or yearly tribute. Among the peo¬
ple of this clafs at St Peterfburgh are many who belong
to Count Sheremetof, the richeft private man in Ruffia,
and pay him annually for their pafs above 1000 rubles.
It often happens that thefe merchants, when even in
fplendid circumfiances, flill retain their national habit
and their long beard ; and it is by no means rare to fee
them driving along the flreets of the refidence, in this
drefs, in the moft elegant carriages. From all this it is
very remarkable, that extremely few Ruffian houfes have
fucceeded in getting the foreign commiffion trade ; a
Rriking proof that there is fomethwg befides induftry
and parfimony requifite to mercantile credit, in which
the Ruffians muft have been hitherto deficient.
Thofe v,ho wifh for a more minute account of the
arts, manufadlures, commerce and trade of the Ruffian
empire, will find ample details on thefe important fub-
jefls, in the third volume of Mr Tooke’s View of the
Ruffian empire, during the reign of Catharine II. and to
22t the clofe of the eghteenth century.
Nations This vaft empire contains within its boundaries, ac-
compofing cording to Mr Tooke’s account, not fewer than 81 di-
empire Ian nations, differing from each other in their origin,
their language, and their manners. Without enumera¬
ting all thofe tribes, the names of many of which are
fcarcely known to civilized Europe, we fliall only par¬
ticularize the moft remarkable. Thefe are the defen¬
dants of the ancient Slavi, comprehending the Ruffians
properly fo called, and the neighbouring Poles 5 the
fins, under which denomination v.e may include the
3
Laplanders, the Eilhonians, the Livonians, the Perm!-
ans, and the Ofliaks j the numerous Tartar hordes that' v"1 J
inhabit the fouthern parts of the empire, comprehend¬
ing the Mongol Tartars, the Kalrauks, the Derbetans,
the Torgots, the Bargaburats; the Khazares, the Kangli
or Petchenegans 5 the Siberian Tartars ; the Tartars of
the Krimea ; the Bafchkirs j the Kirgfliefes, and the
Chevines \ the inhabitants of the regions of Mount Cau-
cafus, including the Georgians *, the Mandfhurs, in¬
cluding the Tungufes, the Samoieues, the Kamtfchadales,
and the Kozaks.
Of feveral of thefe nations we have already given an
account, in the articles Cossacs, Kamtschatka,
Lapland, Poland, &c. and we (hall here confine
ourfelves chiefly to the manners and cufloms of the Ruf¬
fians, the Fins, the Samoiedes, the Bafchkirs, the Ko¬
zaks, the inhabitants of the Ukraine, and the Krimean
Tratars. “ - sj*
The native Ruffians are of the middle fize,of a flrong General
and robuft make, and in general extremely hardyffi^h^cr
They have ulually a fmall mouth, with thin lips and Ruffians,
white teeth ; little eyes 3 a low forehead 3 the nofe fre¬
quently fmall, and turned upwards, and a bufliy beard.
The expreffion of their countenance is grave, but good-
natured. The gait and geftures of the body have often
a peculiar and impaffioned vivacity, partaking of a cer¬
tain complaifance, and engaging manner. They are in
general capable of bearing fatigue, want of accommoda¬
tion and repofe, better than the inhabitants of any other
European nation. Notwithftanding the feverity of the
climate, their difeafes are few, and there are frequent
and remarkable inllances of longevity.
With refpedl to general charadler, all writers allow
that they are ignorant, and often brutal, not eafily rou-
fed to adlion, and extremely addifled to drunkennefs.
They are alfo not remarkable for cleanlinefs.
Having thus given a general view of the Ruffian cha-
ra6ier, we muft confider a little more particularly that
of the feveral claffes into which they may be divided,
and make a few remarks on their manners and cuftoms. „2^
According to Mr Tooke, there is in Ruffia at pre-Nobility
fent but one order of nobility, though it is not unufualand gentry,
with travellers to mention the higher and lower nobility.
The title boyar, fo common in the beginning of the
18th century, is nowdifufed3 and thofe of prince, count,
and baron, form the principal diftinrftions. The Ruffian
nobility have always enjoyed certain peculiar rights and
privileges, though thefe have been rather derived from
long ufage, than fandlioned by any written law. Thus,
they can exclufively poffefs landed eflates, though they
cannot alienate or fell them. If a nobleman be found
guilty of any high crime, he may incur the forfeiture of
his eflate, his honour, or his life, but he cannot be made
a vaffal to the crown. The nobility can arbitrarily im-
pofe taxes and fervices on their vaffals, and may infii£l
on them any corporal punilhment fhort of death, and
they are not refponfible for their vaffals. A nobleman
cannot be compelled to raife recruits againft his will, or
to build a magazine or barrack for the crown 3 his per-
fon and landed property are exempted from taxation 3
he can hold affemblieSj fet up manufactories, and open
mines on his own ground, without paying tribute to the
crown. He is, however, bound to perfonal fervice in
war. The Ruffian nobility live in great ftyle, and fup-
port a ccnfiderable eftabliftiment of fervants. As part
R U S
Ru(Tia. of this e^abllinrnent, they have generally a dwarf and a
' "V_ 1 fool. Thefe dwarfs are die pages and playthings of the
great, and at almoft all entertainments, Hand for hours
at their lord’s chair, holding his fnuff box, or awaiting
his commands.
The tzar Alexei abhorred the perfonal abafement of
the inferior claiTes to their fuperiors, which he would not
accept when exhibited to himfelf; and it may appear
furpriling that Peter I. who defpifed mere ceremonials,
fhould have encouraged every extravagance of this
kind. In a few years ol his reign, the beautiful fimpli-
city of defignation and addrefs which his father had en¬
couraged was forgotten, and the cumberfome and almolf
ineffable titles which difgrace the little courts of Ger¬
many were crowded into the language of Ruflia. He
enjoined the loweft order of gentlemen to be addreffed
by the phrafe, yoiu- rcfpe&cble birth ; the next rank, by
your high good birth; the third, your excellence; the
fourth, your high excellence ; then came your brilliancy,
and high brilliancy; highnefs and tnajejiy were referved
for the grand duke and the emperor.
Thefe titles and modes of addrefs were ordered with
all the regularity of the manual exercife ; and the man
who Should omit any of them when fpeaking to his
fuperior, might be lawfully beaten by the offended
boyar. Before this period, it was polite and courtly to
fpeak to every man, even the heir apparent, by adding
his father’s name to his own ; and to the grand duke,
Paul Petrovitch, would have been perfedtly refpedfful,
or a Angle word figni tying dear father, when he was not
named. Though pompous titles were unknown among
them before the era of Peter, the fubordination of ranks
was more complete than in any other European nation •,
but with this fimplicity peculiar to them and the Poles,
that they had but three ranks, the fovereign, the nob-
leffe or gentry, and the ferfs. It was not till lately
that the mercantile rank formed any diffintlion ) and
that diffinefion is no more than the freedom of the per-
fon, which was formerly a transferable commodity be¬
longing to. the boyar. Nolwithftanding this fimplicity,
'which put all gentlemen on a level, the fubfeription of
a pe: fan holding an inferior office was not fervant, but
f.ave; and the legal word fora petition in form was
tchelobitii; which fignifies a beating with the forehead,
or ftirring the ground with the forehead, which was ac-
tnally done. The father of Alexei aboliffied the prac¬
tice •, but at this day, when a Ruffian petitions you, he
touches his forehead with his finger-, and if he be very
earned, he then puts his finger to the ground.
ff-he Ruffian nobles formerly wore long beards, and
long robes with ftrait fieeves dangling down to their
andes •, their collars and Hurts were generally wrought
with filk ol different colours •, in place of hats, they co¬
vered their heads with furred caps, and inffead of finoes,
wore red or yellow leathern bufkins. Tbs drefs of the
women nearly refembled that of the other fex, with this
difference, that their garments were loofer, their caps
fantaftical, and their ffiift fieeves three or four ells in
length, gathered up in folds from the (boulder to the
fore arm. At prefent, however, the French fafhions
224 ,Preva^ among the better fort throughout all Raffia.
Common The common people are generally tall, healthy, and
people. rebuff, patient of cold and hunger, inured to hardlhips,
and remarkably capable of bearing the rroft hidden
tranfition from the extremes of hot or cold weather.
Px u s
Nothing is more cuffomary than to fee a Ruffian, who Ruflia.
is overheated and Ivveating at every pore, itrip himfelf 1 y—
naked, and plunge into a river j nay, when their pores
are all opened in the hot bath, to which they have d.fily
recourfe, they either practife this immerfion, or fubjefl
themfelves to a difeharge of fome pailfuls of cold water,
This is the cuftom ot both men and women, who enter
the baths promifeuoufly, and appear naked to each other,
without fcruple or helitation.
A Ruffian will fubfift for many days on a little oat¬
meal and water, and even raw-roots an onion is a re¬
gale 5 but the food they generally ufe in their journeys
is a kind of rye-bread, cut into Imall fquare pieces, and
dried again in the oven. Theie, when they are hun¬
gry, they foak in water, and eat as a very comfortable
repaft. Both lexes are remarkably healthful and re¬
buff, and accuftom themfelves to fleep every day after
dinner.
The Ruffian women are remarkably fair, comely,
ftrong, and well-fliaped, obedient to their lordly huf-
bands, and patient under difeipline ; they are even faid
to be fond ot correflion, which they confider as an in¬
fallible mark of their hufband-s conjugal affection 5 and
they pout and pine if it is withheld, as if they thought
themfelves treated with contempt and difregard. Of
this negleff, however, they have very little caufe to
complain 5 the Ruffian hufband being very well difpo-
fed, by nature and inebriation,'to exert his arbitrary
power.
Such is the fiavery in which the Ruffians of both
fexes are kept by their parents, their patrons, and the
emperor, that they are not allowed to difpute any match
that may be provided for them by thefe directors, how¬
ever dilagreeable or odious it may be. Officers of the
greatest rank in the army, both natives and foreigners,
have been (addled with wives by the fovereign in this
arbitrary manner. A great general fome time ago de-
ceafed, who was a native of Britain, having been preffed
by Elizabeth to marry one of her ladies, fared himfelf
from a very dilagreeable marriage, only by pleading the
badnefs of his conftitution.
In Ruffia, the authority of parents over their children Authority
is almoft as great as it was among the ancient Romans, ofpareots
and is often exercifed with equal feverity. Should a0VT,rt*ie'r
father, in punifinlng his fon for a fault, be the imme-cililtlren’
diate caufe of his death, he could not be called to ac¬
count for his conducl ; he would have done no tiling but
what the law authorifed him to do. Nor does this legal
tyranny ceafe with the maturity of children ; it conti¬
nues while they remain in their father’s family, and is
often exerted in the moft indecent manner. It was not
uncommon, even in St Peterfburgh, to fee a lady of the
higheft rank, and in all the pomp and pride of youth¬
ful beauty, Handing in the court-yard with her back
bare, expofed to the whip of her father’s fervants. And
fo little difgrace is attached to this punifhment, that the
lame lady would fit dov.m at table with her father and
his guefts immediately after ffie had fuffered her flog¬
ging, provided its feverity had not confined her to bed.
In fuperftitious notions and praftices, the common Their fu-
Ruffians are by no means behind their neighbours. Moft perftitke. .
of them believe in ghofts, apparitions, and hobgoblins;
and few of them are fond of inhabiting the houfes of
near relatives deceafed. Hence it happens that many
houfes are left to fall into jruins, or fold to ftrangers at a
very v
[ 415 J
R U S
very cheap rate. Even a houfe wliofe owner has fallen
into poverty, or has otherwife become unfortunate, Avill
not eafily find a purchafer, becaufe it has ejefled its maf-
ter. On the Thurfday before Whitfuntide, the young
women celebrate the feftival of the Slavonian goddefs
Lada, and her fon Dida, with tinging and dancing 5 and
at this time they decorate a birch bufh with garlands
and ribbons, and then throwing it with great folemnity
into a river, predict from the figures the ribbons afiume
in the current, whom they ihall wed, and what lhall be
their fate in marriage. On the 5th of January they go
by night into a crofs ftreet or a cellar, and fancy they
hear in every found the predation of their deftiny. This
is called Jlufchit, to go a hearing. The day after Chrift-
mas is folemnized by the midwives, becaufe the Virgin
Mary’s midwife was materially concerned in the redemp¬
tion of the world. In many places they believe that
fome witches, by their incantations, have the power of
depriving the female fex of their privilege of becoming
mothers, but that others can preferve it inviolable ; of
courfe brides always apply to the latter. Their domo-
vois are our fairies, and their vodovois our water goblins,
or wizards of the ftream.
The enjoyment of the table is carried to greater ex-
cefs in Ruflia than in almoit any other country. What
has a very curious appearance to a foreigner is, that in
fummer a courfe of hot meats, and another of iced meats
•of the fame kind, are very commonly ferved up together.
Their cookery is in general commendable, but their
• cooks are chieily from foreign countries. It is ufual be¬
fore dinner to take, in the drawing room, a repaft con¬
fiding of favoury meats, accompanied with wines and
cordials •, and at thefe repafts it is not unufual for fome
of the party to forget they have to dine afterwards; nor
is it thought any thing remarkable to fee a perfon enter
the dining-room in a ftate of intoxication,
A Ruffian dinner among the politer claffes, is thus
defcribed by Sir John Carr. It is feldom later than
three o’clock. Upon a fide-board in the drawing-room
is always placed a table filled with fhh, meats, and fau-
fages, failed, pickled, and fmoked ; bread and butter, and
liqueurs. Thefe airy nothings are 'mere running foot¬
men of the dinner, which is in the following order :—
A cold difli, generally of fturgeon or fome other fitli,
precedes, followed by foup, a number of made dithes, a
profufion of roafted and boiled meats, among which the
Ukraine beef is diftinguifhable, and abundance of ex¬
cellent vegetables ; then paftry and a deffert of very
fine melons, and four flavourlefs wall fruit. The table
is covered wdth a variety of wines, and excellent ale or
beer. The mailer of the houfe, or the cook, carves ; and
fiices of every dilh are handed round to the gueils.
Among the moll gratifying dilhes in fummer, is a large
vafe of ice broken into fmall pieces, with which the
guells cool their wine and beer. In the yard of every
Ruffian houfe, there are two large cellars, one warm
for winter, and the other filled with ice for the fummer.
The foup, and coffee, and chocolate, are frequently iced.
After a few glaffes of delicious wines, the lady of the
houfe ufually rifes, and the company retires to coffee in
the drawing-room.
Their common drink is called quafb, and is made by
pouring hot water upon rye bread. This is left to fer¬
ment, and foon produces a diink, which though at firlt
fhfagre,cable, becomes afterwards fufficiently grateful to
R U S
the palate. Mead is alfo a common beverage ; but the Rufts.
native malt liquors are very bad. The Ruffians con- -y~~
fume a great quantity ol tea, and are faid by Mr Mac-
gill to have the bell which is drunk in Europe. This
is called the flower of tea, and is brought over land by
the Chinefe merchants who come to the Ruffian fairs,
and exchange their tea for other articles ufed in their
country. 22s
The amufements of the native Ruffians con fill prin-Amuie-
cipally of finging, dancing, drafts, and fome other
games 5 foot-ball, and more efpecially fwinging. The
fwing is every where, and at all times, ufed as an amufe-
ment by perfons of rank and condition 3 but at Ealler
it is the grand diverfion of the holidays. The fwings
may be divided into three forts 3 fome have a vibrating
motion, and thefe are the moft common, well known in
Germany and Britain 3 others are turned round in a
perpendicular, and others again in a horizontal direc¬
tion. The full of thefe latter ipecies confuls of two high
polls, on the top of which refts an axle, having two pairs
ot poles fixed in its centre. Each of thefe pairs of poles
has at its two extremities a feat fufpended from a move-
able axis. The proprietor, by turning the axis that
reffs on the two polls, makes all the eight feats go round
in a perpendicular circle, fo that they alternately almoit
touch the ground, and then are mounted aloft in the
air. The lail kind is compofed of chairs, chariots,
fledges, wooden herfes, fvvans, goats, &c. fattened at the
extremities of long poles, and forced rapidly round in a
horizontal circle. In the caller holidays all kinds of
machines are fet up in the public Iquares 3 and as the
common people are remarkably fond of the diverlion,
it is a joyful feafon to the populace, who then devote
themfelves without rellraint to their national propenfity
to mirth. The numerous concourfe of perfons of all
ranks and deferiptions, who parade in a circle with their
elegant and fumptuous equipages, the honell merriment
of the crowd, the hearty participation with which they
enter into thefe amufements, the linking and lingular
appearances of the exhibition itfelf, give this popular
fellivity a character fo peculiar, that the man of obfer-
vation, who will take pains to lludy the nation even on
this humorous fiage, may catch very powerful llrokes
of the pencil for his delineation. He will not fail to
difeern the general gaiety with which old and young,
children and graybeards, are pofftffed, and which is
here not kindled for a tranfient moment, but is fupport-
ed by every pleafant occafion, and placed in its moll
agreeable light. He will remark the fpirit of urbanity
and gallantry, appearing in a thoufand little ways, as by
no means an indifferent feature in the national charafter
Here a couple of beggars with their clothes in tatters.,
are fainting one another in the moll decent and lefpedl-
ful manner 3 a long firing of quellions about their wel¬
fare opens the dialogue, which likewife concludes with
a polite embrace. Yonder a young fellow7 is offering
to hand his girl, whofe cheeks are glowing with paint
and biandy, into a feat in which they are both prefent-
ly to be canted up in the air 3 and even in thofe lofty
regions his tendernefs never forfakes him. Only one
Hep farther, and the eye is attracted by different feenes.
The fame people who were but now greeting each other
in friendly terms, are engaged in a violent quarrel, ex-
haufling tbe enormous llore of abufive epithets with
which the Ruffian tongue abounds. All that can de-
[ 4>6 1
R u s
f 417 ]
R U S
229
Modes of
Rufila grade and exafperate a human being finds its expreffion
in this energetic language 3 yet with this vehemence of
fpeech they never loie their temper.
While they are making the moll: furious geftures,
draining their throats to the utmoll pitch, loading one
another with the molt liberal profufion of inlults, there
is not the lead danger that they Ihould proceed to blows.
The police, well knowing that with all this noife no
lives will be loll, cools the heated parties by a plentiful
fliower from the fire engine, kept on the fpot for that
purpofe, and which is found to be of fuch excellent ler-
vice, that one of them is always at hand wherever a
concourfe of people is expefted. Now, all at once the
ft rife is over, the two vagabonds are running arm in arm
to the neareft poll houfe, to ratify their renovated friend-
fhip over a glafs of brandy.
In the vicinity of the fwings, booths are ufually run
up with bsards, in which low comedies are performed,
Each reprefentation lafts about half an hour, and the
price of admittance is very trilling 3 but as the conflu¬
ence of the people is extremely great, and the adling
goes on the whole day, the profits are always confider-
able both to the managers and to the performers, who
lliare the amount between them.
The principal modes of conveyance in Rufiia, are by
conveyance, means ol Hedges and drojekas. This latter carriage is,
We believe, peculiar to Rufiia, and is employed in the
large towns like our hackney coaches. It is defcribed
by Mr Porter as a fort of parallelogram with four
leathern wings projefting at no great diftance from its
body, and palling in a femicircular line towards the
ground, It runs on four low wheels, and is generally
furnilhed with two feats, placed in fuch a manner, that
two perfons can fit Tideways, but with their backs to
each other. In fome of thefe carriages the feat is fo
formed, that the occupier fits as on a faddle, and for
his better fecurity holds by the driver’s falh.
The Ruflians are fond of the bagpipe, and have a
kind of violin, with a large belly like that of a lute ;
but their mufic is very barbarous and defeflive. Yet
there are public fchools in which the children are taught
to fing. The very beggars afk alms in a whining ca¬
dence, and ridiculous fort of recitative. A Ruffian am-
baflador at the Hague, having been regaled with the
beft concert of vocal and inftrumental mufic that could
be procured, was afked how he liked the entertainment:
he replied, Perfedlly well 3 the beggars in my country
fing juft in the fame manner. The warlike mufic of
the Ruffians confifts in kettledrums and trumpets:
they likewife ufe hunting horns 3 but they are not at all
expert in the performance. It has been faid, that the
Ruffians think it beneath them to dance, which may
have been the cafe formerly 3 but at Peterfburgh dan¬
cing is at prefent much relifhed, and a minuet is no
where fo gracefully performed in Europe as by the
fafhionable people in that metropolis.
The Finns are rather of a ffiort ftature, have a flat
face with funk cheeks, dark gray eyes, a thin beard,
tawney hair, and a fallow complexion. They are all
of a ftrong make, and were it not for their exceffive
propenfity to drinking fpirituous liquors, would be re¬
markably healthy. They are univerfally great eaters,
and. in fpite of their ftrong paffion for brandv, not un-
frequently attain to a very advanced age. Their drefs
Confifts of woollen kaftans, worn ftiort to the knee,
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
*30
Mufic and
dancing.
*31
Finns.
with loofe black pantaloons and bools. Now and then, RulTia.
by way of extraordinary finery, a fort of embroidered ' “■
decoration adorns their upper garments. Their caps
are unvaryingly of the lame {hape, round, with a broad
rim turned up on all fides round the crown.
Mr Acerbi has given the following charadkriftic ac¬
count of the Finnith peafants.
“ The very beggars in other countries live in eafe,
and even luxury,” fays Mr Acerbi, “ compared to the
peafantry of the north 3 but the northern pealantry are
a far happier, and far more refpedlable race, than the
poor of more civilized countries 3 they are induftrious,
and their induftry can always procure enough to fupport
life with comfort 3 that abjedt degree of poverty is not
known there, which deftroys induftry by deltroying
hope. They have a curious mode of nlhing : when the
filherman obferves a fifti under the ice, in lhallow water,
he ftrikes the ice forcibly, immediately over the fith, with
a club, and the fifti, ftupefied by the blow, riles to the
furface. They ufe a fpear to kill the bear, or, as they
call him, the old man in the pelice : a crofs bar is fixed
about a foot from the point of the fpear, as otherwife
the bear might fall upon the fpearfman : the beaft,
feeling himfelf wounded, holds the fpear fall, and preffes
it more deeply into the wound. The proverbs of the
Finlanders bear teftimony to their induftry and hofpita-
% ” #  - r 232
Their poetry is alliterative, without rhyme. The Finnifii
fpecimens tranflated by Mr Acerbi are very interefting. Pjetry*
The following was compofed by a Finnifti peafant upon
his brother’s death.
“ The word went forth from heaven, from Him in
whole hands are all things. Come hither, 1 will make
thee my friend 3 approach, for thou (halt henceforth be
my champion. Come down from the high hill 3 leave
the feat of forrow behind thee 3 enough haft thou dif¬
fered 3 the tears thou haft fhed are fufficient; thou haft
felt pain and difeafe3 the hour of thy deliverance is
come 3 thou art fet free from evil days 3 peace hafteneth
to meet thee, relief from grief to come.
“ Thus went he out to his maker : he entered into
glory ; he haftened to extreme blifs 3 he departed to en¬
joy liberty ; he quitted a life of forrow 3 he left the
habitations of the earth.”
The Finns have many Runic verfes which are fup-
poled to contain healing powers, and thefe are ftyled
fanat, or charms 3 as mandanfanat, charms for the bite
of a ferpent 3 tulenfanat, charms to cure fcalds or burns 3
raudnnfanat, charms to heal wounds, &c.
“ Thefe charms are very numerous, and though not
much efteemed by the inhabitants of the fea coall, arc
in the higheft repute amongft thofe who dwell in the
interior and mountainous parts of the country. This is
likely to continue to be the cafe as long as the practice
of phyfic remains in the hands of itinerant empirics and
ignorant old women. They jointly with charms ufe
fome fimpie remedies, as fait, milk, brandy, lard, &c.
but attribute the cures they perform to the fuperior effi¬
cacy of the verfes they fing during the application 3 the
chief theory and foundation of their pradlice coi.lifting
in a belief with which too they imprefs their padents
very ftrongly, that their complaints are occafioned by
witchcraft, and can only be removed by means of thefe
incantations.
“ Of thefe charms it is not eafy to obtain fpecimens,
3 G as
R U S [ 418 ] R U S
as tlvey who arc verled in them are unwilling to com-
munieate them to literary men, efpecially when they fee
them prepare to commit them to writing, as they fear
to be reported to the magiflrate or clergyman, and pu-
nuhed, or at leaf! chided, for their iuperifition. It is a
p,ity the clergymen will not be at the pains of difcrimi-
nating betwixt the verfes which are the production of
fuperltition, and thofe of an innocent nature. So far
are they from attending to this particular, that they do
their utmoft to dkcourage Runic poetry in general, and
without exception j which, partly on that account, and
more owing to. the natural changes which time brings
^ t about in all human affairs, is rapidly falling into dilute,
Are> hi j ancj jn a few years will be found only in the - relations
2 ,3 or travellers
Samoicdes. The Samoiedes are fliorter and thicker than the Lap¬
landers j in other reipe<fls they refemble them very
much. They have little hair, and cover their heads
with a fur cap. Their fkin coat reaches to their knees,
and is fatfened round the waiit with a girdle. They
have breeches, fhoes, and ftockings, made of the fame
materials as their coats. Over their fhouldcrs they
throw a black bear’s fkin, with the feet hanging at the
. four corners. This cloak is placed obliquely on the left
fide, that the right arm may be more at liberty to ufe
their bows and arrows. On their feet they wear a kind
of fkates two feet long, with which they ilide with pro¬
digious fwiftnefs over the frozen fnow, that inceflantly
covers their mountains.
The women are capable of enduring great fatigue,
and afliduouily breed up their children in the ufe of the
bow, which they handle with great dexterity. They
are dreffed nearly like the men, except about the head.
A lock of twilled hair hangs down to their fhoulders,
at the extremity of which is a knot formed of a long
flip of bark, which reaches to their heels. In this con-
fids their finery. They hunt with their hufhands, and
are equally expert in the ufe of their weapons. Conju¬
gal fidelity is ftri&ly obferved, and the punifhment
annexed to a violation of it on either fide is death.
The Samoiedes have no knowledge of the Su-preme
JBeing j they ufe, as idols, the heads of beads of prey,
particularly thofe of bears, which they put up in the
woods, and fervently worfhip. Their priefls, whom
they call Shamanns, are chofen from among fuch as are
advanced in years •, and they imagine that thel'e can re-
weal to them the will of their gods, foretel future events,
and perform all kinds of magical operations.
Samoiedes, in the Ruffian language, fignifies men-eaters,
a term which denotes the barbarity of the people •, but
there is no good reafon for believing that the term can
be applied to them in its word acceptation. They pro¬
bably derived the name from the cutlom they have of
eating their meat without dreffing, and not from the
habit of devouring their deceafed friends or prifoners, of
which they have been accufed.
The Samoiedes, like the Laplanders, live in tents or
taverns, according to the feafon of the year. Like the
Odisks and Tungufians, they are exceedingly dirty in
their perfons and habits. Their marriages are attended
W’ith no other ceremony than a verbal agreement. They
call them newrborn children by the name of the fitft
-animal they meet j or if they happen to meet a relation,
he generally names the child. Their prieds ufe a tabor,
«r an indrument very much like it, either to make their
conjurations, »r to affid them in thofe arts,by which Rt-flu,
they delude their countrymen. v—.
The Bafchkirs form one of the military hordes of£,aA^u;}
wandering Tartars, which formerly roamed about the
fouthern part of Siberia, under the conduit of their
chiefs, and fublided principally by plunder. They now
condiLute a part of the irregular troops of the Ruffian
empire, and have taken up their relldence among the
Ural mountains, extending to the Tartar deferts on the
borders of the rivers Oby and Tobol. In the yearn 7 70,
they confided of about 27,000 families.
Every tribe of the Balchkirs choofes its own ruler,
who is called Jiarchirfis. The huts which they inhabit
during winter are built in the falhion of thole in the
Ruffian villages, having a chimney of a conical form of
about five feet high in the middle of the principal apart¬
ment, which is furnilhed with large benches, ufed either
as feats or couches. The houfe is ufually filled with
fmoke, and in its whole economy feems very much to
refemble an Iriffi cabin. In dimmer the Bafchkirs in¬
habit tents covered with felt, and furnilhed like the
huts witli divifions and a chimney in the centre. A
dimmer encampment never exceeds 20 tents, but a win¬
ter village contains from 10 to 50 huts.
The mod opulent of thefe tribes are thofe which
dwell on the call of the Ural chain. Some individuals
ef this nation poffefs not fewer than 4000 horfes, who
fatten on the richell padures in the valley till the month
of June, when they are compelled by wafps and other
infedls to feek for dielter in the mountains. The prin¬
cipal wealth of this people condds of their docks and
herds; but it is chiefly from their horfes they derive
the neceffiaries of life, milk, meat, veffels, and gar¬
ments. They have fome knowledge of tillage, but as
they dmT but little grain, their harveds are very inade¬
quate to their wants; and in general they prefer a paf-
toral life. Much of their traffic condds of honey.
They apply with great fuccefs to the cultivation of bees,
making their hives in hollow trees, as a greater protec¬
tion from accidents and wild animals. Frequently one
man is the pofftffor of 500 or 600 of thefe indudrious
commoners.
The women employ themfelves in weaving, dyeing
and fulling their narrow coarfe cloths, and they alio
make the clothes of the whole family, while the men of
the lower clafles follow the more laborious occupation of
fabricating felts, and tanning leathe;. Both fexes ufe
linen fpun from the down of nettles, of which they make
wide drawers defeending to the ancles. On their feet
they wear the ufual eadern dipper, and by way of outer
garment, a long gown generally of a. red colour border¬
ed with fur, and fadened round tire waid with a gir¬
dle, in which is hung the dagger or feymeter. The
lower ranks in winter wear a pelice of Iheep Ikin, while
the higher orders wear ahorfe’sikin, in fuch a manner that
the mane dows down their backs, and waves in the
wind. The head is covered with a conical cloth cap,
fometimes ornamented with fur, and fometimes plain.
The garments of the women, among the fuperior clalfes,
are of filk, buttoned before as high as the neck, and
fadened by a broad deel girdle. Round their bofoms
and throats they wear a ffiawl hung with drings of
beads, ffiells, and coins.
Their diverfions are confined to religious cerempnies,
and a few peculiar fedivals, and conlid of finging, dan-
TlnflU.
4fT,”~y—
X)on K.o-
nks.
R U S Y 419 ] . R U S
cing, and horfe racing. In their fongs they enumerate
the achievements of their anceilors, or of themfelves,
and fometimes alteriiate thefe epic poems with love dit¬
ties. Thefe fongs are always accompanied with appro¬
priate geftures. In their dances they make ftrange gef-
ticulations, but the motion of the feet is very gentle 5
and the women, while ufing thefe, hold a long filk
handkerchief in their hand, which they wave about in a
wanton manner.
In their entertainments, the aged occupy feats of ho¬
nour ; and when itrangers are introduced, thefe are pla¬
ced next the old men. The language of the Bafchkirs
is a Tartar dialed!, but different from that which is fpo-
ken in the diftrid! of Kazan. Their religion is Maho-
tnetan, Jnd they are much addidted to all the fuperfti-
tions of the eaft.
The Bafchkir foldiers are dexterous horfemen, and
Skilful in managing the bow. They are ufually cafed
in fhirts of mail, with fhining helmets. Their ordinary
weapons are a fword, a Ihort bow, and a quiver con¬
taining 24 arrows. They alfo carry a long pike, adorn¬
ed at the top with various coloured pendants. Their
korfes are fmall, and though hardy and adtive, are not
at all fuperior in point of appearance to thofe of the
Kozaks.
The leaders of the Bafchkirs have a very fuperb and
'warlike appearance. They wear a thirt of mail and a
fteel helmet like the common men, but over the thirt is
thrown a fcarlet kaftan flowing from ihe thoulders down
®ver the backs of their horfes. They alfo wear large
fcarlet trowfers, and large boots of yellow leather. The
faddle covering of the horfes ufually confifls of a leo¬
pard’s tkin. See Porter's Travels, vol. ii. Plate at
P- 59-
Under the article Cossacs, we have enumerated the
feveral tribes of thefe people, and have made fome re¬
marks on their manners and cuftoms j but as the Don
Kozaks form a contiderable part of the Ruflian armies,
we thall here add a few remarks on thefe people, conti-
dered in a military capacity.
The common men among thefe troops have no pay,
even in time of war, and their officers have but a very
snoderate allowance. They are obliged to provide
themfelves with horfes, arms and clothing. No hing is
furnifhed them except oatmeal and flour. Frequently
even nothing is given them but a forry bifeuit {fukare.')
Thence thofe hideous tatters with which moll of them
are covered, when they have no opportunity of plunder¬
ing, and which give them the appearance of beggars
and robbers *, thence the ruinous condition of their arms,
and the bad ftale of their horfes ; thence the murders,
robberies, fires, and rapine which every where mark
their paffage, and which, doubtlefs, would not be fo
frequent, if government, lefs avaricious and lefs cruel,
provided them with even the bare necelTaries of life.
They are armed with a pike from 15 to 18 feet in
length, which they hold vertically, refting on the right
llirrup, and which they couch at the moment of attack.
The Kozak makes a very dexterous ufe of this pike for
leaping on his horfe. With the left hand he grafps the
mane, and as foon as he has his foot in the ftirrup, in-
ftead of placing his right hand on the crupper, as is ge¬
nerally done ; the pike which he holds ferves him as a
prop ; he makes a fpring, and in the twinkling of an
eye, he is in the faddle. The Kozaks have no fours j a
large whip fufpended from the left wrift fupplymg their
place. Befides their pike, they commonly have a bad
fabre, which they neither like, nor well know how to
make ufe of •, one or two piffols in a bad condition, and
a carbine which they feldom employ.
Their horfes are fmall, lean and ifiiT, by no means ca¬
pable of a great effort, but indefatigable. Bred in the
Jieppes, they are infenfible to the inclemency of the fea-
fons •, accuftomed to endure hunger and thirft , in a
word, not unlike their maflers. A Kozak will feldot*.
venture to expofe himfelf againfl: a Turk or a Tartar, of
whom he commonly has neither the addrefs nor the
vigour; befides his horfe is neither fufficiently fupple,
nor fwift, nor fure-footed } but in the end his obftinate
perfeverance will tire the molt aflive horfeman, and ha-
rafs the molt frilky fteed, efpecially if it be in a large
plain, after a defeat. All the Kozaks, however, are
not badly armed and ill mounted. Several of them keep
the arms and horfes which they may have been able to
obtain by conquefl: in a campaign *, but, in general,
they had rather fell them, preferring their patient ponies
and their light pikes. As for their officers, they are
almoft all well mounted, and many of them have good
and magnificent arms, refembling in that refpeft the Turks
and Poles.
The Kozaks, if we except the Tfchugnief brigade,
never fight in a line. They are fcattered by platoons,
at the head, on the flanks, and in the rear of the army,
fometimes at confiderable diftances. They do the duty
of advanced guards, videttes, and patroles. Their a&i-
vity and vigilance are incredible. They creep and fer¬
ret every where with a boldnefs and addrefs of which
none but thofe who have feen them can obtain an idea.
Their numerous fwarms form, as it were, an atmofphero
round the camps and armies on a march, which they fe-
cure from all furprife, and from every unforefeen attack.
Nothing efcapes their piercing and experienced eye;
they divine, as if by inftinft, the places fit for ambuf-
cades j they read on the trodden grafs the number of men
and horfes that have paffed *, and from the traces, more
or lefs recent, they know how^ to calculate the time of
their palling. A bloodhound follows riot better the
feent of his game. In the immenfe plains from Azof to
the Danube, in thofe monotonous folitudes covered with
tufted and waving grafs, where the eye meets with no
tree, no objeft that can obftruft it, and whofe melan¬
choly uniformity is only now and then interrupted by
infeftioBS bogs and quagmires, torrents overgrown with
briars, and infulated hillocks, the ancient graves of un¬
known generations •, in thofe deferts, in ihort, the roam¬
ing Kozak never miffes his way. By night, the ffars
direft his folitary courfe. If the Iky is clear, he alights
from his horfe at the firfl: hurgan that chance throws in
his way •, through a long habit of erercifmg his fight in
the dark, or even by the help of feeling alone, he di-
ftinguifhes the herbs and plants which thrive belt on the
declivity of the hillock expofed to the north or to the
fouth. He repeats this examination as frequently as
the opportunity offers, and, in this manner, he follows
or finds again the direction which he ought to take for
regaining his camp, his troop, or his dwelling, or any
other place to which he is bound. By day, the fun is
his fureft guide ; the breath of the winds, of which he
knows the periodical courfe, (it being pretty regular in
thefe countries), likewife ferves him as a compafs to fleet
3 G a \ji
R U S [ 420 ] R U S
Ruffm. by. As a new fpecies of augury, tlie Kozak not un-
u——willingly interrogates the birds j their number, their
fpecies, their flight, their cry, indicate to him the prox¬
imity of a fpring, a rivulet, or a pool •, a habitation, a
herd, or an army. Thofe clouds of Kozaks which en-
compafs the Ruffian armies for the fafety of their en¬
campments, or of their marches, are not lefs formidable
to the enemy. Their refilUefs vigilance, their ralli cu-
riofity, their fudden attacks, alarm him, harafs him in-
* Secret ceffantty> and inceffantly watch and controul his mo-
Memov-s tions- In general action, the Kozaks commonly keep
0/the court at a diftance, and are fpedlators of the battle ; they wait
of Peter/- for its iflue, in order to take to flight, or to fet out in
purfuit of the vanquifhed, among whom their long pike
makes a great {laughter *.
To the account given under Cossacs, of the inhabi¬
tants of the Ukraine, we may add the following parti¬
culars, which, though anonymous, appear to be accurate-
burgh, vol.
iii.
236
Kozaks of
the Uk¬
raine.
ly Haled.
When a young woman, in the Ukraine, feels a ten¬
der paffion tor a young man, fhe goes to his parents, and
fays to him, “ Pomagac-bog” (be you blefled of God).
She then fits down, and addreffing herfelf to the object
of her affedion, makes her declaration of love in the
following terms: “ Ivan, ( Theodore or whatever elle
may be his name) the goodnefs I fee written in your
countenance, is a fufficient ailurance to me, that you are
capable of ruling and loving a wife ; and your excellent
qualities encourage me to hope, that you will make a
good gofpodar (hulband or mailer.). It is in this belief,
that I have taken the refolution to come and beg you,
with all due humility, to accept me for your fpoufe.”
She afterwards addrefles the father and mother in words
to the fame effed } and folicits them earneftly to con fen t
to the marriage. If flie meets with a refufal, or apo¬
logy, flie anfwers, that fhe will not quit the houfe, till
fhe (hall have married the objed of her love.” Some¬
times the parents perfift in their refufal ; but if the girl
be obftinate, and have patience to flay a few days or
weeks in the houfe, they are not only forced to give
their confent, but frequently to perfuade their fon to
marry her. Befides, the young man is generally moved
by her perfeverance and affedion, and gradually accuf
toms himfelf to the idea of making her his wife ; fo that
the young female peafants of the Ukraine feldom fail of
being provided with a hufband to their mind, if they do
but poffefs a tolerable Ibare of conltancy. There is no
fear of their being obliged to leave the houfe of the
youth whom they prefer; the parents never think of em¬
ploying force, becaufe they believe, that by fo doing, they
fliould draw down the vengeance of heaven upon their
heads ; and to this confideration is added, the fear of
offending the girl’s family, who would not fail to refent
fuch behaviour as a grievous affront.
It fometimes happens, that the lord of a village in RniTii.
the Ukraine, gives the peafants a dance before his door,—y-'*—>
and joins in it himfelf, with his wives and children.
(Let it be obferved, that molt ol the villages in the
Ukraine are furrounded with thick woods, in which the
pealantry conceal themlelves in the fummer, when afraid
of a vifit from the Tartars). Although the peafants
are ferfs, they have pofl'effed from time immemorial, the
right of carrying off any young woman they like if ora
the dance, not excepting even the daughters of their
lords, provided they do it with fufficient dexterity 5 for
otherwife their lives pay the forfeit of their temerity.
On thefc occafions, they watch an opportunity of feizing
their prey, and hallen to conceal themfelves in the thick-
ell parts of the neighbouring woods. If they can find
means to ftay theiie 24 hours undilcovered, the rape re¬
mains unpuniihed, and they are at liberty to marry the
young woman, provided flie conlents, but if taken be¬
fore that time expires, they are beheaded without farther
ceremony.
On Ealier Monday, early in the morning, the young
men affemble in the ilreets, lay hold of all the young
girls they meet with, and pour five or fix buckets of
water on their heads. This fport is not permitted later
than 12 o’clock. The day after, the girls take their
revenge 5 but as they are inferior in {Length, they are
forced to have recourfe to ftratagem. They hide them¬
felves five or fix in a houfe, with each a jug of water in her
hand, a little girl Handing fentry, and giving the fignal,
when flie fees a young man approach. In an infhmt
the others ruffi out 5 lurround him with loud acclama¬
tions •, two or three of the HrongeH lay hold on him j
the neighbouring detachments arrive, and the poor devil
is almolt drowned with the torrents oi water that are
poured upon his head.
The men have alfo another amufement on Eafler
Monday. They meet in the morning, and go in a
body to the lord of the manor, to whom they make a
prefent of fowls, and other poultry. The lord, in re¬
turn, knocks cut the head of a cafk of brandy, places it
in the court-yard, and ranges the peafants around. lie
then takes a large ladle, fills it, and drinks to the eld-
eft of the company, who pledges him •, and thus it paffes
from hand to hand, and from mouth to mouth, till the
cafk is empty. If this happens at an early hour, the
lord fends for another, which is treated in the fame way 5
for he is bound to entertain the peafants till funfet. But
as foon as the fun finks beneath the horizon, the fignal
or retreat is given 5 and thofe who are able walk away. * Monthly
The refi pafs the night in the open air •, and in this Magazine,
manner, fbme have been known to fleep for upwards of'0'-11'' P-
24 hours*. _ 44lj„
We have already given a general account of the Kri-Tartars of
mea and its inhabitants. See Crimea (o). We fhalltheKrimea.
here
(o) The iflhmus by which the peninfula of the Krimea is connefiled with the main land, is commanded by a
fort refs called by the Ruffians Perekop, i. e. an entrenchment of the ifihmus, and by the Tartars, Or-Kapi, the
gate of the fortification. As this fortrefs has been mentioned only in a curiqry manner, in our article Crr-
>iea *, and as. from its commanding the entrance into the Krimea from the main land, it is a place of great im¬
portance, we fliall here give feme account of it from the travels of Profeffor Pallas.
The onlv entrance into the Krimea by land is over a bridge, and through an arched Hone gate? both ere&ed at
the fide of the fortrefs. Contiguous to the gate, in an eafiern direction, and within the precinfls of the foffe, is the
fortrefs of Perekop. This is a model of irregular fortification, which, together with the walls of the deep ditch,
is
r u s [ 421 ] n u s
RufTi?. here add fome inlerefting particulars rcjfpceling tire K:i-
mean Tartars, from Profeffor Pallas.
The Kvimea is inhabited by three dalles of Tartars.
The hr it of thefe are called Nagays, and are a remnant
of that numerous horde which was lately diltingu’lhed
by the name of Kubanian Tartars, as they formerly oc¬
cupied the didrift or Kuban, to the eait oi the fea of
Azof. Thefe Nagays, like their kinfmen in the neigh¬
bourhood cf Mount Caucalus, live in fmall huts con-
itrudted of felt, the largeft of which are from 4 to 54
archines in diameter, and cannot be taken to pieces, but
are placed by two men on carriages, and thus removed
from one place to another. They have a vent hole for
an outlet to the fmoke j and to this is applied a cover
with a handle, from which a line is lufpended, for the
purpofe of occalionally doling and opening the aperture.
Mats of reeds and wooden work, much withered and
fmoked, are employed to line the {ides of the huts; for
as thefe tribes are deifitute of timber, they are obliged
to purchafe it from Taurida at a conliderable expence.
The drefs of the men conlids of iheep fkins, and a
ccarfe kind of doth, with Imall round caps, made of
lamb ikins, and reaching no lower than the ears. The
women are drelTed in clofe veils, over which is worn a
loofe flowing gown with hanging fleeves. The girls ge¬
nerally wear Circadian caps, and married women have
' their heads covered witlj a veil. To their {hoes are
fometimes attached crofs pieces, fo as to raife them
confrderably from the ground.
v In conformity with the ufage of all Alia tic nations, a
ka/im or marriage portion, confiding, among the opu- RidT™.
lent, of 40 mares, two horfes completely caparifoned, ,v^*
a fuit of armour, a gun, and a fabre, is delivered up to
the father of the bride on the celebration of the nup¬
tials. The language of the Nagays is laid to vary in
many refpeds from that fpoken in Taurida, which lat¬
ter is a Turkith dialed. Thefe peopie pofiefs more ac¬
tivity and vivacity than the inhabitants of Taurida,
but they are alio more rapacious and ungovernable, and
retain a llfong prediledion for a wandering life. In
fummer they travel with their flocks along the banks of
the rivulets, where they fow wheat and millet in re¬
mote places, and negled all further cultivation till the
time of haiveft. On the return of winter they again
approach the fea of Azof, near which they find grafs
preferved for forage, and perhaps a remaining fupply of
that hay which they had formerly made in the valleys.
The features of thefe people {how them to be the un¬
mixed defeendants of the Mongolian Tartars, who form¬
ed the bulk of the army of Tfchinghis-khan, which in¬
vaded lluflia and the Krimea.
The fecond clafs of the Krimean inhabitants confids
of thofe Tartars who inhabit the heaths or deppes, as
far as the mountains, efpecially on the north fide, and
who in the didrid of Perekop, where they are dill un¬
mixed, retain many traces of the Mongolian counte¬
nance, with a thinly fcattered beard. They devote
themfelves to the rearing of cattle, to a greater extent
than the mountaineers, but are at the fame time huf-
bandmen, though they pay no attention to gardening.
is condruded entirely of free done. It forms an oblong fquare, extending along the trench which terminates the
line of defence. On the fide adjoining this line there are no outworks j but on the other three fides the fort is
drengthened by an additional deep foffe, the whole amounting to 158 fathoms in length, and 85 in breadth, com¬
puting from the foffe of the line. At the north-wedern angle there is a pentagonal badion, ferving as an out¬
work ; another of a hexagonal form on the fouth-wed, and a third with two angles at the fouth-ead •, but at the
north-eadern angle the hexagonal badion is farther extended into the foffe, fo as to cover a narrow pailage leading
to a deep and excellent fpring, that rifes between this ditch and the interior fortification. The chief entrance into
tile fortrefs is near the fouthern curtain, on the fide of which a projecting demibadion has been erected j but ano¬
ther outlet has be in contrived at the eadern extremity.
The houfes of the fuburbs of Perekop were formerly difperfed in a very irregular manner on the fouthern fide of
the fortrefs, but they are at prefect fituaved at a didance of three verds wdthin the country. In the vicinily of the
gate, however, there are only a few houfes, partly within and partly without the line, inhabited by Ruffian odicers
appointed at the fait magazine, or by thofe belonging to the garrifon. Since the year I797> gari‘iffin oi Pe¬
rekop has been confiderably increafed.
Although the Krimea is at prefent united to Ruffia, Perekop will, on many accounts, always remain a pod of
the greated confequence ; in fome refpeCts to Ruffia, and in others to the Krimea. If, for indance, the plague
diould ever fpread its baneful influence into Krim-Tartary j an event which the conflant trade carried on with Con-
dantinople and Anatolia, may eafily produce } or, if feditious commotions ffiould arife among the Tartars, whofe
loyalty is dill doubtful j in thefe cafes Perekop would effectually fecure the empire, by clolely {hutting the barrier.
On the other hand, this fort'refs not only renders every attempt at defertions from the Krimea into Ruffia very dit-
ficult ^ but if, in future, the project of opening free ports diould be realized, and thus the important commerce from
the Black fea to the Mediterranean and to Anatolia, be vigoroudy promoted, Perekop would then afford the mod
convenient fituation for a cudom houfe. Farther, if the bed ports of the Krimea were appointed, in the fame man¬
ner as thofe of Toulon and Marfeilles have been feleCted for all the fouthern parts of France, in order to edabliffi
places of quarantine for all fnips navigating the Black fea and that ©f Azof, fo that all veffels dedined for Ta-
ganrok, Kherfon, and Odeffa, fhould be obliged to perform a certain quarantine at Sevadopql, Theodofia, and
Kertfk, as has already been twice propofed ; the important pafs of Perekop would for ever fecure the open and
more populous provinces of the interior parts of the empire from that terrible fcourge, the plague. Thus, all danger
might be obviated, not only from the fea of Azof, the coads of which are in every direction expofed to the con¬
tagion, fo that they can with difficulty be protefted •, but alfo from the ports of Kherfon, Nikolaef, and Odeffi.
At the fame time, the expence of maintaining various places for quarantines might be greatly reduced, and com¬
plete inditutions of this nature be fpeedily edablidied. See PaHas's Travels, vol. ii. p. 5.
R U S [ 422 T R tJ S
RuHi*. In fituations deftitute of ftone, they build with unba-
Y™«u^ bricks of clay, and make ufe of dry dung as fuel.
Of this they prepare large quantities, and pile it up into
Hacks like peat or turf, to ferve them during winter.
Nearer to the mountains, thele Tartars, as well as the
nooles, are more intermixed with the Turkilh race, and
exhibit few of the Kalmuk Mongolian features. This
is particularly the ca'e with the Krimean nobility, in
whom thefe peculiarities of feature are almoft entirely
obliterated. See Pallas’s Travels, Vol. II. Plate
21.
The third clafs of Krimean Tartars comprehends the
inhabitants of the fouthern valleys, a mixed race, which
feems to have originated from the remnants of various
nations crowded together in thefe regions at the con-
queft of the Krimea by the armies of the Mongolian
leaders. Thefe people generally difplay a very lingular
countenance, having a ftronger beard, but lighter hair,
than the other Tartars, by whom they are not conli-
dered as true defcendants of the Tartar race, but are
diflinguifhed by the contemptuous name of Tat (or re¬
negade). By their coftume they are remarkably di-
ftinguilhed from the fecond clafs, or heath Tartars j the
men among thefe latter wearing outer garments very
like the loofe coats or jackets worn by the European
peafants, with round clofe daps •, while the Tartars of
the valleys wear the ufaal eaftern drefs, with turbans.
The drefs and veils of the women are, however, alike
in both claffes. See Pallas’s Travels, Vol. II. Plates
12, 20, and 22. Their houfes or huts are partly
under ground, being generally conflrudled againft the
fteep precipices of mountains, with one half excavated
from the earth or rock, and only the front raifed with
rough Hones. They have alfo a flat roof covered with
earth.
There are among thefe people fkilful vinedreflers and
gardeners, but they are too indolent to undertake new
plantations, and avail themfelves only of thofe trees
which have been left by their predecefibrs. They alfo
cultivate flax and tobacco ; objefts of culture which are
unknown to the Tartar's of the heaths.
In the coHume of the Tartars inhabiting the plains,
there is fome variety. Young perfons, efpecially thofe
of noble or wealthy families, drefs nearly in the Circaf-
fian, Polilh, or Kozak fafhion, with fliort or flit lleeves
in the upper garment. The nobility of more advanced
age wear unllit fleeves like the common Tartars •, and
old men fuffer the whole beard to grow, w’hereas the
young and middle-aged wear only whilkers. Their legs
and feet are dreffed, in half-boots of Morocco or
other leather, or they ufe Hockings of the fame mate¬
rial, efpecially in the towns; and over thefe are worn
flippers or clogs, and in dirty weather, a fort of Hilt
ftioes, like thofe deferibed in the drefs of the Nagays,
Their heads are either entirely flnaved, or have the hair
cut very Ihort, and they wear a high cap, generally
green, edged with black or gray lamb fkin, and quilted
at the top with cotton. This cap is never moved by
way of compliment. Thofe who have performed their
pilgrimage to Mecca, are diflinguiflied by a white hand¬
kerchief round the edge of the cap, this being the mafk
of a hadjhi or pilgrim.
The phyfiognomy of the true Tauridan Tartars bears
a great refemblance to that of the Tuiks, and of moH
Europeans. There are handfome, tall, robuH people
I
among them, and few are inclined to corpulency ; their
complexion is rather fair, and their h&ir black or dark
brown.
1 he drefs of the Tartar women of thefe two latter
claffes is very different from that of the Nagays. They
are in general of low ftature, owing probably to the
Hate of confinement in which they are kept during the
' early part of their lives, though their features are tole¬
rably har.dfome. Young women wear wide drawers, a
Haft reaching to their ancles, open before, and drawn
together at the neck ; a gown of flriped fflk, with long
fleeves, and adorned with broad trimmings embroidered
with gold. They have aifo an upper garment of fome
appropriate colour, with fliort thick Turkifh fleeves
edged with gold lace, ermine, or other fur. Both girls
and married women fallen their gowns with a heavy
girdle, having in front two large buckles of emboffed
or filligree work, fuch as were formerly in fafhion
among the Ruffian ladies at St Peterfburgh and Mofco.
Their hair is braided behind into feveral loofe Ireffes,
and the head is covered, either with a fmall red cap, or
with a handkerchief croffed below the chin. Their
fingers are adorned with rings, and their nails tinged of
a reddilh-brown colour, with a dye fluff called kna (de¬
rived from the laufotiia) imported from Confiantinople
for that purpofe. Paint is rarely employed by young
women.
Married women cut off their hair obliquely over their
eyes, and leave two locks alfo cut tranfverfely, hanging
down their cheeks; they likewife bind a long narrow
ffrip of cloth round the head, within the ends of which
they confine the reft of the hair, and turn it up from
behind, braiding it in two large treffes. Like the Per-
fians, they dye their hair of a reddifh brown with kna.
Their under garment is more open below, but in other
refpedls fnnilar to that of the unmarried women, as are
their upper drefs and girdle. They paint their faces
red with cochineal, and by way of white paint, they
ufe an oxide of tin, carefully prepared in fmall earthen
pipkins over a dung fire. They alfo dye the white of
the eye blue, with a preparation of copper finely pulve-
rifed ; and by a particular procefs they change the co¬
lour of their hair and eyebrows to a fliining black,
which is retained for feveral months. At weddings, or
on other folemn occafions, the wealthy females further
ornament their faces with flowers of gold leaf, colour
their hands and feet, as far as the wrifts and ancles, of
an orange hue, and deftroy all the hairs on the body
with a mixture of orpiment and lime.
Both married and Angle w'omen wear yellow half¬
boots or Hookings of Morocco leather ; and for walk¬
ing they ufe red flippers with thick foies, and in dirty
weather put on ftilt fhoes. Abroad, they wear a kind
of undrefs gown of a loofe texture, manufa&ured by
themfelves of white wool ; wrap feveral coloured Tur¬
key or white cotton handkerchiefs round their heads,
and tie them below the chin ; and over all they throw
a white linen cloth reaching half way down the arms,
drawing it over the face with their right hand, fo that
their black eyes alone are vifible. They avoid as much
as poflible the company of men, and when they acciden¬
tally meet a man in the ftreet, they avert their face, or
turn towards the wall.
Polygamy rarely occurs, even among the nobles, and
more wealthy inhabitants ©f the towns, yet there are
fome
R
R U S; [, 423 ],
RuSia. famfi perfons m the villages, vvlio ejicpmber tliemfslves cumbers, quinces, o,r.apples
j with two wives. Male and female Haves are not com¬
mon in this country \ but the nobility 1'upport numerous
idle attendants, and thus impoyerKh their eibates ; while
their chief pride confills in rich and beautiful apparel
for themfelves and their wives, and in handfome equi¬
pages for riding to town, being, accompanied by a train of
domeifics, who follow them on every excurfion, though
the chief employment o"
f the latter is that of giving
their matter his pipe, at his demand, Handing in his
prefence, or aflltting him to drefs, and, in all other re-
fpefts, living in the fame indolent manner as.their lords.
Another fource of expence, is the purchafe of elegant
fwords, and efpecially of excellent blades j" the diitinc-
tion between the different forts of which, together with
their names, conttitute among the nobles a complete
fcience. They are alfo great admirers of beautiful and
eoftly tobacco pipes, together with expenfive mouth¬
pieces of milk-white amber, that are likewife ufed by
the Turks, and ot tubes of curious woods •, but the hal-
lian, or the pride of the Perfians, is fcarcely known
here } and the Tartars employ only fmaii ornamental
bowls made of clay, which are almoft every moment
filled with fine-cut leaf-tobacco. The generality of
thefe noble lords, or Murfes, were fo ignorant, that.they
could neither read nor write *, and inftead of figning
their names, they fubttituted an imprettion of their rings,
on which a few Turkifh words are engraven. Some of
the young nobility, how'ever, are beginning to ttudy not
only the Ruffian language, of which they perceive the
neceflity ; but alfo apply themfelves more feduloufly to
reading and writing, and thus become more civilized.
The expence of wearing apparel for the women fhut up
in their harems is, according to their manner and for¬
tune, little inferior to that of Europeans •, with this
fingle difference, that the faffiions among the former are
not liable to change. Even the wives of the common
Tartars are fometimes dreffed in filks and Ruffs, em¬
broidered with gold, which are imported from Turkey.
In confequence of fuch extravagance, and the extreme
idlenefs of the labouring claffes, there are very few
wealthy individuals among the Tartars. Credulity and
inactivity are the principal traits in the Tartar charac¬
ter. To fit with a pipe in their hands, frequently
without fmoking, for many hours, on a fhady bank, or
on a hill, though totally devoid of all tafte for the
beauties of nature, and looking ftraight before them *,
or, if at work, to make long paufes, and above all to do
nothing, conftitute their fupreme enjoyments ; for this
mode of life, a foundation is probably laid by educating
their boys in the harems. Hunting alone occattonally
excites a temporary aClivity in the P.I-urfes, wffio pur-
fue their prey with the large fpecies of greyhound,
very common in the Krimea ; or with falcons and
hawks.
1 he language and mode of writing of the real Tar¬
tars differ little from thofe of the Turks ; but the lan¬
guage of the Nagays deviates confiderably Rom that of
the other Tartars, as they have retained numerous Mon¬
golian phrafes, and make ufe of an ancient mode of
writing called [hagaltai.
The food of the Krimean Tartars is rather artificial
for fo unpolifhed a nation. Among the moft efteemed
delicacies are, forced meat-balls wrapped in green vine
«u foriel leaves, and called farma ; various fruits, as cu¬
ll s
. . ,, , . , filled with minced. meat, RhSfcf*
dolma i fluffed cucumbers ; diffies of melons, badiljhany
and hibifcus efcu/entus, or bamja, prepared in various
ways with ipices or iaffron ; all of .which are ferved up
with rice j alfoor,rice, boiled in meat-broth, till,
it becomes dry } fat mutton and lamb, both boiled and
roafted, Sec.: colt’s.fietti is likewife cpnfidered as a dain¬
ty ; and horfe fleffi is more commonly eaten by the. Na-
gays, who are Hill attached to their ancicn.t cuftom.
The Tartars rarely kill horned cattle: mutton and.
goat’s flefh conttitute the lood of the common people,
elpecially in the country, together with preparations of
milk and eggs 5 butter, (which they churn and preferve
in the dry llomachs of oxen) 5 a kind of pelaw, made
either of dried or bruifed unripe wheat, and which they
c?D\.bulgur; and, laftly, their bread is generally com-
pofed ot mixed grain. Their ordinary beverage, is made
by triturating and diffolving cheele in water ; the for¬
mer ot which is called yafina, being prepared from coa¬
gulated milk, or yuguri; but the fattuonable intoxicat¬
ing drink is an ill-tatted and very ftrong beer, ox bufti,
brewed of ground millet. Many perfons alio drink a
fpirituous liquor, avrakiy which the Tartar mountaineers
diftil from various kinds of fruit, particularly plums. It
is alfo extra&ed from floes, dogberries, elder-berries,
and wild-grapes, but never from the common cherry.
1 hey likewife boil the exprefled juice of apples and
pears into a kind of marmalade, bekmefs, of the con-
fiftence of a fyrup, or that of grapes into nardenk, as
it is called ; the latter preparation is a favourite deli¬
cacy, and eagerly purchafed by the Tartars of the
fteppes; hence great quantities of it are imported m
deal calks from Anatolia, at a very cheap rate, for the
purpofe of converting it into brandy.
In confequence of their temperate, Ample, and care-
lefs habits, the warm clothing which they wear through¬
out the furnmer, and the little fatigue which they un-
dergo, the Tartars are liable to few difeafes, and, in par¬
ticular, are generally exempted from the intermittent and
bilious remittent fevers which commonly prove fo fatal
to foreigners and new fettlers in the Krimea. Indeed,
few diforders, except the itch and rheumatifm, prevail
among them, and many of them attain to a vigorous
old age. The true leprofy, which is by the Ural Ko¬
zaks termed the Krimean difeafe, never Occurs in this
peninfula *. Travel^
As a miftrefs-market mutt be a curious fubjeft to the^ ' 23s’
polilhed nations of Europe, we ihall give a fpecimen Market fop
of the manner in which it is carried on at Theodolia, inCirraffian
the words of Mr Keelman, a German merchant, as re- l!a,ves,atr
lated by Mrs Guthrie. “ The fair Circaffians,” fays ‘CC)Ufclja*
Mr Keelman, “ of whom three were offered me for fale
in. 1768, were brought from their own chamber into
mine (as we all lodged in the fame inn), one after ano¬
ther, by the Armenian merchant who had to difpofe of
them. The firft was very well dreffed, and had her
face covered in the oriental ttyle. She kitted my hand
by order of the. matter, and then walked backward and
forward in the room, to ffiew me her fine lhape, her
pretty (mail foot, and her elegant carriage. She next
lifted up her veil, and abfolutely furprifed me by her
extreme beauty. Her hair was. fair, with fine large
blue eyes, her nofe a little aquiline, with pouting red
lips. Her features were regular, her complexion fair
and delicate, and her cheeks covered with a fine natu¬
ral
R U S [ 42
ral vermilion, of which fhe took care to convince me
by rubbing them hard with a cloth. Her neck I
thought a little too long: but, to make amends, the
fined bolom and teeth in the world let off the other
charms of this beautiful Have, for whom the Armenian
alked 4000 Turkifh piaftres (about 800I. (terling),
but permitted me to feel her pulle, to convince me Ihe
was in perfect health ; after w hich fire was ordered aw'ay,
when the merchant affined me, that Ihe was a pure vir¬
gin of 18 years of age.
“ I was more furprifed than I ought to have been,
at the perfect indifference with which the inhabitants of
Theodofia beheld this traffic in beauty, that had fhock-
ed me fo much, and at their affuring me, when I feemed
affedled at the prafticc, that it was the only method
which parents had of bettering the ftate of their hatid-
fome daughters, deJUned at all events to the haram ; for
that the rich Afiatic gentleman who pays 4000 piaflres
for a beautiful miftreis, treats and prizes her as an earth¬
ly houri, in perfect ccnvi&ion that his fuccefs with the
houris of Paradile entirely depends on his behaviour to
the filterhood on earth, who will bear tertimony againft
him in cafe of ill ufage j in ffiort, that, by being difpo-
fed of to rich muffulmans, they wrere lure to live in af¬
fluence and cafe the reft of their days, and in a ftate by
no means degrading in Mahometan countries, where
their prophet has permitted the feraglio. But that, on
the contrary, if they fell into the hands of their owm
feudal lords, the barbarous inhabitants of their owm na¬
tive mountains, which it is very d:fficult for beauty to
efcape, their lot was comparatively wretched, as thofe
rude chieftans have Very little of either refpett or gene-
rofity towards the fair fex
RUST, the calx or oxide of a metal, iron, for inftance,
formed by expofure to the air, or by corroding and diffolv-
ing its fuperficial parts by fome menftruum. Water is the
great inftrument or agent in producing ruft : and hence
oils, and other fatty bodies, fecure metals from ruft ;
wrater being no menftruum for oil, and therefore not
able to make its w'ay through it. Almoft all metals
are liable to ruft. The ruft of iron is not merely an
oxide of that metal j it contains befides a portion of car¬
bonate.
RUSTIC, in ArchiteBurc, implies a manner of
building in imitation of nature, rather than according to
the rules of art. See Architecture.
Ru&TIC Gods, dn ruftict, in antiquity, wTere the gods
of the country, or thofe who prefided over agriculture,
&c. Varro invokes the \z dii confentes, as the princi¬
pal among the ruftic gods-, viz. Jupiter, Tellus, the
Sun, Moon, Ceres, Bacchus, Rubigus, Flora, Miner¬
va, Venus, Lympha, and Good Luck. Befides thefe
12 arch-ruftic gods, there were an infinity of lefler ones ;
as Pales, Vertumnus, Tutelina, Fulgor, Sterculius,
Mellona, Jugatinus, Collinus, Vallonia, Terminus, Syl-
vanus, and Priapus. Struvius adds the Satyrs, Fauns,
Sileni, Nymphs, and even Tritonsand gives the em¬
pire over all the ruftic gods to the god Pan.
RUSTIC Order, that decorated with ruftic quoins, ruf¬
tic work, &c.
Rustic Work, is where the ftones in the face, &c. of
a_ building, in (lead of being fmooth, are hatched, or
picked with the point of a hammer.
RUSi RE, in Heraldry, a bearing of a diamond fliape,
4 ] RUT
pierced through in the middle with a round hole. See Hut
Heraldry. j|
RUT, in hunting, the venery or copulation of deer. Rutli
RUT A, RUE a genus of plants belonging to the de- . gltl
candria clals ; and in the natural method ranking under
the 26ih order, Multifiliquce. See Botany Index.
Rue has a ftrong ungrateful finell, and a bitterifli pe¬
netrating tafte : the leaves, when full of vigour, are ex¬
tremely acrid, infomuch as to inflame and blifter tUt- Ikin,
if much handled. With regard to their medicinal vir¬
tues, they are powerfully ftimulating, attenuating, and
detergent j and hence, in cold phlegmatic habits, they
quicken the circulation, diffolve tenacious juices, open
obftruftions of the excretory glands, and promote the
fluid fecretions. The writers on the materia medica in
general have entertained a very high opinion of the vir¬
tues of this plant. Boerhaave is full of its praifes ; par¬
ticularly of the effential oil, and the diftilled water co-
hobated or re-diftilled feveral times from freffi parcels of
the herb. After extravagantly commending other wa¬
ters prepared in this manner, he adds, with regard to
that of rue, that the greateft commendations he can be-
ftow upon it fall ftiort of its merit : “ What medicine
(fays he) can be more efficacious for promoting fweat
and perfpiration, for the cure of the hyfteric paflion and
of epilepfies, and for expelling poifon ?” Whatever fer-
vice rue may be of in the two laft cafes, it undoubtedly
has its ufe in the others : the cohobated water, however,
is not the moft efficacious preparation of it. An ex-
tradt made by redlified fpirit contains in a final] com-
pafs the whole virtues of the rue 5 this menftruum tak¬
ing up by infufion all the pungency and flavour of the
plant, and elevating nothing in diliillation. With wa¬
ter, its peculiar flavour and warmth arife the bitter-
nefs, and a confiderable lhare of the pungency, remain¬
ing behind.
Ruta Baga, or Swedifh turnip. For the mode of
cultivation, fee Agriculture Index.
Book of RU TH, a canonical book of the Old Te-
ftament; being a kind of appendix to the book of
Judges, and an introdudtion to thofe of Samuel; and
having its title from the perfon whofe ftory is here prin¬
cipally related. In this ftory are obfervable the ancient
rights of krndred and redemption ; and the manner of
buying the inheritance of the deceafed, with other par¬
ticulars of great note and antiquity. The canonicalnefs
of this book was never difputed but the learned are
not agreed about the epocha of the hiftory it relates.
Ruth the Moabitefs is found in the genealogy of our Sa¬
viour. Matth. i. 5.
RUT1LUS. See Cyprinus, Ichthyology Index.
RUIHERGLEN, or by contradlion Ruglen, the
head borough of the nether ward of Lanarkfhire in Scot¬
land, is fituated in N. Lat. 550 51', and W. Long.
40 13' 5 about two miles fouth-eaft of Glafgow, and
nine weft of Hamilton. Few' towns in Scotland can lay
greater claim to antiquity than Rutherglen. Maitland,
in his Hiftory of the Antiquities of Scotland, vol. i. p. 92.
tells us, that it w'as founded by a King Reutber, from
W'hom it derived its name ; and a tradition of the fame
import prevails among the inhabitants. But without
laying any ftrefs on the authority of tradition, which is
often falie and alwTays doubtful, we find, from feveral
original charters ftill preferred, that it was erefted into
RUT
Rutlter-
glen.
a royal borough by King David I. about the year
1126.
The territory under the jurifdiaion of the borough
was ex ten five, and the inhabitants enjoyed many ditlin-
guiihed privileges, which were however gradually wreft-
ed from them, by political influence, in favour of Ginf-
gow, which in latter times rofe into confequence by
trade and manufabtures. The ancient dimenfions of the
place are now unknown •, but in the fields and gardens
towards the call the.foundations of houfes are occafiou-
ally difcovered. It is now' of a very reduced fize, con¬
fiding but of one principal dreet and a few lanes, and
containing about 1631 inhabitants.
^ About 150 yards to the fouth of the main ftreet is
a kind of lane, known by the name of Dint-dykes. A
circumflance which befel the unfortunate Queen Marv,
immediately after her forces u'ere routed at the battle*
of Langfide, has ever fince continued to chara&erife
this place wdth an indelible mark of opprobrium. Her
tnajefly, during the battle, Hood on a rifing ground
aoout a mile from Rutherglen. She no fooner law her
army defeated than (he took her precipitate flight to the
fouth. Dins-dykes unfortunately lay in her way. Two
rudics, who were at that inftant cutting grafs hard bv,
feeing her majefty fleeing in hade, rudely attempted to
intercept her, and threatened to cut her in pieces with
their fcythes if the prefumed to proceed a ftep further.
Neither beauty, nor even royalty itfelf, can at all times
fecure the unfortunate when they have to do wdth the
unfeeling or the revengeful. Relief, however, was at
hand ; and her majefly proceeded in her flight.
Adjoining to a lane called the Back-row flood the
caftle of Rutherglen, originally built at a period coeval,
it is reported, with the foundation of the toum. This*
ancient fortrefs underwent feveral (leges during the un¬
happy wars in the days of King Robert Bruce, and it
remained a place of ftrength until the battle of Lang¬
fide ; food after which it was deftroycd by order of the
regent, to revenge himfelf on the Hamilton family, in
whofe cuftody it then w'as. The foundations of’the
buddings are now erafed, and the fite converted into
dwelling-houfes and gardens.
The church of Rutherglen, an ancient building of the
Saxon-Gothic ftyle, was rendered famous by two tranf-
abiions, in wddch the fate of Sir William Wallace and
his country was deeply concerned. In it a truce was
concluded between Scotland and England in the year
1297 (Henry’s Life of Wallace, book vi. verfe 862.),
and in it Sir John Monteath bargained with the Englifh
to betray Wallace his friend and companion (Life of
y> allace, book xi. verfe 79^-)' This ancient building,
having become incommodious, was, in 1794, pulled’
uowii, and one of a modern ftyle was erebied in its place.
Lulled in the area were found vaft: quantities of human
bones, and (ome relics of antiquity.
No borough probably in Britain poffeffes a political
conftitution or felt more free and unembarraffed than Ru¬
therglen. It w7as anciently under the influence of a felf-
ele&ed magiftracy, many of whom lived at a diftance
from the borough, and who continued long in office
without interruption. Negligence on the one hand, and
an undue exertion of power on the other, at length ex¬
cited the burgeffes, about the middle of the lad century
to apply an effebtual remedy to this evil. The commu¬
nity who, at that period, pcffeffed the power of reform
V-ol. XVIII. Part II.
C 425 I
R U Y
ing the abuies that had long prevailed in the manarre-
meat of the borough, were much aflifted in their exer-
tions by a Mr David Spens, town-clerk, a gentleman
unbiafled by falle politics, and who was animated with
a high degree of true patriotifm. Great oppofition was
at firlf made to the reform ; but the plan adopted by the
urgenes was .wifely laid, and wTas profecuted with unre-
mittmg aftiduity. They u7ere proof againft the influence
and bribery of a party that itruggled to continue the old
practice ; and having at length furmounted every diffi¬
culty, they formed a new conftitution or fett for the bo¬
rough, which, in 1671, was approved of by all the in¬
habitants of the town, and afterwards inferted in the re¬
cords of the general convention of the royal boroughs of
Scotland. °
Rutherglen, in conjunction with Glafgow, Renfrew,
and Dumbarton, fends a member to the Britifli parlia¬
ment. 1 he fairs of this town are generally well attend¬
ed, and have long been famous for a great (how of horfes,
of the Lanarkfture breed, which are efteemed the beft
draught-horfes in Britain. The inhabitants of this bo¬
rough (till retain fome cuftoms of a very remote anti¬
quity. One of tnefe is the making of Butherglen Jour
cakes. The operation is attended with fome^ peculiar
ntes, which lead us to conclude that the practice is of
I agan origin. An account of thefe rites is given in
Ure’s Hiftory of Rutherglen and Kilbride, p. 94.- from
whence, w'e have taken the above account of this place
and.which we do. not hefitate to recommend to the at¬
tention of fuch of our readers as are fond of natural and
local hiftory, being perfuaded that they will find it to
be both an ufeful and entertaining performance.
RUILANDSH1RE, is the fmalleft county in Eng-
and, being but 40 miles in circumference 5 in which
are two towns, 48 parifhes, 3263 houfes, and 16,3 c6
inhabitants. However, for quality it may be compared
with any other county ; the air being good, and the
oil fertile both for tillage and paftures 5 and it not only
affords plenty of corn, but feeds a great number of
horned cattle and (beep. It is well watered wbh
brooks and rivulets 5 and the principal rivers are the
Weland and the Wa(h. It is bounded on the eaft by
Lincolnflnre; on the fouth by the river Weland, which
parts it from Northamptonfliire ; and on the weft and
north by Leicefterfhire. It has only two market-towns:
namely, Okeham, where the aflizes and feflions are
held, and Uppingham.
RUYSCH, Frkderic, one of the moft eminent ana-
tomifts of which Holland can boaft, was born at the
lague in 1638. After making great progrefs at home,
lie repaired to Leyden, and there profecuted the fludy
of anatomy and botany. He ftudied next at Franeker
where he obtained the degree of dodlor of pbyfic. He
tien returned to the Hague; and marrying in 1661,
dedicated his whole time to the ftudy of his profefliort
ln 1665 he publifhed a treatife, entitled Dilucidatio val¬
vular um de varus' lymphatic!s et 1 acids; which raifed
his reputation fo high, that he was chofen profelfor of
anatomy at Amfterdam. This honour he accepted with
the more pleafure, becaufe his fituation at Amfterdam
would give him eafy accefs to every requifite help for
cultivating anatomy and natural hiftorv. After ha fet¬
tled m Amfterdam, he was perpetually engaged in dif-
iecting and in examining with the moft inquifitive eve
the various parts of the human body. He improved the
3 K fcience
R U Y
[ 426 J
RYE
fcience of anatomy by new difcoveries j in particular, be
found out a way 10 preferve dead bodies many years
from put refaction, ibis anatomical collection was cun-
ous and valuable. He bad a fenes of foetutes ot asl
fizes, from the length of the little finger to that of a
new-born infant. He had alfo bodies of full grown per-
fons of all ages, and a vaft number of animals almoft of
every fpecies on the globe, befidcs a great many other
natural curiofities. Peter the Great of Ruflia, in his
tour through Holland in the year 1698, vifited Ruyfch,
and was fo charmed with his converfation, that he pal¬
led whole days with him j and when the hour of depar¬
ture came, he left him with regret. He fet fo high a
value on Ruyfchls cabinet of curiofities, that when he
returned to Holland in 1717, he purchafed it for 30,000
florins, and fent it to Peterlburgh.
In 1685 he was made profetTdr of medicine, an office
which he difcharged with great ability. 1111728 he
got his thigh-bone broken by a fall in bis chamber.
The year before this misfortune happened he had been
deprived of his fon Henry, a youth of talents, and well
{killed in anatomy and botany. He had been created a
doftor of phyfic, and was fuppofed t© have alfilled his
father in his difcoveries and publications. Ruyfcb’s fa¬
mily now confified only of bis youngeft daughter. This
lady had been early infpired with a paffion for anatomy,
the favourite fcience of her father and brother, and had
jfiudied it with fuccefs. She was therefore well qualified
to a (lift her father in forming a fecond-collection of cu-
riofities in natural hillopy and anatomy, which he began
to make after the emperor of Rufiia had purchafed the
firfl. Ruyfch is faid to have been of fo healthy a con-
ftituticn, that though he lived to the age of 93, yet du-
j-inp that long period he did not labour under the infir¬
mities of difeafe above a month. From the time he
broke his thigh he was indeed difabled from walking
without a fupport j yet he retained his vigour both of
mind and body without any fenfible alteration, till in
17 31 his ftrength at once deferted him. He died on
the 22d of February the fame year. His anatomical
works are printed in 4 vols 4to.
The ftyle of his writings is fimple and concife, but
fometimes inaccurate. Inftruction, and not oftentation,
feems to be his only aim. In anatomy he undoubtedly
made many difcoveries •, but from not being fufficiently
converfant in the writings of other anatomifts, he pub-
lifiied as difcoveries what had been known before. The
Academy of Sciences at Paris in 1727 defied him a
member in place of Sir liaac Newton, who was lately
deceafed. He was alfo a member of the Royal Society
of London.
RUYSCHIA, a genus of the monogynia order, be¬
longing to the pentandria clafs of plants 5 and in the
natural method ranking with thofe that are doubtful.
See Botany Index.
RUYTER, Michael Adrian, a diftinguifiied na¬
val officer, was born at Fleffingue, a town of Zealand,
in 1607. Fie entered on a feafaring life when he was
only 1 1 years old, and was firft a cabin-boy. While he
advanced fucceffively to the rank of mate, mafter, and
captain, he acquitted himfelf with ability and honour in
all thefe employments. He repulfed the Irifh, who at¬
tempted to take Dublin out of the hands of the Eng-
lifh. He made eight voyages to the Weft Indies and
ten to Brazil. He was then promoted to the rank of
rear-admiral, and fent to afliil the Portuguefe againft
the Spaniards. When the enemy came in fight, he ad- ^
vanced boldly to meet them, and gave iuen unqueftion-
able proofs of valour as drew from the Portuguese mo¬
narch the warmeit applaule. His gallantry was iu!i
more confpicuous before Sale-:, a town ot Barbary. V . ith
one fingle veflel he failed through the roads of that place
in defiance of five Algerine coriairs who came to attack
him.
In 1653 a fquadron of 70 veflels was dftpatched
againft the Englifh under the command of Van liomp.
Ruyter, who accompanied the admiral in this expedi¬
tion, feconded him with great fktll and bravery in tne
three battles which the Englifh fo glorioufly won. ^ He
was afterwards ftationed in the Mediterranean, where
he captured feveral Turkifh vefiels. In 1659 !ie recei¬
ved a commiflxon to join the king of Denmark in his
rvar with the Sw7edes •, and he not only maintained his
former reputation, but even railed it higher. As^ the
reward of his fervices, the king of Denmark ennobled
him and gave him a penfion. In 1661 he run alnore a
veffel belonging to Tunis, releafed 4° Chriftian (laves,
made a treaty with the Tunifians, and reduced the Al¬
gerine corfairs to fubmiflion. His country, as a tefti-<
mony of her gratitude for luch illuftrious fervices, railed
him to the rank of vice-admiral and commander in chief.
To the latter dignity, the higheft that could be confer¬
red upon him, he wras ■well intitled by the fignal viclory
which he obtained over the combined fleets of France
and Spain. This battle wras fought in 1672 about the
time of the conqueft of Plolland. T he battle was main¬
tained between the Englifh and Dutch with the ob-
ftinate bravery of nations which were accuftomed to dh-
pute the empire of the main. Ruyter having thus made
himfelf mafter of the fea, conducted a fleet of Indiamen
fafely into the Texel •, thus defending and enriching nis
country, while it had become the prey of hoftile inva¬
ders. The next year he had three engagements with
the fleets of France and England, in which, ii pofiible,
his bravery was ftill more diftinguifiied than ever.
D’Eftrees the French vice-admiral wrote to Colbert in
thefe words : “ I would purchafe with my life the glory
of De Ruyter.” But he did not long enjoy the triumphs
which he had fo honourably won. In an engagement
with the French fleet off the coaft of Sicily, lie iou the
day, and received a mortal wround, which put an end
to his life in a few days. His corpfe was earned to Am-
fterdam, and a magnificent monument to his memory
was there eredted by the command of the ftates-generak
The Spanifh council bellowed on him the title of duke,
and tranfmitted a patent invefting him with that digni¬
ty j but he died before it arrived.
When fome perfon was congratulating Louis XIV.
upon De Ruyter’s death, telling him he had now got
rid of one dangerous enemy •, he replied, “ Every one
muft be forry at the death of fo great a man.”
RYE. See Secale, Botany and alfo A-
griculture Index.
R TE-Grafs. See Agriculture Index.
Rye, a town in Suffex, with two markets on Wed-
nefdays and Saturdays, but no fair. It is one of the
cinque-ports ; is a handfome well-built place, governed
by a mayor and jurats, and fends two members to par¬
liament. It has a church built with ftone, and a town-
hall J and confifts of three ftreets, paved with ftone.
One
Rujter,
Rye.
R Y M [ 427 ] R Y S
One fide of the town has been walled in, and the other
is guarded by the fea. It has two gates, and is a place
of confiderable trade in the ihipping way. From thence
large quantities of corn are exported, and many of the
inhabitants are fifhermen. It is 34 miles fouth-eaft by
fouth of Tunbridge, and 64 on the fame point from
London. The mouth of the harbour is of late choked
up with fand ; but if well opened, it would be a good
ft a lion for privateers that cruize againft the French.
E. Long. o. 50. N. Lat. 51-
RYMER, Thomas, Efq. the author of the Feeder a,
was born in the north of England, and educated at the
grammar-fchool of Northallerton. He was admitted a
fcholar at Cambridge, then became a member of Gray’s
Inn, and at length was appointed hiftoriographer to
King William in place of Mr Shadwell. He wrote A
View of the Tragedies of the laft Age, and afterwards
publifhed a tragedy named Edgar. For a critic he was
certainly not well qualified, for he wanted candour ;
nor is his judgement much to be relied on, who could
condemn Shakefpeare with fuch rigid feverity. His
tragedy will (how, that his talents for poetry were by
no means equal to thofe whofe poems he has publicly
cenfured. But though he has no title to the appellation
of poet or critic, as an antiquarian and hiftorian his me¬
mory wdll long be preferved. His Feedera, which is a
colleftion of all the public tranfa£tions, treaties, &c. of
the kings of England with foreign princes, is eileemed
one of our moft authentic and valuable records, and is
oftener referred to by the beft Englifh hiftorians than
perhaps any other book in the language. It rvas pub¬
lifhed at London in the beginning of the pi'efent century
in 17 volumes folio. Three volumes more were added
by Sanderfon after Rymer’s death. The whole were re¬
printed at the Hague in 10 vols in 1739. They were
abridged by Rapin in French, and inferted in Le Clerc’s
Bibliotheque, a tranflation of which was made by Ste¬
phen Whatley, and printed in 4 vols 8vo, 1731.
Rymer died 14th December 1713, and w^as buried Rkyricfiops
in the parilh church of St Clement’s Danes. Some II.
fpecimens of his poetry are preferved in the firft volume: ' A
of Mr Nichol’s Select Collection of Mifcellaneous Poems,
1780.
RYNCHOPS, a genus of birds belonging to the or¬
der of anferes. See Ornithology Index.
RYOTS, in the policy of Hindoftan, the modem
name by which the renters of land are diflinguifhed.
They hold their poffeffions by a leafe, wdiich may be
confidered as perpetual, and at a rate fixed by ancient
furveys and valuations. This arrangement has been fo
long eftablithed, and accords fo well w7ith the ideas of
the natives, concerning the diftinCtion of calls, and the
functions allotted to each, that it has been invariably
maintained in all the provinces fubjeCt either to Maho¬
metans or Europeans ; and to both it ferves as the bafis
on which their wdrole fyltem of finance is founded.
RefpeCting the precife mode, how’ever, in which the
ryots of Hindoftan held their poffeffions, there is much
diverfity of opinion j the chief of which are very impar¬
tially delineated in note iv. to the Appendix of Robert-
fon’s Hiftorical Difquifition, See. concerning India,
p. 345. to which we refer fuch of our readers as are in-
terelled in this fubjeCI of finance.
RYSWICK, a large village in Holland, feated be¬
tween the Hague and Delft, where the prince of O-
range has a palace, which ftands about a quarter of a
mile farther. It is a very noble ftru&ure, all of hewn
ftone, of great extent in front, but perhaps rrt propor-
tionably high. It is adorned with a marble ftaircafe,
marble floors, and a magnificent terrace. There is a
good profpeft of it from the canal between Delft and
the Hague. This place is remarkable for a treaty con¬
cluded here in 1697 between England, Germany, Hol¬
land, France, and Spain. E. Long. 4. 20. N. Lat.
52. 8.
S.
Sf, or s, the 18th letter and 14th confonant of our
, alphabet; the found of which is formed by driving
the breath through a narrow paffage between the pa¬
late and the tongue elevated near it, together with a
motion of the lower jaw and teeth towards the upper,
the lips being a little way open ; with fuch a configu¬
ration of every part of the mouth and larynx, as renders
the voice fomewhat fibilous and biffing. Its found,
however, varies •, being ftrong in fome words, as this,
thus, &c. and foft in words which have a final e, as
mufe, wife, &c. It is generally doubled at the end of
words, whereby they become hard and harffi, as in kifs,
lofs, &.c. In fome words it is filent, as ific, ijland, vif-
count, &c. In writing or printing, the long chara61er
f is generally ufed at the beginning and middle of
words, but the ffiort s at the end.
In abbreviation, S ftands for focietas or focius ; as,
R. S. S. for regies focieiatis focius, i. e. fellow of the
royal fociety. In medicinal preferiptions, S. A. figni-
fies fecundum artem, i. e. according to the rules of art:
And in the notes of the ancients, S ftands for Sextus ;
S. P. for Spurius; S. C. for fenatus confultum ; S.P.Q.R.
for fenatus popitlufque Romanus ; S. S. S. for Jlratum fu-
per Jlratum, i. e. one layer above another alternately j
S. V. B. E. E. Q. V. for Ji vales bene ejl, ego quoque va-
leo, a form ufed in Cicero’s time, in the beginning of
letters. Ufed as a numeral, S anciently denoted fever }
in the Italian mufic, S fignifies folo : And in books of
navigation, S ftands for fouth ; S. E. for fouth-eaft }
S. W. for fouth-weft } S. S. E. for fouth fouth-eaft }
S. S. W. for fouth fouth-weft, &c.
SAAVEDRA, Michael de Cervantes, a cele¬
brated Spanifii writer, and the inimitable author of Don
Quixote, was born at Madrid in the year 1541. From
3 H 2 his
s A A [ 428 1 SAB
Saavedra, his infancy he was fond of books ; but he applied him-
felf wholly to books of entertainment, fuch as novels
and poetry of all kinds, efpecially Spanifli and Italian
authors. From Spain he went to Italy, either to ferve
Cardinal Aquaviva, to whom he was chamberlain at
Rome } or elfe to follow the profeflion of a foldier, as
he did feme years under the victorious banners of Mar-
.co Antonio Colonna. He was prefent at the battle of
Lepanto, fought in the year 1571 ; in which he either
loll his left hand by the fhot of an harquebus, or had it
fo maimed that he loft the ufe of it. After this he
was taken by the Moors, and carried to Algiers, where
he continued a captive five years and a half. Then he
returned to Spain, and applied himfelf to the writing
of comedies and tragedies ; and he compofed feveral,
aft of which were well received by the public, and afted
with great applaufe. In the year 1584 he publiftied
his Galatea, a novel in fix books; which he prefented
to Afcanio Colonna, a man of high rank in the church,
as the firft fruits of his wit. But the work which has
done him the greateft honour, and will immortalize his
name, is the hiftory of Don Quixote •, the firft part of
which was printed at Madrid in the year 1605. This
is a fatire upon books of knight-errantry 5 and the prin¬
cipal, if not the foie, end of it was to deftroy the repu¬
tation of thofe books, which had fo infatuated the great¬
er part of mankind, and efpecially thole of the Spanilh
nation. This work was univerfally read j and the moft
eminent painters, tapeftry-workers, engravers, and fculp-
tors, have been employed in reprefenting the hiftory of
Don Quixote. Cervantes, even in his lifetime, ob¬
tained the glory of having his work receive a royal ap¬
probation. As King Philip III, was Handing in a bal¬
cony of his palace at Madrid, and viewing the country,
he obferved a fludent on the banks of the river Man-
zanares reading in a book, and from time to time break¬
ing off and beating his forehead with extraordinary
tokens of pleafure and delight : upon which the king
laid to thofe about him, “ That fcholar is either mad,
or reading Don Quixote the latter of which pro¬
ved to be the cafe. But virtus laudatur et al%et : not-
withftandmg the vaft applaufe his book everywhere met
with he had not intereft enough to procure a fmall pen-
fion, for he could fcarcely keep himfelf from ftarving.
Jn the year 1615, he publiftied a fecond part 5 to which
he was partly moved by the prefumption of fome ferib-
bler, who had publiftied a continuation of this work the
year before. He wrote alfo feveral novels; and among
the reft, “ I he 1 roubles of Perfiles and Sigifmunda.”
He had employed many years in writing this novel, and
finifhed it but juft before his death; for he did not live to
tee it pubhftied. His ficknefs was of fuch a nature,
that he himfelf was able to be, and actually was, his
own hiftorian. At the end of the preface to the
Troubles of Perfiles and Sigifmunda, he reprefents him¬
felf on horfeback upon the road, and a ftudent, who had
overtaken him, engaged in converfation with him : “And
happening to talk of my illnefs (fays he), the ftudent
foon let me know my doom, by faying it was a dropfy
I had got ; the thirft attending which all the water
of the ocean, though it were not fait, would not fuffice
to quench. Iberefore Senior Cervantes, fays he, you
muft drink nothing at all, but do not forget to eat 5
for this alone will recover you without any other phy-
fic. I have been told the fame by others, anfwered I;
but I can no more forbear tippling, than if I were born Saavedra
to do nothing elfe. My life is drawing to an end ; and 11
from the daily journal of my pulfe, I ftiali have finiihed Sa^batar'-
my courfe by next Sunday at the fartheft.—But adieu,' d_ ,,
my merry friends all, for I am going to die j and I
hope to fee you ere long in the other world, as happy
as heart can wfifti.” His dropfy increafed, and at laft
proved fatal to him ; yet he continued to fay and to
write bon mots. He received the laft facrament on the
18th of April 1616 j yet the day after wrote a dedi¬
cation of the Troubles of Perfiles and Sigifmunda to the
conde de Lemos. The particular day of his death is
not known.
SABA, a Dutch ifland near St Euftatia in the WeftRaynaVs
Indies. It is a fteep rock, on the fummit of which is Hijlory,
a little ground, very proper for gardening. FrequentVi;l-lv-
rains, which do not lie any time on the foil, give growth
to plants of an exquifite flavour, and cabbages of an
extraordinary fize. Fifty European families, with about
one hundred and fifty flaves, here raife cotton, fpin it,
make ftockings of it, and fell them to other colonies
for as much as ten crowns * a pair. Throughout Ame- * il.
rica there is no blood fo pure as that of Saba ; the wo¬
men there preferve a freftinefs of complexion, wdiich is
not to be found in any other of the Caribbee iflands.
Happy colony ! elevated on the top of a rock between
the Iky and fea, it enjoys the benefit of both elements
without dreading their ttorms 5 it breathes a pure air,
lives upon vegetables, cultivates a fimple commodity,
from which it derives eafe without the temptation of
riches; is employed in labours lefs troublefome than
ufeful, and poffeffes in peace all the bleffings of mode¬
ration, health, beauty, and liberty. This is the temple
of peace, from whence the philofopher may contemplate
at leifure the errors and paflions of men, who come,
like the waves of the fea, to ftrike and dafh themfelves
on the rich coafts of America, the fpoils and poffeffion
of which they are perpetually contending for, and wreft-
ing from each other: hence may he view at a diftance
the nations of Europe bearing thunder in the midft of
the ocean, and burning with the flames of ambition
and avarice under the heals of the tropics; devouring
gold without ever being latisfied ; wading through leas
of blood to amafs thofe metals, thofe pearls, thoie dia¬
monds, which are ufed to adorn the oppreflors of man¬
kind ; loading innumerable ftiips with thofe precious
calks, which furnifh luxury with purple, and from which
flow pleafures, effeminacy, cruelty, and debauchery.
'I he tranquil inhabitant of Saba views this mafs of follies,
and fpins his cotton in peace.
SABJEANS. See Sabians.
SABAZIA, in Greek antiquity, were noSurnal
myfteries in honour of Jupiter Sabazius. All the ini¬
tiated had a golden ferpent put in at their breafts, and
taken out at the lower part of their garments, in me¬
mory of Jurpiter’s ravifliing Proferpina in the form of a
ferpent. There were alfo other feafts and facrifices di-
ftinguiflied by this appellation, in honour of Mithras,
the deity of the Perfians, and of Bacchus, who was thus
denominated by the Sabians, a people of Thrace.
SABBATARIANS, or Seventh day Baptists, a
fedf of anabaplifts; thus called, becaufe they obferved
the Jewilh or Saturday-Sabbath, from a perfuafion that
it was never abrogated in the New Teftament by the in-
ftituUcn oi any other.
SABBATH.
S.i'obitl).
Definition.
eany cere
Kionies.
SAB [4
SABBATH, in the Hebrew language, fignifies rejl.
The feventh day was denominated the Sabbath, or daij
of rej}, becaufe that in it God had refted from all his
works which he created and made. Jrom that time
the feventh day feems to have been fet apart for reli¬
gious fervices j and, in confequence of a particular in-
jun£iion, was afterwards obferved by the Hebrews as
a holyday. They were commanded to fet it apart
for facred purpofes in honour of the creation, and like-
wife in memorial of their own redemption from Egyp-
2 tian bondage.
Importance The importance of the inftitution may be gathered
cf the inft:-frorn the different laws refpefting it. When the ten
ear'0 cere^" commandnients w7ere publifhed from Mount Sinai in
tremendous pomp, the law of the Sabbath held a place
in what is commonly called the firft table, and by fub-
fequent ftatutes the violation of it was to be punifhed
with death. Six days were allowed for the ufe and
fervice of man 5 but the feventh day God referved to
himfelf, and appointed it to be obferved as a dated time
for holy offices, and to be fpent in the duties of piety
and devotion. On this day the minifters of the temple
entered upon their w7eek j and thofe who had attended
on the temple fervice the preceding week went out at
the fame time. New loaves of ffiew-bread were placed
upon the goldeu table, and the old ones taken away.
Tw7o lambs for a burnt-offering, with a certain propor¬
tion of fine flour, mingled with oil, for a bread-offer¬
ing, and wine for a libation, were offered. The Sab¬
bath, as all other feftivals, wTas celebrated from evening
to evening. It began at fix in the evening on Friday,
and ended at the fame time the next day.
Concerning the time at wffiich the Sabbath w'as firft
inftituted, different opinions have been held. Some
have maintained, that the fan&ification of the feventh
day, mentioned in Gen. ii. is only there fpoken of
A-goXs-.J'iv, or by anticipation 5 and is to be underftood
of the Sabbath afterwards injoined the children of Ifrael
at the commencement of the Mofaic difpenfation. But
without entering into a particular examination of all the
arguments adduced to fupport this opinion, a few obfer-
vations, it is prefumed, will be fufficient to IhowT that it
refts on no folid foundation.
It cannot eafily be fuppofed that the infpired pen¬
man wrould have mentioned the fanftification of the
feventh day amongft the primeval tranfactions, if finch
fan&Ification had not taken place until 2500 years af¬
terwards. Writers, ambitious of that artificial elegance
which the rules of criticifm have eftablilhed, often bring,
together in their narratives events which were them-
felves far diftant, for the fake of giving form to their
dsfcourfe; but Mofes appears to have defpifed all fuch
flimfy refinements, and to have conftrufted his narrative
in great conformity to the feries of events.
From the accounts we have of the religious fervice
praflifed in the patriarchal age, it appears that, imme¬
diately after the fall, when Adam was reftored to fa-,
vour through a Mediator, a ftated form of public wor-
ftiip was inftituted, which man was required to obferve,
in teftimony, not only of his dependence on the Crea¬
tor, but al fo of his faith and hope in the promife made
to our firft parents, and-feen afar of. Of an inftitution,
then, fo grand and important, no circumftance would be
omitted that is neceffary to preferve it, or that contri¬
butes to render the obfervance of it regular and folemn.
Time of its
iaftitution.
.4
Religious
fervice in
the patri¬
archal age,
29 ]• SAB
That determined times are neceflary for the due ce- Sabbath,
lebration of divine fervice, cannot be denied. Such is "" ~ v-'""r3
the conftitution of man, that he muft have particular jtrec,^fity
times fet apart for particular fervices. He is doomed 0fftateci
to toil and labour j to earn his bread in the fweat of days for
his face 5 and is capable of performing religious du- the Per-
ties only in fuch a manner as is confiftcnt with his fituAormance*
ation in the world. If ftated times for religious folem-
nities had not been enjoined, the confequence would have
been, that fuch folemnities would have been altogether
negle&ed j for experience (hows, that if mankind were
left at liberty when and how often they ffiould per¬
form religious offices, thefe offices would not be per¬
formed at all. It is the obfervation of holy times that
preferves the pradiice of holy fervices j and without the
frequent and regular returns of hallow'ed days, man
wrould quickly forget the duty which he owes to God, «
and in a fhort time no veftige of religion would be found
in the world. c
Among the ordinances which God vouchfafed his Objections
ancient people, we find that the pious obfervation of|0!^®^ar"
holydays was particularly infifted upon j and the Sab-^
bath was enjoined to be kept holy, in the moft folemn Sabbath
manner, and under the fevereft penalties. Can it then ccnfidered.'
be fuppofed that He would fuffer mankind, from the
creation of the world to the Mofaic era, to remain with¬
out an inftitution fo expedient in ilfelf, and as well fitted
to anfwer the end propofed by it, under the one dilpen-
fation, as ever it could be under the other? No; we
have every imaginable reafon to conclude, that when
religious ferrices were enjoined, religious times were ap¬
pointed alfo; for the one neceffarily implies the other.
It is no objection to the early inftitution of the Sab¬
bath, that there is no mention of it in the hiftory of
the patriarchal age. It would have fwelled the Bible
to a moft enormous fize, had the facred hiftorian given
a particular account of all the tranfaeftions of thofe times;
befides, it would have anfvvered no end. When Mofes
wrote the book of Genefis, it wTas unneceffary to re¬
late minutely tranfaeftions and inftitutions already well
known by tradition : accordingly we fee, that his nar¬
rative is everywhere very concife, and calculated only
to preferve the memory of the moft important faefts.
However, if we take a view of the church fervice of
the patriarchal age, we fliall find that what is called the
Sega/ difpenfation, at leaft the liturgic part of it, was
no new fyftem, but a collection of inftitntions obferved
from the beginning, and republiftied in form by Mofes.
The Scriptures inform us that Cain and Abel offered
facrifices; and the account which is given of the ac¬
ceptance of the one, and the rejection of the other, evi¬
dently Ihows that ftated laws refpecting the fervice had
then taken place. “ In procefs of time,” at the end of
the days, “ Abel brought an offering.” Here was
pi'iejl, altar, matter of facrifce, appointed time, motive to
facrijice, atonement made, and accepted. The diftinction
of animals into clean and unclean before the flood, and
Noah’s facrifice immediately after his deliverance, with¬
out any new direftion, is an unanfwerable proof of the
fame truth. It is teftified of Abraham, by God him¬
felf, that he kept his charge, his commandments, \\h fa-
tutes, and his laws. Thefe expreffions comprehend the
various branches, into which the law given at Sinai was
divided. They contain the moral precepts, affirmative
and negative, the matter of religious fervice, a body of
laws
SAB
t 43° ]
SAB
Sabbath.
Argument
from the
general di-
vifion of
time into <
weeks.
* 3732?
Seven.
* Hollo-
•way's Ori¬
ginals,
vol. ii.
p. 60.
laws to direcl obedience, and to which man was to con¬
form his conduft in every part ot duty. Agreeably to
this, we find that facrifices were offered, altars and pla¬
ces of worfhip confecrated, and the Sabbath alfo men¬
tioned as a well-known folemnity, before the promulga¬
tion of the law. It is exprefsly taken notice of at the
fall of manna 5 and the incidental manner in which it
is then mentioned, is a convincing proof that the Ifrael-
ites were no ilrangers to the inftitution : for had it been
a new one, it muff have been enjoined in a pofitive and
particular manner, and the nature of it muff have been
laid open and explained, otherwife the term wmuld have
conveyed no meaning.
The divificn of time into weeks, dr periods of feven
days, which obtained fo early and almoft univerfally, is
a ftrong indication that one day in feven was always di~
ftinguifhed in a particular manner. V/eck*, and feven
days, are in feripture language fynonymous terms. God
commanded Noah,j£w« days before he entered the ark,
to introduce into it all forts of living creatures. When
the waters of the flood began to abate, Noah fent forth
a dove, which, finding no reft for the foie of her foot,
returned to him. After feven days he fent forth the
dove a fecond time, and again the returned to the ark.
At the expiration of o\herfeven days he let go the dove
a third time : and a week is fpeken of (Gen. xxix.) as a
well-known fpace of time.
This feptenary divifion of time has been, from the
earlieft ages, uniformly obferved over all the eaftern
■world. The Ifraelites, Affyrians, Egyptians, Indians,
Arabians, and Perfians, have always made ufe of a
■week, confilling of feven days. Many vam attempts
have been made to account for this uniformity *, but a
practice fo general and prevalent could never have taken
place, had not the feptenary diftribution of time been
inftituted frum the beginning, and handed down by tra¬
dition.
From the fame fource alro muft the ancient heathens
have derived their notions of the facrednefs oF the feventh
day. That they had fuch notions of it is evident from
feveral paffages of the Greek poels quoted by Ariftobu-
lus, a learned Jew7, by Clement of Alexandria, and Eu-
febius.
———~ iVacurn tificv Hefiod.
The feventh, the facred day.
cf iTrinoe Kaxry.vhv, noc'i Homer.
Afterwards came the feventh, the facred day.
Again >
eQi»4*ov tyiap iry, x-ou ru rsrsXsro ttuvtx.
On the feventh day all things were completed.
Leniey.tfrr, 'bvci rmAjisytevi* %oivru nroKrui. Emus.
All things wrere made perfeB on the feventh day.
That they likewife held the number feven in high ef-
timation has been Ihown by a learned, though fometimes
fanciful, author *, with fuch evidence as to enfore con-
viftion. The Pythagoreans call it the venerable num¬
ber, G-sSses-jwa utiaq, worthy of veneration, and held it to be
perfeB and mojl proper to religion. They denominated it
fortune, and alfo ftyled it voice, found, rn?fe, becaufe no
doubt,yewn diftindt notes comprehend the whole fealeof
mufic, beyond which neither voice nor inftrument can go,
but muft return from the feventh, and begin again anew.
3
They likewife defigned it nXis-^o^, leading to the end. Sabbath.
Seven, in the Hebrew language, is expreifed by a wrord ■'-y—*”
that primarily fignifies fulnefs, completion, fuficiency, and
is applied to a week, or feven days, becaule that was the
full time employed in the work of creation ; to the
Sabbath, becaufe on it all things were completed; and to
an oath, becaufe it is fufficient to put an end to all ftrife.
This opening of the Hebrew7 root will enable us to come
at the meaning of thofe expreflions of the heathens, and
alfo let us fee whence they derived their ideas and modes
of fpeaking, and that the knowledge of the tranfadlions
at the creation, though much perverted, was never en¬
tirely loft by them.
It has been fuppofed by fome, that the heathens bor¬
rowed the notion of the facrednefs of the feventh day
from the Jews. But this opinion will not readily be ad¬
mitted, udien it is confidered that the Jews wrere held in
the greateft contempt by the furrounding nations, w7ho
derided them no lefs for their fabbaths than for their cir-
cumcifion. All forts of writers ridiculed them on this
account. Seneca charged them wuth fpending the feventh
part of their time in {loth. Tacitus faid, that not only
the feventh day, but alfo the feventh year, was unprofi-
tably wafted. Juvenal brings forward the fame charge ;
and Perfius upbraided them with their recutita fabbata.
Plutarch faid that they kept it in honour of Bacchus.
Tacitus affirmed, that it w7as in honour of Saturn ; but
the moft abominable affertion of all is that of Apion, who
. faid that they obferved the Sabbath in memory of their
being cured on that day of a ftiameful difeafe, called by
the Egyptiansfabbo'.
Some perceiving the force of this objeflion have con¬
tended, that time was divided into weeks of feven
days, that each of the planetary gods, the Sun, Moon,
Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, who w7ere
the DH tnajorum gentium, might have a day appropriated
to his fervice. But if fuch xvas the origin of w7eeks,
how came the great and ancient goddefs Tellus to be
omitted ? She was worlhipped by the early idolaters as
well as the other planets, and muft furely have been
deemed by them as w orthy of a particular day fet apart
to her honour as the planet Saturn, w7ho was long un-
difeovered, afterwards feen but occafionally, and at all
times confidered as ©f malign afpeft. (See Rem-
PHAN.)
Others have fuppofed, that as the year was divided in¬
to lunar months of fomething moi’e than 28 days, it
w7as natural to divide the month into quarters from the
different phafes of the moon, which wmuld produce as
many weeks of feven days. But this fuppofition is
lefs tenable than the former. The phafes of the moon
are not fo prccifely marked at the quarters as to attraft
to them any particular notice, nor are the quarterly ap¬
pearances of one month commonly like thofe of another.
We cannot, therefore, conceive wdiat fliould have induced
the earlieft obfervers of the phafes of the moon to divide
the month into four parts rather than into three, or five,
or feven. Had the ancient w7eek confifted of 14 days,
it might have been inferred, with fome degree of plau-
fibility, that its length w7as regulated by the phafes of
the moon, becaufe the ftiape of that luminary, at the
end of the fecond quarter, is very precifely marked j
but there is nothing which, in the prefent hypothefis,
could have everywhere led mankind to make their weeks
confift of feven days. This divifion of time, therefore,
c^n
SAB
[ 431 1
SAB
Sabbath
3
St icl man¬
ner in
which the
an lent
Jews ob-
ferved the
Sabbath.
9
Mode of
obferving
it among
the modern
Jews.
can be accounted for only by admitting the pnmeral in-
ftitution of the Sabbath, as related by Moles in the
book of Genefis. That inlfitution was abfolutely ne-
ceffary to preferve among men afenfeof religion •, and it
was renewed to the Jews at the giving of the law7, and
its obfervance enforced by the leverelt penalties, It was
accordingly obferved by them with more or lefs lindt-
nefs in everv period of their commonwealth, and there
is none of the inftitutions of their divine lawgiver which,
in their prefent Hate of difperfion, they more highly
lionour. They regard it, indeed, with a fuperiinious
reverence, call it tlvcv;their delight, and Ipeak of
it in the molt magnificent terms. They have often va¬
ried in their opinions of the manner in which it ought
to be kept. In the time of the Maccabees, they car¬
ried their refpedl for the fabbath fo very high, that
they would not on that day defend themfelves from
the attacks of their enemies. But afterwards they did
not fcruple to Hand upon their neceflary defence, al¬
though they would do nothing to prevent the enemy
from carrying on their operations. When our Saviour
was on earth, it rvas no fin to loofe a bealt from the
ftall, and lead him to water ; and if he had chanced to
tail into a ditch, they pulled him out: but nowit is
abfolutely unlawful to give a creature in that fituation
any other affntance than that of food •, and if they lead
an animal to water, they mull take care not to let the
bridle or halier hang loofe, otherwife they are tranf-
greffors.
As the law enjoins reft on that day from all fervile
employments, in order to comply with the injunftion,
they undertake no kind of work on Friday but fuch as
can ealily be accomplilhed before evening. In the af¬
ternoon they put into proper places the meat that they
have prepared to eat the day following. They after¬
wards let out a table covered with a clean cloth, and
place bread upon it, which they alfo cover rvith another
cloth ; and during the fabbath the table is never moved
cut of its place. About an hour before funfet, the
women light the fabbath lamps, which hang in the
places where they eat. They then ftretch forth their
hands to the light, and prononnee the following bene¬
diction. “ Bleffed be thou, O God, king of the
world, who haft enjoined us, that are fantlified by thy
commandments, to light the fabbath lamp.” Thefe
lamps are two or more in number, according to the fize
of the chamber in which they are fufpended, and conti¬
nue to burn during the greateft part of the night. In
order to begin the fabbath well, they wafh their hands
and faces, trim their hair, and pare their nails, begin¬
ning at the fourth finger, then going to the fecond,
then the fifth, then the third, and ending with the thumb.
If a Jew cafts the parings of his nails to the ground,
he is rafeah, that is, a wicked man } for Satan has
great powTer over thofe parings of nails ; and it feems
they are of great ufe to the wdzzards, who know how
to employ them in their enchantments. If he buries
them in the earth, he is t%edic, that is, zjif/l man : if he
burns them in the fire, he is chejid, that is, rvorthy of
honour, an holy man. When they have performed thefe
preparatory ceremonies, they repair to the fynagogue,
and enter upon their devotions. As foon as prayers be¬
gin, the departed fouls fpring out of the purgatorial
flames, and have liberty to cool themfelves in water
while the fabbath Ms j for which reafon tke Jews pro¬
long the continuance of it as much as they can; and the Sabbath.
Raobins have ftridtly commanded them not to exhauft 11 v—""
all the water on the fabbath day, left thofe miferable
fouls Ihould by that means be deprived of the refrefhing
element. When they have ended their prayers, they re¬
turn home, and lalute one another, by wiihing a good
fabbath. They then fit down to table. The mafter of
the family takes a cup full of wine, and lifting up his
hand, fays, “ Bleffed be thou, O God our Lord, king
of the world, who haft created the fruit of the vine.—
Bleffed be thou, O God our Lord, king of the w’orld,
who haft fanclified us by thy commandments, and given
us thy holy fabbath ; and of thy good will and pleafure
halt left it to us an inheritance, the memorial of thy
works of creation. For it is the beginning of the con¬
gregation of iaints, and the memorial of the coming out
of Egypt. And thou haft alfo chofen us from all other
people, and fanftified us, and with love and pleafure haft
left thy holy fabbath an inheritance. Blefi'ed be thou,
O God, who fanclifieft the fabbath.” After this bene-
didlion is ended, he drinks, and gives the cup to all that
are prefent. He then removes the cloth, and taking
bread, fays, “ Blcffed be thou, O God our Lord, king
of the world, who bringeft bread out of the earth.” Then,
he breaks off a bit, and eats, and alfo gives a piece of it
to every one of the company.
On the morning of the fabbath, the Jew's do not rife
fo early as they do at other times. Thinking, the
greater pleafure they take on that day, the more de¬
voutly they keep it. When they come into the fyna¬
gogue, they pray as ufual, only the devotions are fome-
what longer, being intermingled with pfalmody, in ho¬
nour of the fabbath. The Pentateuch is then produced,
and feven feftions of it are read in order by feven per-
fons chofen for the purpofe. Several leffons are likewdfe
read out of the prophets, which have fome relation to
v/hat w7as read out of the law. After morning prayers
they return to their houfes, and eat the fecond fabbath-
meal, fhewing every token of joy, in honour of the fefti-
val. But if one has feen any thing ominous in his
fleep ; if he lias dreamed that he burnt the book of the
law •, that a beam has come out of the walls of his
houfe; that his teeth have fallen out,—then he falls un¬
til very late at night, for all fuch dreams are bad ones.
In the afternoon they go again to the fynagogue, and
perform the evening fervice, adding to the ordinary
prayers fome leffons that refpedl the labbath. When the
devotional duties are ended, they return home, and light
a candle refembling a torch, and again fit down to eat.
They7 remain eating until near fix, and then the mafter
of the family takes a cup, and pouring w7ine into it re-
hearfes fome benediftions \ after which he pours a little
of the wine upon the ground, and fays, “ Bleffed be
thou, O Lord, King of the world, who haft created the
fruit of the vine.” Then holding the cup in his left
hand, with the right he takes a box of fweet fpices, and
fays, “ Bleffed be thou, O Lord God, who haft created
various kinds of fweet fpices.” He fmells the fpices,
and holds them out to the reft, that they may do the
fame. He then takes the cup in his right hand, and
going to the candle views the left very narrowly, and
pronounces a bleffmg. With the cup in the left hand,
he examines the right in the fame manner. Again, hold¬
ing the cup in his right hand, he rehearfes another be¬
nediction, and at the fame time pours fome of the wine
on
SAB
S’.kVaih. on the ground. After tjiis he drinks a little of it, and
' then hands it about to the red of the family, who finifti
what remains. In this manner the fabbath is ended by
the Jews, and they may return to their ordinary em¬
ployments. Thofe who meet pay their compliments,
xo by widling one another a happy week.
Prohibi- The Rabbins have reckoned up nine and thirty pri-
tionsob- mary prohibitions, which ought to be obferved on the
ferved. fabbatic feftival; but their circumftances and dependents,
which are alfo obligatory, are almoft innumerable. The
.39 articles are, Not to till the ground; to fow ; to
reap ; to make hay ; to bind up theaves of corn ^ to
threfh 5 to winnow ; to grind j to fift meal j to knead
the dough to bake j to thear •, to whiten 5 to comb or
card wool ; to fpin ; to twine or twift •, to warp •, to
dye } to tie ; to untie ; to few j to tear or pull in
pieces j to build ; to pull down to beat with a ham¬
mer ; to hunt or filh j to kill a beaft j to flay it j to drefs
it; to fcrape the {kin ; to tan it} to cut leather j to
write 5 to fcratch out 5 to rule paper for writing ; to
kindle a .fire ; to extinguilh it ; to carry a thing from
place to place -y to expofe any thing to fale. Thefe are
the primary prohibitions, and each of thefe has its pro¬
per confequences, which amount to an incredible num¬
ber j and the Jews themfelvcs fay, that if they could
keep but two fabbaths as they ought, they would foon
he delivered out of all their troubles.
If a Jew on a journey is overtaken by the fabbath
in a wood, or on the highway, no matter where, nor
under what circumftances, he fits down ; he will not ftir
cut of the fpot. If he falls down in the dirt, he lies
there 5 he will not rife up. If he ftrould tumble into a
privy, he would reft there : he would not be taken
out (a). If he fees a flea {kipping upon his clothes,
he mull not catch it. If it bites him he may only re¬
move it with his hand ; he muft not kill it 5 but a loufe
meets with no fuch indulgence, for it may be deftroy-
ed. He muft not wipe his hands with a towel or cloth,
but he may do it very lawfully with a cow’s tail. A
ireftr wound muft not be bound up on the fabbath-day;
a plafter that had been formerly applied to a fore may
remain on it; but if it falls off, it muft not be put on
anew. The lame may ufe a ftaff, but the blind muft:
not. Thefe particulars, and a great many more of the
fame nature, are obferved by the Jews in the ftrifteft
manner. But if any one wiihes to know more of the
praflice of that devoted race, he may confult Buxtorf’s
Judaica Stjnagogay chap. x. xi. where he will find a
complete detail of their cuftoms and ceremonies on the
fabbath j and likewife fee the primary prohibitions
11 branched out into their refpedlive circumftances.
Inftitution As the feventh day was obferved by the Jervifh
of Sunday c}lurcj1> jn memory of the reft of God after the
Jord’^ day works of creation, and their own deliverance from Pha¬
raoh’s tyranny •, lb the firft day of the week has always
been obferved by the Chriftian church, in memory of
the refurre&ion of Jefus Chrift, by which he completed
the work of man’s redemption on earth, and refcued
SAB
him from the dominion of him who has the power of Sabbath,
death. ' —t
This day was denominated by the primitive Chri-
ftians the Lord's day. It was alfo fometimes called
Sunday; which was the name given to it by the hea¬
thens, who dedicated it to the liin. And indeed, al¬
though it was originally called Sunday by the heathens,
yet it may very properly retain that name among Chri-
ftians, becaufe it is dedicated to the honour of “ The
true light,” which lighteth every man that cometh into
the world, of Plim who is fly led by the prophet “ The
Sun of righteoufnefs,” and who on this day arofe
from the dead. But although it rvas, in the primitive
times, indifferently called the Lord's day or Sunday, yet
it was never denominated the fabbath; a name conftant-
ly appropriated to Saturday, or the feventh day, both
by facred and ecclefiaftical writers. It
Of the change from the feventh to the frjl day of The men-
the week, or even of the inftitution of the Lord's dayx}on of ^
feftival, there is no account in the New Teftament.ij^^J^^
However, it may be fairly inferred from it, that the firft acc,den.
day of the week was, in the apoftolic age, a ftated tat;
time for public worfltip. On this day the apoftles were
affembled, when the Holy Ghoft Came down fo vifibly
upon them to qualify them for the converfion of the
world. On this day we find St Paul preaching at
Troas, wdren the difciples came to break bread : and
the direflions which the fame apoftle gives to the Co¬
rinthians concerning their contributions for the relief
of their fuffering brethren, plainly allude to their reli¬
gious afl'emblies on the firft day of the week.
Thus it would appear from feveral paffages in the
New Teftament, that the religious obfervation of the
firft day of the week is of apoftolical appointment 5 and
may indeed be very j-eafonably fuppofed to be among
thofe diredlions and inftrudlions which our bleffed Lord
himfelf gave to his difciples, during the 40 days be¬
tween his refurre&ion and afeenfion, wherein he con-
verfed with them, and fpoke of the things pertaining
to the kingdom of God. Still, however, it muft be
owned that thofe paffages, although the plaineft that
occur, are not fuflicient to prove the apoftolical inftitu¬
tion of the Lord’s day, or even the a£lual obfervation
of it. In order, therefore, to place the matter beyond
all controverfy, recourfe muft be had to ecclefiaftical
teftimony.
From the confentient evidence and uniform praftice
of the primitive church, and alfo from the atteftation of
Pliny, an heathen of no mean figure both in learning
and power, we find that the firft day of the w^eek was
obferved in the earlieft ages as a holyday or feftival, in
honour of the refurredlion of Chrift. Now there are
but tw:o fources whence the cuftom could poflibly have
arifen. It muft have been inftituted either by human
or divine authority : by human authority it was not
inftituted ; for there was no general council in thofe
early times, and without the decree of a general coun¬
cil it w as impoflible that any ecclefiaftical inftitution
could
[ 432 !
(a) This, it feems, wTas once really the cafe. A Jewr of Magdeburg fell into a privy on a Saturday. He might
have been taken out ; but he told thofe who offered him their afliftance to give themfelves no trouble, for there
he wjas determined to keep holy the fabbath day. The bfthop, when he heard of it, refolved that he fhould
ikndify the next day alfo in the fame.place; and fo, betwixt them, the poor Jew loft his life.
4
Sabbalh.
H
Pur pole for
winch the
Lord’s
day was
itiftituted.
IS
How it
was obfer-
vtd in the
primitive
times.
SAB [4
could have been univerfally eftabliflied at dnce. It re¬
mains, therefore, that it mull have been inftituted by-
divine authority : and that it really was fo, will far¬
ther appear from the following confiderations. It is
certain that the apofrles travelled over the greateti
part of the world, and planted churches in the remo-
teil parts of it. It is certain alfo that they were all
led by the fame fpirit ; and their defire was, that
unity and uniformity fhould be obferved in all the
churches which they bad founded. It is not therefore
fujprifing that, in the primitive times, the fame doc¬
trine, the fame worfiup,' the fame rites and cuftoms,
fliould prevail all over the Chriflian world j nay, it
would have been unaccountable had the cafe been
otherwife. For this reafon we may conclude that every
cufiom, univerfally obferved in the early ages of the
Chridian church, and not inftituted by a general coun¬
cil, was of original appointment.
As the Lordrs day is fanftified, that is, fet apart to
Chriftians for the worfliip and fervice of God, their
Creator, Redeemer, and Sanftifier, a little confide-
ration will eafily difcover how it ought to be obferved.
Although a day feparated from worldly bufinefs, yet
it is in no fenfe a day of idlenefs, but a feafon ap¬
propriated to the works of falvation and labours of
charity.
In the primitive times this holy day was obferved in
the moft folemn manner. From the monuments of
thofe early ages we learn, that it was fpent in a due
and conftant attendance on all the offices of divine wor-
fliip. On it they held their religious affemblies, in
which the writings of the apoftles and prophets were
read to the people, and the dodlrines of Chriftianity
further prefled upon them by the exhortations of the
clergy. Solemn prayers and praifes were offered up to
God, and hymns fung in honour of Chrift ; the Lord’s
fupper was conftantly celebrated 5 and collections were
made for the maintenance of the clergy and the relief
of the poor. On this day they abftained, as much as
they could, from bodily labour. They looked upon it
as a day of joy and gladnefs j and therefore all falling
on it was prohibited, even during the feafon of
lent, their great annual fall.—Such was the zeal of
thofe times, that nothing, no not the fevereft perfecu-
tions, hindered them from celebrating holy offices on
■ day. They were often befet and betrayed, and
th
as often flaughtered in confequence of cruel edifts from
emperors, thofe very emperors for whofe happinefs and
profperity they always offered up their fervent prayers.
For this caufe, when they could not meet in the day¬
time, they afiembled in the morning before it waslLht;
and when fick, in exile, or in prifon, nothing troubled
them more than that they could not attend the fervice
of the church. No trivial pretences were then admit¬
ted for any one’s abfence from public worftiip •, for fe-
vere cenfures were paffed upon all who were abfent
without fome urgent neceflity. When the empire be¬
came Chriftian, Conftantine and his fucceffors made
laws for the more folemn obfervation of the Lord’s day.
They prohibited all pvofecutions and pleadings and
other juridical matters to be tranfa&ed on it, and alfo
all unneceffary labour 5 not that it was looked upon as a
Jewiffi fabbath, but becaufe tbefe things were confidered
as inconfiftent with the duties of the feftival.
But although the primitive Chriftians did not in-
Vox. XVIII. Part II.
3.3 1 SAB
dulge themfelves in the praClice of unneceffary labour Sabbath,
or trifling amufements, yet they did not wholly abfbm '
from working, if great neceflity required it. The
council of Laodicea enjoined that men ihould abftain
from work on the Lord’s day if poffible ; but if any
were found to judaixe, they were to be cenfured as
great tranlgrefibrs. So circumlpeCl were the primitive
Chriftians about their conduCl on this flilival, that on
the one hand they avoided all things which tended to
profane it, whilft on the other they cenlured all thofe
who infilled it fiiould be obferved with Pharilaical ri-
g°yy- _ 16
The primary duty of the Lord’s day ispublia war- Advant.'L
foip. The nature and defign of the Chriftian religion Ses reA-lk-
fufficiently fliows the neceffity and importance of
fembling for the duties of devotion. The whole fcope vatjon 0f
of Chriftianity is to bring us to an union with God, it.
which cannot be obtained or preferved without frequent
communications with him ; and the reafons which
Ihow religious intercourfe to be the indifpenfable duty
of Chriftians in a private capacity, will bind it with
equal or more force on them confidered as a commu¬
nity.
The advantages of public worlhip, when duly per¬
formed, are many and great. There are two, however,
which deferve to be confidered in a particular manner.
It gives Chriftians an opportunity of openly profeffing
their faith, and tellifying their obedience to their Re¬
deemer in the wifeit and belt manner ; and in an age
when atheifm has arifen to an alarming height, when
the Son of God is crucified afrelh, and put to open
ffiame, every man, who has any regard for religion,
will cheerfully embrace all opportunities of declaring
his abhorrence of the vicious courfes purlued by thole
degenerate apotlates. He will with pleafure lay hold
on every occafion to teftify that he is neither afraid nor
athamed to confefs the truth •, and will think it his in¬
difpenfable duty openly to difavow the tins of others,
that he may not incur the guilt of partaking of them.
Public worftiip preferves in the minds ot men a fenfe
of religion, without which fociety could hot exilt. No¬
thing can keep a body of men together and unite them
in promoting the public good, but fuch principles of
atftion as may reach and govern the heart. But thefe
can be derived only from a fenfe of religious duties,
which can never be fo ftrongly imprtfitd upon the mind
as by a conftant attendance upon public worftiip. No¬
thing can be more weak than to neglefl the public wor¬
ship of God, under the pretence that we can employ
ourfelves as acceptably to our Maker at home in our
clofets. Both kinds of worfhip are indeed neceffary j
but one debt cannot be paid by the difeharge of ano¬
ther. By public worffiip every man profeffes his belief
in that God whom he adores, and appeals to Him for
his ftneerity, of which his neighbour cannot judge. By
this appeal he endears himfelf more or lefs to others.
It creates confidence •, it roots in the heart benevolence,
and all other Chriftian virtues, -which produce, in com¬
mon life, the fruits of mutual love and general peace.
People in general are of opinion that the duties of
the Lord's day ar^ over when public worfhip is ended.
But they feem to forget for what purpofes the day was
fet anart. It is not only appropriated to the duties of
public worffiip, but alfo famftified to our improvement
in the knowledge cf the dodlrines of Chriftianity. It
3 I - is
M
SAB
Sabbath.
is an miiitution calculated to alleviate tlie condition of
the laborious claffes of mankind, and, in confequence of
niat, to aiiord reft to beojls alfo. It is proper, it is nc-
csffary, that man thou Id reiieft on his condition in the
world, that he fliould examine the Hate of his foul, and
inquire what progrefs he has made in that work which
was given him to do. Thofe that have children or fer-
vants are obliged to look after their inltru&ion as well
as their own. Thefe are the ends which the inftitution
of Sunday rvas deligned to anfwer. Every man mult
allow that thefe things muff be done at fome time or
other ; but unlefs there be fet times for doing them, the
generality of mankind would wholly negleft them.
Vijiting and travelling (though very common) are
enoimous profanations of this holy day. Families are
thereby robbed of their time ; a lofs for which no amends
can ever be made them : Servants, inftead of having
lei lure to improve themfelves in ipiritual knowledge,
are burdened with additional labour : And in a man
of any humanity, it muft excite many painful fenfations,
when he refletts how often the ufeful horfe on that day
experiences all the anguilh of hunger, torn Tides, and
battered Knees. Every kind of amufement^ every kind
of common labour, is an encroachment on the particular
duties of the Lord’s day ; and confequently men pro¬
fane the day by fpending it in any amufements, or un¬
dertaking upon it any ordinary employment unlefs it be
a work of abfolute neceflity.
Sabbath.Breaking, or profanation of the Lord’s day,
is punifhed by the municipal laws of England. For,
befides the notorious indecency and fcandal of permit¬
ting any fecular bufinefs to be publicly tranfa&ed on
that day in a country profeffing Chriftianity, and the
conuption of morals which ufually follows its profana¬
tion, the keeping one day in feven holy, as a time of
relaxation and refrefhment, as wrell as for public wor-
ihip, is of admirable fervice to a Hate, confidered mere¬
ly as a civil inftitution. It humanizes, by the help of
converfation and fociety, the manners of the lower claf-
ies j which would otherwife degenerate into a fordid
ferocity and favage felfiftmefs of fpirit : it enables the
induftrious workman to purfue his occupation in the
enfuing week with health and cheerfulnefs: it imprints
on the minds of the people that fenfe of their duty to
God fo neceffary to make them good citizens j but
which yet would be worn out and defaced by an unre¬
mitted continuance of labour, without any ftated times
©f recalling them to the worfhip of their Maker. And
therefore the laws of King Athelftan forbade all mer¬
chandizing on the Lord’s day, under very fevere pe¬
nalties. And by the ftatute 27 Hen. VI. e. 5. no fair
or market (hall be held on the principal feitivals, Good-
friday, or any Sunday (except the four Sundays in har-
veft), on pain of forfeiting the goods expofed to fale.
And, fince, by the ftatute 1 Car. I. c. 1. no perfons
ihall allemble, out of their own parifhes, for any fport
wliatfoever, upon this day ; nor, in their parifhes, ftiall
me any null or bear-beating, interludes, plays, or other
unlawful exercifes or paftimes ^ on pain that every of¬
fender fhall pay 35. 4d. to the poor. " This ftatute does
po.t prohibit, but rather impliedly allpw'S, any innocent
recreation or amufement, within their relpedlive pa¬
rifhes, even on the Lord’s day, after divine fervice is
ever. But oy ftatute 29 Car. II. c. 7. no perfon is al¬
lowed to work, on ills Lord’s day, or ufe any boat or
[ 434 ]
SAB
Sable.
barge, or expofe any goods to fale, except meat in Sabellians
public houfes, milk at certain hours, and works of ne¬
ceflity or charity, on forfeiture of 5 s. Nor fhall any
drover, carrier, or the like, travel upon that day, under
pain of 20 s.
SABELLIANS, a fed! of Chriftians of the 3d cen¬
tury, that embraced the opinions of Sabellius, a philo-
fopher of Egypt, W'ho openly taught that there is but
one perfon in the Godhead.
The Sabellians maintained, that the Word and the
Holy Spirit are only virtues, emanations, or functions
of the Deity } and held, that he who is in heaven is
the father of all things, that he defcended into the vir¬
gin, became a child, and was born of her as a fon j and
that having accomplifhed the myftery of our falvation,
he diffufed himfelf on the apoftles in tongues of fire,
and was then denominated the Hohj Ghojl. This they
explained by refembling God to the fun, the illumina ¬
tive virtue or quality of which was the Word, and its
warming virtue the Holy Spirit. The Word, they
taught, was darted, like a divine ray, to acccmplifh the
work of redemption ; and that being re-afcended to hea¬
ven, the influences of the Father were communicated
after a like manner to the apoftles.
SABIANS, an early feft of idolaters, which con¬
tinues to this day, and worfliips the fun, moon, and ftars.
See Polytheism, N° 10, 11, 12.
SABINA, a province of Italy, in the territories of
the church ; bounded on the north by Umbria, on the
eaft by Farther Abruzzo, on the fouth by the Cam-
pagna of Rome, and on the weft by the patrimony of
St Peter. It is 22 miles in length, and almoft as much
in breadth ; watered by feveral fmall rivers, and abound¬
ing in oil and wine. There is no wralled town in it}
and Magliano is the principal place.
SABIN US, George, a celebrated Latin poet, bom
in the electorate of Brandenburg in 1308. His poem
Res gejlce Cafarum Germanorum, fpread his reputation
all over Germany, and procured him the patronage of
all the princes who had any regard for polite literature :
he was made profeffor of the belles lettres at Frankfort
on the Oder, reCtor of the new academy of Koningf-
burg, and counfellor to the eleCior of Brandenburg.
He married two waves, the firft of whom was the eldeft
daughter of the famous reformer MelanCihon ; and died
in 1560. His poems are well known, and have been
often printed.
SABLlL, or SABLE Animal, in Zoology, a creature
of the weafel-kind, called by authors mvftela %ibellina.
See Mustela, Mammalia Index.
J. he chafe of thefc animals, in, the more barbarous
times of the Ruffian empire, was the employment, or ra¬
ther talk, of the unhappy exiles in Siberia. As that
country is now become more populous, the fables have
in a great meafure quitted it, and retired farther north
and eaft, to live in defert forefts and mountains : they
live near the banks of rivers, or in the little illands in
them ; on this account they have, by fome, been fup-
pofed to be the ZaSsg/M of Ariftotle [Hijl. An. Kb. viiL
c* 5')> which he clafles with the animals converfant
among waters.
At prefent the hunters of fables form themfelves in¬
to troops, from five to forty each : the laft fubdivide in¬
to leffer parties, and each choofes a leader j but there is
one that directs the whole : a fmail covered boat is
provided
S A B
Sable, provided for each party, loaded with provifions, a dog
—v-— and net for every two men, and a veflel to bake their
bread in : each party alfo has an interpreter for the
country they penetrate into. Every party then fets
out according to the courfe their chief points cut: they
go againft the ftream of the rivers, drawing their boats
up, till they arrive in the hunting country ; there they
Hop, build huts, and wait till the waters are frozen, and
the feafon commences : before they begin the chafe,
their leader affembles them, they unite in a prayer to
the Almighty for fuccefs, and then feparate : the firft
fable they take is called God's fable, and is dedicated to
the church.
They then penetrate into the woods ; mark the trees
■as they advance, that they may know their way back ;
and in their hunting quarters form huts of trees, and
bank up the fnow round them : near thefe they lay
their traps •, then advance farther, and lay more traps,
Hill building new huts in every quarter, and return fuc-
ceffively to every old one to vifit the traps and take
out the game to ikin it, which none but the chief of
the party muft do : during this time they are fupplied
with proviiions by perfons ■who are employed to bring
it on fledges, from the,places on the road, where they
are obliged to form magazines, by reafon of the im-
prafticability of bringing quantities through the rough
country they muft pals. The traps are a fort of pit-
fall, with a loofe board placed over it, baited with fifti
or flelh : when fables grow fcarce, the hunters trace
them in the new-fallen fnow to their holes ; place their
nets at the entrance 5 and fometimes wait, watching
two or three days for the coming out of the animal :
it has happened that thefe poor people have, by the
failure of their provifions, been fo pinched with hun¬
ger, that, to prevent the cravings of appetite, they have
been reduced to take two thin boards, one of which
they applied to the pit of the ftomach, the other to the
back, drawing them tight together by cords placed at
the ends : iuch are the hardlhips our fellow-creatures
undergo to fupply the wantonnefs of luxury.
The feafon of chace being finilhed, the hunters re-
affemble, make a report to their leader of the number of
fables each has taken j make complaints of offenders
againft their regulations j punifh delinquents ; ftiare the
booty ; then continue at the head-quarters till the rivers
are clear of ice j return home, and give to every church
the dedicated furs.
SABLE, Cape, the moft foutherly province of Nova
Scotia, in North America, near which is a fine cod-fifli-
ery. W. Long. 65. 34. N. Lat. 43. 24.
Sable Ifle is adjoined to this cape, and the coafts of
both are moft commodioufly lituated for filheries.
SABLE Trade, the trade carried on in the fluns or
furs of fables *, of which the following commercial hi-
llory was tranflated by Mr J. R. Forfter from a Ruffian
performance on that fubjeft by Mr Muller.
“ Sable ; foble, in Ruffian •, %oble \n German. Their
price varies from il. to 10I. fierling, and above: fine
and middling fable-fldns are without bellies, and the
coarfe ones are with them. Forty Ikins make a collec¬
tion called ‘Zimmer. The fineft fables are fold in pairs
perfedlly fimilar, and are dearer than Angle ones of the
fame goodnefs : for the Ruffians want thofe in pairs
for facing caps, cloaks, tippets, &c. the blackeft are
reputed the beft. Sables are in feafon from November
to February 5 Tor thofe caught at any other time of
the year are ftiort-haired, and then called nedofoboli.
] . s . A B
The hair of fables differs in length and quality : the Sable.
long hairs, which reach far beyond the inferior ones,
are called os; the more a Ikin has of fuch long hairs,
the blacker it is, and the more valuable is the fur j the
very beft have no other but thofe long and black hairs.
Motchka is a technical term ufed in the Ruffian fur-
trade* expreffmg the lower part of the long hairs ; and
fometimes it comprehends likewife the lower and ihorter
hairs : the above-mentioned beft fable furs are find to
have a black motchka. Relow the long hairs are, in
the greater part of the fable-furs, feme fhorter hairs,
called podofe, i. e. under-os j the more podofie a fur
has, it is the lefs valuable : in the better kind of fables
the podofie has black tips, and a gray or rufty motchka.
The firft kind of motchka makes the middling kind of
fable furs 5 the red one the worft, efpecially if it has
but few os. Between the os and podofie is a low woolly
kind of hair, called podfada. The more podfada a fur
has, the lefs valuable : for the long hair will, in fuch
cafe, take no other direction than the natural one ; for
the charadfers of fable is, that notwithftanding the hair
naturally lies from the head towards the tail, yet it will
lie equally in any dirediion as you ftrike your hand
over it. The various combinations of thefe charadfers,
in regard to os, motchka, podofie, and podfada, make
many fpecial divifions in the goodnefs of furs : befides
this, the furriers attend to the fize, preferring always,
cceieris paribus, the biggeft, and thofe that have the
greateft glofs. The fize depends upon the animal being
a male or a female, the latter being always fmaller.
The glofs vanifties in old furs : the frefti ones have a
kind of bloomy appearance, as they exprefs it ; the old
ones are faid to have done blooming : the dyed fables
always lofe their glofs •, become lefs uniform, whether
the low’er hairs have taken the dye or not; and com¬
monly the hairs are fomewhat twifted or crifped, and
not fo ftraight as in the natural ones. Some fumigate
the Ikins, to make them look blacker j but the fmell,
and the crifped condition of the long hair, betrays the
cheat; and both ways are detefted by rubbing the fur
with a moift linen cloth, which grows black in fuch cafes.
“ The Chinefe have a way of dyeing the fables, fo
that the colour not only lafts (which the Ruffian cheats
cannot do), but the fur keeps its glofs, and the crifped
hairs only difeover it. This is the reafon that all the
fables, which are of the beft kind, either in pairs or fe¬
parate, are carried to Ruffia •, the reft go to China.
J he very beft fables come from the environs of Nert-
chitflc and Yakutfk ; and in this latter diftrift, the coun¬
try about the river Ud affords fometimes fables, of
wdiich one fingle fur is often fold at the rate of 60 or
70 rubles, 12I. or 14I. The bellies of fables, which
are fold in pairs, are about twTo fingers breadth, and
are tied together by 40 pieces, which are fold from il.
to 2I. fterling. Tails are fold by the hundred. The
very beft fable-furs muft have their tails ; but ordinary
fables are often cropped, and 100 fold from 4I. to 8k
fterling. The legs or feet of fables are feldom fold fe-
parately j white fables are rare, and no common mer¬
chandize, but bought only as curiofities : fome are
yellowifti, and are bleached in the fpring on the fnow.”
Sable,,in Heraldry, fignifies “ black;” and is bor¬
rowed from the French, as are moft terms in this fcience:
in engraving it is expreffed by both horizontal and per¬
pendicular lines crofting each other. Sable of itfelf fig¬
nifies conftancy, learning, and grief; and ancient he¬
ralds will have it, that when it is compounded with
3 I 2 Of
[ 455
SAC
[ 436 ] SAC
Sable
Saccharum.
Or
Arg.
Gul.
Azu.
Ver.
Pur.
<L)
' Honour.
Fame.
Refpeci.
• Application.
Comfort.
_ Auiferily.
The occaflon that introduced this colour into heraldry
is thus related by Alexander Nilbet, p. 8. The duke
of Anjou, king of Sicily, after the lofs of that kingdom,
appeared at a tournament in Germany all an black, with
his (hield of that tmEinvc, feme de larme^. e. befprink-
led with drops of water, to reprefent tears, indicating
by that both his grief and lofs.
SABLES FAN, or Sablustan, a province of Alia,
in Perfia, on the frontiers of Indoitan 5 bounded on the
north by Khorafan 5 on the eaft, by the mountains of
Balk and Candahar •, on the Touth, by Sagetlan or Se-
geftan •, and on the weft, by Heri. It is a mountainous
country, very little known to Europeans 5 nor is it cer¬
tain which is the capital town.
SABRE, a kind of Iword or fcimitar, with a very
broad and heavy blade, thick at the back, and a little
falcated or crooked towards the point. It is the ordi¬
nary weapon worn by the Turks, who are faid to be
very expert in the ufe of it.
SABURRA, in Medicine, ufually denotes any col¬
lection of half putrid indigefted matter in the ftomach
and inteftines, by which the operation of digeition is
impeded.
SABURRaE, GRITTS, in Natural Hi/}on/ ; a kind of
flone, found in minute maffes. They are of various co¬
lours, as ftony and fparry gritts, of a bright or greyifh
white colour •, red llony gritts ; green Itony gritts ;
yellow gritt ; blackiih gritts.
SACiEA, a feaft which the ancient Babylonians
and other orientals held annually in honour of the deity
Anaitis. The Sacaea were in the Eait what the Satur¬
nalia were at Rome, viz. a feaft for the Haves. One
of the ceremonies was to choofe a prifoner condemn¬
ed to death, and allow him all the pleafures and gra¬
tifications he wmuld wifh, before he were carried to ex¬
ecution.
SACCADE, in the manege, is a jerk more or lefs
violent, given by the horfeman to the horfe, in pulling
or twitching the reins of the bridle all on a fudden and
with one pull, and that wdaen a horfe lies heavy unon
the hand, or obftinately arms himfelf.
This is a correftion ufed to make a horfe carry well;
but it oufjht to be ufed difcreetly, and but feldom.
SACERDOTAL, fomething belonging to priefts.
See Priest.
SACCULUS. in Anatomy, a diminutive of faccus,
lignifies a little bag, and is applied to many parts of the
body.
SACCHARUM, Sugar, or the Su^ar Cane, a ge¬
nus of plants belonging to the triandria clafs ; and in the
natural method ranking under the 4th order, Gramina.
See Botany Index.
This plant is a native of Africa, the Eaft Indies, and
of Brazil *, from whence it was introduced into our
Weft India illands foon after they were fettled. The
fugar cane is the glory and the pride of thofe iflands.
It amply rewards the induftrious planter, enriches the
Britiih merchant, gives bread to thoufands of manufac¬
turers and feamen, and brings an immenfe revenue to Saccharum
the crown. For the procefs of making fugar, fee Su- l!
„Ar> r 6 5 > Sacheverel.
CAR. (
Sugar, formerly a luxury, is now become one of the
neceflaries of life. In ciop-time every negro on the
plantations, and every animal, even the dogs, grow fat.
This fufticiently points out the nourilhing and healthy
qualities of fugar. It has been alleged, that the eating
of fugar fpoils the colour of, and corrupts, the teeth :
this, however, proves to be a miftake, for no people on
the earth l ave finer teeth than the negroes in Jamaica.
Dr Alfton, formerly profeffor of botany and materia
medica at Edinburgh, endeavoured to obviate this vul¬
gar opinion : he had a fine let of teeth, which he aferib-
ed folely to his eating great quantities' of fugar. Ex¬
ternally too it is often ufeful : mixed with the pulp of
roafted oranges, and applied to putrid or ill difpofed
ulcers, it proves a powerful correftor.
SACCHAROMETER, an inftrument for afeertain-
ing the value of worts, and the ftrenglh of different
kinds of malt liquor. The name fignifies a meafurtr of
fweetnefs. An inftrument of this kind has been invent¬
ed by a Mr Richardfon of Hull, on the following prin¬
ciple The menftruum or water, employed by the
brewer, becomes more denfe by the addition of fuch
parts of the materials as have been diffclved or extracted
by, and thence incorporated with it : the operation of
boiling, and its fubfequent cooling, ftill adds to the den-
fity of it by evaporation ; fo that when it is fubmitted
to the adtion of fermentation, it is der.Ier than at any
other period.
In pafiing through this natural operation, a remark¬
able alteration takes’place. The fluid no iooner begins
to ferment than its denfity begins to diminiih \ and as
the fermentation is more or lefs perfedf, the fermentable
matter, wftrofe acceffion has been traced by the increafe
of denfity, becomes m ire or lefs attenuated \ and in
place of every particle tl us attenuated, a fpirituous par¬
ticle, of lers denfity than water, is produced •, fo that
when the liquor is again in a ftate of reft, it is fo much
fpecifically lighter than it was before, as the aciion of
fermentation has been capable of attenuating the com¬
ponent parts of its acquired denlity 5 and if the whole
were attenuated in this manner, the liquor vrould be¬
come lighter, or lefs denfe than water, becaufe the quan¬
tity of fpirit produced from the fermentable matter, and
occupying its place, would diminifh the denfity of the
water in feme degree of proportion to that in which the
latter has increafed it.
SACHEVEREL, Dr Henry, a famous clergyman
of the Tory fadlion in the reign of Queen Anne ; who
diftinguifhed himfelf by indecent and fcurrilous fermens
and wri ings againli the diffenters and revolution princi¬
ples. He owed his confequence, however, to being in-
difcreetly profecuted by the houfe of lords for his aflize-
fermon at Derby, and his i;th of November fermon at
St Paul’s in 17095 in which he afferted the dodhine
of non-refiftance to government in its utmoft extent 5
and refledled feverely on the aft of toleration. The
h’gh and low church parties were very violent at that
time 5 and the trial ot Sacheverel inflamed the high-
church party to dangerous riots and excelTes : he w7as,
however, fufpended for three years, and his fermons
burned by the common hangman. The Tories being
in adminiftration when Sacheverel’s fufpenfion expired,
he
SAC
[ 437 3
SAC
Sack
II
Sack ville,
he was freed with every circumftance of honour and
public rejoicing } was ordered to preach before tne com-
, rnons on the 29th of May, had the thanks of the houfe
for his difcourfs, and obtained the valuable redory of
St Andrew’s, Holborn.
SACK, a' wine ufed by our anceftors, which fume
have taken to be Rheniih and fome Canary wine. ■
Venner, in his Vui Rcfia ad Vdarn Lon^njn, printed in
1628, fays that fack is “ completely not in the third
degree, and that home aflfecl to drink fack with tugar
and fome without; and upon no other ground, as I
think, but as it is bell pleafmg to their palate.” He goes
on to fay, “ that fack, taken by itfelf, is very hot and
very penetrative ; being taken with fugar, the heat is
both fomewhit allayed, and the penetrative quality there¬
of alfo retarded.” He adds farther, that Hhenith, &c.
decline after a twelvemonth, but lack and the other
lironger wines are bed when they are two or three years
old. It appears to he highly probable that lack was not
a fweet wine, from its being taken with Cigar, and that
it did not receive its name from having a faccharine fla¬
vour, but from its being originally itored in fa ks or
boraebios. It does not appear to have been a French
wine, but a ftrong wine the produftion of a hot cli¬
mate. Probably it was what is called dry mountain, or
fome Spanilh wine of that kind. This conje&ure is
the more plaufible, as Howell, in his French and Eng-
lifh Diflionary, printed in the year 1650, tranllates
fack by the words vin d'E/pagne, via fee.
SACK of Wool, a quantity of wool containing juft
2 2 (tones, and every ftone 14 pounds. In Scotland, a
fack is 24 ftones, each ftone containing 16 pounds.
Sack of Cotton Wool, a quantity from one hundred
and a half to four hundred weight.
Sacks of Earth, in Fortification, are canvas bags
filled with earth. They are ufed in making retrench¬
ments in hafle, to place on parapets, or the head of the
breaches, &c. to repair them, when beaten down.
SACKBUT, a mufical inftrument of the wind kind,
being a fort of trumpet, though different from the com¬
mon trumpet both in form and fize } it is fit to play a
bafs, and is contrived to be drawn out or Ihortened,
according to the tone required, whether grave or acute.
The Italians call it trombone, and the Latins tuba duc-
tilis.
SACKVILLE, Thomas, Lord Buckhurfi, and Earl
of Dorfet, a ftatefman and poet, the Ion of Rmhard
Sackville, Efq. of Buckhurft, in the parifh of Wi-
thian in Suffex, was born in the year 153^* was
fent to Hart-hall in Oxford, in the latter end the
reign of Edward VI. whence he removed to Cambridge,
where he took a mailer of arts degree, and thence to
the Inner Temple. He now applied himfelf to the
ftudy of the law, and w^as called to the bar. We are
told that he commenced poet whilft at the univerfities,
and that thefe his juvenile produftions were much ad¬
mired, none of which, however, have been preferved.—
In the fourth and fifth vear or Queen Mary, we find him
a member of the houfe of commons; about wdaich time,
in I he wrote a poe'ical niece, entitled The In-
duRion, or The Mirror of MagHrates. This laft was
meant to comprehend all the unfortunate Great from the
beginning of our hiflory ; but the defign being drop-
ped, it was inferted in the body of the work. The
Mirror of Magiftrates is formed on a dramatic plan j
in which the perfons are introduced fpeaking. The In- SackvTe.
dudtion is written much in the ityle of Spencer, who, y~"""
with feme probability, is fuppofed to have imitated tins
author.
In 1561, his tragedy of Gorboduc was acted before
Oueen Elizabeth by the gentlemen of the Inner iemple.
This was the firft tolerable tragedy in our language.
The Companion to the Playhoute tells us, that the
three firlf adds were written by Mr 1 ho. Norton. Sir
Philip Sidney, in his Apology for Poetry, fays, “it
is full of ftately fpeeches, and well-founding phrafes,
climbing to the height of Seneca in his ilyle, &c.
Rvmer fpeaks highly in its commendation. Mi Spence,
at the mitigation of Mr Pope, repubhfhed it in
with a pompous preface. It is faid to be our firit dra¬
matic piece written in verfe.
In the firft parliament ot this reign, Mr Sackville was
member for Suffex, and for Bucks in the lecond. in
the mean time he made the tour of France and Italy,
and in 1 ^66 was imprilbned at Rome, when he was
informed of his father’s death, by which he became
poffeffed of a very confiderable fortune.
Having now obtained his liberty, he returned to
England ; and being firft knighted, was created Lord
Buckhurft. In 1570 he was lent ambaffador to France.
In i ,-86 he was one of the commiflioners appointed to
try the unfortunate Mary queen of Scots j and was^
the meffenger employed to report the confirmation of
her fentence, and to fee it executed. The year follow¬
ing he went ambaffador to the States General, in con-
fequence of their complaint againft the earl of Leice-
fter; who, dilliking his impartiality, prevailed on the
queen to recal him, and confine him to his houfe. In
this ftate of confinement he continued about 10 months,
when Leicefler dying, he was reftored to favour, and
in 1 580 was inftalled knight ot the garter : but the
moft incontrovertible proof of the queen’s partiality ior
Lord Buckhurft appeared in the year 1591, when Hie
caufed him to be elefted chancellor in the univerfity of
Oxford, in oppofition to her favourite Effex. In 1598,
on the death of the treafurer Burleigh, Lard Buckhurit
fucceeded him, and by virtue of his olfice became in
effect prime minifter} and when, in 1601, the earls of
Effex and Southampton were brought to trial, he fat
as lord high fleward on that awful occalion.
On the acceflion of James I. he was gracioufly re¬
ceived, had the office of lord high treafurer confirmed
to h'm for life, and was created earl of Doriet. He.
continued in high favour with the king till the day of
his death •, which happened fuddenly, on the 19th of
April 1608, in the council chamber at Whitehall. He
was interred with great folemnity in WFfiminfter abbey.
He was a good poet, an able minifter, and an honeit
man. From him is defeended the prefent noble family
of the Dorfets. “ It. were needlefs (fays Mr Walpole)
to add, that he was the patriarch of a race of genius
and wit.”
Sackville, Charles, earl of Dorfet, a celebrated w it
and poet, defeended from the foregoing, was born in
1637. He was, like Villievs, Rochefler, Sedley, &c.
ore of the libertines of King Charles’s court, and. fome-
times indulged himfelf in inexcufahle exceffes. He
openly difcountenanced the violent meafures of James H.
and engaged earlv foi- the prince of Orange, by whom
he was made lord chamberlain of the houfehold, and
taken
SAC [ 438 ] SAC
Sacrament
taken into tke privy-council. He died in 1706, and
left feveral poetical pieces, which, though not conlider-
able enough to make a volume by themfelves, may be
found among the works of the minor poets, published in
1749-
SACRAMENT is derived from the Latin word
facrameruum, which fignifies an oath, particularly the
oath taken by foldiers to be true to their country and
general. The w-ords of this oath, according to Poly¬
bius, were, obtemperaturus fum et fa&urus quicquid man-
dabitur ab imperatoribus juxta vires. The word was
adopted by the writers of the Latin church, and em¬
ployed, perhaps with no great propriety, to denote thofe
ordinances of religion by which Chriftians came under
an obligation, equally facred with that of an oath, to
obferve their part of the covenant of grace, and in which
they have the aflurance of Chrift that he will fulfil his
part of the fame covenant.
Of facraments, in this fenfe of the word, Proteftant
churches admit of but two ; and it is not eafy to con¬
ceive how a greater number can be made out from Scrip¬
ture, if the definition of a facrament be juft which is
given by the church of England. By that church, the
meaning of the word facrament is declared to be “ an
«utward and vifible fign of an inward and fpiritual
grace given unto us, ordained by Chrift himfelf as a
means whereby w-e receive the fame, and a pledge to
affure us thereof.” According to this definition, bap-
tifm and the Lord’s Supper are certainly facraments;
for each confifts of an outwrard and vifible fign of w hat is
believed to be an inward and fpiritual grace j both w ere
«rdained by Chrift himfelf, and by the reception of each
does the Cliriftian come under a folemn obligation to be
true to his divine mafter, according to the terms of
the covenant of grace. (See Baptism and SUPPER of
the Lord'). The Romanifts, however, add to this num¬
ber confirmation, penance, extreme titiblion, ordination,
and marriage, holding in all feven facraments; but two
of thofe rites not being peculiar to the Chriftian church
cannot poflibly be Chrifiian facraments, in contradiftinc-
tion to the facraments or obligations into which men of
all religions enter. Marriage w-as inftituted from the
beginning, when God made man male and female, and
commanded them to be fruitful, and multiply and reple-
nifh the earth *, and penance, as far as it is of the fame
import wdth repentance, has a place in all religions
which teach that God is merciful, and men fallible.—
The external feverities impofed upon penitents by the
church of Rome (fee Penance) may indeed be in
fome refpefts peculiar to the difcipline of that church,
though the penances of the Hindoos are certainly as ri¬
gid ; but none of thefe feverities were ordained by Chrift
himfelf as the pledge of an inw-ard and fpiritual grace j
nor do they, like baptifm and the Lord’s Supper, bring
men under obligations which are funpofed to be analo¬
gous to the meaning of the w-ord fiacramentum. Con¬
firmation has a better title to the appellation of a fa-
erament than any of the other five popifh rites of that
name, though it certainly w-as not confidered as fuch by
the earlieft writers of the Chriftian church, nor does it
appear to have been ordained by Chrift himfelf, (fee
Confirmation). Ordination is by many churches
confidered as a very important rite 5 but as it is not ad-
miniftered to all men, nor has any particular form ap¬
propriated to it in the New Teftament, it cannot be
I
confidered as a Chriftian facrament conferring grace ge- Sacrament
nerally neceffary to falvation. It is rather a form of il
authorifing certain perfons to perform certain offices.-, “a-"e' .
which refpeft not themfelves but the whole church ; and
extreme unftion is a rite which took its rife from the
miraculous pow-ers of the primitive church vainly claim¬
ed by the fucceeding clergy. (See Ordination and
Extreme UNCTION). Thefe confiderations feem to have
fome w-eight with the Romifli clergy themfelves j for
they call the eucharift, by way of eminence, the holy
facrament. Thus to expofe the holy facrament, is to
lay the confecrated hoft on the altar to be adored.—-
The proceftion of the holy facrament is that in which
this hoft is carried about the church, or about a town.
Numerous as we think the facraments of the Romifli
church, a fe<ft of Chriftians fprung up in England early
in the current century who increafed their number.—
The founder of this fe£t w-as a Dr Deacon, we think,
of Manchefter, where the remains of it ftibfifted very
lately, and probably do fo at prefent. According to
thefe men, every rite and every phrafie in the book called
the Apofiolical Confiitutions were certainly in ufe among
the apoftles themielves. Still, however, they make a di-
ftindtion between the greater and the leffer facraments.
The greater facraments are only two, baptifm and the
Lord’s fupper. The leffer are no few-er than ten, viz.
five belonging to baptifm, exorcifim, anointing with oil,
the white garment, a tafie cf milk and honey, and anoint¬
ing with chrifm or ointment. The other five are, the
fign of-the crofis, impofition of hands, unElion of the fid,
holy orders, and matrimony. Of the nature of thefe
leffer facraments, or the grace which they are fuppofed
to confer, our limits will permit us to give no account.
—Nor is it neceffary that we fhould. The fefl which
taught them, if not extinguifhed, is certainly in its laft
wane. It has produced, however, one or two learned
men and its founder’s Full, True, and Comprehenfive
View of Chriftianity, in two Catechifms, is a work
which the Chriftian antiquary will read with pleafure
for .information, and the philofopher for the materials
which it contains for meditation on the w-orkings of the
human snind. It w-as publifhed in 8vo, in the year
I748*
Congregation of the Holy SACRAMENT, a religious
eftablifhment formed in France, whofe founder was Au-
therius, bifhop of Bethlehem, and w-hich, in 1644, re-
ceived an order from Urban VIII. to have always a
number of ecclefiaftics ready to exercife their miniftry
among pagan nations, wherever the pope, or congrega¬
tion depropaganda, fhoudd appoint.
SACRAMENTARIANS, a general name given
to all fuch as have publiftied or held erroneous doftrines
of the facrament of the Lord’s Supper. The term is
chiefly applied among Roman Catholics, by way of re¬
proach, to the Lutherans, Calvinifts, and other Pro-
teftants.
SACRAMENT ARY, an ancient Romifti church-
book, w-hich contains all the prayers and ceremonies
praftifed at the celebration of the facraments.
It w-as w-roteby Pope Gelafius, and afterw-ards revifed,
correfted, and abridged, by St Gregory.
SACRE, or Saker, in Ornithology, the name of a
fpecies of falcon, called by authors falco facer, and differ¬
ently deferibed by different authors, but by all agreed
to be an extremely bold and adive bird. It is a native
of
SAC T 439 ] SAC
S-icred, 0f the northern regions of Europe j and a variety called
Sacritke.. pome wrjters fpeckled partridge hawk is found at
Hudfon’s bay, North America.
SACRED, fomething holy, or that is folemnly of¬
fered and confecrated to God, with benediftions, unc¬
tions, &c.
Kings, prelates, and priefts, are reckoned facred per-
fons j abbots are only bleffed.—The deaconhood, fub-
4eaconhood, and priehhood, are all facred orders, and
are faid to imprefs a facred indelible character. The
cuflom of confecrating kings with holy oil is derived
(fays Gutlingius) from the Hebrews ; among whom,
he agrees with Gretius, it was never ufed but to kings
who had not an evident right by fucceflion. He adds,
that the Chriftian emperors never ufed it before Juftin
the younger ; from whom he takes it to have paffed to
the Goths, &c.
Sacred is alfo applied to things belonging to God
and the church. Church-lands, ornaments, &c. are
held facred.—The facred college is that of the cardi¬
nals.
SACRED Majejly, is applied to the emperor and to the
king of England ; yet Loyfeau fays it is blafphemy.
See Majesty. The ancients held a place ftruck with
thunder as facred. In the civil law, facred place chief¬
ly denotes that where a perfon deceafed has been inter¬
red.
Sacred Elixir. See Elixir.
SACRIFICE, an oftering made to God on an altar,
by means of a regular miniiler, as an acknowledgment
of his power, and a payment of homage. Sacrifices
(though the term is fometimes ufed to comprehend all
the offerings made to God, or in any way devoted to his
fervice and honour) differ from mere oblations in this,
that in a facrifice there is a real deftru&ion or change
of the thing offered; whereas an oblation is only a
fimple offering or gift, without any fuch change at all :
thus, all forts of tythes, and firft fruits, and whatever of
men’s worldly fubflance is confecrated to God, for the
fupport of his worfhip and the maintenance of his mi-
nifters, are offerings or oblations; and thefe, under the
Jewifh law7, were either of living creatures or other
things : but facrifices, in the more peculiar fenfe of the
term, were either wholly or in part confumed by fire.
They have by divines been divided into bloody and un¬
bloody. Bloody facrifices were made of living creatures j
unbloody of the fruits of the earth. They have alfo been
divided into expiatory, impetratory, and eucharijlical.
The firft kind were offered to obtain of God forgivenefs
of fins •, the fecond, to procure fome favour; and the
third, to exprefs thankfulnefs for favours already re¬
ceived. Under one or other of thefe heads may all
facrifices be arranged *, though we are told, that the
Egyptians had 666 different kinds, a number furpaf-
fing all credibility.
Concerning the origin of facrifiees very various opi¬
nions have been held. By many, the Phoenicians are
fuppofed to have been the authors of them ; though
Porphyry attributes their invention to the Egyptians ;
and Ovid imagines, from the import of the name victim
and hojtia, that no bloody facrifices were offered till
wars prevailed in the world, and nations obtained vic¬
tories over their enemies. Thefe are mere hypothefes
contradiffed by the moft authentic records of antiquity,
and entitled to no regard.
By modern deifts, facrifices are faid to have had their Sacrifice,
origin in fuperftition, which operates much in the fame u“—" -
way in every country. It is therefore weak, according
to thofe men, to derive this practice from any parti¬
cular people } fince the fame mode of reafoning would
lead various nations, without any intercourfe with each
other, to entertain the fame opinions refpedfting the na¬
ture of their gods, and the proper means of appealing
their anger. Men of grofs conceptions imagine their
deities to be like themfelves, covetous and cruel. They
are accuftomed to appeafe an injured neighbour by a
compofition in money \ and they endeavour to compound
in the fame manner with their gods, by rich offerings to
their temples and to their priefts. The .moil; valuable
property of a fimple people is their cattle. Thefe of¬
fered in facrifice are fuppofed to be fed upon by the di¬
vinity, and are actually fed upon by his priefts. If a
crime is committed which requires the punifhment of
death, it is accounted perfectly fair to appeafe the deity
by offering one life for another j becaufe, by favages,
punifhment is confidered as a debt for which a man
may compound in the beft. way that he can, and which
one man may pay for another. Hence, it is faid, arofe
the abfurd notions of imputed guilt and vicarious atone¬
ment. Among the Egyptians, a white bull was cho-
fen as an expiatory facrifice to their god Apis. After
being killed at the altar, his head was cut off, and caft
into the river, with the following execration : “ May
all the evils impending over thofe who perform this fa¬
crifice, or over the Egyptians in general, be averted on
this head * Herodo-
Had facrifice never prevailed in the world but among ^ hk. iw-
fuch grofs idolaters as worfhipped departed heroes, who
were fuppofed to retain in their ftate of deification all
the paftions and appetites of their mortal ftate, this ac¬
count of the origin of that mode of worfhip would have
been to us perfeftly fatisfattory. We readily admit,
that fuch mean notions of their gods may have actually
led far diftant tribes, who could not derive any thing
from each other through, the channel of tradition, to
imagine that beings of human paflions and appetites
might be appeafed or bribed by coftly offerings. But
we know from the moft incontrovertible authority, that
facrifices of the three kinds that we have mentioned
were in ufe among people who worfhipped the true
God, and who muft have had very correct notions of
his attributes. Now we think it impoflible that fuch
notions could have led any man to fancy that the taking
away of the life of a harmlefs animal, or the burning of
a cake or other fruits of the earth in the fire, would be
acceptable to a Being felf-exiftent, omnipotent, and om-
nifeient, who can neither be injured by the crimes of his
creatures, nor receive any accefiion of happinefs from a
thoufand worlds.
Senfible of the force of fuch reafoning as this, fome
perfons of great name, who admit the authenticity of
the Jewilh and Chriftian feriptures, and firmly rely on
the atonement made by Chrift, are yet unwilling (it is
difficult to conceive for what reafon) to allow that ia-
crifices were originally inftituted by God. Of this way
of thinking were St Chryfoftom, Spencer, Grotius, and
Warburton, as were likewife the Jews Maimonides, R.
Levi, Ben Gerfon, and Abarbanel. The greater part
of thefe writers maintain, that facrifices were at firft a
human inftitution} and that God, in order to prevent
their
SAC
r 443 i
SAC
Sacrifice, their being offered to idols, introduced them into bis
fervice, though he did not approve of them as good in
themfelves, or as proper rites of worfhip. That the in¬
finitely wife and good God fhould introduce into his
fervice improper rites of worfhip, appears to us fo ex¬
tremely improbable, that we cannot but wonder how
fuch an opinion fhould ever have found its way into the
minds of fuch men as thofe who held it. Warburton’s
theory of facrifice is much more plaufible, and being
more lately publithed, is worthy of particular examina¬
tion.
According to this ingenious prelate,- facrifices had
their origin in the fentiments of the human heart, and
in the ancient mode of converfing by aftion in aid of
words. Gratitude to God for benefits received is na¬
tural to the mind of man, as w^ell as his bounden duty.
# Divine “ This duty (fays the bifhop *) was in the moft early
Leg. b. ix. jjmes difcharged in exprefiive adions, the leaf! equivocal
C‘ *' of which was the offerer’s bringing the firft fruits of
pa ft ur age or agriculture to that fequeftered place where
the Deity ufed to be more folemnly invoked, at the da¬
ted times of public worfhip *, and there prefenting them
in homage, with a demeanor which fpoke to this pur-
pofe.—‘ I do hereby acknowledge thee, O my God ! to
be the author and giver of all good : and do now, with
humble gratitude, return my warmeft thanks for thefe
thy bleftings particularly beftowed upon me.-’—Things
thus devoted became thenceforth facred : and to
prevent their defecration, the readied wav was to fend
them to the table of the pried, or to confume them im
the fire of the altar. Such, in the opinion of our author,
was the origin of euchariftical facrifices. Impetrntory
or preccitive facrifices had, he thinks, the fame origin,
and were contrived to exprefs by a£lion an invocation
for the continuance of God’s favour. “ F.xniatory fa¬
crifices (fays the learned prelate) were in their‘own na¬
ture as intelligible, and in praftice as rational, as either
of the other two. Here, indead of prefenting the fird
fruits of agriculture and padurage, in corn, wine, oil,
and wool, as in the euchariftical, or a portion of what
was to be fown or otherwife propagated, as in the
impctrntory ; fome chofen animal precious to the repent-
inn criminal who deprecates, or fuppofed to be obnox¬
ious to the Deity who is to be appeafed, was offered up
and flain at the altar, in an aflion which, in all lan¬
guages, when trar,dated into words, fpeaks to this pur-
pofe : ‘ I confefs my tranfgreffions at thy footftool, O
mv God ! and with the deeped contrition implore thy
pardon •, confeffing that I deferve death for thofe my
offences.’—The latter part of the confeffion was more
forcibly expreffed by the afh'on of drilling the devoted
animal, and depriving it of life ; which, when put into
words, concluded in this manner.—‘ And I own that I
myfelf deferve tire death which I now indict on this ani-
mal.’
This fyftem of facrifice, which his lorddnp thinks fo
well fupported by the moft early movements of fimp’e
nature, we admit to he ingenious, but by no means fa-
tisfaftory. That mankind in the earlier ages of the
world were accudomed to funply the deficiencies of their
language by expreffive gefticulations we are not inclined
to controvert : the cudom prevails . among favage na¬
tions, or nations halr civilized, at the prefent day. His
lorddiip, however, is of opinion, and we heartily agree
with him, that our fird parents were indrufted by God
to make articulate founds fignificant of idea's, nohdnS, ^ Sacrifice;
and things (fee Language, N° 6.), and not left to ^
fabricate a language for themfelves. 1 hat this heaven-
taught language could be at fil'd copious, no man will
luppofe, who thinks ot the paucity oi ideas which thoie
who fpoke it had to exprefs 5 but when we confider its
origin, we cannot entertain a doubt but that it was pie-
cife and perfpicuous, and admirably adapted to all the
real purpoles of liie. Among thefe purpoies mult iure-
ly be included the wordiip oi. God as the moll impor¬
tant of all. Every fentiment therefore which enters in¬
to wordiip, gratitude, invocation, confeffion, and depre¬
cation, the progenitors of mankind were undoubtedly
taught to clothe in words the mod fignificant and une¬
quivocal ; but we know from Mofes, whole divine lega¬
tion the bidiop furely admitted, that Cain and Abel,
the elded children of our firft patents, worftiipped God
by the rites of facrifice : and can we fuppofe that this
pradlice occurred to them from their having fo far for¬
gotten the language taught them by their father, as to
be under the neceffity of denoting by adtion what they
could not exprefs by words ? If this fuppdfition be ad¬
mitted, it will force another upon us dill more extrava¬
gant. Even Adam himfelf mud, in that cafe, have Le-
come dumb in confequence of his fall j for it is not con¬
ceivable, that as long as he wTas able to utter articulate
founds, and affix a meaning to them, he would ceafe in_
the prefence of his family, to confefs bis fins, implore
forgivenefs, and exprefs his gratitude to God for ail his
mercies.
The right reverend writer, as if aware of fome fuch
ohjedlion as this to his theory, contends, that ir fa¬
crifices had arifen from any other fource than the
light of reafon, the Scripture would not have been
filent, concerning that fource-, “ efpecially fince we
find Mofes carefully recording what God immediately,
and not nature, taught to Adam and his family. Had
the original of facrifice,/ fays he, been preferibed, and
direftly commanded by the Deity, the facred hido-
rian could never have omitted the exprefs mention of
that circumdance. I he two capital obfervances in the
Jewiffi ritual were the Sabbath and Sacrifices. J o
imprefs the higheft reverence and veneration on the
Sabbath, he is careful to record its divine original : and
can we fuppofe that, had facrifices had the fame origi¬
nal, he would have negle&ed to eftablifh this truth at
the time that he recorded the other, fince it is of equal-
ufe and of equal importance ? I drould have faid, in¬
deed, of much greater j for the multifarious facrifices
of the law had not only a reference to \\\t forfeiture of
Adam, but likewife prefigured our redemption by Jefus
Chrift.”
But all this reafoning was forefeen, and completely
anfvvered before his lorddiip gave it to the public. It
is probable, that though the didinftion of weeks wr s
well known over all the eaftern world, the Hebrew s,
during their refidence in Egypt, were very negligent
in their obfervance of the Sabbath. To enforce a reli¬
gious obfervance of that facred day, it became neceffary
to inform them of the time and occadon of its fil'd m-
ftitution, that they might keep it holy in memory of
the creation but, in a country like Egypt, the people
were in danger of holding facrifices rather in too high
than too low veneration, fo that there was not the fame
neceffity for mentioning explicitly the early inftitutiort
Oi
SAC [ 44.1 ] SAG
Sucrince. of them. It was fufficient that they knew the divine in-
*' fticution of their own lacrifices, and the purpofes for
which they were offered. Befides this, there is reafon
to believe, that, in order to guard the Hebrews from
the infections of the heathen, the rite of facrificing was
loaded with many additional ceremonies at its fecond in-
ftitution under Mofes. It might, therefore, be improper
to relate its original limpltcity to a rebellious people,
who would think themfelves ill-ufed by any additional
burdens of trouble or expence, however really neceffary
tio their happinefs. Bifhop Warourton fees clearly the
ueceffity of concealing from the Jews the fpiritual and
refined nature of the Chriltian difpenfation, left luch a
backftiding people Ihould, from the contemplation of it,
have held in contempt their own economy. This, he
thinks, is the reafon why the prophets, {peaking of the
reign of the Meffiah, borrow their images from the Mo¬
saic difpenfation, that the people living under that difpen¬
fation might not defpife it from perceiving its end j and
we think the reafon will hold equally good for their law¬
giver concealing from them the fimplicity of the firft
facrifices, left they fhould be tempted to murmur at their
own multifarious ritual.
But his lordftiip thinks that facrifices had their ori¬
gin from the light of natural reafon. We ihould be
glad to know what light natural reafon can throw' upon
fuch a fubjeCI. That ignorant pagans, adoring as
gods departed heroes, who ftill retained their lenfual
appetites, might naturally think of appeafing fucb be¬
ings with the fat of fed beafts, and the perfumes of the
altar, we have already admitted ; but that Cain and
Abel, who knew that the God whom they adored has
neither body, parts, nor paftions ; that he created and
iuftains the univerfe ; and that from his very nature he
inuft will the happinefs of all his creatures, ihould
be led by the light of natural reafon to think of appea-
Mng him, or obtaining favours from him, by putting to
death harmlefs animals, is a poiition which no argu¬
ments of his lordftiip can ever compel us to admit. That
Abel’s facrifice was indeed accepted, we know 5 but. it
was not accepted becaufe it proceeded, from the move¬
ments of the human mind, and the deficiency of the ori¬
ginal language, but becaufe it was offered through
j'ailh. The light of natural reafon, however, does not
generate faith, but fcience •, and when it fails of that,
its offspring is ablurdity. “ Faith is the fubftance of
things hoped for, the evidence of things not feen,” and
Comes not by reafoning but by hearing. What things
then were they of wftiich Abel had heard, for which he
hoped, and in the faith of w’hich he offered facrifice ?
Undoubtedly it was a reftoration to that immortality
which wras forfeited by the tranfgreffion of his parents.
Of fuch redemption an obfeure intimation had been
jnven to Adam, in the promife that the feed of the wo¬
man ftiould bruife the head of the ferpent j and it wras
doubtlefs to imprefs upon his mind in more ftriking co-
^ lours the manner in which this was to be done, that
tik** bfoody facrifices were firft inftituted *. As long as the
import of fuch rites wras thus underftood, they confti-
tuted a perfectly rational worfhip, as they fhowred the
people that the wages of fin is death 5 but when men
funk into idolatry, and loft all hopes of a refurre6Hon
from the dead, the ftaughtering of animals to appeafe
their deities w'as a praftice grofsly fuperftitious. It reft-
ed in itfelf without pointing to any farther end, and
Vot. XVIII. Part II.
the grovelling Worfliippers believed that by their fa- Sacrifice*
crifices they purchafed the favour of their deities.
When once this notion was entertained, human facrifices
were foon introduced ; for it naturally occurred to thofe
who offered them, that what they moft valued them¬
felves would be moft acceptable to their offended gods,
(fee the next article). By the Jewfilh lawq thefe abo¬
minable offerings were ftriftly forbidden, and the whole
ritual of facrifice reftored to its original purity, though
not fimplicity.
All Ghriitian churches, the Socinian, if it can be
called a church, not excepted, have till very lately
agreed in believing that the Jewiffi facrifices ferv-
cd, amongft other ufes, for types of the death of
Chrift and the Chriftian worfhip, (fee Type.) In this
belief all fober Chriilians agree ftill, whilft many are
of opinion that they were likewife federal rites,
as they certainly were conlidered by the ancient Ro¬
mans
Of the various kinds of Jewifti facrifices, and the fub- * Tit. tiv,
ordinate ends for vehich they were offered, a full ac-lib. xxi.
count is g.ven in the books of Mofes. When an If-^iMS*
raelite offered a loaf or a cake, the prieft broke it in
two parts j and felting afide that half which he referved
for him felt, broke the other into crumbs, poured oil,
wine, incenfe, and fait upon it, and fpread the wTole
upon the fire of the altar. If thefe offerings were ac¬
companied with the facrifice of an animal, they W'ere
throwm upon the victim to be confumed along with it.
If the offerings were of the ears of new corn, they werte
parched at the fire, rubbed in the hand, and then of*
fered to the prieft in a vefiel, over which he poured oil,
incenfe, wine, and fait, and then burnt it upon the al¬
tar, having firft taken as much of it as of right belormed
to himfelfi
The principal facrifices among the Hebrews confift-
ed of bullocks, Iheep, and goats j but doves and turtles
were accepted from thole who were not able to bring
the other : thefe beafts were to be perfeft, and without
blemifh. The rites of facrificing were various ; all of
which are minutely deferibed in the books of Mo*
fes.
The manner of facrificing among the Greeks and
Romans was as follows. In the choice of the vi&im*
they took care that it was without blemifti or imper-
febfion •, its tail was not to be too fmall at the end;
the tongue not black, nor the ears cleft ■, and that the
bull was one that had never been yoked. The vi£Hm
being pitched upon, they gilt his forehead and horns,
efpeciaily if a bull, heifer, or cow. The head they
alfo adorned with a garland of flowers, a woollen in-
fula or holy fillet, whence hung two rows of chaplets
with twifted ribands; and on the middle of the body
a kind of ftole, pretty large, hung down on each fide;
the leffer vidlims were only adorned with garlands and
bundles of flowers, together with white tufts or
wreaths.
The vidlims thus prepared were brought before the
altar; the leffer being driven to the place, and the
greater led by an halter; when, if they made any
llruggle, or refufed to go, the refinance was taken for
an ill omen, and the facrifice frequently fet afide. The
vidlirn thus brought was carefully examined, to fee that
there was no defeft in it ; then the prieft, clad in his
facerdotal habit, and accompanied with the facrificers
3 K at»d
SAG [ 442 ] S AC"
Sacrifice, and other attendants, and being waihed and purified ac- inftead of an idol j for they did not admit of images.
   ' cording to the ceremonies prefcribed, turned to the right The Perfians buried people alive. Ameftris, the wife
hand, and went round the altar, fprinkling it with meal of Xerxes, entombed 12 perfons quick under ground
and holy water, and alfo befprinkling thofe who were for the good of her foul. It would be endlefs to enu-.
prefent. Then the crier proclaimed with a loud voice, merate every city, or every province, where thefe dire
Who is here ? To wdiich the people replied, Many and pradtices obtained. The Cyprians, the Rhodians, the
good. The pried; then having exhorted the people to Phoceans, the loniatts, thofe of Chios, Lefbos, '1 e-
join wuth him by faying, Let us pray, confeffed his nedos, all had human facrifices. The natives of the
owm unworthinefs, acknowledging that he had been Tauric Cherfonefus, offered up to Diana every ftranger
guilty of divers fins; for which he begged pardon of wdiom chance threw upon their coaif. Hence arofe
the gods, hoping that they wmuld be pleated to grant that juft expoifulation in Euripides upon the inconfift-
his requeits, accept the oblations offered them, and fend ency of the proceeding ; wherein much good realbning
them all health and happinefs ■, and to this general form is implied. Iphigenia wonders, as the goddefs delight-
added petitions for fuch particular favours as were then ed in the blood of men, that every villain and murderer
defired. Prayers being ended, the prieft took a cup of fhould be privileged to efcape, nay, be driven from the
wine ; and having tafted it himfelf, caufed his afliftants threftiold of the temple } whereas, if an honeft and vir-
to do the like } and then poured forth the remainder be- tuous man chanced to ftray thither, he only v7as feized
tween the horns of the vidtim. Then the prieft or the upon, and put to death. The Pelafgi, in a time of
crier, or fometimes the moft honourable perfon in the fcarcity, vowed the tenth of all that fliould be born to
company, killed the beaft, by knocking it down or them for a facrifice, in order to procure plenty. Arif-
cutting its throat. If the facrifice was in honour of the tomenes the Meffenian flew7 300 noble Lacedemonians,
celeftial gods, the throat was turned up towards hea- among whom was Theopompus the king of Sparta, at
ven, but if they facrificed to the heroes or infernal gods, the altar oi Jupiter at Ithome. Without doubt the
the vidtim was killed with its throat towards the ground. Lacedemonians did not fail to make ample returns j
If by accident the beaft efcaped the ftroke, leaped up for they w7ere a fevere and revengeful people, and of-
after it, or expired with pain and difficulty, it was fered the like victims to Mars. Their feftival of the
thought to be unacceptable to the gods. The beaft be- Diamaftigofis is well known j when the Spartan boys
ing killed, the prieft infpedted its entrails, and made were whipped in the fight of their parents with fuch
predidtions from them. . They then poured w'ine, toge- feverity before the altar of Diana Orthia, that they of-
ther with frankincenfe, into the fire, to increafe the ten expired under the torture. Phylarchus affirms, as
flame, and then laid the facrifice on the altar ; which in he is quoted by Porphyry, that of old every Grecian
the primitive times w7as burnt whole to the gods, and ftate made it a rule, before they marched towards an
thence called an holocaujl; but in after-times, only part enemy, to folicit a blefling on their undertakings by hu-
of the vidtim was confumed in the fire, and the remain- man vidtims.
der referved for the facrificers j the thighs, and fome- The Romans were accuftomed to the like facrifices.
times the entrails, being burnt to their honour, the They both devoted themfelves to the infernal gods, and
company feafted upon the reft. During the facri- conftrained others to fubmit to the fame horrid doom,
fice, the prieft, and the perfon who gave the facri- Hence w7e read in Titus Livius, that, in the confulate
lice, jointly prayed, laying their hand upon the al- of iEmilius Paulus and Terentius Varro, two Gauls,
tar. Sometimes they played upon mufical inftruments a man and a woman, and two in like manner of Greece,
in the time of the facrifice, and on fome occafions they were buried alive at Rome in the Ox-market, where
danced round the altar, finging facred hymns in honour was a place under ground willed round, to receive
of the god. ^ them ; which had before been made ufe of for fuch
Human SACRIFICES, an abominable pradtice, about cruel purpofes. He fays it was a facrifice not properly
the origin of which different opinions have been form- Roman, that is, not originally of Roman inftitution j
cd.—The true account feems to be that wrhich wre have yet it was frequently praftifed there, and that too by
given in the preceding article. When men had gone public authority. Plutarch makes mention of a like
lb far as to indulge the fancy of bribing their gods by inftance a few years before, in the confullhip of Fla-
facrifice, it w7as natural for them to think of enhancing minius and Eurius. I here is reafon to think, that all
the value of fo cheap an atonement by thecoft and rarity the principal captives w7ho graced the triumphs of the
of the offering-, and, oppreffed with their malady, they Romans, were at the clofe of that, cruel pageantry put
never refted till they had got that wftiich they conceiv- to death at the altar of Jupiter Capitolinus. Caius Ma-
ed to be the moft precious of all, a human facrifice. rius offered up his own daughter for a vidlim to the
* A d Eu It was cuftomary (fays Sanchoniathon *), in ancient Dii Averrunci, to procure fuccefs in a battle againft
feb^Praep. times, in great and public calamities, before things be- the Cimbri 5 as we are informed by Dorotheus, quoted
Evang. came incurable, for princes and magiftrates to offer up by Clemens. It is likewife attefted by Plutarch, who
lib. 4. facrifice to the avenging daemons the deareft of their fays that her name was Calpurnia. Marius was a man
offspring.” Sanchoniathon wrote of Phoenicia, but the of a four and bloody difpofition j and had probably
pradlice prevailed in every nation under heaven of w7hich heard of fuch facrifices being offered in the enemy’s
we have received any ancient account. The Egyptians camp, among whom they were very common, or he
had it in the early part of their monarchy. The Cre- might have beheld them exhibited at a diftance ; and
tans likewife had it, and retained it for a long lime.— therefore murdered w7hat was neareft, and Ihould have
The nations of Arabia did the fame. The people of been deareft to him, to counteract their fearful fpells,
Dumah, in particular, facrificed every year a child, and and outdo them in their wicked machinery. Cicero,
hurled it underneath an altar, which they made ufe of making mention of this cuftom being common in Gaul,
SAC
[ 443 ]
SAC
Sacrifice, adds, that it prevailed among that people even at the
time he was fpeaking j from whence we may be led to
infer, that it was then difcontinued among the Ro¬
mans. And we are told by Pliny, that it had then,
and not very long, been difcouraged. For there was
a law enadled, when Lentulus and Craffus were con-
fuls, fo late as the 657th year of Rome, that there
fliould be no more human facrifices : for till that time
thofe horrid rites had been celebrated in broad day
without any malk or controul j which, had we not the
belt evidence for the fail, wrould appear fcarcely cre¬
dible. And however they may have been difcontinued
for a time, we find that they wTere again renewed ,
though they became not fo public, nor fo general. For
not very long after this, it is reported of Augullus Cae-
far, when Perufia furrendered in the time of the fecond
triumvirate, that befides multitudes executed in a mili¬
tary manner, he offered up, upon the ides of March 300
chofen perfons, both of the equeftrian and fenatorial
order, at an altar dedicated to the manes of his uncle
Julius. Even at Rome itfelf this cuflom wTas revived :
and Porphyry allures us, that in his time a man was
every year facrificed at the (brine of Jupiter Latialis.
Heliogabalus offered the Inie vi£tims to the Syrian deity
which he introduced among the Romans. The fame is
faid of Aurelian.
the Germans w-ere fo devoted to this
that no bufinefs of any moment was
them wdthout being prefaced with
They were offered up to various
but particularly to Hefus, Taranis, and Thau-
Thefe deities are mentioned by Lucan, where he
The Gauls and
(hocking cuftcm,
tranfafled among
the blood of men.
gods}
tates.
enumerates the various nations wrho follow’ed the for¬
tunes of Caefar.
■ The altars of thefe gods were far removed from the
common refort of ‘ men 5 being generally fituated in
the depth of woods, that the gloom might add to the
horror of the operation, and give a reverence to the
place and proceeding. The perfons devoted were led
thither by the Druids, who prefided at the folemnity,
and performed the cruel offices of the facrifice. Ta¬
citus takes notice of the cruelty of the Hermunduri, in
a war with the Catti, wherein they had greatly the ad¬
vantage •, at the clofe of wffiich they made one gene¬
ral facrifice of all that was taken in battle. The poor
remains of the legion under Varus fuffered in fome
degree the fame fate. There were many places deflin-
ed for this purpofe all over Gaul and Germany •, but
efpecially in the mighty woods of Arduenna, and the
great Hercynian forefl; a wnld that extended above
30 days journey in length. The places fet apart for
this folemnity were held in the utmoft reverence, and
only approached at particular feafons. Lucan men¬
tions a grove of this fort near Maffilia, which even the
Roman foldiers w’ere afraid to violate, though command¬
ed by Caerar. It was one of thofe fet apart for the fa-
Crifices of the country.
Claudian compliments Stilicho, that, among other ad¬
vantages accruing to the Roman armies through his con-
dud, they could now venture into the awful forefl of
Hercynia, and follow the chafe in thofe fo much dread¬
ed woods, and otherwife make ufe of them.
Thefe practices prevailed among all the people of the
north, of whatever denomination. The Maflagetse, the
Scythians, the Getes, the Sarmatians, all the various na¬
tions upon the Baltic, particularly the Suevi and Scan- Sacrifice-
dinavians, held it as a fixed principle, that their happi- ‘ -1
nefs and fecurity could not be obtained but at the ex¬
pence of the lives of others. Their chief gods were
Thor and Woden, whom they thought they could never
fufficiently glut wdth blood. They had many very ce¬
lebrated places of worfhip •, efpecially in the ifland Ru-
gen, near the mouth of the Oder; and in Zeeland:
fome, too, very famous among the Semnones and Na-
harvalli. Rut the molt reverenced of all, and the moft
frequented, was at Upfal; where there was every year
a grand celebrity, which continued for nine days. Du¬
ring this term they facrificed animals of all forts : but
the molt acceptable viftims, and the moft numerous,
were men. Of thefe facrifices none were efteemed fo
aufpicious and falutary as a facrifice of the prince of the
country. When the lot fell for the king to die, it was
received with univerfal acclamations and every expref-
fion of joy ; as it once happened in the time of a fa¬
mine, when they caft lots, and it fell to King Domai-
der to be the people’s victim : and he was accordingly-
put to death. Olaus Tretelger, another prince, -was
burnt alive to Woden. They did not fpare their own
children. Harald the fon of Gunild, the firft of that
name, flew two of his children to obtain a florm of
wind. “ He did not let (fays Verflegan) to facrffice
two of his fons unto Ins idols, to the end he might ob¬
tain of them Inch a tempeft at fea, as ffiould break and
difperfe the (hipping of Harald king of Denmark.”
Saxo Grammaticus mentions a like fact. He calls the
king Haquin ; and fpeaks of the perfons put to death as
two very hopeful young princes. Another king flew
nine fons to prolong his own life; in hopes, perhaps,
that what they were abridged of would in great meafure
be added to himfelf. Such inflances, however, occur
not often : but the common viftims were without end.
Adam BremenfF, fpeaking of the awful grove at Upfal,
where thefe horrid rites were celebrated, fays, that there
was not a Angle tree but what was reverenced, as if it
were gifted with fome portion of divinity : and all this
becau'e they were ffained with gore and foul with hu¬
man putrefa&ion. The fame is obferved by Scheiffer
in his account of this place.
The manner in which the viftims were flaughtered,
was diverfe in different places. Some of the Gaulifh na¬
tions chined them with a ftroke of an axe. The Ceitae
placed the man who was to be offered for a facrifice up¬
on a block, or an altar, with his breafl upwards, and
xvith a fword ftruck him forcibly acrofs the flernum ;
tl.en tumbling him to the ground, from his agonies and
convullions, as well as from the effufion of blood, they
formed a judgement of future events. The Cimbri rip¬
ped open the bowels •, and from them they pretended to
divine. In Norway they beat men’s brains out with an
ox-yoke. The fame operation was performed in Ice¬
land, by dsfhing them againfl an altar of flone. In
many places they transfixed them with arrows. After
they were dead, they fufpended them upon the trees,
and left them to putrefy. One of the writers above
quoted mentions, that m his time 70 carcafes of this
fort were found in a wood of the Suevi. Dithmar of
Merfburgh, an author of nearly the fame age, fpeaks of
a place called Ledur in Zeeland, where there were every
year 09 perfons facrificed to the god Swantowite. Dur¬
ing thefe bloody feftivals a general jcy prevailed, and
.3 K 2 banquets
SAC [ 444 ^ S .A C
Sacrifice, banquets were moft royally ferved. They fed, caroufed,
~v and gave a loofe to indulgence, which at other times
v.’as not permitted. They imagined that there was
fdmething myrterious in the number nine: for which
reafon thefc tealls were in fome places celebrated every
ninth year, in others every ninth month; and continued
for nine days. When all was ended, they waihed the
image of the deity in a pool ; and then difmiffed the
aflembly. Their fervants were numerous, who attended
during the term of their fealling, and partook of the
banquet. At the dole of all, they were fjnothered in
the lame pool, or otherwife made away with. On
which Tacitus remarks, how great an awe this circum-
llance mull neceiTarily infule into thofe who were not
admitted to thefe myfleries.
Thele accounts are handed down from a variety of
authors in different ages j many of whom were natives
of the countries which they delcribe, and to which they
teem ftrongly attached. They wmuld not therefore have
brought fo foul-an imputation on the part of the world
in favour ol which they were each writing, nor could
there be that concurrence of teftimony, were not the hi-
llory in general true.
1 he like culfora prevailed to a great degree at Mexi¬
co, and even under the mild government of the Peruvi¬
ans $ and in mod parts of America. In Africa it is ftill
kept up •, where, in the inland parts, they facrifice fome
of the captives taken in war to their fetiches, in order
to fecure their favour. Snelgrave was in the king of
Dahoome’s camp, after his inroad into the countries of
Ardra and Whidaw and lays, that he was a witnefs to
the cruelty of this prince, whom he favr facriSce multi¬
tudes to the deity of his nation.
The fame abominable worlhip is likewife praclifed oc-
cafionally in the illands vilited by Captain Cook, and
other circumnavigators, in the South fea. It feems in¬
deed to have prevailed in every country at one period of
the progrefs of civilization, and undoubtedly had the
origin which we have affigned to it.
The facrifices of which we have been treating, if we
except fome few inftances, confided of perfons doomed
by the chance of war, or adigned by lot, to be offered.
But among the nations of Canaan, the victims w^ere pe¬
culiarly chofen. Their own children, and whatever was
neared and deared to them, were deemed the mod wor¬
thy offering to their god. The Carthaginians, who
were a colony from Tyre, carried with them the reli¬
gion of their mother-country, and indiluted the fame
worlhip in the parts where they fettled. It confided in
the adoration of feveral deities, but particularly A
Kronus; to whom they offered human facrifices, and
efpecially the blood of children. If the parents were
not at hand to make an immediate offer, the magidrates
did not fail to make choice of what was mod fair and
promifing, that the god might not be defrauded of his
dues. Upon a check being received in Sicily, and
fome other alarming circumdances happening, Hamilcar
without any helitalion laid hold of a boy, and offered
him on the fpot to Kronus} and at the fame time
drowned a number of prieds, to appeafe the deity of the
fea. The Carthaginians another lime, upon a great de¬
feat of their army by Agathocles, imputed their mifear-
riages to the anger of this god, whole fervices had been
rieglecled. Touched with this, and feeing the enemy
at their gales; they feized at once 300 children of the
prime nobility, and offered them in public for a fieri- Sacrifice,
lice. Three hundred more, being perfons who w'erc ““
fomehow obnoxious, yielded themfelves voluntarily, and
were put to death with the others. The negleft of
which they accufed themfelves, confided in facrificing
children purchafed of parents among the poorer fort,
who reared them for that purpofe, and not felefling the
mod promifing, and the mod honourable, as had been
the cudom of old. In diort, there were particular chil¬
dren brought up for the altar, as dieep are fattened
lor the diambies; and they were bought and but¬
chered in the fame manner. But this indiferiminate
way of proceeding was thought to have given offence.
It is remarkable, that the Egyptians looked out for
the mod fpecious and handfome perfon to be faciificed.
The Albanians pitched upon the bed man of the com¬
munity, and made him pay for the wickednefs of the
red. The Carthaginians chofe what they thought the
mod excellent, and at the fame lime the mod dear to
them j which made the lot fall heavy upon their chil¬
dren. This is taken notice of Silius Italicus in his.
fourth book.
Kronus, to whom thefe facrifices were exhibited, was
an oriental deity, the god of light and fire ; and there¬
fore always worfhipped with fome reference to that ele¬
ment. See Phoekjcia.
The Greeks, we find, called the deity to whom thefe
offerings were made Agraulas ; and feigned that die was
a woman, and the daughter of Cecrcps. But how came
Cecrops to have any connexion with Cyprus ? Agraulcs
is a corruption and tranfpofition of the original name,
which diould have been rendered Uk El Aur, or Uk El
Am us; but has, like many other oriental titles and
names, been lirangtly fophidicated, and is here changed
to Agraulos. It was in reality the god of light, who
was always wordiipped with fire. This deity w’as the
Moloch of the Tyrians and Canaanites, and the Melech
of the ead ; that is, the great and principal god, the
god of light, of whom fire was efleemed a fymbol : and
at whofe flirine, indead of viler victims, they offered
the blood of men.
Such was the Kronus of the Greeks, and the Moloch
of the Phoenicians : and nothing can appear more fliock-
ing than the facrifices of the Tyrians and Carthaginians,
which they performed to this idol. In all emergencies
of date, and times of general calamity, they devoted
what was mod neccffary and valuable to them for an
offering to the gods, and paiticularly to Moloch. But
befides thefe undetermined times of blcoddied, they had
particular and preferibed fearcnr, every year, when chil¬
dren were chofen cut of the mod noble and reputable
families, as before mentioned. If a perfon had an on¬
ly child, it was the more liable to be put to death, as
being edeemed more acceptable to the deity, and more
efficacious for the general good, d hofe who were fa-
crificed to Kronus were thrown into the arms of a mol¬
ten idol, which dood in the midd of a large fire, and
was red writh heat. The arms of it -w ere dreteffed out,
with the hands turned upwards, as it were to receive
them 5 yet doping downwards, fo that they dropt from
thence into a glowing furnace below, do other gods
they were othevwife fiaughtered, and, as it is implied,
by the very hands of their parents. What can be more
horrid to the imagination, than to fuppofe a father
leading the deared of all his Tons to luch an infernal
flume ?
SAC [ 445 ] SAD
iacn&ce. fhrint ? cr a mother the moft engaging and afieftionate
‘ of her daughters, juft rifing to maturity, to be ftaugh-
tered at the altar er Afntaroth or Baal i1 Juftin defcribes
this unnatural cuftcm very pathetically : homi¬
nes. ut vitiimas, wunolabant; ct impuberes {quce cetas
hojlium- miferico''iI;am provocat') oris ndmovebant; pacei/i
fanguine eorum expofcentes, pro quorum vita Dil rogan
fnaximefolent. Such was their blind zeal, that this was
continually pra&ifcd ; and lb much of natural affe&ion
ftill left unextinguiftied, as to render the fcene ten times
more fhocking from the tendernefs which they feemcd
to exprefs. They embraced their children with great
fondnefs, and encouraged them in the gentleft terms,
that they might not be appalled at the fight of the hel-
lifh procefs; begging of them to fubmit with cheerful-
nefs to this fearful operation. If there was any appear¬
ance of a tear rifing, or a cry unawares efeaping, the
mother fmothered it with her kifles, that there might
not be any fhow of backwardnefs or conftraint, but the
whole be a free-will offering. Thefe cruel endearments
ove'-, they ftabbed them to the heart, or otherwile open¬
ed the fluices of life; and with the blood warm, as it
ran, befmeared the altar arid the grim vilage of the
idol. Thefe were the cuftoms which the Ilraelites
learned of the people of Canaan, and for which they
are upbraided by the Pfalmift : “ They did not deftroy
the nations, concerning whom the Lord commanded
them $ but were mingled among the heathen, and learn¬
ed their works : yea, they facrificed their fons and their
daughters unto devils, and (bed innoceat blood, even
the blood of their fons and of their daughters, whom
they facrificed unto the idols of Canaan ; and the land
was polluted with blood. Thus were they defiled with
their own works, and went a-whoring with their own
inventions.*’
Thefe cruel rites, practifed in fo many nations, made
Plutarch debate with himfelf, “ Whether it would not
have been better for the Galatse, or for the Scythians,
to have had no tradition or conception of any fuperior
beings, than to have formed to themfelves notions of
gods who delighted in the blood of men •, of gods,
who efteemed human viefims the moft acceptable and
perfeCl facrifice ? Would it not (fays he) have been
more eligible for the Carthaginians to have had the
atheift Critias, or Diagoras, their lawgiver, at the com¬
mencement of their polity, and to have been taught,
that there was neither god nor demon, than to have fa¬
crificed, in the manner they were wont, to the god
which they adored ? Wherein they a Ted, not as the
perfon did whom Empedocles defcribes in fome poetry,
where he expofes this unnatural cuftom. The fire there
with many idle vows offers up unwittingly his fon for a
facnfice •, but the youth was fo changed in feature and
and figure, that his father did not know h’m. Thefe
people ufed, knowingly and wilfully, to go through this
bloody work, and flaughter their own offspring. Even
they who were childlefs would not be exempted from
this curfed tribute •, but purchafed children, at a price,
of the poorer fort, and put them to death with as little
re norfe as one would kill a lamb or a chicken. The
mother, who facrificed her child, flood by, without any
feeming fenfe of what fiie was lofing, and without utter¬
ing a groan. If a figh did by chance efcape, (he loft all
the honour which fhe 'propofed to herfelf in the offering,
and the child was notwithftanding fiain. All the time
of this ceremony, while the children were murdering, Sacrilege
there was a noife of clarions and tabors founding before H
the idol, that the cries and fhrieks of the vidlims might ,t’at (l^-ecs‘i
not be heard. “ Tell me now (fays Plutarch) if the
monfters of old, the Typhons and the giants, were to
expel the gods, and to rule the world in their {lead }
could they require a fervice more horrid than thefe in¬
fernal rites and facrifices ?”
SACRILEGE, sacrilegTUM, the crime of profan¬
ing facred things, or things devoted to God ; or of alie¬
nating to laymen, or common purpofes, what was given
to religious perfons and pious ufes.
SACRISTAN, a church-officer, othenvife called
Sexton.
SACRISTY, in church-hiftory, an apartment in a
church where the facred utenfils were kept, being the
fame with our Vestry.
SADDLE, is a feat upon a horfe’s back, contrived
for the conveniency of the rider.
A hunting-faddle is compofed of two bows, two
bands, fore-bolfters, pannels, and faddle-ftraps ; and the
great faddle has, befides thefe parts, corks, hind-bol-
tiers, and a trouffequin.
The pommel is common to both.
SADDUCEE3, xvere a famous le<T among the an¬
cient Jews, and confided of peifons of great quality and
opulence. Refpecting their origin there are various ac¬
counts and various opinions. Epiphanius, and after him
many other writers, contend, that they took their rife
from Dofitheus a feel ary of Samaria, and their name
from the Hebrew word puy juft or juft ice, from the great
iuftice and equity which they fhowed in all their ac¬
tions •, a derivation which neither iuits the word Saddu*
cee nor the general charaTer of the ieT. They are
thought by fome too to have been Samaritans j but this
is by no means- piobable, as they always attended
the worfhip and facrifices at Jerufalem and never at Ge-
rizzim.
In the Jewifii Talmud we are told that the Sadducees'
derived their name from Sadoc, and that the feci arofe
about 260 years before Chrift, in the time of Antigonus
of Socho, prefident of the Sanhedrim at Jerufalem, and
teacher of the law in the principal divinity fchool of
that city. He had often in his ledures, it feems, taught
his fcholars, that they ought not to ferve God as flaves
do their mailers, from the hopes of a rervard, but mere¬
ly out of filial love for his own fake 5 from which Sadoc
and Baithus inferred that there were no rewards at ail
after this life. They therefore feparated from their ma¬
iler, and taught that there was no refurredion nor fu¬
ture ftate. This new dodrine quickly fpread, and gave
rife to the fed of Sadductes, which in many refpeds re-
fembled the Epicureans.
Dr Prideaux thinks, that the Sadducees were at firfr
no more than what the Caraites are now ; that is, they
would not receive the traditions of the elders, but fiuck
to the written word only •, and the Pharifees being great
promoters of thofe traditions, hence thefe tw-o feds be¬
came diredly oppofite to each other. See Prideauxys
Conn, part ii. book 2. and 3.5 and lee alfo Pharisees
and Caraitks.
Afterwards the Sadducees imbibed other dodrines,
which rendered them a fed truly impious 5 for they de¬
nied the refurredion of the dead, and the exiftence of
angels, and of the fpirits or fouls of men departed
SAD [ 446 ] SAB
Sadducecs. (Mat xxii. 23. Adts xxiii. 8.)* They held, that there
is no fpiritual being but God only $ that as to man, this
world is his all. They did not deny but that we had
realonable fouls: but they maintained this foul was mor¬
tal ; and, by a neceflary conlequence, they denied the
rewards and punilhments of another life. They pretend¬
ed alfo, that what is laid of the exiftence of angels, and
of a future refurre&ion, are nothing but illufions. St
,j&piphanius, and alter him St Aultin, have advanced,
that the Sadducees denied the Holy Gholt. But neither
Jofephus nor the evangelifts accule them of any error
like this. It has been alfo imputed to them, that they
thought God corporeal, and that they received none of
the prophecies.
It is pretty difficult to apprehend how they could de¬
ny the being of angels, and yet receive the books of
Mofes, where fuch frequent mention is made of angels
and of their appearances. Grotius and M. Le Clerc
obferve, that it is very likely they looked upon angels,
not as particular beings, fubfifling of themfelves, but as
powers, emanations, or qualities, infeparable from the
Deity, as the funbeams are infeparable from the fun.
Or perhaps they held angels not to be fpiritual but
mortal •, juft as they thought that fubitance to be which
animates us and thinks in us. The ancients do not tell
us how they folved this difficulty, that might be urged
againfi them from fo many paffages of the Pentateuch,
where mention is made of angels.
As the Sadducees acknowledged neither punifhments
nor recompenfes in another life, fo they were inexorable
in their chaftifing of the wicked. They obferved the
law themielves, and caufed it to be obferved by others,
\vith the utmoft rigour. They admitted of none of the
traditions, explications, or modifications, of the Pha-
rifees j they kept only to the text of the law; and
maintained, that only what was written was to be ob¬
ferved.
The Sadducees are accufed of reje&ing all the books
of Scripture except thofe of Mofes •, and to fupport this
opinion, it is obferved, that our Saviour makes ufe of no
Scripture againft them, but paffages taken out of the
Pentateuch. But Scaliger produces good proofs to vin¬
dicate them from this reproach. He obferves, that they
did not appear in Ifrael till after the number of the holy
books was fixed •, and that if they had been to choofe
out of the canonical Scriptures, the Pentateuch was lefs
favourable to them than any other book, fince it often
makes mention of angels and their apparition. Befides,
the Sadducees were prefent in the temple and at other
religious affemblies, where the books of the prophets
were read indifferently as wrell as thofe of Mofes. They
W'ere in the chief employments of the nation, many of
them were even prietls. Would the Jews have fuffered
in thefe employments perfons that rejected the greatefl:
part of their Scriptures ? Menaffe ben-Ifrael fays exprefs-
ly, that indeed they did not reje£i the prophets,, but
that they explained them in a fenfe very different from
that of the other Jews.
Jofephus allures us, that they denied defliny or fate ;
alleging that thefe wTere only founds void of fenfe, and
that all the good or evil that happens to us is in confe-
?[uence of the good or evil fide we have taken, by the
ree choice of our will. Theyfaid alfo, that God was
far removed from doing or knowing evil, and that man
. was the abfolute jnaffer, of his own afliops. This -was
4
roundly to deny a providence $ and upon this footing I Ssdducees,
know not, fays F. Calmet, what could be the religion s,iC*ler-
of the Saduccees, or what influence they could afcrtbe V”"T
to God in things here below. However, it is certain
they wrere not only tolerated among the Jews, but that
they were admitted to the high-prielthood itfelf. John
Hircanus, high-pried: of that nation, feparated himlelf
in a fignal manner from the fedt of the Pharifees, and
went over to that of Sadoc. It is faid alfo, he gave
ftridt command to all the Jews, on pain of death, to re¬
ceive the maxims of this fedt. Ariffobulus and Alex¬
ander Jannseus, fon of Hircanus, continued to favour
the Sadducees ; and Maimonides affures us, that under
the reign of Alexander Jannseus, they had in pofftffion
all the offices of the Sanhedrim, and that there only
remained of the party of the Pharifees, Simon the fon of
Secra. Caiaphas, who condemned Jefus Chrifl to death,
was a Sadducee (Adis, v. 17. iv. 1. ; as alfo Ananus
the younger, who put to death St James the brother of
our Lord. At this day, the Jews hold as heretics that
fmall number of Sadducees that are to be found among
them. See upon this matter Serrar. Trihceref. Menajfe
ben-lfrael, de RefurreSiione msrtuorum; Bajnnge1 s Hiftory
of the Jews, &c. \ and Calm el's Differtation upon the
Se£ls of the Jews before the Commentary of St Mark.
The fedt of the Sadducees was much reduced by the
dellrudlion of Jerufaletn, and by the difperfion of the
Jews j but it revived afterwards. At the beginning of
the third century it was fo formidable in Egypt, that
Ammonim, Origen’s mafter, when he faw them propa¬
gate their opinions in that country, thought himlelf
obliged to write againfl: them, or rather againft the
Jews, wffio tolerated the Sadducees, though they denied
the fundamental points of their religion. The emperor
Juftinian mentions the Sadducees in one of his novels,
banifhes them out of all places of his dominions, and
condemns them to the fevereft puniffiments, as people
that maintained atheiftical and impious tenets, denying
the refurredlion and the latl judgement. Annus, or
Ananus, a difciple of Juda, fon of Nachman, a fa¬
mous rabbin of the 8th century, declared himlelf, as it is
faid, iq favour of the Sadducees, and llrenuoufly pro-
tedled them againfl: their adverfaries. They had alfo a
celebrated defender in the 1 2th century, in the perfon
of Alpharag, a Spaniffi rabbin. This doftor w-rote
againft the Pharifees, the declared enemies cf the Sad¬
ducees } and maintained by his public writings, that the
purity of Judaifm was only to he found among the Sad¬
ducees ; that the traditions avowed by the Pharifees
were ufelefs j and that the ceremonies, which they bad
muhiplied without end, were an unfupportable yoke.
The rabbi Abraham ben-David Italleri replied to Al-
pharag, and fupported the ft£l of the Pharifees by two
great arguments, that of their univerfality and that of
their antiquity. He proved their antiquity by a conti¬
nued fucceffion from Adam down to the year 1167;
and their univerfality, becaufe the Pharifees are fpread
all the world over, and are found in all the fvnagogues.
There are flill Sadducees in Africa and in feveral other
places. They deny the immortality of the foul, and
the refurrcdlion of the body ; hut they are rarely found,
at leaf! there are but few who declare themfelves for
thefe opinions.
SADLER, John, was defcended from an ancient
family in Shropfhire ; born in 1615 5 and educated at
Cambridge,
is “
S A F [ 447 ] S A F
Sadler Cambridge, where he became eminent for his great
s dl knowledge in the oriental languages. He removed to
' ' 'n ■ Lincoln’s-Inn, where he made no fmall progrefs in the
fludy of the law j and in 1644 was admitted one of the
matters in chancery, as alfo one of the two matters of
requefts. In 1649 he was chofen town-clerk of Lon¬
don, and the fame year publifhed his Rights of the King-
dam. He was greatly efteemed by Oliver Cromwell,
by whofe fpecial warrant he was continued a matter in
chancery, when their number was reduced to fix. By
his intereft it was that the Jews obtained the privilege
of building for themfelves a fynagogue in London. In
1658 he was made member of parliament for Yar¬
mouth ; and next year was appointed firft commiflxoner
under the great feal with Mr Taylor, Mr Whitelocke,
and others, for the probate of wills. In 1660 he pub-
lilhed his Olbia. Soon after the reftoration, he loft all
his employments. In the fire of London in 1666, he
was a great fufferer ; which obliged him to retire to his
feat of Warm well in Dorfetfhire, where he lived in a
private manner till 1674, when he died.
SADOC, a famous Jewilh rabbi, and founder of the
fed! of the Saduccees.
SADOLET, James, a polite and learned cardinal
of the Romilh courch, born at Modena in x 477. Leo X.
made him and Peter Bembus his fecretaries, an office for
which they wrere both well qualified \ and Sadolet was
foon after made bilhop of Carpentras, near Avignon :
he was made a cardinal in 1536 by Paul III. and em¬
ployed in feveral negociations and embaffies. He died
in 1547, not without the fufpicion of poifon, for cor-
refponding too familiarly with the Proteftants, and for
teftifying too much regard for fome of their dodfors.
His works, which are all in Latin, were colledled in
1607 at Mentz, in one volume 8vo. All his contempo¬
raries fpoke of him in the higheft terms.
SAFE-guard, a protedlion formerly granted to a
ftranger who feared violence from fome of the king’s
fubjedts for feeking his right by courfe of law.
SAYE-ConduB is a fecurity given by a prince under
the great feal, to a ftranger for his fafe-coming into
and patting out of the realm; the form whereof is in
Reg. Orig. 25. There are letters of fafe condudt
which mutt be enrolled in chancery ; and the perfons
to whom granted mutt have them ready to ffiow ; and
touching which there are feveral ftatutes. See Prero¬
gative.
SAFFRON, in the Materia Medica,K formed of the
ftigmata of the crocus officinalis, dried on a kiln, and
preffed together into cakes. See Crocus, Botany In¬
dex. There are two kinds of faffron, the Engliffi and
Spamffi ; of which the latter is by far the moft etteem-
ed. Saffron is principally cultivated in Cambridgeffiire,
in a circle of about ten miles diameter. The greateft
part of this trad! is an open level country, with few in-
clofures ; and the cuftom there is, as in moft other pla¬
ces, to crop two years, and let the land be fallow the
third. Saffron is generally planted upon fallow-ground,
and, all other things being alike, they prefer that which
has borne barley the year before.
The faffron ground is feldom above three acres, or
lefs than one ; and in choofing, the principal thing they
have regard to is, that they be well expofed, the foil not
poor, nor a ve'-y ftiff clay, but a temperate dry mould,
fuch as commonly lies upon chalk, and is of an hazel
colour; though, if every thing elfe anfwers, the colour Saffron,
of the mould is pretty much negledled. 1.-—y—, ,.r
The ground being made choice of, about Lady-day
or the beginning of April, it mutt be carefully plough¬
ed, the furrows being drawn much clofer together, and
deeper if the foil will allow it, than is done for any kind
of corn ; and accordingly the charge is greater.
About five weeks after, during any time in the month
of May, they lay between 20 and 30 loads of dung up¬
on each acre, and having Ipread it with great care, they
plough it in as before. The (horteft rotten dung is the
bell : and the farmers, who have the conveniency of
making it, fpare no pains to make it good, being fure'
of a proportionable price for it. About midfummer
they plough a third time, and between every 16 feet
and a half they leave a broad furrow or trench, which
ferves both as a boundary to the feveral parcels, and for
throwing the weeds into at the proper feafon. The
time of planting is cpramonly in the month of July.
The only inftrument ufed at this time is a fmall narrow
fpade, commonly called a fpit jhovel. The method is
this : One man with his Ihovel raifes about three or four
inches of earth, and throws it before him about fix or
more inches. Two perfons, generally women, follow'
with roots, which they place in the farthert edge of the
trench made by the digger, at about three inches from
each other. As foon as the digger has gone once the
breadth of the ridge, he begins again at the other fide ;
and, digging as before, covers the roots laft fet, which'
makes room for another row of roots at the fame di-
ftance from the firif that they are from one another.
The only dexterity neceffary in digging is, to leave
fome part of the firft ftratum of earth untouched, to lie
under the roots ; and, in letting, to place the roots di-
redlly upon their bottom. The quantity of roots plant¬
ed on an acre is generally about 16 quarters, or i23>
bulhels. From the time of planting till the beginning
of September, or fometimes before, there is no more
labour required ; but at that time they begin to vege¬
tate, and are ready to fhow themfelves above ground,
which may be known by digging up a few of the roots.'
The ground is then to be pared with a fharp hoe, and
the weeds raked into the furrows, otherwife they would'
hinder the growth of the faffron. In fome time after,
the flovTers appear.
They are gathered before they are full blowm, as well
as after, and the proper time for it is early in the morn-
ing. . The owners of the faffron-fields get together a
fufficient number of hands, wffio pull off the whole
flowers, and throw them by handfuls into a bafkef,
and fo continue till about 11 o’clock. Having then
carried home the flowers, they immediately fall to pick¬
ing out the ftigmata or chives, and together with them
a pretty large proportion of the ftylus itfelf, or firing to
which they are attached : the reft of the flower they
throw away as ufelefs. Next morning they return to
the field, without regarding whether the weather be
w'et or dry : and fo on daily, even on Sundays, till the
whole crop is gathered.—The next labour is to dry the
chives on the kiln. The kiln is built upon a thick
plank, that it may be moved from place to place. It is
fupported by four Ihort legs : the outfide confifts of
eight pieces of wood of three inches thick, in form of a
quadrangular frame, aboout 12 inches fquare at the bot¬
tom 0x1 the infide, and 22 on the upper part j. which
- . laft
S A F C 448 ] SAG
Saftion. Jafl Is likemfe the perpendicular height of it. On the
forefide is left a hole of about eight inches fquare, and
four inches above the plank, through which the fire is
put in j over all the reft laths are laid pretty thick,
clofe to one another, and nailed to the frame already
mentioned. They are then plaftered over on both
fides, as are alfo the planks at bottom, very thick, to
ferve for a hearth. Over the mouth is laid a hair¬
cloth, fixed to the edges of the kiln, and likewife to
two rollers or moveable pieces of wood, which are turn¬
ed by wedges or fcrews, in order to ftretch the cloth.
Inftead of the hair-cloth, fome people ufe a net-work
of iron-wire, by which the faffron is foon dried, and
■tvith lefs fuel ; but the difficulty of preferving it from
burning makes the hair-cloth preferred by the bell judges.
The kiln is placed in a light part of the houfe*, and they
begin with putting five or fix (beets of white paper on
the hair-cloth, and upon thefe they lay out the wet faf-
fron two or three inches thick. It is then covered with
fome other (beets of paper, and over thefe they lay a
coarfe blanket five or fix times doubled, or inflead of
this, a canvas pillow filled with ftraw $ and after the
fire has been lighted for fome time, the whole is cover¬
ed with a board having a confiderable w’eight upon it.
At firft they apply a pretty ftrong heat, to make the
chives fujent as they call it ; and at this time a great
deal of care is neceffary to prevent burning. When it
has been thus dried about an hour, they turn the cakes
of faffron upfide down, putting on the coverings and
weight as before, if no finifter accident happens du¬
ring thefe firft two hours, the danger is thought to
be over j and nothing more is requifite than to keep
up a very gentle fire for 24 hours, turning the cake
every half hour. That fuel is beft which yields the
leaft fmoke ; and for this reafon charcoal is preferable
lo all others.
The quantity of faffron produced at a crop is uncer¬
tain. Sometimes five or fix pounds of wet chives are
got from one rood, fometimes not above one or two $
and fometimes not fo much as is fufheient to defray the
expence of gathering and drying. But it is always ob-
ferved, that about five pounds of wet faftron go to make
one pound of dry for the firft three wreeks of the crop,
and fix pounds during the laft week. When the heads
are planted very thick, two pounds of dry faffron may
at a medium be allowed to an acre for the firft crop,
and 24 pounds for the two remaining ones, the third
being confiderably larger than the fecond.
To obtain the fecond and third crops, the labour of
hoeing, gathering, picking, &c. already mentioned, muft
be repeated ; and about midfummer, after the third crop
is gathered, the roots muft all be taken up and tranf-
planted. For taking up the roots, fometimes the plough
is made ufe of, and fometimes a forked hoe; and then
the ground is harrowed once or twice over. During
all the time of ploughing, harrowing, &c. 15 or more
people wall find work enough to follow' and gather the
heads as they are turned up. The roots are next to
be carried to the houfe in facks, where they are clean¬
ed and rafed. This labour confifts in cleaning the roots
thoroughly from earth, decayed old pieces, involucra,
<*;• excrefcCnces •, after which they become fit to be
planted in new ground immediately, or they may be
kept for fome time, without danger of fpoiling. The
quantity of roots taken up in proportion to. thofe plant¬
ed is uncertain j but, at a medium, 24 quarters of clean Saffron
roots, fit to be planted, may be had from each acre.— M
There fometimes happens a remarkable change in the <1^c’ .
roots of faffron and fome other plants. As focn as they
begin to ftioot upwards* there are commonly two or
three large lap-roots fent forth from the fide of the old
one, which will run two or three inches deep into the
ground. At the place where thefe bulbs firft come out
from, the old one will be formed fometimes, though not
always, and the tap-root then decays. The bulb in-
creafes in bignefs, and at laft falls quite off j which
commonly happens in April. But many times thefd
tap-roots never produce any bulbs, and remain barre«
for ever after. All fuch roots therefore fhould be thrown
away in the making a new plantation. This degene¬
racy in the roots is a difeafe for which no cure is as yet
known.
When faffron is offered to fale, that kind ought to
be chofen which has the broadeft blades 5 this being
the mark by which Engliffi faffron is difiinguifhed front
the foreign. It ought to be of an orange cr fiery-red
colour, and to yield a dark yellow tinflure. It (hould
be chofen freffi, not above a year old, in clofe cakes,
neither dry nor yet very moift, tough and firm in tear¬
ing, of the fame colour within as without, and of a
ftrong, acrid, diffufive fmell.
This drug has been reckoned a very elegant and ufe-
ful aromatic. Befides the virtues it has in common
with other fubftances of that clafs, it has been account¬
ed one of the higheft cordials, and is fa:d to exhilarate
the fpirits to fuch a degree as, when taken in large do-»
fes, to occafion immoderate mirth, involuntary laughter,
and the ill effecls which follow from the abufe of fpiri-
tuous liquors. This medicine is particularly ferviceable
in hyfteiic depreffions proceeding from a cold caufe or
obftrudlion of the uterine fecretions, where other aro¬
matics, even thofe of the more generous kind, have
little effeft. Saffron imparts the whole of its virtue
and colour to rectified fpirit, preof-fpirit, wine, vine¬
gar, and w ater. A tinflure drawn with vinegar lofes
greatly of its colour in keeping : the watery and vinous
tin&ures are apt to grow four, and then lofe their co¬
lour alfo : that made in pure fpirit keeps in pcrfe&ion
for marly years.
Mecdoiv-SJFFION. See CoLCKICUM, Botany Index,
SAGAN, in feripture hiflory, the fuffragan or de¬
puty of the Jewiffi high-prieft. According to fome
tvriters, he was only to officiate for him when he was
rendered incapable of attending the feivice through fick-
nefs or legal uncleannefs on the day of expiation 5 or, ac¬
cording to others,hewas to affift the high-prieft in thecare
of the affairs of the temple and the fervice of the priefts.
SAGAPENUM, in Pharmacy, &c. a gum-refin
which is made up in tw'o forms ; the finer and purer is
in loofe granules or fingle drops 5 the coarfer kind is in
maffes compofed of thefe drops of various fizes, cement¬
ed together by a matter of the fame kind; and is
brought from Perfia and the Eaft Indies. Se-e MatE^-
R] a Med/ca Index.
SAGE. See Salvia, Botany Index.
Sage, Alain Rene, an ingenious French romanoe-
writer, was born at Buys in Biittany in the year 1667.
Pie had a fine flow of imagination, was a complete maf-
ter of the French and Spanifti languages, and wrote fe-
veral admired romances in imitation of the Spanifti au¬
thor?.
SAG [ 445 ] SAG
thors. Thefe were, The Bachelor of Salamanca, 2 vols.
12mo ; New Adventures of Don Quixote, 2 vols 1 2mo j
The Devil on Two Sticks, 2 vols 1 2mo j and Gil Bias,
4 vols 12mo. He produced alfo fome comedies, and
other humorous pieces. This ingenious author died
in year 1747, in the vicinity of Paris, where he fup-
ported himfelf by writing.
Sage, the Reverend John, fo juftly admired by all
who knew him for his claflical learning and reafoning
powers, was born, in 1652, in the parifh of Creich and
county of Fife, North Britain, where his anceftors had
lived for feven generations with great refpeft though
with little property. His father wras a captain in Lord
Duffus’s regiment, and fought for his king and country
when Monk ftormed Dundee on the 30th of Augult
iGS1-
The iflue of the civil wars, and the loyalty of Cap¬
tain Sage, left him nothing to bellow upon his fon but
a liberal education and his own principles of piety and
virtue. In thofe days the Latin language was taught
in the parochial fchools of Scotland with great ability
and at a trifling expence j and after young Sage had
acquiied a competent knowledge of that language at
one of thofe ufeful feminaries, his father, without re¬
ceiving from an ungrateful court any recompenfe for
what he had loll in the caufe of royalty, was Hill able
to fend him to the univerlity of St Andrews, where
having remained in college the ufual number of terms
or feflions, and performed the exercifes required by the
flatutes, he w^as admitted to the degree of mailer of
arts, the highelt honour which it appears he ever re¬
ceived from any univerlity.
During his refidence in St Andrew’s he ftudied the
Greek and Roman authors with great diligence, and
was likewile inltru&ed in logic, metaphylics, and fuch
other branches of philofophy as then obtained in the
fchools, which, though we affedl to fmile at them in
this enlightened age, he always fpoke of as highly ufe¬
ful to him who would underltand the poets, hiltorians,
and orators of ancient Greece, and even the fathers of
the Chriilian church. In this opinion every man will
agree with him who is at all acquainted with the an¬
cient metaphyfics, and has read the waitings of Cle¬
mens Alexandrinus, Origen, Tertullian, Chryfollome,
and other fathers of great name ; for each of thofe
writers adopted the principles of fome one or other of
the philofophical fe£ls, reafoned from their notions, and
•ften made ufe of their terms and phrafes.
. When Mr Sage had taken his mailer’s degree, the
narrownefs of his fortune compelled him to accept of
the firll literary employment w'hich was offered to him j
and that happened to be nothing better than the office
of fchoolmaller in the parilh of Bingry in Fifelhire,
whence he was foon removed to Tippermuir in the
county of Perth. In thefe humble llations, though he
wanted many of the neceflaries and almoll all the com¬
forts of life, he profecuted his Itudies with great fuc-
cefs j but in doing lo, he unhappily imbibed the feeds of
feveral difeafes which afflifted him through life, and
notwithllanding the native vigour of his conllitution
impaired his health and ffiortened his days. From the
miferable drudgery of a parilh-fchoolmafter, he was
relieved by Mr Drummond of Cultmaiundie, who in¬
vited him to fuperintend the education of his fons,
whom he accompanied firlt to the public fchool at
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
Perth, and afterwards to the univerlity of St Andrew’s.
This was Hill an employment by no means adequate to
his merit, but it rvas not wholly without advantages.
At Perth he gained the fciendlhip and efteem of Dr
Rofe, afterwards lord bilhop of Edinburgh, and at St
Andrew’s of every man capable of properly ellimating
genius and learning.
The education ol his pupils was completed in 1684,
when he was left with no determinate objedl of purfuit.
In this moment of indecifion, his friend Dr Rofe, who
had been promoted from the parfonage of Perth to the
profeflorlhip of divinity in the univerlity which he
was leaving, recommended him fo effedtually to his
uncle, then archbilhop of Glafgow, that he was by that
prelate admitted into orders and prefented to one of
the churches in the city. He was then about 34 years
of age ) had lludied the Scriptures with great affiduity j
was no llranger to eccleliallical hiltory, or the apologies
and other writings of the ancient fathers j was thorough
mailer of fchool-divinity $ had examined with great ac¬
curacy the modern conlroverlies, efpecially thofe be¬
tween the Romilh and reformed churches, and between
the Calvinifts and Remonllrants j and it was perhaps to
his honour that he did not fully approve of all the ar¬
ticles of faith fubferibed by any one of thefe contend¬
ing fe£ls of Chrillians.
A man fo far advanced in life, and fo thoroughly
acccomplifhed as a fcholar, would naturally be looked
up to by the greater part of the clergy as foon as
he became one of their body. This was in fa<5t the
cafe : Mr Sage was, immediately on his admiffion into
orders, appointed clerk to the fynod or prelhytery of
Glafgow ; an office of great trull and refpe6lability, to
which we know nothing fimilar in the church of Eng¬
land.
During the eftabliffiment of epifcopacy in Scotland,
from the reftoration of Charles II. till the year 1690,
the authority of the bilhops, though they poffeffed the
foie power of ordination, was very limited in the go¬
vernment of the church. They did every thing with
the confent of the prelhyters over whom they prefided.
Diocefan fynods were held at Hated times for purpofes
of the fame kind with thofe which employ the meetings
of prelhyteries at prefent (fee Presbyterians), and
the only prerogative which the bilhop Items to have
enjoyed was to be permanent prefident, with a nega¬
tive voice over the deliberations of the affembly. The
a£ls of each fynod, and fometimes the charge deliver¬
ed by the bilhop at the opening of it, were regillered
in a book kept by the clerk, who was always one of
the moll eminent of the diocefan clergy.
Mr Sage continued in this office, discharging in Glaf¬
gow all the duties of a clergyman, in fuch a manner
as endeared him to his flock, and gained him the elieem
even of thofe who were diffenters from the eftabliffi¬
ment. Many of his brethren were trimmers in eccle-
fiaftical as well as in civil politics. They had been re¬
publicans and prelbyterians in the days of the cove¬
nant ; and, with that ferocious zeal which too often cha-
raflerizes interefted converts, had concurred in the feve-
rities which, during the reign of Charles II. were ex-
ercifed againft the party whom they had forfaken at
his reftoration. When that party again railed its head
during the infatuated reign of James, and every thing
indicated an approaching change of the eftabliffiment,
3 L thofe
SAG [ 450 ] SAG
Sage, thofe whore zeal for the church had fo lately incited
“ ' them to perfecute the dHTenters, fuddenly became ail
gentlenels and coudefcenfion, and advanced towards
the prefbyterians as to their old friends.
The conduct of Mr Sage was the reverfe of this,
lie was an epifcopalian and a royaliil from conviction :
and in all his difcourfes public and private he laboured
to inftil into the minds of others the principles which
to himfelf appeared to have their foundation in truth.
To perfecuticn he was at all times an enemy, whilil
be never tamely betrayed through fear what he thought
it his duty to maintain. The confequence was, that
in the end of the year 1688 he was treated by the
rabble, which in the weftern counties' of Scotland rofe
againft the eftablifhed church, with greater lenity than
his more complying brethren. Whilft they, without
the fmalleft apprehenfion of their danger, were torn from
their families by a lawlefs force, and many of them per¬
fected in the cruelefl manner, he was privately warned
to withdraw from Giafgow, and never more to return to
that city. So much was confiifency of conduct and a
fteady adherence to principle refpected by thole who
feemed to refpedf nothing elfe.
Mr Sage retired to the metropolis, and carried with
him the fynodical book, which was afterwards demand¬
ed by the prefbytery of Giafgow, but not recovered,
till about twenty years ago, that, on the death of a
nephew of Dr Rofe the lad eltablilhed bilhop of E-
dlnburgh, it was found in his poiTeflion, and reftored
to the prelbytcry to which it belonged. Mr Sage had
detained it and given it to his diocefan friend, from
the fond hope that epifcopacy would foon be re-eita-
blilhed in Scotland ; and it was dcubtlefs with a view
to contribute what he could to the realifing of that
hope, that, immediately on his being obliged to leave
Giafgow, he commenced a keen polemical writer. At
Edinburgh he preached a while, till refufing to take
the oaths of allegiance when required by the govern¬
ment, he was obliged to retire. In this extremity, he
found protection in the boufe of Sir William Bruce, the
fheriff of Kinrofs, who appimved his principles and ad¬
mired his virtue. Returning to Edinburgh, in 1695, he
was obferved, and obliged to abfeond. Yet he returned
in 1696, when his friend Sir William Bruce was im-
prifoned as a fufpeCted nerfon. He was foon forced to
feek for refuge in the hills of Angus, under the name of
Jackfon.
After a while Mr Sage found a fafe retreat with the
countefs of Gallendar, who employed him to inftruft her
family as chaplain, and her fons as tutor. Thefe occu¬
pations did not wholly engage his aCtive mind : for he
employed his pen in defending his order, or in expofing
his oppreffbrs. When the countefs of Callendar had no
longer fons to inftruCt, Sage accepted the invitation of
Sir John Steuart of Garntully, who wanted the help of
a chaplain, and the converfation of a fcholar. With Sir
John he continued till the decency of his manners, and
the exte -fivenefs of bis learning, recommended him to
a higher ftation. And, on the 25th of January 1705,
he was confecrated a bilhop bv Paterfon the archbilhop
of Gl'ifgow, Rofe the billion of Edinburgh, arid Douglas
fhe bifhop of Dumblain. But this promotion did not
prevent ficknefs from falling on him in November 1706.
After lingering for many months in Scotland, he tried
the effeCl of the waters of Bath in 1709, without fuc-
cefs. At Bath and at London he remained a twelve¬
month, recognifed by the great and careiTed by the
learned. Yet though he was invited to ftay, he return¬
ed in 1710 to his native country, which he defired to
fee, and where he wifhed to die. And though his body
was debilitated, he engaged, with undiminifhed vigour
of mind, in the publication of the works of Drummond
of Hawthornden, to which the celebrated Ruddiman
lent his aid. Bilhop Sage died at Edinburgh on the
7th of June 1711, lamented by his friends for his vir¬
tues, and feared by his adverfaries for his talents.
His works are, ill, Two Letters concerning the
Perfecution of the Epiicopal Clergy in Scotland, which
with other two by different authors w’ere printed in one
volume at London in 1689. 2dly, An Account of the
late Eftablilhment of Prefbyterian Government by the
Parliament of Scotland, in 1690, J.ondon, 1693. 3dly,
The Fundamental Charter of Prefbytery, London,
1695. 4'hly, The Principles of the Cyprianick Age
with regard to Epifcopal Power and Jurisdiction, Lon¬
don, 1605. jjthly, A Vindication of the Principles
of the Cyprianick Age, London, ryot. 6thly, Seme
Remarks on the Letter from a Gentleman in the City,
to a minifter in the Country, on Mr David William-
fon’s Sermon before the General Affembly, Edinburgh,
1703. 7thly, A Brief Examination of fome Things
in Mr Meldrum’s Sermon, preached on the 16th of
May 1703, againft a Toleration to thofe of the Epif¬
copal Perfuafion, Edinburgh, 1703. 8thly, The Rta-
fonablenefs of a Toleration of thofe of the Epifcopal
Peifuafion inquired into purely on Church Principles,
Edinburgh, 1704. 9lhly, The Life of Gavrin Dou¬
glas, in 1710. lothly, An introduclion to Drum¬
mond’s Hiftory of the Five James’s, Edinburgh, 1711.
Of the principles maintained in thefe publications, dif¬
ferent readers will think very differently •, and it is pro¬
bable that the acrimony difplayed in feme of them will
be generally condemned in the prefent day 5 whilft the
learning and acutenefs of their author will be univerlally
acknowledged and admired by all who can diftinguifti
merit in a friend or an adverfary.
SAGENE, or Sajene, a Ruffian long meafure, 500
of which make a verft : the fagene is equal to feven
Englifh feet.
SAGINA, a genus of plants belonging to the tetran-
dria clafs j and in the natural method ranking under the
22d order, Caryophyllei. See Botany Index.
SAGIXTA, in Aftronomy, the Arrow, a conftella-
tion of the northern hemifphere near the Eagle, and one
of the 48 old acerifms. According to the fabulous
ideas of the Greeks, this conftellation owes its origin to
one of the arrows of Hercules, with which he killed the
eagle or vulture that gnawed the liver of Prometheus.
In the catalogues of Ptolemy, Tycho, and Hevelius,
the liars of this conftellation are only five in number,
while Flamftead made them amount to 18.
Sagitta, in Geometry, a term uled by fome writers
for the abfeifs of a curve.
Sagitta, in Trigonometry, the fame as the verfed
fine of an arch, being fo denominated becaufe it is
like a dart or arrow, {landing on the chord of the arch.
SAGITTARIA, arrow head, a genus of plants
belonging to the muncecia clafs; and in the natural me¬
thod ranking under the fifth order, Tripe!atoidece. See
Botany Index.—k bulb which is iermed at the lower
part
S A H [ 451 ] S A H
Sagittarius part of the root of a fpecies of this plant, conftitutes a
p '! confiderable part of the food of the Chinele ; and upon
1 u'rn~ 1 that account they cultivate it.
SAGITTARIUS, in AJlronomy, the name of one of
the 1 2 figns of the zodiac.
SAGO, a nutritive fubftance brought from the Ea|I
Indies, of conhderable uie in diet as a reftorative. It is
produced from a fpecies of palm-tree (^CTCAS circi/iahs,
Tin.) growing Ipontaneoufly in the Taft Indies without
any culture. The progrefs of its vegetation in the early
Rages is very flow. At firft it is a mere thrub, thick
fet with thorns, which make it difficult to come near it j
but as foon as its ftem is once formed, it rifes in a ffiort
time to the height of 30 feet, is about fix feet in cir¬
cumference, and imperceptibly lofes its thorns. Its lig¬
neous bark is about an inch in thicknefs, and covers
a multitude of long fibres; which, being interwoven
one with another, envelope a mafs of a gummy kind of
meal. As foon as this tree is ripe, a whitifh dull,
which tranfpires through the pores of the leaves, and
adheres to their extremities, proclaims its maturity. The
Malays then cut them down near the root, divide them
into feveral feftions, which they fplit into quarters:
they then fcoop out the mafs of mealy fubftance, wffiich
is enveloped by and adheres to the fibres ; they dilute it
in pure water, and then pafs it through a draining bag
of fine cloth, in order to feparate it from the fibres.
When this pafte has loft part of its inoifture by evapora¬
tion, the Malays throw it into a kind of earthen veflfels,
of different ffiapes, where they allow it to dry and hard¬
en. This pafte is a wholefome nourilhing food, and
may be preferved for many years. The Indians eat it
d’Juted with water, and fometimes baked or boiled.
Through a principle of humanity, they referve the fineft
part of this meal for the aged and infirm. A jelly is
fometimes made of it, which is wffiite and of a delicious
flavour.
SAGUM, in Roman antiquity, a military habit, open
from top to bottom, and ufually faftened on the right
Ihoulder with a buckle or clafp. It ivas not different in
Ihape from the chlamijs of the Greeks and the paluda-
nientum of the generals. The only difference between
them was, that the paludamentum was made of a richer
fluff, was generally of a purple colour, and both longer
and fuller than the fagum.
SAGUNIUM, an ancient town of Spain, now called
Morvedro, wffiere there are Rill the ruins of a Roman
amphitheatre to be feen. The new1 town is feated on a
river called Morvedro, 1 5 miles to the noith of Valencia,
in E. Long. o. 10. N. Lat. 39. 38. It was taken by
Lord Peterborough in I'job.
SAHARA, or ZaarAj the Great Defert, is a raft
extent of fand in the interior parts of Africa, which,
with the leffer deferts of Bornou, Bilma, Barca, Sort,
&c. is equal to about one half of Europe. If the fand
be confidered as the ocean, the Sahara has its gulfs and
bays, as alfo its iflands, or Oases, fertile in groves and
paftures, and in many inRances containing a great po¬
pulation, fubjeft to order and regular government.
The great body, or weflern divifion of this ocean,
comprifed between Fezzan and the Atlantic, is no lefs
than 50 caravan journeys acrofs, from north to fouth ;
or from 750 to 8co G. miles; and double that extent
in length : without doubt the largeft defert in the world.
This divifion contains but a fcanty portion of iflands
(or oafes), and thofe alfo of fmall extent: but the Sahara,
eaflern divifion has many, and fome of them very large. g'
Fezzan, Gadamis, Taboo, Ghanat, Agadez, Augila,
Berdoa, are amongft the principal ones : befides which,
there are a vafi number of Imall ones. In effeft, this
is the part of Africa alluded to by Strabo, when he fays
from Cfieius Pifo, that Africa may be compared to a
leopard’s fkin.
From the befl inquiries that Mr Park could make
when a kind of capture among the Moors at Ludamar,
the Weflern Defert, he fays, may be pronounced almort
defiitute of inhabitants ; except where the fcanty vege¬
tation, which appears in certain fpots, affords pafturage
for the flocks of a few miferable Arabs, who wander
from one well to another. In other places, where the
fupply of water and pafturags is more abundant, fmall
parties of the Moors have taken up their refidence.
Here they live, in independent poverty, fecure from the
tyrannical government of Barbary. But the greater
part of the defert, being totally deflitute of water, is
feldom vifited by any human being *, unlefs where the
trading caravans trace out their toilfome and dangerous
route acrofs it. In fome parts of this extenfive wafie,
the ground is covered with low Runted ffirubs, which
ferve as land-marks for the caravans, and furnifh the
camels with a fcanty forage. In other parts, the difeon-
folate wanderer, wherever he turns, fees nothing around
him but a vafl interminable expanfe of land and ftcy ; a
gloomy and barren void, where the eye finds no parti¬
cular objeft to refl upon, and the mind is filled with
painful apprehenfions of perithing with thirft. Sur¬
rounded by this dreary folitude, the traveller fees the
dead bodies of birds, that the violence of the wind has
brought from happier regions; and, as he ruminates on
the fearful length of his remaining paffage, liflens with
horror to the voice of the driving blaft ; the only found
that interrupts the awful repofe of the defert.
The wild animals which inhabit thefe melancholy
regions, are the antelope and the oRrich ; their fwiftnefs
of foot enabling them to reach the diRant watering-
places. On the fkirts of the defert, where the water is
more plentiful, are found lions, panthers, elephants, and
wild boars.
The only domeftic animal that can endure the fa¬
tigue of croffing the defert is the camel; and it is there¬
fore the only bead of burden employed by the trading
caravans which traverfe, in different dircfHons, from
Barbary to Nigritia. The fleffi of this ufeful and docile
creature, though to our author’s tafte it was dry and un-
favoury, is preferred by the Moors to all others. The
milk of the female, he fays, is in univerfal efleem, and
is indeed pleafant and nutritive.
That the defert has a dip towards the eaR, as well as
the fouth, feems to be proved by tbe courfe of the Niger.
Moreover, the higheft points of North Afi-ica, that is
to fay, the mountains of Mandinga and Atlas, are fitu-
ated very far to the weR. The defert, for the molt
part, abounds with fait. But wre hear of fait mines on¬
ly in the part contiguous to Nigiitia, from whence fait
is drawn for the ufe of thofe countries, as well as of the
Mooriffi Rates adjoining ; there being no fait in the
Negro countries fouth of the Niger. There are fait
lakes alfo in the eaRern part of the defert.
SAHLITE, a fpecies of mineral, fee Mineralogy
Index.
3 L 2 SAI,
S A I
Sat
li
Sail.
[ 452 ]
S A I
SAT, a large town near tlie banks of the Niger,
which, according to Mr Park, is completely furround-
j ed by two very aeep trenches, at about two hundred
yards didant from the walls. On the top of the trenches
are a number of fquare towers: and the whole has the
appearance of 3 regular fortification. Inquiring into
the origin of this extraordinary entrenchment, our au¬
thor learned from two of the towns people the follow¬
ing particulars 5 which, if true, furnifh a mournful pic¬
ture of the enormities of African wars :
About fifteen years before our traveller vifited Sat,
when the king of Bambarra defolated Maniana, the
Dooty of Sai had two fons flam in battle, fighting in
the king’s caufe. He had a third fon living j and
when the king demanded a further reinforcement of
men, and this youth among the reft, the Dooty refufed
to fend him. This conduct fo enraged the king, that
when he returned from Maniana, about the beginning
of the rainy feafon, and found the Dooty protected by
the inhabitants, he fat down before Sai with his army,
and furrounded ihe town with the trenches which had
attracted our author’s notice. After a fiege of two
months, the towns people became involved in all the
horrors of famine 5 and whilit the king’s army were
feafting in their trenches, they faw with pleafure the
miferable inhabitants of Sai devour the leaves and bark
of the Bentang tree that flood in the middle of the
town. Finding, however, that the befieged would
fboner perift^than furrender, the king had recourfe to
treachery. He promifed, that if they would open the
gates, no perfon Ihould be put to death, nor fuffer any
injury, but the Dooty alone. The poor old man de¬
termined to facrifice himfelf, for the fake of his fellow-
citizens, and immediately walked over to the king’s
army, where he was put to death. His fon, in at¬
tempting to efcape, was caught and maffacred in the
trenches *, and the x-eft of the towns-people were carried
away captives, and fold as Haves to the different Negro
traders. Sai, according to Major Rennel, is fituated in
N. Lat. 140. and in W. Long. 30. 7.
SAICK, or Saique, a Turkiih veffel, very common
in the Levant for carrying merchandize.
SAIDE, the modeim name of Sidon. See Sidox.
SAIL, in Navigation, an affemblage of feveral
breadths of canvas fewed together by the lifts, and
edged round with cord, faftened to the yards of a ihip,
to make it drive before the wind. See Ship.
The edges of the cloths, or pieces, of which a fail
is compofed, are generally fewed together with a double
feam 5 and the whole is Ikirted round at the edges with
a cord, called the bolt rope.
Although the fotm of fails is extremely different,
they are all neverfhelefs triangular or quadrilateral
figures •, or, in other words, their furfaces are contained
either between three or four fides.
The former of thefe are fometimes fpread by a yard,
as lateen-fails; and otherwife by a flay, as ftay-lails j
or by a mail, as ftioulder-of-mutton fails ; in all which
cafes the foremoft leech or edge is attached to the faid
yard, mail, or ftay, throughout its whole length. The
latter, or. thofe which are four-fided, are either extend¬
ed by yards, as the principal fails of a fhip ; or by
yards and booms, as the ftudding-fails, drivers, ring¬
tails, and all thofe fails which are fet occafionally 3 or
by gaffs and booms, as the main-fails of (loops and bri- S ul.
gantines. “”-x—".j
The principal fails of a fliip (fig. t.) are the courfes
or lower fails a ; the top-fails b, which are next in order
above the courfes ; and the top-gallant fails r, which are
expanded above the top-lails.
The courles are the maimfail, fore-fail, and mizen,
main ftay-fail, fore ftay-fail, and mizen ftay-fail : but
more particularly the three firft. The main ftay-fail is
rarely ufed except in fmall veffels.
In all quadrangular fails the upper edge is called
the head; the fides or fkirts are called leeches ; and the
bottom or lower edge is termed the foot. If the head
is parallel to the foot, the two low corners ai'e deno¬
minated clues, and the upper corners earings.
In all triangular fails, and in thofe four-fided fails
wherein the head is not parallel to the foot, the fore¬
moft corner at the foot is called the tack, and the after
lower corner the clue; the foremoft perpendicular or
(loping edge is called the fore-leech, and the hindmoft
the after-leech.
The heads of all four-fided fails, and the fore-leeches
of lateen-fails, are attached to their refpettive yard or
gaff by a number of linall cords called ro-batids ; and
the extremities are tied to the yard-arms, or to the peek
of the gaff, by earings.
The ftay-fails are extended upon flays between the
malts, whereon they are drawn up or down occafionally,
as a curtain Aides upon its rod, and their lower parts are
ftretched out by a tack and fheet. The clues of a top-
fail are drawn out to the extremities of the lower yard,
by two large ropes called the top-fail Jheets; and the
clues of the top-gallant fails are in like manner ex¬
tended upon the top-fail yard-arms, as exhibited by
2' . . Fig. 2.
The ftudding-fails are fet beyond the leeches or
fkirts of the main-fail and fore-fail, or of the top fails or
top-gallant fails of a fhip. Their upper and lower edges
are accordingly extended by poles run out beyond the
extremities of the yards for this purpofe. Thofe fails,
however, are only fet in favourable winds and moderate
weather.
All fails derive their name from the maft, yard, or
ftay, upon which they are extended. Thus the princi¬
pal fail extended upon the main-maft is called the main-
fail, d; the next above, which ftands upon the main¬
top maft, is termed the main-top fail, e ; and the higheft,
which is fpread acrofs the main-top-gallant maft, is
named the main-top-gailant fai/,f.
In the fame manner there is the fore-fail, g; the
fore-top fail, lr, and the fore-top-gallant-fail, i; the
mizen, k; the mizen-top fail, /; and mizen-top-gal-
lant-fail, m. Thus alfo there is the main ftay-fail, 0;
main top-maft ftay-fail, p; and main-top-gallant ftay-
fail, q; with a middle ftay-fail which ftands between
the two laft.
N. B. All thefe ftay-fails are between the main and
fore-mafts.
The ftay-fails between the main-maft and mizen-maft
are the mizen ftay-fail, r ; and the mizen top-maft ftay-
fail, s ; and iometimes a mizen top-gallant ftay-fail above
the latter.
The ftay-fails between the foremaft and the bow-
fprit are the fore ftay-fail, t; the fore top-maft ftay-fail
S A K. C O PH A G-TJ S
of Alt-X£i11cier the Great.
.
.
i. u ,• and the jib, x, Ihere is behdes two Iquare fails
extended by yards under the bow-fprit, one of which
is called the Jpr'n-faU, y ; and the other the fprit-faii
top fail, x. f
The ftudding-fails being extended upon the different
yards of the main-mail and fore-mall, are likewile named
according to their llations, the lower, top-majl, or top¬
gallant Jludding fails.
The ropes by which the lower yards of a (hip are
holiied up to their proper height on the malls, are called
the jears. In all other fails the ropes employed for this
purpofe are called haliards.
The principal fails are then expanded by haliards,
fheets, and bowlines j except the courfes, which are al¬
ways llretched out below by a tack and Iheet. They
are drawn up together, or truffed up, by bunt-lines,
clue-lines, dd; leech-lines, e e ; reef-tackles, f f ; llab-
Ijne, g ; and fpiling-lines. As the bunt-lines and leech¬
lines pafs on the other fide of the fail, they are exprcffed
by the dotted lines in the figure.
The courfes, top-fails, and top-gallant fails, are
wheeled about the malt, fo as to fuit the various direc¬
tions of the wind, by braces. The higher lludding-fails,
and in general all the Hay-fails, are drawn down, fo as
to be furled, or taken in, by down-hauls.
Some experienced fail-makers contend, that it w'ould
be of much advantage if many of the fails of iliips were
made of equal magnitude ; in which cafe, when necelli-
ty required it, they could be interchangeably ufed. For
example, as the mizen top-fail is now made nearly as
large as the main top-gallant fail, it would be eafy to
make the yards, malls, and fails, fo as mutually to fuit
each other. The main and fore-top fails differ about
two feet at head and foot, and from one to three feet
in depth. Thefe likewife could be eafily made alike,
and in fome cates they are fo. The fame may be faid
ot the main and fore top-gallant fails, and of the mizen
top-gallant fail, and main fore-royal. The main-fail
and fore-fail might alfo, with refpedl to their head, be
made alike j but as the former has a gore at the leech,
and a larger gore at the foot for clearing it of the gal¬
lows, boats, &c. which the latter has not, there might
be more difficulty in arranging them. The difficulty,
however, appears not to be infurmountable. Thefe al¬
terations, it is thought, v/ould be extremely ufeful in
the event of lofing fails by llrefs of weather. Fewer
fails wmuld be thus necelTary, lefs room wrould be required
t o How them, and there would be lefs danger of con-
lufion in taking them out. But perhaps the utility of
thefe alterations will be more felt in the merchant-fervice
than in the navy, which latter has always a large llore
of fpare fails, and fufficient room to How them in or¬
der. Ihus, too, fpare yards and mads might be con-
fiderably reduced in number, and yet any cafual damages
more eafily repaired at lea. Top-mail lludding fails are
occafionahy fublhtuted for awnings, and might, by a
very little attention in planning the rigging of a (hip,
be fo contrived as to anfwer both purpofes. See Ship¬
building.
Sail is alfo a name applied to any veflel feen at a
diilance under fail, and is equivalent to ihip.
To fet SAIL, is to unfurl and expand the fails upon
their refpeflive yards and Hays, in order to begin the
adbon of failing.
O
To Male SAIL, is to fpread an additional quantity of Sail,
fail, fo as to increafe the Ihip’s velocity. * ^ c——y—
1 o Jhorten SAIL, is to reduce or take in part of the
fails, with an intention to diminilh the Ihip’s velocity.
lo Strike SAIL, is to lower it fuddenly. This is
particularly ufed in faluting or doing homage to a fu-
perior torce, or to one whom the law of nations ac¬
knowledges as fuperior in certain regions. Thus all
foreign veiTels llrike to a Biitilh man of war in the Bti-
tilh Teas.
SAILING, the movement by which a veflel is waft¬
ed along the furface of the water, by the adlion of the
wand upon her fails.
When a (hip changes her Hate of reft into that of
motion, as in advancing out of a harbour, or from her
ftation at anchor, (he acquires her motion very gra¬
dually, as a body which arrives not at a certain velo¬
city till after an infinite repetition of the adlion of its
weight.
The firft impreffion of the wind greatly affedls the.
velocity, becaufe the reliftance of the water might de-
ftroy it ; fince the velocity being but fmall at firft, the
refinance of the water which depends on it will be
very feeble: but as the ftiip increafes her motion,
the force of the wind on the fails will be diminiftied ;
whereas, on the contrary, the refiftance of the water
on the bow will accumulate in proportion to the velo¬
city wdth which the velfel advances. Thus the repe¬
tition of the degrees of force, which the adlion of the’
fails adds to the motion of the ftiip, is perpetually de- ,
creafing; whillt, on the contrary, the new degrees add¬
ed to the effort of refinance on the bow are always aug¬
menting. 1 he velocity is then accelerated in propor¬
tion as the quantity added is greater than that which is
fubtrafted j but when the two powers become equal j
when the impreffion of the wind on the fails has loft fo
much of its force, as only to a6l in proportion to the
oppofite impulfe of refiftance on the borv, the fliip will
then acquire no additional velocity, but continue to fail
with a conftant uniform motion. The great weight of
the ftiip may indeed prevent her from acquiring her
greateft velocity j but when fhe has attained it, the will
advance by her own intrinfic motion, without gaining
any new degree of velocity, or leffening what ftie has
acquired. She moves then by her own proper force
in vacuo, without being afterwards fubjedl either to the
effort of the wind on the fails, or to the refiftance of
the water on the bow. If at any time the impulfion of
the water on the bow fhould deftroy any part of the ve¬
locity, the effort of the wind on the fails will revive it,
fo that the motion will continue the fame. It mull,
however, be obferved, that this flate will only fubfiil
when theie two powers a£l upon each other in diretl
oppofition 5 otherwife they will mutually deffroy one
another. The whole theory of working Ihips depends
on this counter aftion, and the perfett equality which
fliould fubfift between the effort of the wind and ths
impulfion of the water.
The effeft of failing is produced by a judicious ar¬
rangement of the fails to the dire&ion of the wind.
Accordingly the various modes of failing are derived
from the different degrees and fituations of the wind
with regard to the courfe of the veflel. See Seaman¬
ship.
rio->
S A I
To illuftrate this obfervation by examples, the plan
of a number of (hips proceeding on various courfes is
reprefented by fig. 3. which exhibits the 32 points of
the compafs, of which C is the'centre; the diredlion
of the wind, which is northerly, being expieffed by the
arrow.
It has been obferved in the article CLOSE-Haulcd,
that a (hip in that fituation will fail nearly within fix
points of the wind. Thus the flops B and y are clofe-
hauled ; the former being on the larboard-tack, fleer¬
ing E. N. E. and the latter on the ftarboard tack, fail¬
ing W. N. W. with their yards a b braced obliquely, as
fuiiable to that manner of failing. The line of battle
on the larboard tack would accordingly be expreffed by
CB, and on the ftarboard by C y.
When a fhip is neither clofe-hauled, nor fleering
afore the wind, (he is in general faid to be failing large.
The relation of the wind to her courfe is preciiely de¬
termined by the number of points between the latter
and the courfe clofe hauled. Thus the ftiips c and a?
have the wind one point large, the former fleering
E. b N. and the latter W. b N. The yards remain al-
moft in the fame pofition as in B and y ; the bowlines
and ftieets of the fails being only a little flackened.
The fliips d and a have'the wind two points large,
the one fleering eaft and the other weft. In this man¬
ner of failing, however, the wind is more particularly
faid to be upon the beam, as being at right angles
with the keel, and coinciding with the pofition of the
fliip’s beams. The yards are now more acrofs the fhip,
the bowlines are caft off, and the fheets more relaxed ;
fo that the effort of the wind being applied nearer to
the line of the fliip’s courfe, her velocity is greatly aug¬
mented.
In c and t the ftiips have the wind three points large,
or one point abaft the beam, the courfe of the former
being E. b S. and that of the latter W. £ S. The ftieets
are ftiil more flowing, the angle which the yards make
with the keel further diminiflied, and the courfe accele¬
rated in proportion.
The fliips f andy^ the fiift of which fleers E. S. E.
and the fecond W. S. W. have the wind four points
large, or two points abaft the beam. In g and r the
wind is five points large, or three points abaft the
beam, the former failing S. E. b E. and the latter
S. W. b W. In both thefe fituations the ftieets are ftill
farther flackened, and the yards laid yet more athwart
the fliip’s length, in proportion as the wind approaches
the quarter.
The fliips h and y, fleering S. E and S. W. have
the wind fix points large, or more properly on the quar¬
ter ; which is confidered as the moft favourable manner
of failing, becaufe all the fails co-operate to increafe
the fiiip’s velocity : whereas, when the wind is right
aft, as in the fliip m, it is evident that the wind in its
paffage to the foremoft fails will be intercepted .'by
ihofe which are farther aft. When the wind is on the
quarter, the fore-tack is brought to the cat-head ; and
the main-tack being caft off, the weather-clue of the
main-fail is hoifted up to the yard, in order to let the
wind pafs freely to the fore-fail ; and the yards are dif-
pofed fo as to make an angle of about two points, or
nearly 2 2°, with the keel.
The (hips i and />, of which the former fails S. E. /, S.
•and the latter S. W. b S. are faid to have the wind
o
S A I
three points on the larboard or ftarboard quarter : and
thofe expreffed by k and 0, two points; as fleering S. S. E.
and S. S. W. in both which pofitions the yards make !_
nearly an angle of i6c', or about a point and a half,
with the (hip’s length.
When the wind is one point son the quarter, as in
the ftiips / and /?, vvhofe courfes are S. b E. and 3. b W.
the fituation of the yards and fails is very little difle-
rent from the laft mentioned ; the angle which they
make with the keel being lomewhat lets than a point,
and the ftay-fails being rendered of very little fervice.
The fhip m fails right afore the wind, or with the wind
right aft. In this pofition Hhe yards are laid at right
angles with the fiiip’s length : the ftay-fails being en¬
tirely ufeiefs, are hauled down; and the main-fail is
drawn up in the brails, that the fore-fail may operate;
a meafure which confiderably facilitates the fteerage,
or effort of the helm. As the wind is then intercepted
by the main-top-fail and main top-gallant-fail, in its
paffage to the fore-top-fail and fore-top-gallant fail,
thefe latter are by confequence entirely becalmed ; and
might therefore be furled, to prevent their being fretted
by flapping againft the maft, but that their effort con¬
tributes greatly to prevent the fhip from broaching-to,
when (he deviates from her courfe to the right or left
thereof.
Thus all the different methods of failing may be di¬
vided into four, viz. clofe-hauled, large, quartering, and
afore the wind ; all which relate to the dirediion of the
wind with regard to the (hip’s courfe, and the arrange¬
ment of the fails.
Sailing alfo implies a particular mode of naviga¬
tion, formed on the principles, and regulated by the laws,
of trigonometry. Hence we fay, Plain Sailing, Mer¬
cator’s, Middle-latitude, Parallel, and Great-circle Sail¬
ing. See the article Navigation.
SAIL-Making, the art of making fails. See Sail
and Ship building.
SAILOR, the fame with Mariner and Seaman.
SAINT, means a perfon eminent for piety and vir¬
tue, and is generally applied by us to the apoftles and
other holy perfons mentioned in Scripture. But the
Romajiifts make its application much more extenfive.
Under the word Canonization we have already faid
fomething on their pradlice of creating faints. Our
readers, however, will not, we truft, be difpleafed with
the following more enlarged account, which they them-
felves give of the matter. The canonization of faints,
then, they tell us, is the enrolment of any perfon in
the canon or catalogue of thofe who are called faints ;
or, it is a judgement and fentence of the church, by
which it is declared, that a deceafed perfon was emi¬
nent for fan£Hty during his lifetime, and efpecially to¬
wards the end of it; and that confequently he muft
now be in glory with God, and deferves to be honour¬
ed by the church on earth with that veneration which
(he is wont to pay to the bleffed in heaven.
The difeipline with regard to this matter has varied.
It would feem that in the fiift ages every biftiop in his
own diocefe was wont to declare what perfons were to
be honoured as faints by Iris people. Hence St Cy¬
prian, about the middle of the third century, B. 3.
ef>- 6. requires that he be informed of tbofe who fhould
die in prifon for the faith, that fo he might make men¬
tion of them in the holy facrifice ivith the martyrs,
[ 454 ]
s A I [ 455 ] S A 1
n-' finv.1 might honour them afterwards on the anniverfary
day of their happy death. This veneration continued
fometiraes to be confined to one country ; but fome-
times it extended to diftant provinces, and even became
univerfal ail over the church. It was thus that St Lau¬
rence, St Ambrofe, St Augufline, St Baiil, and many
others, appear to have been canonized by cuftom and
univerfal perfuafion. In thofe ages none were reckon¬
ed faints but the apoftles, the martyrs, and very emi¬
nent confeffors, whole fanctity was notorious every¬
where.
Afterwards it appears that canonizations were wont
to be performed in provincial fynods under the direc¬
tion of the metropolitan. It was thus that St Ifidcre
of Seville was canonized in the 7th century, by the
8th council of Toledo, 14 years after his death. This
manner of canonization continued occafionally down to
the 12th century. The lalt inftance of a faint canoni¬
zed in that way, is that of St Walter abbot of Pon-
toife, who was declared a faint by the archbifliop of
Rouen in the year 1153.
In the 12th century, in order to prevent miflakes
in fo delicate a matter, Pope Alexander III. judged it
proper to referve this declaration to the holy fee of
Rome exclufively ; and decreed that no one fh'ould for
the future be honoured by the church as a faint without
the exprefs approbation of the pope.
Since that time, the canonization of faints has been
carried on in the form of a procefs ; and there is at
Rome a congregation of cardinals, called the congre¬
gation of holy rites, who are afiifted by feveral divines
under the name of confultors, who examine fuch matters,
and prepare them for the decifion of his holinefs. When
therefore any potentate, province, city, or religious body,
thmk fit, they apply to the pope for the canonization of
any perfon.
The firft juridical fteo in this bufinefs mull: be taken
by the bilhop in whofe diocefe the perfon for whom
the application is made had lived and died, who by his
own auuioriiy calls witneffes to atteft the opinion of the
holinefs, the virtues, and miracles, of the perfon in que-
ftion. ^ When the deceafed has refided in different dio-
cefes, it may be neceffary that different bilhops take
fuch depofitions; the originals of which are preferved
in the archives of their refpe&ive churches, and authen¬
tic copies fealed up are fent to Rome by a fpecial mef-
fenger, where they are depofited with the congregation
of rites, and where they mud remain for the' fpace of
ten years without being opened. They are then open¬
ed, and maturely examined by the congregation, and
with their advice the pope allows the caufe to go on
or not as he thinks proper. The folicitors for the ca¬
nonization are then referred by his holinefs to the faid
congregation, which, with his authority, gives a com-
miffion to one or more bifhops, or other refpeflahle
perfons, to examine, on the fpot and in the places where
the perfon in queftion has lived and died, into his cha-
raRer and whole behaviour. Thefe commiffioners fjm-
mon witnefles, take depofitions, and collefl letters and Saint
other writings of the venerable man, and get all the w—Y—
intelligence they can concerning him, and the opinion
generally entertained of him. The report of thefe
commiffioners is confidered attentively and at length by
the congregation, and every part of it difeuffed by the
conlultors, when the congregation determines whether
or net .they can permit the precefs to go on. If it be
allowed to proceed, a cardinal, who is called ponent, un¬
dertakes to be the principal agent in that affair. The
firft queftion then that comes to be examined is, whe¬
ther or not the perfon proppfed for canonization can be
proved to have been in an eminent degree endued with
the moral virtues of prudence, juitice, fortitude, and
temperance ; and with the theological virtues of faith,
hope, and charity ? All this is canvaffed with great de¬
liberation j and there is a diftinguiftied ecclefiaftic called
the promoter of the holy faith, who is fworn to make all
reaf .nable objections to the proofs that are adduced in
favour of the canonization. If the decilion be favour- •
able, then the proofs of miracles done to ihow the fanc¬
tity of the perfon in queftion are permitted to be
brought forward ; when two miracles muft be verified
to the fatisfaclion of the congregation, both as to the
reality of the fafts, and as to their having been truly
above the power of nature. If the decifion on this
comes out likewife favourable, then the whole is laid
before the pope and what divines he choofes(A). Pub¬
lic prayer and falling are likewife preferibed, in order
to obtain light and direRion from heaven. After all
this long procedure, when the pope is relblved to give
his approbation, he iffues a bull, firrt of beatifcation, by
which the perfon is declared blejfed, and afterwards ano¬
ther oifanBif cation, by which the name offaint is given
him. Thefe bulls are publilhed in St Peter’s church
with very great folemnity.
A perfon remarkable for holinefs of life, even before
he is canonized, may be venerated as fuch by thofe who
are perfuaded of his eminent virtue, and his prayers
may be implored \ but all this muft reft on private opi¬
nion. After his canonization, his name is inferled in
the Martyrology, or catalogue of faints, of which the
refpeRive portion is read every day in the choir at the
divine office. A day is alfo appointed for a yeaily
commemoration of him. Plis name may be mentioned
in the public church fervice, and his interceflion with
God befought. His relics may be enfhrined : he may
be painted with rays of glory, and altars and churches
may be dedicated to God in honour of him, and in
thankfgiving to the divine goodnds for the bleffings
bellowed on him in life, and for the glory to which he
is raifed in heaven.
I He affair of ai canonization is neceffmly very ex-
penfive, becaufe fo many perfons muft be employed
about it ; fo many journeys muft be made ; fo many
writings for and again!! it muft be drawn out. The
expence altogether amounts to about 25,000 Roman
crowns, or 6000I. fterling. But it is generally con¬
trived
(a) His holinefs generally appoints three confiftories; in the firft of which the cardinals only affift, and give
their opinion 5 m the fecond, a preacher pronounces a fpeech in praife of the candidate before a numerous audience:
o t e third, not only the cardinals, but all the bilhops who aie at Rome, are invited, and all of them give their
vote DV word ot month. ’ to -
5aint,
Saintes.
SAX [ 45
trh'ed to canonize two or three at a time, by which
means the particular cxpence of each is very much lef*
fened, the folemnity being common.
It often happens that the folicitors for a canoniza¬
tion are unfuccefsful. Thus the Jefuits, even when
their intereft at Rome was greateft, could not obtain
the canonization of Bellarmine ; and it is remarkable,
that the obieftion is faid to have been, his having de¬
fended the indirect power of the pope over Chriftian
princes even in temporals.
Several authors have written on canonization, and
particularly Profper Lambertini, afterwards pope under
the name of Benedict XIV. who had held the office of
promoter of the faith for many years. He publiffied on it a
large work in feveral volumes, in folio, of which there is
an abridgment in French. In this learned performance
there is a full hiftory of the canonization of faints in
general, and of all the particular procefles of that kind
that are on record : an account is given of the manner
of proceeding in thefe extraordinary trials •, and it is
ffiown, that, befides tire affiftance of providence, which
is implored and expelled in what is fo much connedled
with religion, all prudent human means are made ufe of,
in order to avoid miifakes, and to obtain all the evi¬
dence of which the matter is fufceptible, and which muft
appear more than fufficient to every impartial judge. See
Pope, Popery, &c.
SAINT Catherine, a Portuguefe ifland in the South
fea, not far diftant from the coaft of Brazil. It was
vifited by La Peroufe, who afcertained it to lie between
270 19' 10" and 270 49' N. Lat. and its molt norther¬
ly point to lie in 490 49' W. Long, from Paris. Its
breadth from eaft to weft is only fix miles, and it is fe-
parated from the main land by a channel only about 200
fathoms broad. On the point ftretching fartheft into this
channel is fttuated the city of Noftra Senora del Deftero,
the metropolis of the government, and the place of the
governor’s refidence. It contains about 400 heufes,
and 3000 inhabitants, and has an exceedingly pleafant
appearance. In the year 1712, this ifland ferved as a
retreat to vagabonds, who effefted their efcape from dif¬
ferent parts of the Brazils, being only nominal fubjefts
of Portugal. Its whole population has been eftimated
at 20,000. The foil is extremely fertile, producing all
lorts of fruit, vegetables, and corn, almoft fpontaneoufly.
The whale fiftiery is very fuccefsful; but it is the pro¬
perty of the crown, and is farmed by a company at
Lilbon, which has three confiderable eftablifhments upon
the coaft. Every year they kill about 400 whales, the
produce of which, both oil and fpermaceti, is fent to
Lilbon by the w'ay of Rio Janeiro. The inhabitants
are idle fpeftators of this fifhery, from which they de¬
rive not the fmalleft advantage. A very amiable pic¬
ture, however, is given of their hofpitality to ftrangers,
by M. La Peroufe.
SAINT-Foin, a fpecies of hedyfarum. See Hedy-
sarum, Botany Index, and Agriculture/."dew.
SAINTES, an ancient and confiderable town of
France, in the department of Lower Charente. It is
the capital of Saintonge, and before the revolution w7as
a bilhop’s fee. It contained likewife feveral convents,
a Jefuits college, and an abbey remarkable for its
fteeple, which is faid to be one of the loftieft in France.
It is feated on an eminence, 37 miles fcuth-eaft of Ro¬
chelle, and 262 fouth-fouth-weft of Paris. W. Long.
I
6 ] S A K
o. 38. N. Lat. 415. 54. The caftle is feated on a rock, Saints
and is reckoned impregnable.
This city wras a Roman colony ; and thofe conque- ^ei!^na
rors of the earth, wTho poliftied the nations they fubdued, u—
have left behind them the traces of their magnificence.
In a hollow valley between two mountains, and almoft;
adjoining to one of the fuburbs, are the ruins of the
amphitheatre. Though notv in the laft ftage of decay,
its appearance is auguft and venerable. In fome parts,
fcarcely any of the arches are to be feen ; but the ealt
end is ftill in a great degree of prefervation. From its
fituation in a valley, and from the ruins of an aquedu/t
which conveyed water to the towm Rom near three
leagues diftance, it has been fuppofed that Naumachim
W’ere reprefented in it j but this amounts only to conjec¬
ture. A triumphal arch, on which is an infcription in
Roman letters, merits likewife attention. It wTas eredl-
ed to Germanicus, on the news of his death, fo univer-
fally lamented throughout the empire. The river Cha¬
rente furrounds this city, as the Severn does that of
Shrew'fbury, defcribing the form of a horfe-ffioe.
Except the remains of Roman grandeur yet vifible
at Saintes, the place contains very little to detain or
amufe a traveller. It is built with great irregularity $
the ftreets are narrow and winding, the houfes mean,
and almoft all of them are fome centuries old. The ca¬
thedral has been repeatedly defaced and deftroyed by
Normans and Huguenots, wffio made war alike on every
monument of art or piety. One tow'er only efcaped
their rage, which is faid to have been built as early as
the year 800 by Charlemagne. It is of an enormous
magnitude, both as to height and circumference. Thefe
circumftances have probably conduced more to its pre¬
fervation during the fury of wrar, than any veneration
for the memory of its founder, or for the fan&ity of its
inftitution.
SAINTOGNE, a province of France, now forming
with the province of Aunis the department of Lower
Charente, is bounded on the eaft by Angoumois and Pe-
rigord, on the north by Poitou and the territory of Au¬
nis, on the w7eft by the ocean, and on the fouth by
Bourdelois and Giron, about 62 miles in length and
30 in breadth. The river Charente runs through the
middle of it, and renders it one of the fineft and moft
fertile provinces in France, abounding in all forts of
corn and fruits; and it is faid the beft fait in Europe is
made here.
The SAINTS, are three fmall iflands, three leagues
diftant from Guadaloupe, which form a triangle, and
have a tolerable harbour. Thirty Frenchmen were
fent thither in 1648, but w7ere foon driven away by an
exceffive drought, which dried up their only fpring be¬
fore they had time to make any refervoirs. A fecond
attempt was made in 1652, and permanent plantations
Were eftabliftied, which now yield 50,000 weight of
coffee, and ioo,®oo of cotton.
SAJENE, a Ruffian meafure of length, equal t©
about feven Englilh feet.
SAKRAD AWENDRA is the name of one of the
Ceylonefe deities, who commands and governs all the
reft, and formerly anfwered the prayers of his worfhip-
pers ; but according to the fabulous account which is
given of him, the golden chair, on which he fat, and
the foot of which was made of wax, that was foftened
by theii prayers and tears, and funk downward, fo that
SAL [4
he could tahe notice of their requefts and relieve them,
being difpofed of among the poor, they no longer de-
rive any benefit from him, or pay him any reverence.
See Budun.
SAL. See Salt.
SALAD1N, a famous fultan of Egypt, equally re¬
nowned as a warrior and legiflator. He Jupported him-
felf by his valour, and the influence of his amiable cha¬
racter, againft the united efforts of the chief Chriilian
potentates of Europe, rvlio carried on the mod; unjuft
wars againft him, under the falfe appellation of Holy
IVars. See the articles Egypt and Croisade.
SALAMANCA, an ancient, large, rich, and po¬
pulous city of Spain, in the kingdom of Leon, fituated
on the river Tormes, about 75 miles weft from Madrid.
It is faid to have been founded by Teucer the fon of
-’lelamon, who called it Salamis or Sa/mantica, in me¬
mory of the ancient Salamis. Here is an univerfity, the
greateft in Spain, confiding of 24 colleges, and perhaps
inferior to none in the whole world, in refpedl: at lead
to its revenues, buildings, number of fcholars, and ma¬
ilers. Here are alfo many grand and magnificent pala¬
ces, fquares, convents, churches, colleges, chapels, and
holpitals. The biftiop of this country is fuffragan to
the archbiihop of Compoftella, and has a yearly revenue
of 1000 ducats. A Roman way leads from hence to
Menda and Seville, and there is an old Roman bridge
over the river. Of the colleges in the univerfity, four
are appropriated to young men of quality ; and near it
is an infirmary for poor lick fcholars. W. Long. 6. 10.
N. Lat. 4r. o.
SALAMANDER. See Lacerta, Erpetology
Index.
SALAMIS, an ifland of the Archipelago, fituated
in E. Long. 34. o. N. Lat. 37. 32.—It was famous in
antiquity for a battle between the Greek and Perfian
fleets. In the council of war held among the Perfians
on this occafion, all the commanders were for engaging,
becaufe they knew this advice to be moft agreeable to
the king’s inclinations. Queen Artemilia was the only
perfon who oppofed this refolution. She was queen of
Halicarnaffus •, and followed Xerxes in this war with
five (hips, the bed equipped of any in the fleet, except
thofe of the Sidonians. This pnneefs diftinguifhed her-
felf on all occafions by her lingular courage, and ftill
more by her prudence and condudft. She reprefented,
m the council of war we are fpeaking of, the dangerous
confequence of engaging a people that were far more
expert in maritime affairs than the Perfians ; alleging,
that the lofs of a battle at fea would be attended with
tne ruin of their army ; whereas, by fpinning out the
war, and advancing into the heart of Greece, they would
create jealoufies and divifions among their enemies, who
would leparate from one another, in order to defend
each of them their own country •, and that the king
might, almoft without ftriking a blow, make himfelf
mafter of Greece. This advice, though very prudent,
wTas not followed, but an engagement unanimoufiy refol-
ved upon. Xerxes, in order to encourage his men by
his prefence, caufed a throne tq> be ere&ed on the top of
an eminence, whence he might fafely behold whatever
happened ; having feveral feribes about him, to write
down the names of fuch as fhould fignalize themfelves
againft the enemy. The approach of the Perfian fleet,
with the news that a ftrong detachment from the army
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
57 1 S A L
was marching againft Cleomorotus, who defended the Salamis.
ifthmus, tbuck fuch a terror into the Peloponnefians, v
that th*y could not by any intreaties be prevailed upon
to flay any longer at Salamis. Being therefore deter¬
mined to put to fea, and fail to the ifthmus, Themifto-
cles privately difpatched a trufty friend to the Perfian
commanders, informing them of the intended flight;
and exhorting them to fend part of their fleet round the
ifland, in order to prevent their efcape. The fame mef-
fenger affured Xerxes, that Themiftocles, who had fent
him that advice, defigned to join the Perfians, as foon
as the battle began, with all the Athenian fhips. The
king giving credit to all he faid, immediately caufed a
ftrong fquadron to fail round the ifland in the night in
order to cut off the enemy’s flight. Early next morn-
ing, as the Peloponnefians were preparing to fet fail,
they found themfelves encompaffed on all fides by the
Perfian fleet 5 and were againit their will obliged to re¬
main in the ftraits of Salamis and expofe themfelves to
the fame dangers with their allies. The Grecian fleet
confifted of 380 fail, that of the Perfians of 2000 and
upwards. Themiftocles avoided the engagement till a
certain wind, which role regularly every day at the fame
time, and which was entirely contrary to the enemy,
began to blow. As i’oon as he found himfelf favoured
by this wind, he gave the fignal for battle. The Per¬
fians, knowing that they fought under their king’s eve,
advanced with great refolution ; but the wind blowifig
directly in their faces, and the largenefs and number of
their fhips embarrafling them in a place fo ftrait and
narrow, their courage foon abated 5 which the Greeks
obferving, ufed fuch efforts, that in a fhort time break¬
ing into the Perfian fleet, they entirely difordered them :
fome flying towards Phalarus, where their army lay en¬
camped ; others faving themfelves in the harbours of the
neighbouring iflands. The lonians were the firft that
betook themfelves to flight. But Queen Artemifia di¬
ftinguifhed herfelf above all the reft, her fhips being the
Eft that fled : which Xerxes obferving, cried out that
the men behaved like women, and the women with the
coinage and intrepidity of men. The Athenians were
fo incenfed againft her, that they offered a reward of
10,000 drachmas to any one that fnould take her alive:
but the, in fpite of all their efforts, got clear of the fhips
that purfued her, and arrived fafe on the coaft of Afia.
In this engagement, which was one of the moft memo¬
rable adfions we find recorded in hiftory, the Grecians
loft 40 fhips ; and the Perfians 200, befides a great ma¬
ny more that were taken, with all the men and ammu¬
nition they carried.
i he illand of Salamis is of a very irregular fhape 5 it
was reckoned 7.0 or 80 ftadia, i. e. 8 or 10 miles long,
reaching weftward as far as the mountains called Kerata
or I he Horns. Paufanias informs us, that on one fide
of this ifland flood in his time a temple of Diana, and
on the other a trophy for a victory obtained by Themi¬
ftocles, together with the temple of Cychreus, the fite
of which is now thought to be occupied bv the church
of St Nicholas.
The city of Salamis was demolifhed by the Athenians,
became in trie war with Caffander it furrendered to the
Macedonians, from difaffedtion. In the fecond century,
when it was vifited by Paufanias, fome ruins of the A-
gora or marKet-place remained, with a temple and image
of Ajax j and not far from the port was fhown a ftone,
3 M on
SAL [ 458 1 SAL
Salamis on which, they related, Telamon fat to view the Sala-
s minian fliips on their departure to join the Grecian fleet
' at Aulis. The walls may Ihill be traced, and it has
been conjeitured were about four miles in circumference.
The level fpace within them was now covered with
green corn. The port is choked with mud, and was
partly dry. Among the fcattered marbles are fome with
infcriptions. One is of great antiquity, before the intro-
dusfdion of the Ionic alphabet. On another, near the
port, the name of Solon occurs. This renowned law¬
giver was a native of Salamis, and a ftatue of him rvas
erefted in the market-place, with one hand covered by
his veld, the modeft attitude in which he w>as accuftom-
ed to addrefs the people of Athens. An infcription on
black marble was alfo copied in 1676 near the ruin of a
temple, probably that of ikjax. The ifland of Salamis
is now inhabited by a few Albanians, who till the
ground. Their village is called Ampelaki, “ the Vine¬
yard,” and is at a diilance from the port, handing more
inland. In the church are marble fragments and fome
infcriptions..
SALARY, a recompenfe or confideration made to
a perfon for his pains and induftry in another man’s
bufinefs. The v/ord is ufed in the flatute 23 Edw. III.
cap. x. Solarium at firft fignified the rents or profits of
a falle, hall, or houfe (and in Gafcoigne they now call
the feats of the gentryas we do halls') ; but af¬
terwards it was taken for any wages, ftipend, or annual
allowance.
SAL A CIA, a genus of plants belonging to the gy-
nandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SALE, is the exchange of a commodity for money 5
barter, or permutation, is the exchange of one commo¬
dity for another. When the bargain is concluded, an
obligation is contrafled by the buyer to pay the value,
and by the feller to deliver the commodity, at the time
and place agreed on, or immediately if no time be fpe-
cified.
In this, as well as other mercantile contrails, the
fafety of commerce requires the utmoft good faith and
veracity. Therefore, although by the law's of Eng¬
land, a fale above the value of icl. be not binding, un-
lefs earneft be paid, or the bargain confirmed by writ¬
ing, a merchant wmuld lofe all credit w'ho refufed to per¬
form his agreement, although thefe legal requifites were
omitted.
WThen a fpecific thing is fold, the property, even be¬
fore delivery, is in fome refpeft veiled in the buyer •,
and if the thing perifhes, the buyer muft bear the lofs.
For example, if a horfe dies before delivery, he muft
pay the value : but if the bargain only determines the
quantity and quality of the goods, without fpecifying
the identical articles, and the feller’s w'arehoufe, with
all his goods, be burned, he is intitled to no payment.
He muft alfo bear the lofs if the thing perifh through
his fault ; or when a particular time and place of deli¬
very is agreed on, if it perifh before it be tendered, in
terms of the bargain.
If a perfon purchafe goods at a fiiop without agree¬
ing for the price, he is liable for the ordinary market-
price at the time of purchafe.
It the buyer proves infolvent before delivery, the fel¬
ler is not bound to deliver the goods without payment
©r fecurity.
If the importation, or ufe of the commodities fold,
be prohibited by law, or if the buyer knows that they Sale
were fmuggled, no adtion lies for delivery. II
The property of goods is generally prefumed, in fa- 3 f ^
vour of commerce, to belong to the poffeffor, and can¬
not be challenged in the hands of an onerous purchafer.
But to this there are fome exceptions. By the Scots
law', ftolen goods may in all cafes be reclaimed by the
proprietor, and alfo by the Englifh law, unlefs they
were bought bona Jide in open market j that is, in the
accuftomed public places, on Hated days, in the country,
or in a fhop in London j and horfes may be reclaimed,
unlefs the fale be regularly entered by the book-keeper
of the market. In all cafes, if the goods be evidled by
the lawful proprietor, the feller is liable to the purchafer
for the value.
Aftions for payment of fhop accounts, as well as other
debts not conifituted by writing, are limited in Eng¬
land to fix years. The teftimony of one witnefs is ad¬
mitted ; and the feller’s books, although the perfon that
kept them be dead, are good evidence for one year. In
Scotland, merchants books may be proved within three
years of the date of the laft article, by one wltnefs, and
the creditor’s books and oath in fupplement. After
three years, they can only be proved by the oath or writ
of the debtor. A merchant’s books are in all cafes good
evidence again!! him.
SALEP, in the Materia Medic a, the dried root of a
fpecies of orchis. See Orchis, Botany Index.
Several methods of preparing falep have been pro-
pofed and pradlifed. Geoffrey has delivered a very ju¬
dicious procefs for this purpofe in the Hifioire de l"1 Aca¬
demic Roy ale des Sciences, 1740 ; and Retmus, in the
Swedifh Tranfadlions, 1764, has improved Geoffrey’s
method. But Mr Moult of Rochdale has lately favour¬
ed the public with a new manner of curing the orchis
root 5 by which falep is prepared, at leaf! equal, if not
fuperior, to any brought from the Levant. The new
root is to be wafhed in water 5 and the fine brown fkin
w'hich covers it is to be feparated by means of a fmall
brufh, or by dipping the root in hot water, and rubbing
it with a coarfe linen cloth. When a fufficient number
of roots have been thus cleaned, they are to be fpread
on a tin-plate, and placed in an oven heated to the ufual
degree, w'here they are to remain fix or ten minutes, in
which time they will have loft their milky whitenefs,
and acquired a tranfparency like horn, without any di¬
minution of bulk. Being arrived at this ftate, they
are to be removed, in order to dry and harden in the
air, which will require feveral days to effeft 5 or by
ufing a very gentle heat, they may be finifhed in a few
hours.
Salep thus prepared, may be afforded in thofe parts
of England where labour bears a high value, at about
eightpence or tenpence per pound : And it might be
fold ftill cheaper, if the orchis were to be cured, with¬
out feparating from it the brown {kin which covers it *r
a troublefome part of the procefs, and which does not
contribute to render the root either more palatable or
falutary. Whereas the foreign falep is now fold at five
or fix {hillings per pound.
Salep is faid to contain the greateft quantity of vege¬
table nourifhment in the fmalleft bulk. Hence a very
judicious writer, to prevent the dreadful calamity of fa¬
mine at fea, has lately propofed that the powder of it
fhould conftitute part of the provifions of every (hip’s
company.
/
SAL [ 459 ] S A L
Saif p. company. This powder and portable foup, diffolved in
^ ' * boiling water, form a rich thick jelly, capable of fup-
porting life for a confiderable length of time. An
ounce of each of thefe articles, with two quarts of boil¬
ing water, wull be fufficient fubliitence for a man a-day ;
and as being a mixture of animal and vegetable food,
mull prove more nourilhing than double the quantity of
rice-cake, made by boiling rice in water : which laft,
however, failors arc often obliged folely to fubiift upon
for feveral months; efpecially in voyages to Guinea,
when the bread and flour are exhaufted, and the beef
and pork, having been falted in hot countries, are be¬
come unfit for ufe.
^ EJays “ But as a wholefotne nourifhment (fays Dr Perci-
Medical Val *), rice is much inferior to falep. I digefted feveral
Hmfntal! alJmentary mixtures prepared of mutton and v'ater,
beat up with bread, fea-bifcuit, falep, rice-flower, fago-
powder, potato, old cheefe, &c. in a heat equal to that
of the human body. In 48 hours they had all acquired
a vinous fmell, and were in brilk fermentation, except
the mixture vrith rice, which did not emit many air-
bubbles, and was but little changed. The third day
feveral of the mixtures w’ere fweet, and continued to
ferment} others had loft their inteftine motion, and
were four ; but the one which contained the rice was
become putrid. From this experiment it appears, that
rice as an aliment is flow of fermentation, and a very
weak correftor of putrefaction. It is therefore an im¬
proper diet for hofpital-patients ; but more particularly
for failors in long voyages j becaufe it is incapable of
-preventing, and will not contribute much to check, the
progrefs of that fatal difeafe, the fea feurvy. Under
certain circumflances, rice feeras difpofed of itfelf, with¬
out mixture, to become putrid; for by long keeping it
fometimes acquires an offenfive fostor. Nor can it be
confidered as a very nutritive kind of food, on account
of its difficult folubility in the ftomach. Experience
confirms the truth of this conclufion ; for it is obferved
by the planters in the Weft Indies, that the negroes
grow thin, and are lefs able to work, whilft they fubfift
upon rice.
“ Salep has the Angular property of concealing the
tafte of fait water; a circumftance of the higheft im¬
portance at fea, when there is a fcarcity of frefh water.
I diffolved a dram and a half of common fait in a pint
of the mucilage of falep, fo liquid as to be potable, and
the fame quantity in a pint of fpring water. The falep
was by no means difagreeable to the tafte, but the water
was rendered extremely unpalatable. This experiment
fuggefted to me the trial of the orchis root as a corrector
of acidity, a property which would render it a very ule-
ful diet for children. But the folution of it, when
mixed with vinegar, feemed only to dilute like an equal
proportion of water, and not to cover its Iharpnefs. Sa¬
lep, however, appears by my experiments to retard the
acetous fermentation of milk; and confequently would
be a good lithing for milk-pottage, efpecially in large
towns, where the cattle being fed upon four draff muft
yield acefcent milk.
“ Salep in a certain proportion, which I have not
yet been able to afeertain, would be a very ufeful and
profitable addition to bread. I direCted one ounce of
the powder to be diffolved in a quart of water, and the
mucilage to be mixed with a fufficient quantity of flour,
fait, and yeaft. The flour amounted to two pounds, the Salep
the yeaft to two ounces, and the fait to 80 grains. The ?!
loaf when baked was remarkably well fermented, and . Sa*'c*
weighed three pounds two ounces. Another loaf, made
with the fame quantity of flour, &c. weighed two
pounds and x 2 ounces j from which it appears that the
falep, though ufed in fo fmall a proportion, increafed
the gravity of the loaf fix ounces, by abforbing and re¬
taining more water than the flour alone was capable of.
Half a pound of flour and an ounce of falep were mixed
together, and the water added according to the ufual
method of preparing bread. The loaf when baked
weighed 13 ounces and a half j and would probably
have been heavier if the falep had been previoufly dif
folved in about a pint of water. But it Ihould be rev
marked, that the quantity of flour ufed in this trial
was not fufficient to conceal the peculiar tafte of the
falep.
“ The reftorative, mucilaginous, and demulcent qua¬
lities of the orchis root, render it of confiderable ufe in
various difeafes. In the fea feurvy it powerfully obtunds
the acrimony of the fluids, and at the fame time is eafily
affimilated into a mild and nutritious chyle. In diar¬
rhoeas and the dyfentery it is highly ferviceable, by
fheathing the internal coat of the inteftines, by abating
irritation, and gently corre&ing putrefaftion. In the
fymplomatic fever, which arifes from the abforption of
pus from ulcers in the lungs, from wounds, efr from am¬
putation, falep ufed plentifully is an admirable demul¬
cent, and well adapted to refill the diffolution of the
crafis of the blood, which is fo evident in thele cafes.
And by the fame mucilaginous quality, it is equally
efficacious in the flrangury and dyfury ; efpecially in
the latter, when arifing from a venereal caufe, becaufe
the difeharge of urine is then attended with the moft
exquifite pain, from the ulceration about the neck of
the bladder and through the courfe of the urethra. I
have found it alfo an ufeful aliment for patients who la¬
bour under the ftone or gravel.” The ancient chemifts
appear to have entertained a very high opinion of the
orchis root, as appears from the fecreta fecretorum of
Raymund Lully, a work dated 1565.
SALERNO, an ancient and confiderable town of
Italy, in the kingdom of Naples, and capital of the Bli¬
ther Principato, with an archbiftiop’s fee, a caftle, har¬
bour, and an univerfity chiefly for medicine. It is feat-
ed at the bottom of a bay of "the fame name. E. Long.
14. S3- N/^Lat. 40. 35.
SALET, in JVar, a light covering or armour for
the head, anciently worn by the light-borfe, only dif¬
ferent from the cafque in that it had no creft and was
little more than a bare cap.
SALIANT, in Fortification, denotes projedting.
There are two kinds of angles, the one faliant, which
have their point outwards j the other, re-entering, which
have their points inwards.
Saliant, Salient, trr Saillant, in Heraldry, is
applied to a lion, or other beaft, when its fore-legs are
railed in a leaping pofture.
. SALIC, or Salique, Law, {Lex Salica), an an¬
cient and fundamental law of the kingdom of France
ufually fuppofed to have been made by Pharamond, or
at leaft by Clovis j in virtue of which males only are to
inherit.
3 M a
Some,
S A L [ 460 1 SAL
Some, as Poftellus, would have it to have been called
Salic, q. d. Gallic, becaufe peculiar to the Gauls. Fer.
Montanus infills, it was becaufe Pharamond was at firft
called Salicus. Others will have it to be fo named, as
having been made for the falic lands. Thefe were noble
fiefs which their firft kings ufed to bellow on the lal-
lians, that is, the great lords of their falle or court,
without any other tenure than military fervice ; and for
this reafon, fuch fiefs were not to defcend to women,
as being by nature unfit for fuch a tenure. Some,
again, derive the origin of this word from the Salians,
a tribe of Franks that fettled in Gaul in the reign of
Julian, who is faid to have given them lands on condition
of their perfonal fervice in war. He even paffed the
conditions into a law, which the new conquerors ac-
quiefced in, and called it falic, from the name of their
former countrymen.
SALICORNIA, jointed glass-wort, or Salt¬
wort : a genus of plants belonging to the monandria
clafs ; and in the natural method ranking under the
12th order, Holoracece. See Botany Index.
The inhabitants near the lea-coails where thefe plants
grow, cut them up toward the latter end of fummer,
when they are fully grown; and, after having dried
them in the fun, they burn them for their allies, which
are ufed in making glafs and foap. Thefe herbs are by
the country people called kelp, and promifcuoully ga¬
thered for ufe.
SALII, in Roman antiquity, priells of Mars, where¬
of there were 1 2, inllituted by Numa, wearing painted,
particoloured garments, and high bonnets 5 with a lleel
cuiraffe on the breaft. They were called falii, from
faltare “ to dance” 5 becaufe, after affilling at facrifices,
they went dancing about the llreets, with bucklers in
their left hand, and a rod in their right, linking mufical-
ly with their rods on one another’s bucklers, and fing-
ing hymns in honour of the gods.
SAL1NO, one of the Lipari iflands, fituated be¬
tween Sicily and Italy, confitls ol two mountains, both
in an high Hate of cultivation. The one lying more
towards the north than the other is rather the highelt
of the twTo, and is called del Capo, “ the head.” The
other is called della Fojjii felice, or the “ happy valley.”
One third of the extent of thefe hills from the bottom
to the fummit is one continued orchard, confining ©f
vines, olive, fig, plum, apricot, and a vail diverfity of
other trees. The white roofs of the houfes, which are
everywhere interfperfed amid this diverfity of verdure
and foliage, contribute to variegate the profpedl in a
very agreeable manner. The back part of almoll all
the houfes is lhadcd by an arbour of vines, fupported by
pillars of brick, with crofs poles t© fullain the branches
and foliage of the vines. Thofe arbours Ihelter the
houfes from the rays of the fun, the heat of which is
quite fcorching in thefe fouthern regions. The vines
are extremely fruitful 5 the poles bending under the
weight of the grapes.
The fcenes in this ifland are more interefling to the
lover of natural hiltory than to the antiquarian. See
Reticulum,
On the fouth fide of the ifland, however, there are
Hill to be feen fome fine ruins of an ancient bath, a Ro¬
man work. They confill of a wall 10 or 11 fathoms
in extent, and terminating in an arch of no great height,
of which only a fmall part now remains. The build- Salino
ing feems to have been reduced to its prefent Hate ra- II
ther by the ravages of men than the injuries of time. ,^a^liry'
Almoll all the houfes in the illand are built of materials
which have belonged to ancient monuments. T he an¬
cients had, in all probability, baths of frelh as well as
of fait water in this ifland ; for whenever the prefent
habitations have occafion for a fpring of frelh water,
they have only to dig a pit on the Ihore, and pure fweet
water flows in great abundance.
There were formerly mines of alum here, from which
the inhabitants drew1- a very conliderable yearly revenue.
But w'hether they are exhaulled, or whatever circum-
llance may have caufed them to be given up, they are
nowT no longer known. The ifland abounds in a variety
of fruits.
On the call fide it is very populous. There are twro
places which are both called Lingua, “ the tongue,” and
which contain a good number of inhabitants; the one
is near Salino, the other is diftinguiflied by the name of
St Marina : there are befides thefe two other villages.
All thefe places together may contain about 4000 in¬
habitants : the circumference of the ifland may be about
14 miles.
SALISBURY, the capital of the county of Wilt-
fliire in England, fituated in W. Long. 1. 55. N. Lat.
51. 3. This city owed its firfl: rife to its cathedral,
which was begun in 1219, and finilhed in 1258. Ac¬
cording to an eftimate delivered in to Henry III. it coll
forty thoufand merks. It is a Gothic building, and is
certainly the moll elegant and regular in the kingdom.
The doors and chapels are equal in number to the
months, the windows to the days, and the pillars and
pilatlers to the hours in a year. It is built in the form
of a lantern, with a fpire in the middle, and nothing
but buttreffes and glafs windows on the outfide. The
fpire is the higheft in the kingdom, being 410 feet,
w’hich is twuce the height of the Monument in London.
The pillars and pilaflers in the church are of fufile mar¬
ble ; the art of making which is now either entirely loft
or little knowm. This magnificent church has lately
undergone moil beautiful alterations; with an addition
of two fine window's, and an organ prefented by the
king. The roof of the chapter houfe, winch is 50 feet in
diameter and 150 in circumference, bears entirely upon
one {lender pillar, which is fuch a curiofity as can hard¬
ly be matched in Europe. The turning of the w'eftern
road through the city in the reign of Edward III. was
a great advantage to it. The chancellorlhip of the
moft noble order of the garter, which is annexed to
this fee, w'as firft conferred on Bilhop Richard Beau¬
champ. The hofpital of St Michael’s, near this city,
w'as founded by one of its bifhops. Dr Seth Ward,
bilhop of this fee in the reign of Charles II. contributed
greatly to the making the river Avon navigable to
Chrift-church in Hampftiire. The fame prelate, in 1683,
built an hofpital for the entertainment of the widows
of poor clergymen. There are three other churches be¬
fides the cathedral, which is without the liberty of the
city, and a greater number of boarding fchools, elpeci-
ally for young ladies, than in any other town in Eng¬
land. Here is a manufacture of druggets, flannels,
bonelace, and thofe cloths called Salfburij whites ; in
confiderution of which, and its fairs, markets, alike*,
boarding-
SAL r 401 ] SAL
Saiifbury boarding-fcliools, and clergy, the ciiy may be juftly faid
il to be in a flourilhing condition. It was incorporated
Salix- by Henry III j and is governed by a mayor, high-ftew-
v ard, recorder, deputy-recorder, 24 aldermen, and 30 af-
filtants or common-council men. I he number of fouls
is about 7668. A new council chamber, with proper
courts of juftice, was built here in the year 1794 by
the earl of Radnor; to which Mr Huffey was alio a
great benefaftor. That quarter called the Clofe, where
the canons and prebendaries live, is liite a fine city of
itfelf. In this town are feveral charity-fchools ; the
expence of one of them is entirely defrayed by the bi-
ihop. The city gives title of earl to the noble family
of Cecil.
SALISBUR 7'P/fiin. The extenfive downs in Wiltihire,
which are thus denominated, form in fummer one of the
mod delightful parts of Great Britain for extent and
beauty. It extends 28 miles weft of Weymouth, and
25 eaft to Winchefter j and in fome places is near 40
miles in breadth. That part about Saliihury is a chalky
down, and is famous for feeding numerous flocks of
Iheep. Confiderable portions of this tra£l are now en-
cloling, the advantages of which are fo great, that it is
hoped the whole will undergo fo beneficial a change.
This plain contains, befide the famous Stonehenge, nu¬
merous other remains of antiquity.
SALIVA, is that fluid by which the mouth and
tongue are continually moiftened in their natural ftate 5
and is fupplied by glands which form it, that are called
/olivary glands. This humour is thin and pellucid, in¬
capable of being concreted by the fire, almoft without
tafte and fmell. By chewing, it is exprefled from the
glands which feparate it from the blood, and is intimate¬
ly mixed with our food, the digeftion of which it great¬
ly promotes. In hungry perfons it is acrid, and copi-
oufly difcharged 5 and in thofe who have failed long it
is highly acrid, penetrating, and refolvent. A too co¬
pious evacuation of it produces thirft, lofs of appetite,
bad digeftion, and an atrophy.
SALIVATION, in Medicine, a promoting of the
flux of faliva, by means of medicines, moftly by mer¬
cury. The chief ufe of falivation is in difeafes belong¬
ing to the glands and membrana adipofa, and principal¬
ly in the cure of the venereal difeafe ; though it is fome-
times alfo ufed in epidemic difeafes, cutaneous difeafes,
&c. whofe crifes tend that w'ay.
SALIX, the willow, a genus of plants belonging
to the dicecia clafs ; and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 50th order, Amentacecc. See Botany
Index.
Willow trees have been frequently the theme of po¬
etical defcription, both in ancient and modern times.
In Virgil, Horace, and in Ovid, we have many exquiiite
allufions to them and their feveral properties 5 and for a
melancholy lover or a contemplative poet, imagination
cannot paint a fitter retreat than the banks of a beauti¬
ful river, and the fliade of a drooping willow. The
Babylonica, Babylonian pendulous falix, commonly cal-
lep weeping willow, grows to a large fize, having nu¬
merous, long, {lender, pendulous branches, hanging
down loofely all around in a curious manner, and long,
narrow, fpear-fhaped, ferrated, frnaolh leaves. This cu¬
rious willow is a native of the eaft, and is retained in
cur hardy plantations for ornament; and exhibits a moft
■agreeable variety, particularly when djfpofed fingly by
the verges of any piece of water, or in fpacious openings
of grafs ground.
All the fpecies of falix are of the tree kind, very
hardy, remarkably faft growers, and feveral of them
attaining a confidcrable ftature when permitted to run
up to ftandards. They are moftly of the aquatic tribe,
being generally the moft abundant and of moft profpe-
rous growth in watery fituations : they how'ever will
grow freely almoft anywhere, in any common foil and
expofure } but grow conliderably the fafteft and ftrongr
eft in low moift land, particularly in marfhy fituations,
by the verges of rivers, brooks, and other waters ^
likewife along the fides of watery ditches, &c. which
places often lying wafte, may be employed to good ad¬
vantage, in plantations of willows, for different pur-
pofes.
SALLEE, an ancient and confiderable town of
Africa in the kingdom of Fez, with a harbour and fe¬
veral ports. The harbour of Sallee is one of the beft
in the country j and yet, on account of a bar that lies
acrofs it, fhips of the fmalleft draught are forced to un¬
load and take out their guns before they can get into it.
There are docks to build (hips j but they are hardly
ever ufed, for want of {kill and materials. It is a large
place, divided by the river Guero into the Old and
New Towns. It has long been famous for its rovers or
pirates, which make prizes of all Chriftian (hips that
corne in their way, except there is a treaty to the con¬
trary. The town of Sallee in its prefent ftate, though
large, prefents nothing worthy the obfervation of the
traveller, except a battery of 24 pieces of cannon front¬
ing the lea, and a redoubt at the entrance of the river,
which is about a quarter of a mile broad, and penetrates
feveral miles into the interior country. W. Long. 6.
30. N. Lat 34. o.
SALLET, or Salad, a difli of eatable herbs, or¬
dinarily accompanying roaft meat compofed chiefly of
crude frefti herbage, feafoned with fait, oil, and vine*-
gar.
Menage derives the word from the Latin falata ; of
fal, “fait;” others from falcedo ; Du-Cange from fal-
gama, which is ufed in Aufonius and Columella in the
fame fenfe.
Some add muftard, hard eggs, and fugar; others,
pepper, and other (pices, with orange-peel, faffron,
&c.
The principal fallet-herbs, and thofe which ordinari¬
ly make the bails of our Englifti fallets, are lettuce,
celery, endive, creffes, radilh, and rape ; along with
which, by wTay of furniture, or additionals, are ufed
purflane, fpinach, forrel, tarragon, burnet, corn-iallet,
and chervil.
The gardeners call fome plants /mail herbs in fallets;
thefe ftiould always be cut while in the fead-leaf: as
crefles, muftard, radifn, turnep, fpinach, and lettuce ;
all which are raifed from feeds fown in drills, or lines,
from the middle of February to the end of March, un¬
der glafies or frames; and thence to the middle of May,
upon natural beds, warmly expofed ; and during the
fummer heals in more fhady places; and afterwards in
September, as in March, &c.; and laftly, in the rigour
of the winter, in hot-beds. If they chance to be frozen
in very frofty weather, putting them in fpring-water
two hours before they are ufed recovers them.
SALLO, DENJtS DE, a French writer, famous fgr
being
SAL [ 462 ] SAL
Sa1!o being tbe projector of literary journals, was bom at
S nJL'us ^>ai*s *n i626. He itudied tbe law, and was admitted
i‘"‘- a ccunfellor in the parliament of Paris in 1652. It
wras in 1664 fchemed the plan of the Journal des
Sfavans ; and the year following began to publifh it
under the name of Sieur de Heronville, which was that
of his valet de chambre. But he played the critic fo
feverely, that authors, furprifed at the novelty of fuch
attacks, retorted fo powerfully, that M. de Sallo, un¬
able to weather the ftortn, after he had publilhed his
third Journal, declined the undertaking, and turned it
over to the abbe Gallois j who, without prefuming to
criticife, contented himfelf merely with giving titles,
and making extrafts. Such was the origin of literary
journals, which afterwards fprang up in other countries
under different titles j and the fuccefs of them, under
judicious management, is a clear proof of their utility.
M. de Sallo died in 1669.
SALLUSTIUS, Caius Crispus,-* celebrated Ro¬
man hiflorian, was born at Amiternum, a city of Italy,
in the year of Rome 669, and before Chrift 85.. His
education was liberal, and he made the beft ufe of it.
His Roman hiilory in fix books, from the death of
Sylla to the confpiracy of Catiline, the great work from
which he chiefly derived his glory among the ancients,
is unfortunately loft excepting a few fragments •, but
his two detached pieces of hiliory which happily re¬
main entire, are fuffici'ent to juttify the great enco¬
miums he has received as a writer.—He has had the
Angular honour to be twdce tranflated by a royal
hand : firft by our Elizabeth, according to Camden ;
and fecondly, by the prefent Infant of Spain, whofe
verficn of this elegant hifterian, lately printed in fo¬
lio, is one of the moft beautiful books that any coun¬
try has produced fince the invention of printing. No
man has inveighed more fliarply againft the vices of
his age than this hiftorinn ; yet no man had fewer
pretenfions to virtue. His youth wras fpent in a
moft lewd and profligate manner 5 and his patrimony
almoft fquandered away when he had fcarcely taken
pofTefiion of it. Marcus Varro, a writer of undoubted
credit, relates, in a fragment preferved by Aulus Gel-
lius, that Salluft was aftually caught in bed with Fau-
fta the daughter of Sylla, by Milo her hufband ; who
fcourged him very feverely, and did not fuffer him to
depart till he had redeemed his liberty with a confider-
able fum. A. U. C. 694, he was made queftor, and
in 702 tribune of the people ; in neither of which places
is he allowed to have acquitted himfelf at all to his ho¬
nour. By virtue of his queftorfhip, he obtained an ad-
mifliofi into the fenate j but was expelled thence by the
cenlors in 704, on account of his immoral and debauch¬
ed way of life. In the year 705 Caefar reftored him to
the dignity of a fenator j and to introduce him into the
houfe with a better grace, made him queftor a fecond
time. In the adminiftration of this office he behaved
himfelf very fcandaloufly : expofed every thing to fale
for which he could find a purchafer •, and if we may be¬
lieve the author of the inveflive, thought nothing wrong
■which he had a mind to do : Nihil non venale habuerit,
cujus aliqms emptor fuit, nihil non cequum et verun: daxit,
quod ipfi facere coHibuiJfet. In the year 707, when the
African war was at an end, he was made praitor for
his fervices to Caefar, and fent to Numidia. Here he
a&ed the fame part as Verres bad done in Sicily j out-
3
rageoufly plundered the province •, and returned with Salluftia*
fuch immenfe riches to Rome, that he purchafed a H
moft; magnificent building upon Mount Quirinal, wdth , ai^il*
thofe gardens which to this day retain the name of
Sallujhan gardens, befides his country houfe at Tivoli.
How he fpent the remaining part of his life, we have no
account from ancient writers. Eufebius tells us that he
married Terentia, the divorced wufe of Cicero } and
that he died at the age of 50, in the year 710, which
was about four years before the battle of Adlium.
Of the many things which he wrote, befide his Hif-
tcries of the Catilinarian and Jugurthine wars, wre have
fome orations or fpeeches, printed with his fragments.
SALLY-ports, in fortification, or Pojlern-Gates,
as they are fometimes called, are thofe under-ground
paffag«s which lead from the inner works to the out¬
ward ones ; fuch as from the higher flank to the low'er,
or to the tenailles, or the communication from the
middle of the curtain to the ravelin. When they are
made for men to go through only, they are made with
fteps at the entrance and going out. They are about
6 feet wdde and 8t feet high. There is alfo a gutter or
(bore made under the fally-por.ts, which are in the mid¬
dle of the curtains, for the water which runs down the
ftreets to pafs into the ditch 5 but this can only be done
when they ate wet ditches. When fally ports ferve to
carry guns through them for the out-works, inftead of
making them with fteps, they muft have a gradual Hope,
and be 8 feet wide.
SALMASIUS, Claudius, a French writer of un¬
common abilities and immenfe erudition, defeended
from an ancient and noble family, and born at or near
Semur in 1596. His mother, who w^as a Proteftant,
infufed her notions of religion into him, and he at
length converted his father : he fettled at Leyden ; and
in 1650 paid a vifit to Chriftina queen of Sweden, who
is reported to have fhown him extraordinary marks of
regard. Upon the violent death of Charles I. of Eng¬
land, he was prevailed on by the royal family, then in
exile, to write a defence of that king; which was an-
fwered by our famous Milton in 1651, in a work in-
titled Defetjio pro Populo Anglicano contra Claudii Sal-
majii Defenfionem Regiam. This book wras read over
all Europe 5 and conveyed fuch a proof of the writer’s
abilities, that he wras refpe£ted even by thofe who hated
his principles. Salmafius died in 1653 i anc^ fome did
not fcruple to fay, that Milton killed him by the acute-
nefs of his reply. His works are numerous, and of va¬
rious kinds ; but the greateft: monuments of his learning
are, his Notce in Hijloruc Augujltv Scriptorcs, and his
Exercitationes Plinianct in So/inum.
SALMO, the Salmon ; a genus of fiihes belonging
to the order of abdominales. See Ichthyology In¬
dex.
SALMON. See Salmo, Ichthyology Index.
SALMON-FiJhery. See Salmon-FlSHERY.
SALON, or Saloon, in architecture, a lofty, fpa-
cious fort of hall, vaulted at top, and uiually compre¬
hending two ftorics, with two ranges of windows.
The falcon is a grand room in the middle of a build¬
ing, or at the head of a gallery, &c. Its faces, or
Tides, are all to have a fymmetry with each other j and
as it ufually takes up the height of two fcories, its
ceiling, Daviler obferves, ftioukl be with a moderate
fweep. The
Salon
SAL [ 463 ] SAL
^ . T he faloon is a ftate-room much ufed in the palaces
Salfette *n ? an^ ^rorn thence the mode came to us. Am-
< v_ baffadors, and other great vihtors, are ulually received in
the faloon.
It is feme limes built-fquare, fometimes round or oval,
fometimes odtagonal, as at Marly, and fometimes in
other forms.
SALONA, a fea-port town of Dalmatia, feated on
a bay of the gulf of Venice. It was formerly a very
conliderable place, and its ruins diovv that it was 10
* Forties miles in circumference. It is 18 miles north of Spa-
Trav'ls in latto, and fubject to Venice. It is now a wretched
’Dalmatia, village, preferving few diftinguilhable remains of its an¬
cient Iplendor. Doubtlefs the two laft ages have de-
ftroyed all that had efcaped the barbarity of the
northern nations that demolithed it. In a valuable
MS. relation of Dalmatia, written by the fenator Giam-
battilla Guiftiniani, about the middle of the 16th cen¬
tury, there is a hint of what exifted at the time. “ The
nobility, grandeur, and magnificence of the city of Sa-
lona, may be imagined from the vaults and arches of
the wonderful theatre, which are feen at this day •, from
the vaft Hones of the fineil marble, which lie {battered
on, and buried in the fields 5 from the beautiful column
of three pieces of marble, which is fiill Handing in the
place where they fay the arfenal was, towards the fea-
fhore 5 and from the many arches of furprifing beauty,
fupported by very high marble columns 5 the height of
the arches is a Hone-throw, and above them there was
an aqueduct, which reached from Salona to Spalatro.
1 here are to be feen many ruins and vefliges of large
palaces, and many ancient epitaphs may be read on fine
marble Hones; but the earth, which is increafed, has
buried the moH ancient Hones, and the moH valuable
things.” E. Long. 17. 29. N. Lat. 24. 10.
SALONICHI, formerly called Thejfalonica, a fea-
port town of Turkey in Europe, and'capital of Ma¬
cedonia, with an archbiHvop’s fee. It is ancient, large,
populous, and rich, being about 10 miles in circumfe¬
rence. It is a place of great trade, carried on princi¬
pally by the Greek. ChriHians and Jews, the former of
which have 30 churches, and the latter as many fyna-
gogues ; the Turks alfo have a few mofques. It is fur-
rounded wnth walls flanked with towers, and defended
ou the land-fide by a citadel, and near the harbour with
tnree forts. It was taken from the Venetians by the
lurks in 1431. The principal merchandize is filk.
It is feated at the bottom of a gulf of the fame name,
partly on the top, and partly on the Hde of a hill,
near the river Vardar. E. Long. 23. 13. N. Lat.
40. 41.
^ SALSES, a very flrong caftle of France, in Rouf-
filion, on the confines of Languedoc. It was taken
mom the Spaniards by the French in 1642 ; and is
feated on a lake of the fame name, among mountains,
10 miles north of Perpignan. E. Loner. o. N. Lat
43-35-
SALSitTIE, an ifland of the Eafl Indies, adjacent
fo Bombay, from which it is in one place divided only
by a narrow pai's fordable at low water. It is about
26 miles long, and eight or nine broad. The foil is
rich, and by a proper cultivation capable of producing
any thing that will grow in tropical climates. It is
everywhere well watered, and when in the poffeflion of
tne Portuguefe furnilhed fuch quantities of rice, that it
was called the Granary of Goa. It abounds alfo in all Salfette
kinds of provifions, and has great plenty of game, both U
cf the four-footed and featiiered kind. It has pretty , Salt~
high mountains ; and there is a tradition that the whole 'r~’"
was thrown up from the bottom of the fea : in confir¬
mation ©f which it is (aid, that on the top of the high-
eit hill there was found, lorne years ago, a Hone anchor,
fuch as was anciently ufed by the inhabitants of that
country. Plere we meet with the ruins of a place call¬
ed Canara, where there are excavations of rocks, fuppo-
fed to be contemporary with thole of Elkphanta.
i hey are much more numerous, but not comparable to
the former either in extent or workmanfliip.
The ifland of Salfette lately formed part of the Por¬
tuguefe dominions in India. It ought to have beeit-
ceded to the Englifli along with Bombay, as part of
the dower of Catharine of Lifbon, efpoufed to Charles
II. The fulfilment of this article, however, being eva¬
ded, the ifland remained in poffeflion of the Portuguefe ;
and notwithflariding the little care they took of it, the
revenue of it was valued at 6o,oool. Such was the ne¬
gligence of the Portuguefe government, that they took
no care to fortify it againfl the attacks of the Mahrattas,
from whofe dominions Salfette was only feparated by a
very narrow pafs fordable at low water. Here they
had only a miferable redoubt of no confequence, till,
on the appearance of an approaching war with the Mah-
rattas, they began to build another, which indeed would
have anfwered the purpofe of proteiling the itland, pro¬
vided the Mahrattas had allowed them to finith it. This,
however, was not their intention. They allowed them
indeed to go on quietly with their works till they favv
them almofl completed, when they came and took pof-
feijion of them. The Mahrattas thus became dangerous
neighbours to the Engiifli at Bombay, until it was ce¬
ded to the latter by the treaty concluded with thefe peo¬
ple in 17S0. E. Long. 72. 15. N. Lat. 19. o.
SALSOLA, Glass-wort, a genus of plants be-
longing to the pentandria clafs ; and in the natural me¬
thod ranking under the 1 2th order, Holoracece. See Bo¬
tany Index.
All the forts of glafs-wort are fometimes promifeu-
cufly ufed for making the fal kali, but it is the third
fort which is cfleemed befl for this purpofe. The man¬
ner of making it is as follows : Having dug a trench
near the fea, they place laths acrofs it, on which they lay
the herb in heaps, and, having made a fire below, the
liquor, which runs out of the herbs, drops to the bot¬
tom, which at length thickening, becomes fal kali,
which is partly of a black, and partly of an afli-colour,
very fliarp and corrofive, and of a faltifh tafle. This,
when thoroughly hardened, becomes like a Hone j and
in that Hate is tranfported to different countries for ma¬
king of glafs.
SALT, one of the great divifions of natural bodies.
The charafteriftic marks of fait have ufually been rec¬
koned its power of affeding the organs of tafle, and of
being foluble in water. But this wall not diftinguifli fait
from quicklime, which alfo affeds the fenfe of tafte, and
diflolves in water ; yet quicklime has been univerfally
reckoned an earth, and not a fait. The only diffin-
guiffiing property of falls, therefore, is their cryffalli-
zation in water : but this does not belong to all falts j
for the nitrous'and marine acids, though allowed on all
hands to be falts, are yet incapable of cryffaUization, at
leaft
V
s A L r 4-04 1 S A L
‘-■I t- leaft by any method hitherto known. Several of the
”V ~ imperfed neutral falts alio, fuch as combinations of the
nitrous, muriatic, and vegetable acids, with fome kinds
of earths, cryilallize with very great difficulty. How¬
ever, by the addition of fpirit of wine, or iome other
lubllances which ablorb part ol the wrater, keeping the
liquor in a warm place, &c. all of them may be redu¬
ced to cry dais of one kind or other. Salt,'therefore,
may be defined a Jubilance affeding the organs of
talle, foluble in water, and capable of cryftallization,
either by itfelf or in conjundion with fome other body 5
and, umveilally, every lalt capable of being reduced into
a folid form, is alfo capable of cryftallization per fe.
ihus the clafs of faline bodies will be fufficiently di-
ftinguifhed from all others j for quicklime, though folu¬
ble in water, cannot be cryftallized without addition
either of fixed air or fome other acid ; yet it is moft
commonly found in a folid ftate. i. he precious ftones,
bafaltes, Sic. though luppofed to be formed by cryftalli-
zation, are neverthelefs diftinguiftied from falts by their
infipidity and infolubility in water.
But acids and alkalis, and combinations of both, when
m a concrete form, are falts, and of the pureft form.
Hence we conclude, that the bodies, to which the name
of falls more properly belongs, are the concretions of
thofe fubftances; which are accordingly called acidfalts,
alkaline falls, and neutral falts. Thefe laft are combi¬
nations of acid and alkaline falts, in fuch proportion as
to render the compounds neither four nor alkaline to the
tafte. This proportionate combination is called fatura-
twn : thus common kitchen fait is a neutral fait, compo-
fed of muriatic acid and foda combined together to the
point of faturation. The appellation of neutral falts is
alfo extended to denote all thofe combinations of acids,
and any other fubftance with which they can unite, fo
as to lofe, wholly or in great meafure, their acid proper¬
ties.
But although this general definition of falts is com¬
monly received, yet there are many waiters, efpecially
inineralogifts, wdro confine the denomination of falts in
the manner we firft mentioned, viz. to thofe fubftan¬
ces only which, befides the general properties of falts,
Lave the power of cryftallizing, that is, of arranging
taeii particles fo as to form regular fhaped bodies, call¬
ed. cryyWj-, when the water fuperfluous to their concrete
exiftence has been evaporated.
Common SALT, or Sea-Salt, the name of that fait ex¬
tracted from the waters of the ocean, which is ufed in
greater quantities for preferving provifions, &c.
It is a perfect neutral fait, compofed of marine or
muriatic acid, faturated with mineral alkali. It has a
falme but agreeable flavour. It requires about four
times its weight of cold water to be diflblved, and
nearly the fame quantity of boiling water, according to
Macquer. But according to Kirwan, it only requires
2.5 its weight of water to be diflblved in the tempera¬
ture of fixty degrees of Fahrenheit. This fait always
contains fome part formed with a calcareous bafe •, and,
in order to have it pure, it muft be diflblved in diftilled
water; tnen a iolution of mineral alkali is to be poured Salt.
in it until no white precipitation appears ; then by ' v—
filtrating and evaporating the folution, a pure common
fait is produced. Its figure is perfectly cubic, and
thofe hello# pyramids, or trei?iics as the French call
them, as well as the parallelepipeds formed fometimes
in its cryftallization, conftft all of a quantity of fmall
cubes difpofed in thofe forms. Its decrepitation on the
fire, which has been reckoned by fome as a charadteriftic
of this fait, although the vitriolated tartar, nitrous lead,
and other falts, have the fame property, is owing chiefly
to the water, and perhaps alfo to the air of its cryftalli-
fation.
.Its fpecific gravity is 2,120 according to Kirwan.
The acid of tartar precipitates nothing from it. One
hundred parts of common fait contain thirty-three of
real acid, fiity of mineral alkali, and leventeen of water.
It is commonly found in fait w'ater and fait fprings, in
the proportion of even thirty-fix per cent. It is found
alio in coals, and in beds of gypfum. This fait is un¬
alterable by fire, though it fufes, and becomes more
opake : neverthelefs a violent fire, with the free accefs
of air, caufes it to evaporate in white flowers, which
adhere to the neighbouring bodies. It is only decom¬
posed, as Macquer affirms, by the Sulphuric and nitric
acids ; and alio by the boracic or Sedative fait. But
although nitre is decompofed very eafily by arfenic,
this neutral marine fait is nowife decompofed by the
fame. According to Monge, the fixed vegetable alka¬
li, when cauftic, decompofes all this marine fait. It
preferves from corruption almoft all forts of animal food
much better for ufe than any other fait, as it preferves
them without deftroying their tafte and qualities; but
when applied in too fmall a quantity, it then promotes
putrefadftion.
Of this moft ufeful commodity there are ample ftores
On land as well as in the ocean. There are few countries
which do not afford vaff quantities of rock or foffil fait.
.Mines (a) of it have long been difeovered and wrought
in England, Spain, Italy, Germany, Hungary, Po¬
land, and other countries of Europe. In Several parts
of the world, there are huge mountains which wholly
confift: of foffil fait. Of this kind are two mountains
in Ruflia, nigh Aftracan ; feveral in the kingdoms of
Tunis and Algiers, in Africa ; and feveral alfo in Alia;
and the whole ifland of Ormus in the Perfian gulf al¬
moft; entirely confifts of foftil fait. The new world is
likewife ftored with treafures of this ufeful mineral, as
well as with all other kinds of Subterranean produftions.
Moreover, the fea affords fuch vaft: plenty of common
fait, that all mankind might thence be Supplied with
quantities Sufficient for their occafions. There are alfo
innumerable Springs, ponds, lakeSfi and rivers, impreg¬
nated with common fait, from which the inhabitants
of many countries are plentifully Supplied therewith.
In fome countries which are remote from the fea, and
have little commerce, and which are not bleffed with
mines of fait or falt-waters, the neceftities of the inha¬
bitants have forced them to invent a method of extrac-
ting
A-ongft the fait mines of chief note are thofe of NorthwJch in Chefhire, Altemonte in Calabria, Halle in
. }iO.,. ar ona m ata.onia . a io thofe Stupendous mines at Wilieczka in Poland, to be noticed in the Sequel of
ms article* and Soowar in Upper Hungary; of which fee accounts in Phil. Tranf. No 61. and 413,
. 4
I
SAL [ 465 ] SAL
alt. ting their common fait from the allies of vegetables.
^ The muriatic fait of vegetables was defcribed by Dr
Grew under the title of lixiviated marine fait. Leeu¬
wenhoek obtained cubical cryitals of this fait from a
lixivium of foda or kelp, and alfo from a folution of
the lixivial fait of carduus benedidtus 5 of which he
hath given figures in a letter to the Royal Society, pub-
lilhed in N° 175. of their Tranfaftions. Dr Dagner,
in AB. Acad. N. C. vol. v. obf. 150. takes notice of
great quantities of it which he found mixed in pot-
alhes. And the ingenious Dr Fothergill extrafted plen¬
ty of it from the allies of fern : See Medical Efaijs, vol.
v. article 13.
The muriatic fait which the excellent Mr Boyle ex-
tradled from fandiver, and fuppofed to be produced
from the materials ufed in making glafs, was doubtlefs
feparated from the kelp made ufe of in that procefs.
Kunckel alfo informs us, that he took an alkaline fait j
and after calcining it with a moderate fire, diifolved it
in pure water, and placing the folution in a cool cellar,
obtained from it many cryftals of a neutral fait. He
fuppofes, that the alkaline fait was by the procefs con¬
verted into this neutral fait. But it is more reafonable
to believe, that the alkaline lalt which he applied was
not pure, but mixed with the muriatic fait of ve¬
getables, which by this procefs was only feparated
from it.
It is doubtlefs chiefly this muriatic fait which, in
fome of the inland parts of Afia, they extraft from the
afhes of duck-weed and of Adam’s fig-tree, and ufe for
their common fait.
That they are able in thofe countries to make com¬
mon fait to profit from vegetables, ought not to be won¬
dered at, fince in Dehli and Agra, capitals of Indoftan,
ialt is fo fcarce as ufually to be fold for half-a-crown a
pound. We may therefore give fome credit to Marco
Polo, when he informs us, that in the inner parts of the
fame quarter of the world, in the province of Caindu,
lying weft of Tibet, the natives ufed fait inftead of
money, it being firft made up in cakes, and fealed with
the ftamp of their prince ; and that they made great
profit of this money by exchanging it with the neigh¬
bouring nations for gold and mufk. We are alfo told
by Ludolfus, in his Hi/loria JEthiopica, that in the
country of the Abyflines there are mountains of fait, the
which when dug out is foft, but foon grows hard ; and
that this fait ferves them inftead of money to buy all
things. The fame is confirmed by Ramufio.
Mr Boyle difcovered common fait in human blood
and urine. “ I have obferved it (fays Mr Brownrigg),
not only in human urine, but alfo in that of dogs, horfes,
and black cattle. It may eafily be difcovered in thefe,
and many other liquids impregnated with it, by certain
very regular and beautiful ftarry figures which appear
in their furfaces after congelation. Thefe figures I firft
obferved in the great froft in the year 1739. The dung
of fuch animals as feed upon grafs or grain, doth alfo
contain plenty of common fait.”
Naturalifts, obferving the great variety of forms un¬
der which this fait appears, have thought fit to rank
the feyeral kinds of it under certain general claffes ; di-
ftingui(hing it, moft ufually, into rock or foflil fait,
fea-falt, and brine or fountain fait. To which clafles
others might be added, of thofe muriatic falls which are5
found in vegetable and animal fubftances. Thefe fe-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
veral kinds of common fait often differ from each other Salt,
in their outward form and appearance, or in fuch ac* "v' ■
cidental properties as they derive from the heterogene¬
ous fubftances with which they are mixed. But when
perfeftly pure, they have all the lame qualities ; fo that
chemiits, by the exadteft inquiries, have not been able
to dilcover any eflential difterence between them ; for
which reafon wre lhall diftinguilh common fait after a
different manner, into the three following kinds, viz.
into rock or native fait, bay fait, and white fait.
By rock fait, or native fait, is underltood all fait dug
out of the earth, which hath not undergone any arti¬
ficial preparation. Under the title of bay fait may be
ranked all kinds of common fait extracted from the
water wherein it is diflblved, by means of the fun’s
heat, and the operation of the air j whether the water
from which it is extradfed be fea-water, or natural
brine drawn from wells and fprings, or fait water ftag-
nating in ponds and lakes. Under the title of white
fait, or boiled fait, may be included all kinds of common
fait extradfed by codfion from the water wherein it is
diffolved ; whether this water be fea wrater, or the fait
wTater of wells, fountains, lakes or rivers; or water of
any fort impregnated wfith rock-falt, or other kinds of
common fait.
I he firft of thefe kinds of fait is in feveral countries
found fo pure, that it ferves for moft domeftic ufes,
without any previous preparation (triture excepted) j
for of all natural falts rock-falt is the moft abundantly
furnifhed by nature in various parts of the world, being
found in large maffes, occupying great tradls of land.
It is generally found in ftrata under the furface of the
earth, as in Hungary, Mufcovy, Siberia, Poland, Cala-
bria, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Eaft Indies. “ In \
England (fays Magellan), the fait mines at Northwich
are in a high ground, and contain it in layers or ftrata
of various colours, of w’hich the yellow and brown
are the moft plentiful, as I have obierved on the fpot,
which I vifited in June 1782, in company with my
worthy and learned friend Mr Volta, profeffor of nai
tural philofophy in the univerfity of Pavia, and well
known by his great abilities, and many difcoveries in
that branch of knowledge. The mine into which we
defcended was excavated in the form of a vaft dome
or vault under ground, fupported by various columns of
the fait,, that were purpofely left to fupport the incum¬
bent weight. And the workmen having lighted a num¬
ber of candles all round its circumference, it furnilhed us
with the moft agreeable and furprifing fight, wfirilft we
were defeending in the large tub* which ierves to bring
up the lumps that are broken from the mine,” &.c.
Wraxall gives the following defeription of the famous
fait mines near Cracow in Poland.
“ After being let down (fays he) by a rope to the Memoirs
depth of 230 feet, our condudlors led us through gztte-ofthe
ries, which, for loftinefs and breadth, teemed lather to Ye-^ourts °f
femble the avenues to fome fubterraneous palace, than paf-
fages cut in a mine. They were perfectly dry in every War/aw,
part, and terminated in twm chapels compofed entivt\y and Vienna,
of fait, hewn out of the folid mafs. The images which
adorn the altars, as wTell as the pillars and ornaments,
were all of the fame tranfparent materials ; the points
and fpars of which, refleftmg the rays of light from the
lamps which the guides held in their hands, produced
an efte£t equally novel and beautiful. Defeending low-
3 N er
ytrownrigg
*/z the Art
of Prepa¬
ring Salt.
SAL [ 466 ] SAL
er into the earth by means of ladders, I found myfelf
in an immenfe hall or cavern of fait, many hundred feet
in height, length, and dimenfions, the floor and Tides of
•which were cut with exaft regularity. A thoufand
perfons might dine in it without inconvenience, and the
eye in vain attempted to trace or define its limits. No¬
thing could be more fublime than this vaft llibterranean
apartment, illuminated by flambeaux, which faintly dif-
cover its prodigious magnitude, and leave the imagina¬
tion at liberty to enlarge it indefinitely. After remain¬
ing about two hours and a half under ground, I was
drawn up again in three minutes with the greatefl fa¬
cility.”
See alfo an account of the fame mines by Mr Ber-
niard, Journal de Phyjique, vol. xvi. for 1780, in which
the miraculous tales concerning thofe fubterraneous ha¬
bitations, villages, and towns, are reduced to their pro¬
per magnitude and eftimate.
The Englilh fofiil fait is unfit for the ufes of the kit¬
chen, until by folution and co£tion it is freed from feve-
ral impurities, and reduced into white fait. The Britifh
white fait alfo is not fo proper as fevcral kinds of bay
felt for curing fifh and fuch flelh-meats as are intended
for lea provifions, or for exportation into hot countries.
So that for thefe purpofes we are obliged, either wholly
or in part, to ufe bay fait, which we purchafe in France,
Spain, and other foreign countries.
However, it does not appear that there is any other
thing requifite in the formation of bay fait than to
evaporate the fea-water with an exceedingly gentle heatj
and it is even very probable, that our common fea-falt
by a fecond folution and cryftallization might attain the
requifite degree of purity. Without entering into any
particular detail of the procefles ufed for the prepara¬
tion of bay-falt in different parts of the world, we fhnll
content ourfelves with giving a brief account of the bell
methods of preparing common fait.
At fome convenient place near the fea-fliore is crest¬
ed the faltern. This is a long, low building, confift-
ing of two parts ; one of which is called the forc-houfe^
and the other the pan-hoitfe, or boiling-houfe. The fore-
houfe ferves to receive the fuel, and cover the work¬
men ■, and in the boiling-houfe are placed the furnace,
and pan in which the lalt is made. Sometimes they
have two pans, one at each end of the faltern j and the
part appropriated for the fuel and workmen is in the
puddle.
The furnace opens into the fore-heufe by turn mouths,
beneath each of wdiich is a mouth to the alh pits. To
the mouths of the furnace doors are fitted ; and over
them a wall is carried up to the roof, which divides the
fore-houfe from the boiling-houfe, and prevents the dull
of the coal and the alhes and fmoke of the furnace from
falling into the fait pan. The fore-houfe communicates
with the boiling-houfe by a door, placed in the wall
which divides them.
The body of the furnace confifls of two chambers,
divided from each other by a brick partition called the
midfeather ; which from a broad bafe terminates in a
narrow edge nigh the top of the furnace; and by means
of fhort pillars of call iron erected upon it, fupports the
bottom of the fait pan ; it alfo fills up a cenfiderable
part of the furnace, which otherwife would be too large,
and would confume more coals than, by the help of this
contrivance, are required. To each chamber of the
2
furnace is fitted a grate, through which the allies fall Salt,
into the afli-pits. The grates are made of long bars of"-
iron, fupported underneath by ftrong crofs bars of the
fame metal. They are not continued to the fartheft
part of the furnace, it being unneceffary to throw in the
fuel fo far : for the flame is driven from the fire on the
grate to the fartheft part of the furnace ; and from
thence pafles together with the fmoke, through two flues
into the chimney ; and thus the bottom of the fait pan
is everywhere equally heated.
The fait pans are made of an oblong form, flat at
the bottom, with the fides erected at right angles ; the
length of fome of thefe pans is 15 feet, in breadth 12
feet, and the depth 16 inches ; but at different works
they are of different dimenfions. They are commonly
made of plates of iron, joined together with nails, and
the joints are filled with a ftrong cement. Within the
pan five or fix ftrong beams of iron are fixed to its op-
pofite fides, at equal diftances, parallel to each other
and to the bottom of the pan, from which they are di-
ftant about eight inches. From thefe beams hang down
ftrong iron hooks, which are linked to other hooks or
clafps of iron firmly nailed to the bottom of the pan j
and thus the bottom of the pan is fupported, and pre¬
vented from bending down or changing its figure. The
plates molt commonly ufed are of malleable iron, about
four feet and a half long, a foot broad, and the third
of an inch in thicknefs. The Scots prefer fmaller plates,
14 or 15 inches fquare. Several make the fides of the
pan, where they are not expofed to the fire, of lead ;
thofe parts, when made of iron, being found to confume
faff: in ruft from the fleam of the pan. Some have ufed
plates of call iron, five or fix feet fquare, and an inch
in thicknefs ; but they are very fubjeft to break when
unequally heated, and fhaken (as they frequently are)
by the violent boiling of the liquor. The cement
moft commonly ufed to fill the joints is plafter made of
lime.
The pan, thus formed, is placed over the furnace,
being fupported at the four corners by brick work ;
but along the middle, and at the fides and ends, by
round pillars of caft iron called taplins, which are pla¬
ced at three feet diltance from each other, being about
eight inches high, and at the top, where fmallelt, four
inches in diameter. By means of thefe pillars the heat
of the fire penetrates equally to all parts of the bottom
of the pan, its four corners only excepted. Care is alfo
taken to prevent the fmoke of the furnace from pafling
into the boiling-houfe, by bricks and ftrong cement,
which are clofely applied to every part of the fait pan.
In fome places, as at Blyth in Northumberland, be-
fides the common fait pans here deferibed, they have
a preparing pan placed between two fait pans, in the
middle part of the building, which in other works is
the fore houfe. The fea-water being received into this
preparing pan, is there heated and in part evaporated
by the flame and heat conveyed under it through flues
from the two furnaces of the fait pans. And the hot
water, as occafion requires, is conveyed through troughs
from the preparing pan into the fait pans. Various
other contrivances have been invented to lefien the ex¬
pence of fuel, and feveral patents have been obtained
for that purpofe ; but the falt-boilers have found their
old methods the moft convenient.
Between the fides of the pan and walls of the boil.
ing-
SAL [ 467 ] SAL
ing-lioufe, tliere runs a walk, five or fix feet broad,
where the workmen Hand when they draw the fait, or
have any other bufinefs in the boiling-houfe. The
fame walk is continued at the end of the pan, next to
the chimney ; but the pan is placed clofe to the wall
at the end adjoining to the fore-houfe.
The roof of the boiling-houfe is covered with boards
faflened on with nails of wood, iron nails quickly
mouldering into ruff. In the roof are feveral openings,
to convey off the watery vapours $ and on each fide of it
a window or two, which the workmen open when they
look into the pan whilft it is boiling.
Not far ditlant from the laltern, on the fea-firore, be¬
tween full fea and low-water marks, they alfo make a
little pond in the rocks, or with ftones on the fand,
which they call their Jump. From this pond they lay
a pipe, through which, when the tide is in, the fea-
water runs into a well adjoining to the faltern ; and
from this well they pump it into troughs, by which it
is conveyed into their (hip or ciflern, where it is ilored
up until they have occafion to ufe it.
The ciffern is built clofe to the faltern, and may be
placed moft conveniently between the two boiling-
houfes, on the back fide of the fore-houfe $ it is made
either of wood, or brick and clay ; it fometimes wants
a cover, hut ought to be covered with a flied, that
the fait water contained therein may not be weakened
by rains, nor mixed wdth foot and other impurities.
It Ihould be placed fo high, that the water may con¬
veniently run out of it, through a trough, into the fait
pans.
Befides the buildings already mentioned, feveral
others are required j as ffore houfes for the fait, citterns
for the bittern, an office for his majefty’s falt-officers,
land a dwelling-houfe for the falt-boilers.
All things being thus prepared, and the fea-water
having ftood in the cittern till the mud and fand are
fettled to the bottem, it is drawn off into the fait pan.
And at the four corners of the fait pan, where the
flame does not touch its bottom, are placed four fmall
lead pans, called /cratch pans, which, for a fait pan of
the fize above-mentioned, are ufually about a foot and
a half long, a foot broad, and three inches deep ; and
have a bow or circular handle of iron, by which they
may be drawn out with a hook, w’hen the liquor in the
pan is boiling.
The fait pan being filled with fea-water, a ftrong fire
of pit-coal is lighted in the furnace j and then, for a pan
which contains about 400 gallons, the falt-boiler takes
the whites of three eggs, and incorporates them wTell
with two or three gallons of fea-water, which he pours
into the fait pan while the water contained therein is
only lukewarm 5 and immediately ftirs it about with a
rake, that the whites of eggs may everywhere be equal¬
ly mixed with the fait water.
Inftead of whites of eggs, at many falterns, as at moft:
of thofe nigh Newcaftle, they ufe blood from the butch¬
ers, either of ftieep or black cattle, to clarify the fea-
water : And at many of the Scots falterns they do not
give themfelves the trouble of clarifying it.
As the water grows hot, the whites of eggs feparate
from it a black frothy feum, which arifes to the furface
of the water, and covers it all over. As foon as the pan
begins to boil, this feum is all rifen, and it is then time
to fitim it off.
The mofl convenient inffruments for this purpofe are
fkimmers of thin afh boards, fix or eight inches broad,
and fo long that they may reach above half way over
the fait pan. Thefe Ikimmers have handles fitted to
them ; and the falt-boiler and his affillant, each hold¬
ing one of them on the oppofite fides of the pan, apply
them fo to each other that they overlap in the middle,
and beginning at one end of the pan, carry them gently
forward together, along the furface of the boiling liquor,
to the other end ; and thus, without breaking the leum,
colled: it all to one end of the pan, from whence they
eafily take it out.
After the water is Ikimmed, it appears perfedly clear
and tranfparent \ and they continue boiling it brifldy,
till fo much of the frefli or aqueous part is evaporated,
that what remains in the pan is a ftrong brine almoft
fully faturated with fait, fo that fmall faline cryftals
begin to form on its furface 5 which operation, in a pan
filled 15 inches deep with water, is ufually performed
in five hours.
The pan is then filled up a fecond time with clear
fea-water drawn from the ciftern j and about the time
when it is half filled, the fcratch-pans are taken out,
and being emptied of the fcratch found in them, are
again placed in the corners of the fait pan. The fcratch
taken out of thefe pans is a fine white calcareous earth
found in the form of powder, which feparates from the
fea-water during its codion, before the fait begins to
form into grains. This fubtile powder is violently agi¬
tated by the boiling liquor, until it is driven to the cor¬
ners of the pan, where the motion of the liquor being
more gentle, it fubfides into the fcratch pans placed
there to receive it, and in them it remains undifturbed,
and thus the greateft part of it is feparaled from the
brine.
After the pan hath again been filled up with fea wa¬
ter, three whites of eggs are mixed with the liquor, by
which it is clarified a fecond time, in the manner before
deferibed; and it is afterwards boiled down to a ftrong
brine as at firft; which fecond boiling may take up
about four hours.
The pan is then filled up a third time with clear fea-
water ; and after that, a fourth time} the liquor being
each time clarified and boiled down to a ftrong brine,
as before related ; and the fcratch-pans being taken out
and emptied every time that the pan is filled up.
Then, at the fourth boiling, as foon as the cryftais
begin to form on the furface of the brine, they fiacken
the fire, and only fuffer the brine to fimmer, or boil
very gently. In this heat they conftantly endeavour
to keep it all the time that the fait corns or granulates,
which may be nine or ten hours. The fait is faid to
granulate, when its minute cryftals cohere together into
little maffes or grains, which fink down in the brine and
lie at the bottom of the fait pan.
When moft of the liquor is evaporated, and the fait
thus lies in the pan almoft dry on its furface, it is then
time to draw it out. This part of the procefs is per¬
formed by raking the fait to one fide of the pan into
a long heap, where it drains a while from the brine,
and is then filled out into barrows or other proper vef-
fels, and carried into the ftore-houfe, and delivered into
the cuftody of his majefty’s officers. And in this man¬
ner the whole procefs is performed in 24 hours; the fait
being ufually drawn every morning.
3 N *
Salt.
SAL [ 468
^ In the iiore-houfe the fait is put hot into drabs, which
are partitions like ilalls for horfes, lined on three fldes
and at the bottom with boards, and having a Hiding-
board on the fore-lide to put in or draw out as occafion
requires. The bottoms are made (helving, being high-
eft at the back (ide, and gradually inclining forwards ;
by which means the faline liquor, which remains mixed
with the fait, eafily drains from it ; and the fait, in
three or four days, becomes fufhciently dry; and is then
taken out of the drabs, and laid up in large heaps,
where it is ready for fale.
The faline liquor which drains from the fait is not a
pure brine of common fait, but hath a (harp and bitter
tafte, and is therefore called bittern ; this liquor,(at fome
works, they fave for particular ufes, at others throw
away. A confiderable quantity of this bittern is left at
the bottom of the pan after the procefs is finifhed ;
which, as it contains much fait, they fuffer to remain
in the pan, when it is filled up with fea-water. But at
each procefs this liquor becomes more (harp and bitter,
and alfo increafes in quantity : fo that, after the third
or fourth procefs is finiihed, they are obliged to take it
out of the pan ; otherwife it mixes in fuch quantities with
the fait, as to give it a bitter tafte, and difpofes it to grow
foft and run in the open air, and renders it unfit for do-
meftic ufes.
After each procefs there alfo adheres to the bottom
and fides of the pan, a white ftonv cruft, of the fame
calcateous fubftance with that before collecled from the
boiling liquor. This the operators call Jlone-fcratch, di-
ftinguiftiing the other found in the lead-pans by the
name of powderfcratch. Once in eight or ten days
they feparate the ftone-fcratch from their pans with
iron picks, and in feveral places find it a quarter of an
inch in thicknefs. If this ftony cruft is fullered to
adhere to the pan much longer, it grows fo thick
that the pan is burnt by the fire, and quickly wears
away..
1
SAL
In M. de Pages’s Travels round the World, we find
the following important fa£t. “ I had been anxious '
(fays that author) to afcertain by companion, whether
(ea-water contains fait in greater quantity under the
torrid than under the other zones; and my experiments
on this fubjecl ferved to lliow, contrary to what I ex¬
pected, that fea-water is impregnated with fait in lefs
quantity within than without the tropics.” Thefe ex¬
periments were made on a hundred pounds of fta-water,
taken at the depth of ten fathoms, and weighed in wa-
ter-fcales. M. de Pages has given a table of thefe expe¬
riments, from which it appears that ico lb. of fea-water
in 46° 1 2" S. lat. gave 4^ lb. of fait, and in i° 16" on¬
ly lh. ; and that in 74 N: lat. it gave 4J- lb. and in
40 22' only 3§-lb. thefe being the higheft and loweft la¬
titudes in which the experiments w’ere made, and alfu-
the greateft and leaft quantities of fait.
Dutii on SALT, is a diftinct branch of his majefty’s
extraordinary revenue, and coniifts in an excife of 3s.
4d. per buftiel impofed upon all (alt, by feveral ftatules
of King William and other fubfequent reigns. This-
is not generally called an excife, becaufe under the ma¬
nagement of different 'commiftioners: but the com-
mitlioners of the falt-duties have, by ftatute 1 Ann, c. 21.
the fame powers, and muft obferve the fame regulations,
as thofe of other excifes. This tax had ufually been on¬
ly temporary : but by ftatute 26 Geo. 11. c. 3. was made
perpetual.
SALTS, effedfts of in producing great degrees of cold.
In the account of the remarkable effe&s of frigorific
mixtures, in which faline bodies aft fo important a part,
given in our article Chemistry, fome errors had crept
in. Thefe errors through the liberal attention of Mr
Walker of Oxford, whole refearches on this fubjeft
have been carried farther than any other chemift, we
are enabled to correft by laying before our readers the
following tables, mod obligingly communicated to us by
that gentleman.
Salt.
TABLES,
SAL
t 469 J
SAL
Salt
Salt.
TABLES, exhibiting a collective View of all the Frigorific Mixtures contained in
Mr Walker’s Publication, 1808.
TABLE I.—This Table confiits of Frigorific Mixtures, having the power olgenerating or creating cold, without
the aid of ice, fufficient for all ufeful and philofophical purpofes, in any part of the world, at any feafon.
Frigorific Mixtures, without ice.
Mixtures.
Thermometer finks.
Degr. of cold
produced.
Muriate of ammonia 5 parts
Nitrate of potafti 5
Water 16
From +5°° t0 +IC>0-
40
Muriate of ammonia 5 parts
Nitrate of potalh 5
Sulphate of foda 8
Water 16
From +50° to -{-40.
46
Nitrate of ammonia 1 part
Water 1
From +50° to 4”4°'
46
Nitrate of ammonia 1 part
Carbonate of foda 1
Water 1
From + 50° to —70
57
Sulphate of foda 3 parts
Diluted nitric acid 2
From +5°a to —3°*
53
Sulphate of foda
Muriate of ammonia
Nitrate of potalh
Diluted nitric acid
6 parts
4
2
4
From 4-50° to —io°.
60
Sulphate of foda 6 parts
Nitrate of ammonia 5
Diluted nitric acid 4
From 4-5°° to —140.
64
Phofphate of foda 9 parts
Diluted nitric acid 4
From 4-5°° to—12°'
62
Phofphate of foda 9 parts
Nitrate of ammonia 6
Diluted nitric acid 4
From 4-5°° to —2i°.
Sulphate of foda
Muriatic acid
8 parts
5
From 4~50° to 0°'
71
50
Sulphate of foda 5 parts
Diluted fulphuric acid 4
From 4-50° to 4-3°*
47
N. B. If the materials are mixed at a warmer temperature, than that exprefied in the table, the efteft will be
proportionably ; thus, if the moil powerful of thefe mixtures be made, when the air is 4-85°) it will fink
the thermometer to 4-2°*
table il
SAL
[ 47° J
SAL
Salt.
TABLE II.<~-This Table confifts of Frigorific Mixtures, corapofed of ice, with chemical falls and acid*?.
Frigorific Mixtures, voith Ice.
Mixtures.
Thermometer finks.
Degr. of cold
produ ed.
Snow, or pounded ice 2 parts
Muriate of foda I
Snow, or pounded ice 5 parts
Muriate of foda 2
Muriate of ammonia 1
Snow, or pounded ice 24 parts
Muriate of foda io
Muriate of ammonia 5
Nitrate of potafh 5
Snow, or pounded ice 12 parts
Muriate of foda 5
Nitrate of ammonia 5
£
to —50°
to —-12°
to —189
to —25°
Snow
Diluted fulphuric acid
3 Parts
From -j-S20 to—23'
55
Snow
Muriatic acid
8 parts
5 Parts
From -j-S2,0 to —-270
59
Snow
Diluted nitrid acid
7 parts
4
From +32° to —30°
62
Snow
Muriate of lime
4 parts
5
From +32° to —40°
72
Snow - - 2 parts
Chryft. muriate of lime 3
From +32° to —50°
82
Snow
Potafh
3 parts
4
From -}~320 to —51'
83
N. B. The reafon for the omijjions in the laft column of this table, is, the thermometer linking in thefe mixtures
to the degree mentioned in the preceding column, and never lower, whatever may be the temperature of the ma¬
terials at mixing.
TABLE III.
SAL
r 471 ]
SAL
Saif.
Salt
TABLE HI. This Table eonfifts of Frigorific Mixtures fele&ed from the foregoing tables, and combined^ lo as to Salting'.
increafe or extend cold to the extremeft degrees.
Combinations of Frigorific Mixtures.
Mixtures.
Phofphate of foda 5 parts
Nitrate of ammonia 3
Diluted nitric acid 4
Phofphate of foda 3 parts
Nitrate of ammonia 2
Diluted mixed acids 4
Snow 3 parts
Diluted nitric acid 2
Snow 8 parts
Diluted fulphuric acid 3
Diluted nitric acid 3
1
Snow I part
Diluted fulphuric acid I
Snow
Muriate of lime
3 parts
4
Snow
Muriate of lime
3 parts
4
Snow
Muriate of lime
2 parts
3
Snow I part
Chryft. muriate of lime. 2
Snow 1 part
Chryft. muriate of lime 3 parts
Snow 8 parts
Diluted fulphuric acid 10
Thermometer finks
From o° to —340
From —340 to —50°
From o° to —46c
From —io° to —56°
From —20° to —6o°
From -j-20® to—48°
From to —540
From —150 to—68°
From o° to —66°
From —40° to—730
Front —68° to —91
Oegr. of cold
produced.
34
16
46
46
40
68
64
53
66
33
23
N. B. The materials in the firft column are to be cooled, previoully to mixing, to the temperature required, by¬
mixtures taken from either of the preceding tables.
Triple Salts, a kind of falls formed by the union of
three ingredients; the common neutrals being compo-
fed only of two, as for inftance, common alum, which is
compofed of fulphuric acid, alumina, and potalh.
SALT-Mines. See Salt.
Rock-Salt. See Salt.
SALT-Water, or Sea-water, Di/i illation of. See SLA-
Water.
Neutral Salts. See Chemistry, paffim.
SALT Springs. Of thefe there are great numbers in
different parts of the world, which undoubtedly have
their origin from fome of the large colle&ions of foffil
fait mentioned under the article Common SALT, See
that article, and likewife Spring.
SALTIER, one of the honourable ordinaries.—See
Heraldry.
This, fays G. Leigh, in his Accedence of Arms, p.
70. was anciently made of the height of a man, and dri¬
ven full of pins, the ufe of which was tofcale walls, &c.
Upton fays it was an inftrument to catch wild beafts,
whence he derives this word from faltus, i. e. a foreft.”
The French call this ordinary fautoir, from fauter “ to
leap becaufe it may have been ufed by foldiers to
leap over walls of towns, which in former times were but
low •, but fome modern authors think it is borne in imi¬
tation of St Andrew’s crofs.
SALTING MEAT FOR THE USE OF THE NAVY.
The following is the method recommended by the late
Admiral
S-alting,
Saltpetre
SAL [4
Admiral Sir Charles Knowles, When ihe ox is killed,
let it be fkinned and cut up into pieces fit for ufe as
quick as poflible, and failed while the meat is hot. For
which purpofe we muft have a fufficient quantity of
faltpetre and bay-falt pounded together and made hot
in an oven, of each equal parts; with this fprinkle the
meat at the rate of about two ounces to the pound j
then lay the pieces on (helving boards to drain for 24
hours; which done, turn them and repeat the fame ope¬
ration, and let them lie for 24 hours longer. By this
time the fait will be all melted, and have penetrated the
meat, and the pieces be drained off; each piece muft then
be wiped dry with clean coarfe cloths. A fufficient
quantity of common fait muft then be made hot like-
wife in an oven, and mixed when taken out with about
one third of brown fugar •, then the cafks being ready,
rub each piece well with this mixture, and pack them
well down, allowing about half a pound of the fait and
fugar to each pound of meat, and it will keep good fe-
veral years.
It is beft to proportion the cafks to the quantity ufed
at one time, as the lefs it is expofed to the air the bet¬
ter. The fame procefsdoes for pork, only a larger quan¬
tity of fait and lefs fugar muft be ufed ; but the preferva-
tion of both depends equally upon the meat being hot
when firft failed.
One pound of beef requires two ounces of faltpetre and
two ounces of bay-falt, becaufe it is to be fprinkled
twice ; an ounce of each to a pound of beef both times.
The faltpetre requifite for 100 lb. of beef is I2^1b.
which at 12d. per lb. is 12s. 6d. ; and the fame quanti¬
ty of bay-falt (for 100 lb. of beef), at three half-pence
per lb. is is. 6d.; of brown fugar and common fait
mixed together half a pound is required, the former in
the proportion of one-third, the latter of twTo-thirds, to
a pound of beef. The brown fugar at 8d. per pound.
A hundred pounds of beef will take 25O ounces of it,
which cofts 10s. yd. The quantity of common fait re¬
quifite for loolb. of beef is 533 ounces, which at 2d.
per lb. amounts to 5s. 6d. The expenee therefore will
Hand thus.
Saltpetre, 12^-lb. for ico lb. of beef, is
Bay-falt, 12~ lb. for do. is
Brown fugar, 250 oz. for do. is
Beef, 100 lb. at 6d. per pound, is
Three cafks for it at is. 6d. each,
Labour, and heating the oven twice,
Common fait, 533 oz. for do. is
L.
12
1
10
10
4
4
5
L. 4 8 5
Thefe articles are taken high *, and if beef cofts 6d.
per pound, meat cured thus will coft lefs than is. per
pound; and therefore comes much cheaper than live-ftock
in long fea voyages.
SALTPETRE, or Nitrk, {nitrate of pota/h), a
compound of nitric acid and potafti. See Potash,
Chemistry Index. The importance of this fait in va¬
rious manufactures renders every information relative
to its production valuable. The following method has
been long praCtifed by the farmers of Appenzell in
Switzerland. In fo hilly a country, molt houfes and
(tables are built on (lopes, one fide of the edifice red¬
ing on the hill, and the other being fupported by two
ftrong pofts, elevated two or three feet above the
72 ] . ,s A L
ground j fo that the air has a free current under the Sa’tpetre,
building. Immediately under the (table a pit is dug,-v"""’'
ufually occupying both in breadth and length the wffiole
(pace of ground covered by the building; and inftead
of the clayey earth which is dug out, the pit is filled
up with fandy foil. This is the whole procefs, and all
the reft is done by nature. The animal water, which
is continually oozing through the planks of the floor,
having drenched the earth contained in the pit for
the (pace of two or three years, the latter is emptied,
and the faltpetre is refined and prepared in the ufual
manner.
That manner, however, is not the beft *, and the
French chemifts, during the inceffant wars occafioned
by the revolution, have, for the fake of fupplying their
armies with gunpowder, turned their attention to the
beft method of refining faltpetre. The following are
directions given for this purpofe by Chaptal, Champy,
and Bonjour.
The crude faltpetre is to be beaten fmall with mal¬
lets, in order that the water may more eafily attack
every part of the mafs. The faltpetre is then to be
put into tubs, five or fix hundred pounds in each tub.
Twenty per cent, of water is to be poured into each tub,
and the mixture well ftirred. It muft be left to mace¬
rate or digeft until the fpecific gravity of the fluid
ceafes to augment. Six or feven hours are fufficient for
this firft operation, and the water acquires the denfity
of between 25 and 35 degrees. (Sp. gr. 1.21, and
1.306, afeertained by Baume’s hydrometer.
The firft water muft then be poured off, and a fecond
portion of water muft be poured on the fame faltpetre
amounting to 10 per cent. ; after which the mixture
muft be ftirred up, fuffered to macerate for one hour,
and the fluid drawn or poured off.
Five per cent, of water muft then be poured on the
faltpetre •, and after (lining the whole, the fluid muft
be immediately drawn off.
When the water is drained from the faltpetre, the
fait muft be thrown into a boiler containing 50 per cent,
of boiling water. When the folution is made, it will
mark between 66 and 68 degrees of the hydrometer.
(Sp. gr. 1.848, and 1.898.)
The folution is to be poured into a proper veffel,
where it depofits by cooling about two-thirds of the
faltpetre originally taken. The precipitation begins in
about half an hour, and terminates in between four and
fix hours. But as it is of importance to obtain the
faltpetre in fmall needles, becaufe in this form it is more
eafily dried, it is neceffary to agitate the fluid during
the whole time of the cryftallization. A flight motion
is communicated to this liquid mafs by a kind of rake;
in confequence of which the cryftals are depofited in
very (lender needles.
In proportion as the cryftals fall down, they are (cra¬
ped to the borders of the veffel, whence they are taken
with a (kimmer, and thrown to drain in bafkets placed
on treffels, in fuch a manner that the water which paffes
through may either fall into the cryftallizing veffel, or
be received in bafons underneath.
The faltpetre is afterwards put into wooden veffels
in the form of a mill-hopper or inverted pyramid with
a double bottom. The upper bottom is placed two
inches above the lower on wooden ledges, and has many
fmall perforations through which water may pafs to
the
SAL [ 473 ] SAL
Saltpetre, the lower bottom, which likewife affords a paffage by
^ one Angle aperture. A refervoir is placed beneath.
The cryftallized fnltpetre is wafhed in thefe veffels with
5 per cent, of water •, which water is afterwards em¬
ployed in the folution of faltpetre in fubfequent opera¬
tions.
The faltpetre, after fufficient draining, and being
dried by expofure to the air upon tables for feveral
hours, may then be employed in the manufadlure of
gunpowder.
But when it is required to ufe the faltpetre in the
fpeedy and immediate manufacture of gunpowder, it
mult be dried much more ftrongly. This may be ef¬
fected in a ftove, or more limply by heating it in a Hat
metallic veffel. For this purpofe the faltpetre is to
be put into the veffel to the depth of five or fix inches,
and heated to 40 or 50 degrees of the thermometer
(or about 135^ of Fahrenheit). The faltpetre is to be
(tirred for two or three hours, and dried fo much that,
when itrongly preffed in the hand, it fhall acquire no
confidence, nor adhere together, but refemble a very
fine dry fand. This degree of drynefs is not required
when the powder is made by pounding.
From thefe circumftances, we find that two faline li¬
quids remain after the operation •, (1) the water from
the walhing j and (2) that from the cryftaliizing vef¬
fels.
We have already remarked, that the wafhing of the
faltpetre is performed in three fucceflive operations, in
which, upon the whole, the quantity of fluid made ufe
of amounts to 33 per cent, of the weight of the crude
faltpetre. Thefe wafhings are eftablifhed on the prin¬
ciple, that cold water diffolves the muriates of foda, and
the earthy nitrates and muriates, together with the co¬
louring principle, but fcarcely attacks the nitrate of
potafii.
The water of thefe three walkings therefore contains
the muriate of foda, the earthy falts, the colouring prin¬
ciple, and a fmall quantity of nitrate of potalh ; the a-
mount of which is in proportion to that of the muriate of
foda, which determines its folution. The water of the
cryftallizing veffels contains a portion of the muriates of
foda, and of the earthy falts which efcaped the operation
of walhing, and a quantity of nitrate of potalh, rvhich is
more confiderable than that of the former folution.
The waters made ufe of at the end of the operation, to
whiten and walh the cryftals depofited in the pyramidal
veffel, contain nothing but a fmall quantity of nitrate of
potafh. Thefe waters are therefore very different in
their nature. The water of the walhings is really a mo¬
ther water. It muft be colleCled in veffels, and treated
with potafii by the known procefies. It muft be evapo¬
rated to 66 degrees (or 1,848 fp. gr.), taking out the
muriate of foda as it falls. This folution is to be faturat-
ed with 2 or 3 per cent, of potafii, then fuffered to fet¬
tle, decanted, and poured into cryftallizing veffels,
where 20 per cent, of water is to be added to keep the
whole of the muriate of foda fufpended.
The waters which are thus obtained by treatment
of the mother water may be mixed with the water of
the firft cryftallizaticn. From thefe the marine fait may
be feparated by Ample evaporation ; and the nitrate of
potalh, which they hold in folution, may be afterwards
obtained by cooling. The fmall quantity of water
made ufe of to wafii and whiten the refined faltpetre,
Voi. XVIII. Part II.
contains nothing but the nitrate of potafh : it may there- Saltpetra
fore be ufed in the folution of the faltpetre when taken Sal:fbl'-r£
from the tubs.
From this defeription it follows, that a manufa&ory
for the fpeedy refining of faltpetre ought to be pro¬
vided with mallets or rammers for pounding the lalt-
petre •, tubs for wafhing j a boiler for folution 5 a cry¬
ftallizing veffel of copper or lead, in which the faltpetre
is to be obtained by cooling •, bafkets for draining the
faltpetre *, (bales and weights for weighing *, hydrome¬
ters and thermometers, to afeertain denlities and tem¬
peratures 5 rakes to agitate the liquor in the cryftalliz¬
ing veffel; fkimmers to take out the cryftals, and con¬
vey them to the bafkets ; fyphons or hand-pumps to
empty the boilers. The number and dimenfions of
thefe feveral articles muft vary according to the quanti¬
ty of faltpetre intended to be refined.
SALTSBURG, an archbifhopric of Germany, in
the circle of Bavaria, bounded on the eaft by Stiria
and the Upper Auftria, on the weft by the county of
Tyrol, on the north by the duchy of Bavaria, and on
the fouth by the duchy of Carinthia and the bifhopric
of Brixen. It is faid to be about ICO miles from eaft
to weft, and upwards of 60 from n-orth to fouth. With
refpeift to the foil, it is very mountainous, yielding, how¬
ever, excellent pafturage, and, in confequence of that,
abounding in ' cattle, and horfes remarkable for their
mettle and haruinefs. This country is particularly no¬
ted for the great quantities of fait it produces, and its
ftrong paffes and caftles. Here are alfo confiderable
mines of filver, copper, lead, iron, and lapis cala-
minaris, with quarries of marble, and a natural hot-bath.
The principal rivers are the Salza, the Inn, the Ens,
and Muer ; which, as well as the lakes and other ftreams,
are well ftored with fifir. The pealants here are all al¬
lowed the ufe of arms, and trained to military duty.
There are no nobles in the country, and moft of the
lands belong to the clergy. The ftates confift of the
prelates, the cities, and towns. Notwithftanding this
country is under the power of a Popith ecclefiallic, and
the violent, arbitrary, and opprefiive manner in which
the Proteftants have always been treated, great numbers
of them ftill remained in it till the year 1732, when no
lefs that 30,000 of them withdrew from it, difperfing
themfelves in the feveral Proteftant ftates of Europe,
and feme of them were even fent from Great Britain to
the American colonies. Befides brafs and fteel wares,
and all forts of arms and artillery, there are manufa&ures
of coarfe cloth and linen here. The archbiihop has ma¬
ny and great prerogatives: he is a prince of the em¬
pire, and perpetual legate of the holy fee in Germany,
of which he is alfo primate. He has the firft voice
in the diet of this circle, and next to the eledlors in
that of the empire, in the college of princes, in which
he and the archduke of Auftria prefide by turns. No
appeal lies from him either in civil or ecclefiaftical caufes,
but to the pope alone : and he is entitled to wear the
habit of a cardinal. He has alfo the nomination to fe¬
veral bifhoprics; and the canonicates that fall vacant in
the months in which the popes, by virtue of the con¬
cordat, are allowed to nominate, are all in his gift. His
fuffragans are the bifhops of Freyfingen, Ratifhon, Bri¬
xen, Gurk, Chiemfee, Seckan, and Lavant ; and of
thefe, the four laft are nominated, and even confirmed
by him and not by the pope. At the diet of the em-
3 Q Pire>
SAL
Saltfbarg. pire, his envoy takes place of all the princes that are
—-v—““ prefent, under the degree of an eleftor. His revenue is
faid to amount to near aoo,oool. a-year, a great part
of it arifing from the falt-works. He is able to raife
25,000 men •, but keeps in conftant pay, behdes his
guards, only one regiment, ccnlxfling of loco men.
His court is very magnificent 5 and he has his heredi¬
tary great officers, and high colleges. The chapter
confifts of 24 canons, who mnft be all noble, but are
obliged only to four months refidence. At his accefiron to
the fee, the arcbbifhop mud pay 100,000 crowns to
Rome for the pall. There is an order of knighthood
here, inftituied in 1711, in honour of St Rupert, who
was the Srft bifhcp of Saltfburg, about the beginning of
the 8th century.
Saltsburg, the capital of a German archbifhopric
of the fame name, and which takes its own from the
river Salza, on which it Hands, and ever which it has a
bridge. It is a very handfome place, well fortified, and
the refidence of the archbifhop. The houfes are high,
and all built of Hone : the roofs are in the Italian tafte,
and you may walk upon them. The caftle here is very
flrong, and as Hrongly garrifoned, and well provided
with provifions and warlike ftores. The archbifiiop’s
palace is magnificent; and in the area before it is a
fountain, efteemed the largeft and grandeft in Germany.
The ftables are very lofty *, and the number of the
horfes ufually kept by the archbiihop is faid to be up¬
wards of 200. The city, of which one part Hands on
a Heep rock, is well built, but theilreets are narrow and
badly paved. Befides the above mentioned, there are
two other Hately palaces belonging to the archbsfhop,
one of which is called the Nuebau, and the other Mira-
bella. The latter of thefe has a very beautiful garden ;
and the number of trees in the orangery is fo great, that
Mr Keyfler tells us, 20,000 oranges have been ga¬
thered from them in one year. The river Salza runs
clofe by the walls of this garden. There are a great
many other fine flru&ures in the city, public and pri¬
vate, fuch as palaces, monafleries, hofpitals, and churches.
In the cathedral dedicated to St Rupert (the apoflle of
Bavaria, and a Scotchman by birth), all the altars are
of marble of different kinds, and one of the organs has
above 3200 pipes. The whole Hrufture is extremely
handfome. It is built of freeftone in imitation of St Pe¬
ter’s at Rome. The portico is of marble, and the
whole is covered with copper. Before the portico there
is a large quadrangular place, with arches and galleries,
in which is the prince’s refidence 5 and in the mid¬
dle of this place there is a flatue of the Virgin in
bronze •, it is a fine piece of art, but of an unnatural
fize. There are larg^ areas encompafled with handfome
buildings on both fides of the church. In the middle
of that which is to the left, there is a moft magnificent
fountain of marble, and fome valuable figures of gi¬
gantic fize. There is likewife a fountain in that to the
right, but it is not to be compared with the former
one, and the Neptune of it makes but a very pitiful
figure. This town contains many more excellent build¬
ings and Hatues, which remind one that the borders of
Italy are not far diffant. The winter and fummer ri¬
ding fchools here are noble flruftures. The univerfity
was founded in 1629, and committed to the care of the
Benediflines. Befides it, there are two colleges, in
SAL
which the young noblemen are educated. E. Long. 33. Salvadora
o. N. Lat. 47. 45. II.
SALVADORA, a genus of plants belonging to the ,ba u “ liari‘
tetvandria clafs; and in the natural method ranking
with thofe of wdtich the order is doubtful. See Botany
Index.
SALVAGE-money, a reward allowed by the civil
and Hatute law for the faving of fuips or goods from the
danger of the fea, pirates, or enemies.—Where any fliip
is in danger of being ftranded,or driven on ffiore, juftices
of the peace are to command the conffables to aflemble
as many perfons as are neceflary to preferve it j and, on
its being preferved by their means, the perfons aflifling
therein fliall, in 30 days after, be paid a reafonable re¬
ward for their falvage; otherwife the Hiip or goods
lhall remain in the cuilody of the officers of the cuffoms
as a fecurity for the fame.
SALVATION, means the fafety or prefervation of
any thing which is or has been in danger, and is gene¬
rally ufed in a religious fenfe, when it means preferva¬
tion from eternal death, or reception to the happinefs of
heaven, which is now' offered to all men by the ChriHian
religion upon certain conditions. The Hebrews but
rarely make ufe of concrete terms as they are called,
but often of abftrafted. Thus, inftead of faying that
God faves them and protedfs them, they fay that God
is their falvation. Thus the wmrd of falvation, the
joy of falvation, the rock of falvation, the (hield of fal¬
vation, the horn of falvation, &c. is as much as to fay,
The w'ord that declares deliverance ; the joy that at¬
tends the efcaping a great danger, a rock where any one
takes refuge, and where he may be in fafety from his
enemy ; a buckler, that fecures him from the arm of the
enemy , a horn or ray of light, of happinefs and falva¬
tion, &c. See Theology, &c.
SALVATOR rosa. See Rosa.
SALVE regina, among the Romaniffs, the name
of a Latin prayer, addreffed to the Virgin, and fung
after complines, as alfo upon the point of executing a
criminal. Durandus fays, it was compofed by Peter
biflhop of Compoffella. The cuflom of finging tint fake
regina at the clofe of the office was begun by order of
St Dominic, and firft in the congregation of Domini¬
cans at Bologna, about 1237. Gregory IX. firff ap¬
pointed it to be general. St Bernard added the con-
clufion, 0 dulcis ! 0 pia, &c.
SALVIA, SAGE, a genus of plants belonging to the
digynia clafs 5 and in the natural method ranking under
the 42d order, Verticillatce. See Botany Index.
SALVIANUS, an ancient father of the Chriftian
church, who ffouriflied in the 5th century, tmd was well
Ikilled in the fciences. It is faid he lived in continence
with his wife Palladia, as if Hie had been his fifter j
and that he was fo afflifted at the wickednefs of that
age, that he was called the Jeremiah of the fifth century.
He acquired fuch reputation for his piety and learning,
that he w’as named the mafier of the bifljops. He wrote
a Treatife on Providence j another on Avarice; and
fome epiffles, of which Baluze has given an excellent
edition ; that of Conrad Ritterffiufius, in 2 vols oftavo,
is alfo effeemed.
SALUTATION, the aft of fainting, greeting, or
paying refpeft and reverence to any one.
When men (writes the compiler of L'Efpnt des
Ufages
[ 424 J
SAL- [ 4/5 ] SAL
Salutation, ijfages et des Coulumes') falute each, oilier in an ami¬
cable manner, it fignifies little whether they move a par¬
ticular part of the body, or praftife a particular cere¬
mony. In thefe actions there mult exift different cuf-
toms. Every nation imagines it employs the moll rea-
fonable ones j but all are equally Ample, and none are
to be treated as ridiculous. This infinite number of
ceremonies may be reduced to two kinds; to reverences
or falutations j and to the touch of fome part of the
human body. To bend and prollrate one’s felf to exprefs
fentiments of refpedt, appears to be a natural motion ;
for terrified perfons throw themfelves on the earth when
they adore invifible beings. The affe£tionate touch of
the perfon they falute, is an exprellion of tendemefs. As
nations decline from their ancient fimplicity, much farce
and grimace are introduced. Superllition, the manners
of a people, and their fituation, influence the modes of
falutation j as may be obferved from the inflances we
colledl.
Modes of falutation have fometimes very different
charaflers, and it is no uninterefling {peculation to ex¬
amine their {hades. Many difplay a refinement of de¬
licacy, while others are remarkable for their fimplicity,
or for their fenfibility. In general, however, they are
frequently the fame in the infancy of nations, and in
more polilhed focieties. Refpefl, humility, fear, and
efteera, are expreffed much in a fimilar manner •, for
thefe are the natural confequences of the organization
of the body. Thefe demonftrations become, in time,
only empty civilities, which fignify nothing ; we ILall
notice what they were originally, without refledling on
what they are.
The firft nations have no peculiar modes of faluta¬
tion j they know no reverences, or other compliments,
or they defpife and difdain them. The Greenlanders
laugh when they fee an European uncover his head and
bend his body before him whom he calls his fuperior.
The iflanders, near the Philippines, take the hand or
foot of him they falute, and with it they gently rub
their face. The Laplanders apply their nofe ffrongly
againft that of the perfon they falute. Dampier fays,
that at New Guinea they are fatisfied in placing on
their heads the leaves of trees, which have ever paffed
.for fymbols of friendfliip and peace. This is at leali a
pifturefque falute.
Other falutations are very incommodious and painful 5
it requires great practice to enable a man to be polite
in an ifland fituated in the llraits of Sunda. Hout-
man tells us, they faluted him in this odd way : “ They
raifed his left foot, which they palled gently over the
right leg, and from thence over his face.” The inha¬
bitants of the Philippines bend their body very low, in
placing their hands on their cheeks, and railing at the
fame time one foot in the air, with their knee bent.
An Ethiopian takes the robe of another, and ties it
about his own waift, fo that he leaves his friend half
naked. This cuftom of undrefling on thefe occafions
takes other forms j fometimes men place themfelves na¬
ked before the perfon whom they falute ; it is to fliow
their humility, and that they are unworthy of appearing
in his prefence. This was praftifed before Sir Jofeph
Hanks, when he received the vifit of two female Ota-
heitans. Their innocent fimplicity, no doubt, did not
appear immodeft in the eyes of the virtuofo. Sometimes
they only undrefs partially. The Japanefe only take off
a Clipper ; the people of Arracan, their fandals in the Salutation,
ftreet, and their ftockings in the houfe. -y—w
In the progrefs of time, it appears fervile to uncover
one’s felf. The grandees of Spain claim the right of ap¬
pearing covered before the king, to fliow that they are
not fo much fubjedted to him as the reft of the nation j
and (this writer obferves) we may remark, that the
Englilh do not uncover their heads fo much as the
other nations of Europe, In a word, there is not a na¬
tion (obferves the humorous Montaigne), even to the
people who, when they falute, turn their backs on their
friends, but that can be juftified in their cufloms. It
muft be obferved of the negroes, that they are lovers of
ludicrous aclions, and thus make all their ceremonies
farcical. The greater part pull the fingers till they
crack. Snelgrave gives an odd reprefentatien of the
embaffy which the king of Dahomy fent to him. The
ceremonies of falutation confifted in the moft ridiculous
contortions. When two negro monarchs vifit, they em¬
brace in fnapping three times the middle finger.
Barbarous nations frequently imprint on their faluta¬
tions the difpofitions of their character. When the in¬
habitants of Carmena (fays Athenseus) would {howT a
peculiar mark of efteem, they breathed a vein, and pre-
fented for the beverage of their friend the blood as it
iffued. The Franks tore hair from their head, and pre-
fented it to the perfon they laluted. The Have cut off hj.s
hair, and offered it to his mailer. The Chinefe are
lingularly affeefted in their perfonal civilities : they even
calculate the number of their reverences. Thefe are
their moft remarkable poftures. The men move their
hands in an affeftionate manner, while they are joined
together on the bread, and bow their head a little. If
they refpedl a perfon, they raife their hands joined, and
then lower them to the earth in bending the body. If
two perfons meet after a long feparation, they both fall
on their knees, and bend the face to the earth, and this
ceremony they repeat two or three times. Surely we
may difl’er here with the fentiment of Montaigne, and
confefs this ceremony to be ridiculous. It arifes from
their national affeclation. They fubftitute artificial ce¬
remonies for natural aflions. Their expreflions mean a's
little as their ceremonies. If a Chinefe is alked how
he finds himfelf in health? he anfwers, Vcnj well;
thanks to your abundant felicity. If they would tell a
man that he looks well, they lay, Profperity is painted
on your face ; or, Tour air announces your happinefs. If
you render them any fervice, they fay, My thanks Jhould
be immortal. If you praife them, they anfiver, How
fall / dare to perfuade my felf of what you fay of me ?
If you dine with them, they tell you at parting, IVe
have not treated ijou with fuff dent diftinElion. The va¬
rious titles they invent for each other it would be im-
poflible to tranflate.
It is to be obferved, that all thefe anfwers are pre-
feribed by the Chinefe ritual, or academy of compli¬
ments. There are determined the number of bowrs j
the expreflions to be employed •, the genuflexions, and
the inclinations which are to be made to the right or
left hand ; the falutations of the mailer before the chair
where the ftranger is to be feated, for he lalutes it moft
profoundly, and wipes the dull away with the {kirts of
his robe j all thefe and other things are noticed, eveh
to the filent geftures, by which you are entreated to en¬
ter the houfe. The lower clafs of people are equally
3 O 3 nice
SAL
r 4:
Salutation, nice in thefe punftilios; and ambafladors pals 40 days
Salute. • ■1 1 r .1 —ui.j i_ 
(in praftifing them before they are enabled to appear at
courts A tribunal of ceremonies has been created, and
every day very odd decrees are iffued, to which the Chi-
hefe moft religioufly fubmit.
The marks of honour are frequently arbitrary to be
feated, with us, is a mark of rcpofe and familiarity *, to
Hand up, that of refpeft. There are countries, how¬
ever, in which princes will only be addrefled by perfons
who are feated, and it is confidered as a favour to be
permitted to Hand in their prefence. This cuftom pre¬
vails inJdefpotic countries : a defpot cannot fuffer with¬
out difguft the elevated figure of his fubjedls 5 he is
pleafed to bend their bodies with their genius: his pre¬
fence mufi lay thofe who behold him proflrate on the
earth : he defires no eagernefs, no attention $ he would
only infpire terror.
The pope makes no reverence to any mortal except
the emperor, to whom he (loops a very little when he
permits him to kifs his lips.
SALUTE, in military matters, a difeharge of ar¬
tillery, or fmall arms, or both, in honour of (ome per-
fon of extraordinary quality. The colours likewife fa-
lute royal perfons, and generals commanding in chief;
which is done by lowering the point to the ground.
]n the field, when a regiment is to be reviewed by the
king or his general, the drums beat a march as he paffes
along the line, and the officers falute one another, bow¬
ing their half pikes or fwords to the ground ; then re¬
cover and take off their hats. The enfigns falute all to¬
gether, by lowering their colours.
Salute, in the navy, a teftimony of deference or
homage rendered by the (hips of one nation to ano¬
ther, or by (hips of the fame nation to a fuperior or
equal.
This ceremony is varioufly performed, according to
the circumflances, rank, or fituation, of the parties. It
confifts in firing a certain number of cannon, or volleys
of fmall arms 5 in ftriking the colours or lop-fails *, or
in one or more general (bouts of the whole fhip s crew,
mounted on the mafts or rigging for that purpofe.
The principal regulations with regard to falutes in
the royal navy are as follow :
“ When a flag officer falutes the admiral and com¬
mander in chief of the fleet, he is to give him fifteen
guns •, but when captains falute him, they are to give
him feventeen guns. J. he admiral and commander 111
chief of the fleet is to return two guns lefs to flag-officers,
and four lefs to captains. Flag-officers fainting their
fuperior or fenior officer, are to give him thirteen guns.
Flag-officers are to return an equal number cf guns to
flag-officers bearing their flags on the fame maft, and
trvo euns lefs to the reft, as alfo to captains.
“When a captain falutes an admiral of the white or
blue, he is to give him fifteen guns; but to vice, and
rear admirals, thirteen guns. When a (lag officer is fa-
luted by two or more of his majefty’s (hips, he is not to
return the falute till all have finiftied, and then to do it
with fuch a reafonable number of guns as he dial] judge
uioper.
“ In cafe*of the meeting of two fquadrons, the two
chiefs only are to exchange falutes. And if fingle fliips
meet a fquadron confiding of more-than one flag, the
principal flag only is to be faluted. No falutes (hall be
C ] , S A L
repeated by the fame {hips, unlefs there has been a (L-
paration of fix months at leaft.
“ None of his majefty’s fhips of war, commanded
only by captains, fhall give or receive falutes from one
another, in whatfoever part of the world they meet.
“ A flag officer commanding in chief (hall be faluted,
upon his firft hoifting his flag, by all the (hips prefent,
with fuch a number of guns as is allowed by the fiift,
third, or fifth articles.
“ When any of his majefty’s (hips (hall meet with any
(hip or (hips belonging to any foreign prince or (late,
within his majefty’s fcas (which extend to Cape Fi-
nifterre), it is expeaed, that the faid foreign (hips do
ftrike their top-fail, and take in their flag, in acknow¬
ledgement of his majefty’s fovereignty in thole feas :
and if any (hall refufe or offer to refift, it is enjoined to
all flag officers and commanders to ufe their utmoft en¬
deavours to compel them thereto, and not fuffer any
diftionour to be done to his majefty. And if any of his
majefty’s fubjeds (hall fo much forget their duty,, as to
omit ftriking their top-fail in paffing by his majefty’s
(hips, the name of the fhip and mailer, and from wnence,
and whither bound, together with affidavits of the laft,
are to be fent up to the fecretary of the admiralty, in
order to their being proceeded againft in tne admiralty
court. And it is to be obferved, that in his majefty’s
feas, his majefty’s (hips are in nowife to ftrike to any 5
and that in other parts, no (hip of his majefty’s is to
ftrike her flag or top-fail to any foreigner, unlefs fuch
foreign (hip (hall have firft ftruck, or at the fame time
ftrike, her flag or top fail to his majefty’s (hip.
“ The flag-officers and commanders of his majefty’s
(hips are to be careful to maintain his majefty’s honour
upon all occafions, giving protection to his fubjecls, and
endeavouring, what in them lies, to ieeure and encou¬
rage them m their lawful commerce ^ and toey aie not
to injure, in any manner, the fubjefts of his majefty s
friends and allies.
“ If a foreign admiral meet with any of his maje¬
fty’s fliips, and falutes them, he (hall receive gun for
gun. If he be a vice-admiral, the admiral (hall anfwer
with two guns lefs. If a rear-admiral, the admiral and
vice-admiral (hall return two lefs. But if the (hip be
commanded by a captain only, the flag-officer (hall give
two guns lefs, and captains an equal number.
“ When any of his-majefty’s ihips come to an anchor
in a foreign port or road, within cannon-fhot of its forts,
the captain may falute the place with fuch a number of
puns as have been cuftomary, upon good cffiuiance.ot
having the like number returned, but not othervv.le.
But if the fhip bears a flag, the flag-officer (hall firft
carefully inform himfelf how flags o! like rank, belong¬
ing to other crowned heads, have given or returned ia-
lutes, and to infill upon the fame terms of re.fpeft..
“ It is allowed to the commanders of his majefty’s
fhips in foreign parts, to falute the perfons of anj admi¬
rals, commanders in chief, or captains of fliips of war of
foreign nations, and foreign noblemen, or ((rangers cf
quality, as alfo the factories of the king’s fubje&s, com¬
ing on board to vifit the fhip and the number of guns
is left to the commander, as (hall be fuitable to the oc-
cafion and the quality of the perfons vifiting j but hens
neverlhelefs to remain accountable for any execnes in
the abufe of this liberty. If the (hip vifited be in com-
psriy
Salute.
SAM [ 477 ] S A M
Silate pany with other (hips of war, the captain is not to make
I! ufe of the civilities allowed in the preceding articles
Samaneans, but leave an£j COnfent of the commander in chief
or the fenior captain.
“ Merchant-(hips, whether foreigners or belonging
to his majefty’s fubje£ls, fainting the admiral of the
fleet, fliall be anfwered by fix guns lefs } when they
falute any other flag-lhips, they lhall be anfwered by
four guns lefs j and if they falute men of war com¬
manded by captains, they lhall be anfwered by two guns
lefs. If feveral merchant-fhipf' falute in company, no
return is to be made till all have finilhed, and then by
fuch a number of guns as fliall be thought proper j but
though the merchant-Ihips fliould anfwer, there lhall be
no fecond return.
“ None of his majefty’s Ihips of war {hall falute any
of his majefty’s forts or cattles in Great Britain or Ire¬
land, on any pretence whatfoever.”
SALUZZO, called by the French Saluces, a towm
and cattle of Italy, in Piedmont, and capital of a mar-
quifate of the fame name, with a bilhop’s fee. It is fi-
tuated on an eminence at the foot of the Alps near the
river Po, in E. Long. 18. 27. N. Lat. 44. 35. It was
formerly fubje<5t to the king of Sardinia.
Saluzzo, the marquifate of, a province of Pied¬
mont in Italy, bounded on the north by Dauphiny
and the province of the Four Valleys, on the eaft by
thofe of Saviglano and Foffano, on the fouth by that
of Cona and the county of Nice, and on the weft by
Barcelonetta. It was ceded to the duke of Savoy in
1601.
SAMA, a town and fort in the hands of the Dutch
on the Gold Coaft of Africa, Hands on an eminence,
the fort being watered by the pleafant river of St
George, that difeharges itfelf into the fea. The town
contains above 200 houfes, which feem to form three
diftimft: villages, one of which is immediately under the
cannon of the Dutch fort St Sebaftian. Des Marchais
deems this town to be one of the largeft on the whole
coaft, Burbot likewife agreeing with him in its fitua-
tion, extent, and number of inhabitants. The foie em-
plcvment of the natives is fifiring j a circumftance which
eafiiy accounts for their poverty. The government of
this place is republican, the magiftrates having the fu-
preme power, being fubjefl to periodical changes, and
under the authority of the king of Gavi, who feldom
ho'wever interferes in the affairs of the ftate. This
prince refides fome leagues diftant from the fea, is rich,
and much refpefted by his neighbours.
SAM AN E ANS, in antiquity, a kind of magi or
philofophers, have been confounded by fome with the
Bramins. They proceeded from Ariana, a province
of Perfia, and the neighbouring countries, fpread them-
felves in India, and taught new dodlrines.
The Bramins, before their arrival, it is faid, were in
the higheft period of their glory, were the only oracles
of India, and their principal refidence was on the banks
of the Ganges, and in the adjacent mountains 5 while
the Sumaneans were fettled towards the Indus. Others
fay, that the Bramins acquired all their knowledge from
the Samaneans, before whofe arrival it would be diffi¬
cult to prove that the Bramins were the religious teach¬
ers of the Indians'. The moft celebrated and ancient
of the Samaneqn doctors was Boutta, or Budda, who
was born 683 years before Chrift. His fcholars paid Samaneans
him divine honours ; and his dodlrine, which confifted ^ ^
chiefly in the tranfmigralion of fouls, and in the wor- ^ 1 1
Ihip of cowts, was adopted not only in India, but alfo
in Japan, China, Siam, and Tartary. It was propal
gated according to M. de Sainte Croix, in Thibet, in
the 8th century, and fucceeded there the ancient reli¬
gion of Zamolxis. The Samaneans, or Buddifts, were
entirely deftroyed in India by the jealous rage of the
Bramins, whofe abfurd praftices and fables they affeft-
ed to treat with contempt ; but feveral of their books
are itill preferved and relpefled on the coalts of Mala¬
bar.
We are told, too, that feveral of the Bramin orders
have adopted their manner of living, and openly profefs
the greateft part of their doftrines. DE%our Vedam,
ou Ancien Comment du Vedam, publifhed by M. de 5.
Croix, Paris 1779* See Bramins.
SAM AR) a Spanifh illand not far from Manilla in
the Eaft Indies, is called Samar on the fide which looks
towards the other illes, and Ibabao on that next Modem
ocean. Its greateft length, from Cape Baliquaton, wdiich, U>riv. HijI.
with the point of Manilla, makes the ftrait of St Ber-vol| V111'
nardino, in 13 deg. 30 min. north latitude, extends to15' l'~r
that of Guignan in 11 deg. towards the fouth. The
other twm points, making the greateft breadth of the
ifland, are Cabo de Spirito Santo, or Cape of the Hu/y
Ghojl, the high mountains of which are the firft difeo-
vered by Ihips from New Spain ; and that which lying
oppoflte to Leyte vveftward, makes another ftrait, fcarce
a ftone’s throw over. The whole compafs of the ifland
is about 130 leagues. Between Guignan and Cape
Spirito Santo is the port of Borognon, and not far from
thence thofe of Palapa and Catubig, and the little ifland
of Bin, and the coaft of Catarman. Yeffels from coun¬
tries not yet difeovered are very frequently call away
on the before mentioned coaft of Palapa. Within the
ftraits of St Bernardino, and beyond Baliquaton, is the
coaft; of Samar, on which are the villages of Ibatan,
Bangahon, Catbalogan, Paranos, and Calviga. Then
follows the ftrait of St Juanillo, without which, {land¬
ing eaftward, appears the point and little ifland of Guig¬
nan, where the compafs of the ifland ends. It is moun¬
tainous and craggy, but the fewr plains which it contains
are very fertile. The fruits are much the fame as Luofe
of Leyte •, but there is one particular fort, called by
the Spaniards chicoy, and by the Chinefe, who put a
great value on \\,fey%u, without kernels.
SAMARA, a genus of plants belonging to the te-
trandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SAMARCAND, or Sarmacand, an ancient and
famous town of Afia, capital of the kingdom of the
fame name in the country of the Uibeck Tartars, with
a caftle and a famous univerfiiy. The houfes are built
wuth ftones, and it carries on a trade in excellent fruits.
It is pleafantly feated near the river Sogde, a branch of
the Amu. E. Long. 69. o. N. Lat. 39. 50. This town
was the capital of the kingdom of Sogdia in the time
of Alexander the Great, when it was called Maracanda.
It was aftenvards the capital of the empire of Tamer¬
lane the Great. In the time of Jenghiz Khan, it was
forced to yield to the arms of that cruel conqueror ; by
whom the garrifon, amounting to 30,000 men, were
butchered } 30,000.of the inhabitants, with their wives
SAM
r ]
SAM
Samaria and children, were prefented to Vis generals j the reft
1 ^ were permitted to live in the city, on paying a tribute
of 300,000 dinars or crowns of gold.
SAMARIA, in Ancient Geography, one of the three
larger Cisjordan diftri&s, fituated in the middle between
Galilee to the north and Judea to the fouth, beginning
at the village Ginrea, in the Campus Magnus, and end¬
ing at the toparchy called Acrobatena (Jofephus). Its
foil differing in nothing from that of Judaea •, both equal¬
ly hilly and champaign, both equally fertile in corn and
fruit (ib.) Called the kingdom of Samaria in Ephraim
(Bible) > comprifmg the ten tribes, and confequently
all the country to the north of Judea and eaft and welt
of Jordan,
Samaria, the capital city of the kingdom of Sama¬
ria, or of the ten tribes. It was built by Omri king of
. Ifrael, who began to reign in the year of the world
3079, and died 3086 (1 Kings xvi. 24*)- -h!e bought
the hill Samaria of Sbemer for two talents of filver, or
for the fum of 684I. 7s. 6d. It took the name of Sama¬
ria from Shemer the owner of the hill; though lome
think there were already fome beginnings of a city, be-
caufe, before the reign of Omri there is mention made
©f Samaria (1 Kings xiii. 32.) in the year of the world
3030. But others take this for a prolepfis, or an anti¬
cipation, in the difcourfe of the man of God, who fpeaks
bf Samaria under the reign of Jeroboam.
However this be, it is certain that Samaria was no
confiderable place, and did not become the capital city
•f the kingdom of Ifrael till after the reign of Omri.
Before him, the kings of Ifrael dwelt at Shechem, or
Tirzah. Samaria was fituated upon an agreeable and
fruitful hill, in an advantageous fituation, and was 12
miles from Dothaim, 12 from Merrom, and four from
Atharoth. Jofephus fays, it was a day’s journey from
Jerufalem. Befides, though it was built upon an emi-
' nence, yet it muft have water in abundance ; fince we
find medals ftruck in this city, whereon is reprefented
the goddefs Aftarte treading a river under foot *, which
proves it to have been well watered. And Jofephus ob-
ferves, that when it was taken by John Hircanus the
prince of the Jews, he entirely demolifhed it, and caufed
even the brook to flow over its ruins, to obliterate all
the footfteps of it.
The kings of Samaria omitted nothing to make this
city the ftrongeft, the fineft, and the richeft, that wTas
poflible. Ahab built there a palace of ivory (1 Kings
xxii. 39.), that is, in which there were many ornaments
of ivory. Amos defcribes Samaria under Jeroboam II.
as a city funk into all exceffes of luxury and effeminacy
(Amos iii. I and iv. 1, 2.).
Ben-hadad king of Syria built public places or ftreets
in Samaria (1 Kings xx. 34.) probably for traffic,
where his people dwelt to promote traue. His ion Ben-
hadad befieged this place under the reign of Ahab
(1 Kings xx. r, 2, 3, &c.) in the year of the world
3I03*
The follorving year, Ben-hadad brought an army into
the field, probably with a defign to march againft Sa¬
maria : but his army was again cut in pieces. Some
years after this, Ben-hadad came a third time, lay down
before Samaria, and reduced it to fuch neceffities by fa¬
mine, that a mother was there forced to eat her own
child; but the city was relieved by a fenfible effeeft of
'the prote&ion of God.
Laftly, it was befieged by Shalmanefer king of Affy-
ria, in the ninth year of Hdthea king of Ifrael (2 Kings u
xvii. 6, 7, &-C.), -which was the fourth of Hezekiah king
of Judah. It was taken three years after, in the year
of the world 3283. The prophet Hcfea fpeaks of the
cruelties exercifed by Shalmanefer againft the befieged
(Hof. x. 4, 8, 9. xiv. 1.) ; and Micah fays, that this
city was reduced to a heap of ftones (Mic. i. 6.). . I he
Cuthites that w’ere fent by Efar-haddon to inhabit the
country of Samaria, did not think it worth their wdiile
to repair the ruins of this city j they dwelt at Shechern,
which they made the capital city of their ftate. They
were ftill upon this footing when Alexander the Great
came into Phoenicia and Judea. However, the Cu¬
thites had rebuilt fome of the houfes of Samaria, even
from the time of the return from the captivity, fince
Ezra then fpeaks of the inhabitants of Samaria (Ezra
iv. 17. Nehem. iv. 2.) 5 and that the Samaritans, being
jealous of the favours that Alexander the Great had con¬
ferred on the Jews, revolted from him while this prince
was in Egypt, and burnt Andromachus alive, whom
Alexander had left governor of Syria. Alexander
marched againft them, took Samaria, and put in Mace¬
donians to inhabit it *, giving the country round it to
the Jews; and to encourage than to cultivate it, he
granted them an exemption from tribute. The king of
Egypt and Syria, who fucceeded Alexander, deprived
them of the property of this country.
But Alexander Balas king of Syria reftored to Jona¬
than Maccabaeus the cities of Lydda, Ephrem, and Ra-
matha, which he cut off from the country of Samaria
(1 Mac. x. 30, 38, and xi. 28, 34.). Laftly, the Jews
re entered into the full poffeffion of this w’holc countiy
under John Plircanus the Afmonsean, who took Sama¬
ria, and ruined it in fuch a manner, according to Jofe¬
phus, that he made the river run through its ruins. It
continued in this condition to the year of the world
3947, when Aulus Gabinius, the proconful of Syria,
rebuilt it, and gave it the name of Gabiniana. But it
was yet but very inccnfiderable, till Herod the Great
reflored it to its ancient luftre, and gave it the Greek
name of Sebafte, which in Latin is Augufta, in honour
of the emperor Auguilus, who had given him the pro¬
perty of this place.
The facred authors of the New Teftament fpeak but
little of Samaria j and when they do mention it, it is
rather in reipeft of the country about it, than of the
city itfelf. (See Luke xvii. II. John iv. 4, 5.).—It wfts
there our Lord had the converfation with the woman of
Samaria, that is, with a Samaritan woman of the city
of Sychar. After the death of St Stephen, (Afts viii.
1, 2, 3.), when the difciples were difperfed through the
cities of Judea and Samaria, St Philip the deacon with¬
drew into the city of Samaria, where he mads feveral
converts. When the apoftles heard that this city had
received the word of God, they fent Peter and John thi¬
ther, to communicate the Holy Ghoft to fuch as had
been baptized. It was there they found Simon Magus,
who offered money to the _ apoftles, being in hopes ^to
buy this power of communicating the Holy Ghoft. Sa¬
maria is never called Sebafte in the books, o. t ie New
Teftament, though ftrangers hardly knew h but by this
name. St Jerome fays, that it was thought Obadmh.
w^as buried at Samaria. They alfo fhewed. toe re toe,
tombs of Elifha and of St John the Baptift, There are
S-.maria.
3
SAM [ 479 ] S A M
Samaritans, found many ancient medals that were ftruck at Sebafte,
or Samaria, and fome biflrops of this city have fubfcribed
to the ancient councils.
SAMARITANS. We have already fpoken of the
Samaritans under the article Cuth. The Samaritans
are the people of the city of Samaria, and the inhabi¬
tants of the province of which Samaria was the capital
city. In this fenfe, it Ihould feem that we might give
the name of Samaritans to the Ifraelites of the ten tribes,
who lived in the city and territory of Samaria. How¬
ever, the facred authors commonly give the name of Sa¬
maritans only to thofe ftrange people whom the kings
of Aflfyria font from beyond the Euphrates to inhabit
the kingdom of Samaria, when they took away captive
the Ifraelites that were there before. Thus we may fix
the epoch of the Samaritans at the taking of Samaria
by Salmanefer, in the year of the world 3283. This
prince carried away captive the Ifraelites that he found
in the country, and afligned them dwellings beyond
the Euphrates, and in AfTyria, (2 Kings xvii. 24.).
He fent other inhabitants in their Read, of which the
mod confiderable were the Cuthites, a people defcend-
ed from Cufh, and who are probably of the number of
thofe whom the ancients knew by the name of Scy¬
thians.
After Salmanefer, his fucccffbr Efar-haddon was in¬
formed, that the people which had been fent to Samaria
were infefted by lions that devoured them, (2 Kings
xvii. 25.) 5 this he imputed to the ignorance of the peo¬
ple in the manner of worfhipping the god of the coun¬
try. Wherefore Efar-haddon fent a prieft of the God
of Ifrael that he might teach them the religion of th«
Hebrews. But they thought they might blend this re¬
ligion with that which they profelTed before ; fo they
continued to worfhip their idols as before, in conjunftion
with the God of Ifrael, not perceiving how abfurd and
incompatible thefe two religions were.
It is not known how long they continued in this
Rate ; but at the return from the captivity of Babylon,
it appears they had entirely quitted the worflrip of their
idols •, and when they alked permiffion of the Ifraelites
that they might labour wuth them at the rebuilding of
the temple of Jerufalem, they affirmed, that from the
time that Efar-haddon had brought them into this coun¬
try they had always worRiipped the Lord, (Ezra iv.
1, 2, 3.). And indeed, after the return from the cap¬
tivity, the Scripture does not anywhere reproach them
with idolatrous wcrRrip, though it does not dilTemble ei¬
ther their jealoufy againR the lews, nor the ill oRices
they had done them at the court of Perfia, by their
flanders and calumnies, or the flratagems they contrived
to hinder the repairing of the w’alls cf Jeiufalem.—
(Nehem. ii. 10, 19. iv. 2, &c. vi. 1, 2, &c.)
It does not appear that there was any temple in Sa¬
maria, in common to all thefe people who came thither
from beyond the Euphrates, before the coming of A-
lexander the Great into Judea. Before that time, every
one was left to his own difcretion, and worRiipped the
Lord where he thought fit. But they prefently compre¬
hended, from the books of Mofes which they had in
their hands, and from the example of the Jews their
neighbours, that God was to be worfliipped in that place
only which he had chofen. So that fince they could
not go to the temple of Jerufalem, which the Jews would
sot allow of, they bethought themfelves of building a
temple of their own upon Mount Gerizim, near the city Samaritans,
of Shechem, which was then their capital. Therefore
Sanballat, the governor of the Samaritans, applied him-
felf to Alexander, and told him he had a fon-in-law,
called Manafles, fon to Jaddus the high-priefl of the
Jews, who had retired to Samaria with a great number
of other perions of his own nation ; that he defired to
build a temple in this province, where he might exer-
cife the high-prieRhood; that this undertaking would
be to the advantage of the king’s affairs, becaufe in
building a temple in the province cf Samaria, the na¬
tion of the Jews would be divided, who are a turbulent
and feditious people, and by i'uch a divifion would be
made weaker, and kfs in a condition to undertake new
enterprifes.
Alexander readily confented to what Sanballat defi¬
red, and the Samaritans prefently began their building
of the temple of Gerizim, which from that time they
have always frequented, and Rill frequent to this day,
as the place where the Lord intended to receive the
adoration of his people. It is of this mountain,
and of this temple, that the Samaritan woman of Sy-
char fpoke to our Saviour, (John iv. 20.). See Ga-
RIZIM.
The Samaritans did not long continue under the obe¬
dience of Alexander. They revolted from him the
very next year, and Alexander drove them out of Sama¬
ria, put Macedonians in their room, and gave the pro¬
vince of Samaria to the Jews. This preference that A-
lexander gave to the Ifraelites contributed not a little
to increase that hatred and animofity that had already
obtained between thefe two people. When any Ifrael-
ite had deferved punifhment for the violation of fome
important poiat of the law, he prefently look refuge in
Samaria or Shechem, and embraced the way of wTorRiip
according to the temple of Garizim. When the Jews
were in a profperons condition, and affairs were favour¬
able to them, the Samaritans did not fail* to call them¬
felves Hebrews, and pretended to be of the race of A-
brabara. But no fooner were the Jews fallen into dif-
credit or perfecution, but the Samaritans immediately
difowned them, would have nothing in common with
them, acknowledged ihemfelves to be Phoenicians origi¬
nally, or that they were defeended from Jofeph and Ma-
naffeh his fon. This ufed to be their pradliee in the
time of Antiochus Epiphanes.
The Samaritans, having received the Pentateuch, or
the five books of Mofes, from the prieR that was fent
by Efar-haddon, have preferved it to this day, in the
fame language and charafter it was then, that is, in the
old Hebrew or Phoenician charadter, which we now call
the Samaritan, to diRinguifli it from the modern He¬
brew charadler, which at prefent we find in the books
of the Jews. Thefe laR, after their captivity, changed
their old charadters, and took up thofe of the Chaldee,
which they had been ufed to at Babylon, and which
they continue Rill to ufe. It is wrong, fays F. Calmet,
to give this the name of the Hebrew charadler, for that
can be faid properly only of the Samaritan text. The
critics have taken notice of fome variations between the
Pentateuch of the Jews and that of the Samaritans ;
but thefe varieties of reading chiefly regard the word
Gerizim, which the Samaritans feem to have purpofely
introduced to favour their pretenfions, that Mount Ge¬
rizim was the place in which the Lord was to be
adored.
SAM [ 480 ] S A M
portance.
The religion of this people was at firft the Pagan.
■Every one worlhipped the deity they had been ured to
in their own country (2 Kings xvii. 2 30, 31.). The
Babylonians worshipped Succoth-benoth 5 the Cuthites,
Nergal 5 the Hamathites, Athima ; the Avites, Nib-
haz and lartak; the Sepharvites, Adrammelech and
Anamraelech. It we would enumerate all the names
of falfe gods to whom the Samaritans have paid a facri-
legious worfliip, we thould have enough to do. This
matter is fufficiently perplexed, by reafon of the differ¬
ent names by which they were adored by different na¬
tions, infomuch that it would be almofl impotlible to
clear up this affair. See Succoth-bength, &c. Af-
terwards, to this profane worfhip the Samaritans added
that of the Lord, the God of Ifrael, (2 Kings xvii. 29,
3°> 3 r> i hey gave a proof of their little regard
to this worShip of the true God, when under Antiochus
Epiphanes they confecrated their temple at Gerizim to
Jupiter Argivus. In the time of Alexander the Great,
they celebrated the fabbatical year, and confequently
the year of jubilee alfo. We do not know whether they
did it exa&ly at the fame time with the Jews, or whe¬
ther they obferved any other epoch •, and it is to little
purpofe that fome critics have attempted to afcertain the
firSt beginning of it. Under the kings of Syria they
followed the epoch of the Greeks, or that of the Seleu-
cidoe, as other people did that were under the govern¬
ment of the Seleucidae. After that Herod had re-efta-
bhShed Samaria, and had given it the name of Sebafte,
the inhabitants of this city, in their medals, and all pu¬
blic a£ts, took the date of this new establishment. But
the inhabitants of Samaria, of which the greater part
were Pagans or Jews, were no rule to the other Samari¬
tans, who probably reckoned their years according to
the reigns of the emperors they were fubjeft to, till the
time they fell under the jurifdidtion of the Mahometans,
under which they live at this day ; and they reckon
their year by the Hegira, or, as they fpeak, according
to the reign of Ithmael, or the IShmaelites. Such of
our readers as defire to be further acquainted with the
hiSlory of the ancient Samaritans, we refer to the w^orks
of Jofephus, where they wall find that fubjett largely
treated of.
As to their belief, it is obje&ed to them, that they
receive only the Pentateuch, and reject all the other
books^of Scripture, chiefly the prophets, who have more
exprefsly declared the coming of the Mefliah They
have alfo been accufed of believing God to be corpo¬
real, of denying the Holy Ghoft, and the refurreftion
of the dead. Jefus Chriil reproaches them (John iv.
2 2.) with worshipping they know not what ; and in the
place already referred to he feems to exclude them from
falvation, when he fays, that “ Salvation is of the
Jews.” I rue it is, that thefe words might only Signify,
that the Mefliah was to proceed from the Jews ; but
the crime of fchifm alone, and a feparation from the
true church, was fufficient to exclude them from falva¬
tion. i he Samaritan woman is a fufficient teilimony
that the Samaritans expe&ed a Meffiah, who they
hoped would clear up all their doubts (John iy. 25.).
Several of the inhabitants of Shechem believed at the
preaching of Jefus Chrifl, and feveral of Samaria be-
4
lieved at that of St Philip ; but it is faid, they foon fell Samaritans,
back to their former errors, being perverted by Simon —v-—
Magus.
The Samaritans at prefcnt are very few in number.
Jofeph Scnliger, being curious to knowr their ufages,
wrote to the Samaritans of Egypt, and to the high
pried of the whole Sect who refided at Neapolis in Sy¬
ria. They returned two anfwers to Scaliger, dated in the
year of the Hegira 998. Thefe were preferved in the
French king’s libra'ry, and were translated into Latin
by Father Morin, and printed in England in the collec¬
tion of that father’s letters, in 1682, under the title of
Antiquitates Ecclejict Orientals. By thefe letters it ap¬
pears, that they believe in God, in his fervant Mofes,
the holy law, the mountain Gerizim, the houfe of
God, the day of vengeance and of peace ; that they
value themfelves upon obferving the law' of Moles in
many points more rigidly than the Jews themfelves. 
They keep the fabbath with the utmoft ftri&nefs re¬
quired by the law, without ftirring from the place they
are in, but only to the fynagogue. They go not out
of the city, and abftain from their wives on that
day. They never delay circumcifion beyond the eighth
day. They Slill facrifice to this day in the temple on
Mount Gerizim, and give to the pried what is en¬
joined by the law. They do not marry their own
nieces, as the Jews do, nor do they allow' themfelves a
plurality of wives. Their hatred for the Jews may be
feen through all the hillory of Jofephus, and in feveral
places of the New Tedament. d he Jewifli hidorian
informs us, that under the government of Coponius,
one paffover night, when they opened the gates of the
temple, fome Samaritans had Scattered the bones of dead
men there, to infult the Jews, and to interrupt the de¬
votion of the fedival. dire evangelids drew us, that
the Jew's and Samaritans held no correfpondence toge¬
ther (John iv. 9.) “ The Jews have no dealings
with the Samaritans.” And the Samaritan woman of
Sychar was much furprifed that Jefus talked with her,
and afked drink of her, being a Samaritan. When our
Saviour lent his apolTes to preach in Judea, he forbade
them to enter into the Samaritan cities, (Mat. x. 5.) ;
becaufe he looked upon them as fchifmatics, and as
drangers to the covenant of Ifrael. One day when he
fent his difciples to provide him a lodging in one of the
cities of the Samaritans, they v'ould not entertain him,
becaufe they perceived he was going to Jerufalem.
(Luke ix. 53. 53.) “ Becaufe his face wras as though he
would go to Jerufalem.” And when the Jews were
provoked at the reproaches of Jefus Chrid, they told
him he was a Samaritan (John viii. 48.), thinking they
could fay nothing more fevere againd him. Jofephus
relates, that fome Samaritans having killed feveral Jews
as they were going to the fead at Jerufalem, this ec-
cafioned a kind of a war between them. The Sama¬
ritans continued their fealty to the Romans, when the
Jews revolted from them ; yet they did not efcape
from being involved in fome of the calamities of their
neighbours.
There are dill at this day fome Samaritans at Shechem,
otherwife called Naploufe. They have prieds there,
w'ho fay they are of the family of Aaron. They have a
high-p ried, who refides at Shechem, or at Gerizim, who
offers facrifices there, and who declares the fead of the
paffover,
S AM [ 481 ] s A M
‘Sambueus, paflbver, and all the other feafts, to all the diiperfed
. S'u^iels- i Samaritans. Some of them are to be found at Gaza,
feme at Damafcus, and fome at Grand Cairo.
SAMEUCUS, ELDER, a genus of plants belonging
to the pentandria clafs j and in the natural method
ranking under the 43d order, Dumofce. See Botany
Index.
All the forts of elder are of the deciduous tribe, very
hardy, and grow freely anywhere j are generally free
thooters, but particularly the common elder and varie¬
ties, which make remarkably llrong, jointed (hoots, of
feveral feet in length, in one feafon j and they flower
moftly in fummer, except the racemofe elder, which
generally begins flowering in April j and the branches
being large, fpreading, and very abundant, are exceed¬
ingly conipicuous; but they emit a difagreeable odour.
The flowers are fucceeded in moft of the forts by large
bunches of ripe berries in autumn, which, although very
unpalatable to eat, are in high eftimation for making
that well known cordial liquor called elder wine, parti¬
cularly the common black-berried elder. In gardening,
the elder is both ufeful and ornamental, efpecially in ex-
tenfive grounds.
SAMIAN EARTH, in the materia medica, the name
of two fpecies of marl ufed in medicine, viz. 1. The white
kind, called by the ancients collyrium famium, being
aflringent, and therefore good in diarrhoeas, dylenteries,
and hsemorrhagies ; they alfo ufed it externally in in¬
flammations of all kinds. 2. The brownifh white kind,
called after famius by Diofcorides} this alfo Hands re¬
commended as an aftringent.
SAMIELS, the Arabian name of a hot wind pecu¬
liar to the defert of Arabia. It blows over the defert
Ives's Voy. months of July and Augufl from the north-weft
age from quarter, and fometimes it continues with all its violence
England to to the very gates of Bagdad, but never affedts any body
India m within the walls. Some years it does not blow at all,
ancj jn others it appears fix, eight, or ten times, but
feldom continues more than a few minutes at a time. It
often paflfes with the apparent quicknefs of lightning.
The Arabians and Perfians, who are acquainted with
the appearance of the fky at or near the time this wind
arifes, have warning of its approach by a thick haze,
which appears like a cloud of dull: arifing out of the
horizon ; and they immediately upon this appearance
throw themfelves with their faces to the ground, and
continue in that pofition till the wind is pafled, which
frequently happens almoft inftantaneoufly ; but if, on the
contrary, they are not careful or brilk enough to take
this precaution, which is fometimes the cafe, and they
get the full force of the wind, it is inftant death.
The above method is the only one which they take to
avoid the effedts of this fatal blaft j and when it is over,
they get up and look round them for their companions •,
and if they fee any one lying motionlefs, they take hold
of an arm or leg, and pull and jerk it with fome force ;
and if the limb thus agitated feparates from the body,
it is a certain fign that the wand has had its full effedl 5
but if, on the contrary, the arm or leg does not come
away, it is a fure fign there is life remaining, although
to every outward appearance the perfon is dead ; and
in that cafe they immediately cover him or them with
clothes, and adminifter fome warm diluting liquor to
caufe a perfpiration, which is certainly but (lowly
brought about.
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
The Arabs themfelves can fay little or nothing about Samieis
the nature of this wind, only that it always leaves be-
hind it a very ftrong fulphureous fmell, and that |the air . Sam05,,
at thefe times is quite clear, except about the horizon,
in the north-weft quarter, before obferved, which gives
warning of its approach. We have not been able to
learn whether the dead bodies are fcorched, or diflblved
into a kind of gelatinous fubltance j but from the ftories
current about them, there has been frequent reafon to
believe the latter ; and in that cafe fuch fatal effebls may
be attributed rather to a noxious vapour than to an ab-
folute and exceflive heat. The ftory of its going to
the gates of Bagdad and no farther may be reafonably
enough accounted for, if the effedls are attributed to a
poifonous vapour, and not an exceflive heat. The above-
mentioned wind, Samiel, is fo w'dl known in the neigh¬
bourhood of Bagdad and Baffora, that the very children
fpeak of it with dread.
SAMOGITIA, a province of Poland, bounded on
the north by Courland, on the eaft by Lithuania, on
the weft by the Baltic fea, and on the fouth by Regal
Pruflia, being about 175 miles in length and 125 in
breadth. It is full of forefts and very high mountains,
which feed a great number of cattle, and produce a
large quantity of honey. There are alfo very aftive
horfes, in high efteem. The inhabitants are clownifli,
but honeft ; and they will not allow a young woman to
go out in the night without a candle in her hand and
two bells at her girdle. Roffenna and Wormia are the
principal places.
SAMOIEDA, a country of the Ruflian empire, be¬
tween Afiatic Tartary and Archangel, lying along the
fea-coaft as far as Siberia. The inhabitants are extreme¬
ly rude and barbarous. They travel on the fnow on
fledges, drawn by an animal like a rein-deer, but with-
the horns of a flag. Their ftature is fhort j their (boul¬
ders and faces are broad, with flat broad nofes, hanging
lips, and flaring eyes j their complexion is dark, their
hair long and black •, and they have very little beard. If
they have any religion at all, it is idolatry, though
there has been fome attempts of late to convert them.
Their huts are made of birch bark fewed together, and
laid upon flakes fet in the ground ; at the top is a hole
to let out the fmoke; the fire is made in the middle,
round which they repofe in the night.—Their chief em¬
ployment is hunting and fiftiing.
SAMOLUS, WATER PIMPERNEL j a genus of plants
belonging to the pentandria clafs, and in the natural
method ranking under the 21ft order, Free ice. See Bo¬
tany Index.
SAMOS, in Ancient Geography, an ifland at no great
diftance from the promontory Mycale, on the continent
of the Hither Alia, and oppofite to Ephefus ; the dif¬
tance only feven ftadia (Strabo) ; a free ifland, in com-
pafs 87 miles (Pliny) 5 or 100 (Ifidorus); with a cog-
nominal town (Ptolemy, Horace) *, famous for the wor-
fliip and a temple of Juno, with a noted afylum (Virgil,
Strabo, Tacitus) ; and hence their coin exhibited a
peacock ( Athenseus) : The country of Pythagoras, who,
to avoid the oppreflion of tyrants, retired to Italy, the
land of freedom. Samos, though not fo happy in pro¬
ducing wine, which Strabo winders at, all the adjoin¬
ing iflands yielding a generous fort, yet abounds in
all the neceflaries of life. The Vafa Sarnia, among
earthen ware, wrere held in high repute. Satnii, the peo-
3 P Ple
SAM [ 48
s. pie (Ovid).-—The ifland is now in the hands of the
n’ Turks. It is about 32 miles in length, and 22 in
breadth, and extremely fertile. The inhabitants live at
their cafe, their taxation by the Turks being moderate.
The women are very nafty and ugly, and they never
f'uft above once a month. They are clothed in the
Turkifh manner, except a red coif, and their hair
hanging down their backs, with plates of filver or
block-tin fattened to the ends.—They have abun¬
dance of melons, lentils, kidney-beans, and excel¬
lent mutkadine grapes. They have white figs four
times as big as the common fort, but not lo well tatted.
Their filk is very fine, and their honey and wax
admirable j betides which, their poultry are excel¬
lent : they have iron mines, and moil of the foil is
of a rufty colour: they have alfo emery ftone, and all
the mountains are of white marble. The inhabitants
are about 12,000, who are almott all Greeks ■, and the
monks and prietts occupy rnoft part of the itland.
They have a bithop wrho refides at Cora. See Poly-
CRATES.
Voy~ SAMPAN, is a Chinefc boat without a keel, look-
Cht- ing almolf like a trough 5 they are made of different di-
mentions, but are moftly covered. Thefe boats are as
long as Hoops, but broader, almolt like a baking
trough; and have at the end one or more decks of
bamboo Hicks: the cover or roof is made of bamboo
Hicks, arched over in the fhape of a grater ; and may
be ratfed or lowered at pleafure : the fides are made of
boards, with little holes, with (butters inftead of win¬
dows : the beards are fattened on both fides to pofts,
which have notches like Heps on the infide, that the
roof may be let down, and retl on them : on both ends
of the deck are commonly two little doors, at lead there
is one at the hindmeft end. A fine white fmooth car¬
pet fpread up as far as the boards makes the floor,
which in the middle confitt.s of ioofe boards 5 but this
carpet is only made ufe of to fleep on. As thefe boats
greatly differ from ours in thape, they are likewife row¬
ed in a different manner: for two rowers, polling them-
felves at the back end of the Tampan, work it forwards
very readily by the motion of two oars j and can al-
moff turn the veffel juft as they pleafe : the oars, which
are covered with a little hollow quadrangular iron, are
laid on iron fwivels, which are fafted in the tides of
the fampan : at the iron the oars are pieced, which
makes them look a little bent : in common, a row¬
er fits before with a fliort oar ; but this he is forced to
lay afide -when he comes near the city, on account of
the great throng of fampans j and this inconvenience
has confirmed the Chinefe in their old way of rowing.
Inftead of pitch, they make ufe of a cement like our
putty, which we call c/n'nam, but the Chinefe call it
kiang. Some authors fay that this cement is made of
lime and a refin exuding from the tree tong yea, and
bamboo ockam.
Betides a couple of chairs, they have the following
furniture : tw’o oblong tables or boards on which fome
Chinefe charaflers are drawn •, a lanthorn for the
night-time, and a pot to boil rice in. They have alfo
a little cover for their houfehold god, decorated with
gilt paper and other ornaments : before him Hands a pot
filled with allies, into which the tapers are put before
the idol. The candles are nothing elfe than bamboo
chips, to the upper end of which faw-dull of fandal-
2 ] SAN
wood is ftuck on with gum. Thefe tapers are every- Sampan
where lighted before the idols in the pagodas, and be- H
fore the doors in the ftreets ; and, in large cities, oc- SlU a-
cation a fmoke very pernicious to the eyes. Before this r ""
idol Hands fome favifo, or Chinefe brandy, water, &c.
We ought to try whether the Chinete would not like to
ufe juniper-wood inftead of iandal-wood •, which latter
comes from Suratte, and has almoft. the lame fmell with
juniper.
SAPidSON, one of the judges of Ifrael, memorable
for his fupernatural ftrength, his victories over the
Philiftines, and his tragical end, as related in the book
of Judges.
Samson's Po/J, a fort of pillar erefled in a (hip’s
hold, between the lower deck and the kelfon, under
the edge of a hatchway, and furniftied with feveral
notches that ferve as fteps to mount or defeend, as oc-
cafion requires. This poft being firmly driven into its
place, not only ferves to fupport the beam and fortify
the veffel in that place, but alfo to prevent the cargo or
materials contained in the hold, from thifting to the op-
pofite fide, by the rolling of the ftiip in a turbulent and
heavy lea.
Books of SAMUEL, two canonical books of the
Old Teftament, as being ufually aferibed to the prophet
Samuel.
The books of Samuel and the books of Kings are
a continued hitlory of the reigns of the kings of Ifiael
and Judah } for which reafon the bocks of Samuel are
likewife ftyled the frjh andft con d hooks of Kings. Since
the firft 24 chapters contain all that relates to the
Hiftory of Samuel, and the latter part of the firll
bock and all the ftcond include the relation of events
that happened after the death of that prophet, it has V
been fuppofed that Samuel was author only of the firft:
24 chapters, and that the prophets Gad and Nathan
finifhed the work. The firft book of Samuel compre¬
hends the tranfadlions under the government of Eli and
Samuel, and under Saul the firlt king •, and alfo the
afts of David while he lived under Saul; and is fup¬
pofed to contain the fpace of 101 years. The fecond
book contains the hiftory of about 40 years, and is
wholly fpent in relating the tranfadtions of David’s
reign.
SAMYDA, a genus of plants belonging to the de-
candria clafs; and in the natural method ranking with
thofe of which the order is doubtful. See Botany
Index.
SANA, or Sanaa, a large, populous, and-handfome
town of Afia, capital of Arabia Felix, is fituated in Travels by
Proper Yemen, at the foot of Mount Nikkum, on/'“,6”'
which are ftill to be feen the ruins of a cattle, which
the Arabs fuppofe to have been built by Shem. Near
this mountain Hands the cattle •, a rivulet runs upon the
other fide ; and near it is the Buftan el Metwokkel, a
fpacious garden, which was laid cut by Imam Metwok¬
kel, and has been embellithed with a fine garden by the
reigning imam. The walls of the city, which are built
of bricks, exclude this garden, which is inclofed within
a wall of its own. The city, properly fo called, is not
very extvnfive : one may walk round it all in an hour.
The city-gates are feven. Here are a number of
mofques, fome of which have been built by Turkith
pachas. Sana has the appearance of being more popu¬
lous than it actually is j for the gardens occupy a part
of'
S A N [ 4'
Sana. of tlie fpaee within the walls. In Sana are only 12
"'“v"—*-' public baths •, but many noble palaces, three of the molt
fplendid of which have been built by the reigning
imam. The palace of the late imam El Manzor, with
feme others, belong to the royal family, who are very
numerous.
The Arabian palaces are built in a (lyle of archi-
teclure different from ours. The materials, are, howr-
ever, burnt bricks, and fometimes even hewn Hones j
but the houfes of the common people are of bricks
which have been dried in the lun. There are no glafs
windows, except in one palace, near the citadel. The
reft of the houfes have, inftead of windows, merely {but¬
ters, which are opened in fair weather, and ftrut when
it is foul. In the laft cafe, the houfe is lighted by a
round wicket, fitted with a piece of Mufcovy glafs;
fome of the Arabians ufe fmall panes of ftained glafs from
Venice.
At Sana, and in the other cities of the Eaft, are
great fimferas or caravanferas for merchants and travel¬
lers. Each different commodity is fold in a feparate
market. In the market for bread, none but women are
to be feen ; and their little {hops are portable. The fe-
veral claffes of mechanics work, in the fame manner, in
particular quarters in the open ftreet. Writers go
about with their defies, and make out brieves, copy¬
books, and inftruct fcholars in the art of writing, all
at the fame time. There is one market where old clothes
are taken in exchange for new.
Wood for the carpenter’s purpofe is extremely dear
through Yemen ; and wood for the fire at Sana is no lefs
fo. All the hills near the city are bleak and bare, and
wood is therefore to be brought hither from the diftance
of three days journey ; and a camel’s burthen commonly
cofts two crowns. This fcarcity of wood is particularly
fupplied by the ufe of a little pit-coal. Peats are burnt
here ; but they are fo bad, that ftraw muft be intermix¬
ed to make them burn.
Fruits are, however, very plenteous at Sana. Here are
more than 20 different fpecies of grapes, which, as they
do not all ripen at the fame time, continue to afford a
delicious refrefhment for feveral months. The Arabs
likewife preferve grapes, by hanging them up in their
cellars, and eat them almoft through the whole year.
The Jews make a little wine, and might make more if
the Arabs were not fuch enemies to ftrong liquors. A
Jew convifted of conveying wine into an Arab’s houfe is
feverely punifned ; nay, the Jews muft even ufe great
caution in buying and felling it among themfelves.
Great quantities of grapes are dried here ; and the "ex¬
portation of raifins from Sana is confiderable. One fort
of thefe grapes is without ftones, and contains only a
foft grain, the prefence of which is not perceptible in
eating the raifin.
In the caftle, w'hich Hands on a hill, are two palaces.
I faw (fays Niebuhr) about it fome ruins of old build-
ings, but, notwithftanding the antiquity of the place, no
.remarkable inferiptions. There is the mint, and a range
of prifons for perfons of different ranks. The reigning
imam refides in the city ; but feveral princes of the
blood-royal live in the caftle. The battery is the moft
elevated place about thele buildings ; and there I met
with what I had no expe<5fation of, a German mortar,
with this infeription, Jorg Se/os Gofmick, 1513. I faw
alfo upon the fame battery feven iron cannons, partly
3 ] SAN
buried in the fund, and partly fet upon broken carriages. Sana,
Thefe feven imall cannons, with fix others near the S:lnbali:'‘t'
gates, which are fired to announce the return of the dif¬
ferent feftivals, are all the artillery of the capital of
Yemen.”
SANADON, Noel Etienne, a Jefuit, was born at
Rouen in 1676, and was a dillinguiftred profeffor of hu¬
manity at Caen. He there became acquainted with
Huet biftiop of Avranches, wftiofe tafte for literature and
poetry w;as fimilar to his own. Sanadon afterwards
taught rhetoric at the univerfity of Paris, and was en-
trufted with the education of the prince of Conti, after
the death of Du Morceau. In 1728 he was made lib¬
rarian to Louis XIV. an office which he retained to his
death. Pie died on the 2xft September 1733> *n
58th year of his age.
Plis works are, 1. Latin Poems, in i2mo, I7I5>
and reprinted by Barbou, in 8vo, 1754- His ftyle
poffeffes the graces of the Auguftan age. His lan¬
guage is pure and nervous; his verfes are harmonious,
and his thoughts are delicate and well chofen ; but
fometimes bis imagination flags. His Latin poems
confift of Odes, Elegies, Epigrams, and others, on va¬
rious fubjects. 2. A tranflation of Horace, with Re¬
marks, in 2 vols. 410, printed at Paris in 1727 ; but
the beft edition of this work was printed at Amfterdam
in 1735, in 8 vols. 1 2mo, in which are alfo inferted the
verfions and notes of M. Dacier. Sanadon tranflated
with elegance and tafte ; but be has not preferved the
fublimity of the original in the odes, nor the energy
and precifion in the epiflles and fatires. In general,
his verfion is rather a paraphrafe than a faithful tranf¬
lation. Learned men have juftly cenfured him for the
liberty which he has taken in making confiderable
changes in the order and ftrufture of the odes. He
has alfo given offence by his uncouth orthography. 3.
A Colleftion of Difcourfes delivered at different times,
which afford ftrong proofs of his knowledge of oratory
and poetry. 4. A book entitled Pn'eres et Injlruciions
Chretiennes.
SANE ALL AT, the chief or governor of the Cu-
thites or Samaritans, was always a great enemy to the
Jews. He was a native of Horon, or Horonaim, a
city beyond Jordan, in the country of the Moabites,
lie lived in the time of Nehemiah, who was his great
opponent, and from whofe book we learn his hiftory.
There is one circumftance related of him which has oc-
cafioned fome difpute among the learned ; and the ftate
of the queftion is as follow’s : When Alexander the
Great came into Phoenicia, and fat down before the
city of Tyre, Sanballat quitted the interefts of Darius
king of Perfia, and -went at the head of 8000 men to
offer his fervice to Alexander. This prince readily en¬
tertained him, and being much folicited by him, gave
him leave to ereft a temple upon Mount Gerizim, where
he conftituted his fon in-law Manaffeh the high-prieft.
But this ftory carries a flagrant anachronifm : for 120
years before this, that is, in the year of the world.
35^0, Sanballat w7as governor of Samaria; W’herefore
the learned Dr Prideaux (in his Connexion of the Hi-
ftories of the Old and New Teftament) fuppofes two
Sanballats, and endeavours to reconcile it to truth and
probability, by ftiowing it to be a miftake of Jofephus.
This author makes Sanballat to flourifh in the time of
Darius Codomannus, and to build his temple upon
3 P 2 Mount
SAN [ .484 ]
Saiifcallat, Mount Gerizim by licencc'from Alexander the Great; to the work
Sandionia-whercaS ^ was performed by leave from Darius No-
1 thus, in the jjlh year of his reign. This takes away
the dithculiy arifing from the great age of Sanballat,
and brings him to be contemporary with Nehemiah, as
the Scripture hiftory requires.
SANCHEZ, Francois, called in Latin Sanfiius,
was of Las Brocas in Spain, and has been dignified by his
own countrymen with the pompous titles ot le Vere de
la Langue La line, et le DoEleur de tons les Gens de letires.
He wrote, 1. An excellent treatife intitled Minerva, or de
Caujis Lingfue Latince, which was publiflied at Am tier-
dam in 1714, in 8vo. The authors of the Port-Royal
Methode de la Langue Latine have been much indebted
to this work. 2. The Art of Speaking, and the Me¬
thod of tranflating Authors. 3. Several other learned
pieces on grammar. He died in the year 1600, in his
77 th year.
We mutt be careful to diftinguilh him from another
Franfois Sanche%, who died at Touloufe in 1632. This
laft was a Portuguefe phyfician who fettled at Touloufe,
and, though a Chritfian, wTas born of Jewilh parents.
He is faid to have been a man of genius and a philofo-
pher. His works have been colledfed under the title of
Opera Medico. His junfit funt trafiatus quidam plnlo-
fophici non infubtiles. They were printed at Touloufe
in 1636.
SANCHONIATHO, a Phenician philofopher and
hiftorian, who is faid to have tiourithed before the Tro¬
jan war about the time of Semiramis. Of this moft
ancient worker, the only remains extant are fundry frag¬
ments of cofmogony, and of the hiftory of the gods and
firft mortals, preferved by Eufebius and Theodoret ;
both of whom fpeak of Sanchoniatho as an accurate
and faithful hiftorian ; and the former adds, that his
work, which was tranflatea by Philo-Byblius from the
Phenician into the Greek language, contains many
things relating to the hiftory ot the Jews which de-
ferve great credit, both becaufe they agree with the
Jewifh writers, and becaufe the author received thefe
particulars from the annals of Hierombalus, a prieft of
the god Jao^
Several modern writers, howrever, of great learning,
have called in queftion the very exiftence of Sanchonia¬
tho, and have contended with much plaufibility, that
the fragments which Eufebius adopted as genuine upon
the authority of Porphyry, w’ere forged by that author,
or the pretended tranflator Philo, from enmity to the
Chriftians, and that the Pagans might have fomething
to fhow of equal antiquity with the books of Mofes.
Thefe oppofite opinions have produced a controverfy
that has filled volumes, and of which our limits would
hardly admit of an abftraft. We (hall therefore in few
words ftate what to us appears to be the truth, and refer
fuch of our readers as are defirous of fuller information
tho.
SAN
of the authors (a) mentioned at the bot- Sjr.chonia*
tom of the page. L
The controverfy refpecting Sanchoniatho refolves it-
felf into two queftions : 1. YVas there in reality fuch a
writer ?- 2. Was he of the very remote antiquity which
his,tranflator claims for him ?
That there was really fuch a writer, and that the
fragments preferved by Eufebius are indeed parts of his
hiftory, interpolated perhaps by the tranilator (li), we
are compelled to believe by the following reafons. Eu¬
febius, who admitted them into his W’ork as authentic,
was one of the moft learned men of his age, and a dili¬
gent fearcher into antiquity. His conduct at the Ni-
cene council (hows, that on every fubjeCf he thought for
himfelf, neither biaffed by authority to the one fide, nor
carried over by the rage of innovation to the other. He
had better means than any modern writer can have of
fatisfying himfelf with refpeft to the authenticity of a
very extraordinary work, wdiich had then but lately
been tranflated into the Greek language, and made ge¬
nerally known; and there is nothing in the work itfelf,
or at leaft in thofe parts of it which he has preferved,
that could induce a wife and good man to obtrude it
upon the public as genuine, had he himfelf fufpe&ed it
to be fpurious. "boo many of the Chriftian fathers were
indeed very credulous, and ready to admit the authenti¬
city of writings without duly weighing the merits of
their claim ; but then fuch writings were always belie¬
ved to be favourable to the Chriftian caufe, and inimical
to the caufe of Paganifm. That no man of common
fenfe could fuppofe the cofmogony of Sanchoniatho fa¬
vourable to the caufe of revealed religion, a farther
proof cannot be requifite than what is furnifhed by the
following extraff.
“ He fuppofeth, or affirms, that the principles of the
univerfe were a dark and windy air, or a wind made of
dark air, and a turbulent evening chaos ; and that thefe
things wrere boundlefs, and for a long time had no
bound or figure. But when this wind fell in love with
his own principles, and a mixture was made, that mix¬
ture was called defire or cupid (yrdoi).
“ This mixture completed, was the beginning of
the (tcnriMs) making of all things. But that wind did
not know its own production ; and of this, with that
wind was begotten Mot, which feme call Mud. others
the putrefaCfion of a watery mixture. And of this
came all the feed of this building, and the generation of
the univerfe.
“ But there were certain animals, which had no fenfe,
out of which were begotten intelligent animals, and were
called Z.ophefemin, that is, the fpies or oveifeers of Hea-
bnd wrere formed alike in the fliape of an egg.
Thus fhone out Mot, the fun and the moon, the lefs and
the greater ftars.
“ And the air fliining thoroughly with light, by its
fiery
(a) Bochart, Scaliger, Vofiius, Cumberland, Dodwell, Stillingfleet., Mofheim’s Cud worth, and Warburton.
(b) Of thefe there are indeed feverai proofs. Philo makes Sanchoniatho fpeak of B'yblus as the moft ancient city
of Phenicia, w'hich, in all probability, it was not. We read in the book of Judges of Perilh or Berytus, the city
where Sanchoniatho himfelf lived ; but not of Byblus, which was the native city of Philo, and to which he is there¬
fore partial. He makes him likewife talk of the Greeks at a period long before any of the Grecian ftates were
known or probably peopled.
SAN [ 485 1 SAN
SancWiia- fiery influence on the Tea and earth, winds were begot-
. t’1>'> ten, and clouds and great defluxions of the heavenly wa¬
ters. And when all thefe things firil: were parted, and
were feparated from their proper place by the heat of
the fun, and then all met again in the air, and daihed
againfl: one another, and were fo broken to pieces j
whence thunders and lightnings were made : and at
the flroke of thefe thunders the fore-mentioned intelli¬
gent animals were awakened, and frighted with the
found ; and male and female itirred in the earth and in
the fea : This is their generation of animals.
“ After thefe things our author (Sanchoniatho)
goes on faying : Thefe things are written in the Cof-
mogony of Taautus, and in his memoirs ; and out of the
conjectures, and lurer natural figns which his mind
faw, and found out, and wherewith he hath enlighten¬
ed us. &
“ Afterwards declaring the names of the winds, north
and fouth and the reft, he makes this epilogue. ‘ But
thefe firlt men confecrated the plants fhooting out of the
earth, and judged them gods, and worfliipped them j
upon whom they themfelves lived, and all their polterity
and all before them : to thefe they made their meat and
drink offerings.’ Then he concludes : ‘ thefe were the
devices of worfhip agreeing with the weaknefs and want
of boldnefs in their minds.”
Let us fuppofe Lufebius to have been as weak and
credulous as the darkeit monk in the darkeft age of
Europe, a fuppofition which no man will make" who
knows any thing of the writings of that eminent hifto-
rian j what could he fee in this fenfelefs jargon, which
even a dreaming monk would think of employing in
fupport of Chriftianity ? Eufebius calls it, and calls
it truly, direct atheifm ; but could he imagine that an
ancient fyflem of atheifm would contribute fo much to
make the Pagans of his age admit as divine revelations
the books of the Old and New Teftaments, that he
fliould be induced to adapt, without examination, an
impudent forgery not 200 years old as genuine remains
of the mofl: remote antiquity ?
If this Phenician cofmogony be a fabrication of Por¬
phyry, or of the pretended tranflator, it muft furely have
been fabricated for fome purpofe ; but it is impoflible for
us to conceive what purpofe either of thefe writers could
have intended to ferve by forging a fyftem fo extrava¬
gantly abfurd. Porphyry, though an enemy to the
Chriflians, was not an atheifl, and would never have
thought of making an atheift of him whom he meant
to obtrude upon the world as the rival of Mofes. His
own principles were thofe of the Alexandrian Platoniflsj
and had he been the forger of the works which bear
the name of Sanchoniatho, inftead of the incomprehen-
fiMe jargon about dark wind, evening chaos, Mot, the
overfeers of heaven in the fhape of an egg, and animation
proceeding from the found of thunder, we Ihould doubtlefs
nave been, amufed with refined fpeculations concerning
the operations m the Demiurgus and the other perfons
in the Platonic 'I xiad. See Platonism and Porphy¬
ry.
*Bib.Crit ^at1ner Simon of the oratory imagines* that the
vol. i.*p ' ' purpofe for which the hiftory of Sanchoniatho was
140. forged, was to fupport Paganifm, by taking from it its
mythology and allegories, which were perpetually ob-
je&ed to it by the Chriftian writers •, but this learned
rnan totally miflakes the matter. The primitive Chri¬
flians were, too much attached to allegories themfelves SanrkonJa.
to reft their obje<5tions to Paganilm on fiich a founda-1 tbo.
tion : what they objected to that fyftem was the irnmo- v '
ral ft ones told ot the pnefts. JLo this tne Pagan priefts
and pbiiofophers replied, that thefe ftories were only
mythiologic allegories, which veiled all the great truths of
1 neology, Ethics, and Phyfics. ihe Chriftians laid,
this couici not be j ior that the fiones of the gods had
a fubftantial foundation in fact, thefe gods being only
dead men deified, who, in life, had like patTions and in¬
firmities with other mortals. This then was the objec¬
tion which the forger of the works of Sanchoniatho
had to remove, ii lie really forged them in fupport of
Paganifm ; but, inftead of doing fo, he gives the genea¬
logy and hiftory of all the greater gods, and {hows, that
they were men deified after death for the exploits, fome
of. them grolsly immoral, which they had performed in
this world. We have elfewhere (Polytheism, N° 17.)
given his account of the deification of Chryfor, and 0u~
janos, and Ge, and liypffos, and Alulh ; but our rea¬
ders may not perhaps be ill plealed to accompany him
through the hiftory of Ouranos and Crtnus, two of his
greateft gods 5 whence it will appear how little his wri¬
tings are calculated to fupport the tottering caufe of
Paganifm againft the objeftions which were then urged
to it by the Chriftian apologiits.
“ Ouranos (fays lie), taking the kingdom of his fa¬
ther, married Ge his filler, and by her had four Tons j
Hus, who is called Cronus; Betylus; Dagon, who is St-
ton, or \.\\t god of corn; and Atlas. But by other wives
Ouranos had much iflue, wherefore Ge being grieved at
it and jealous, reproached Ouranos, fo as they parted
from each other. But Ouranos, though he parted from,
her, yet by force invading her, and lying with her when
he lifted, went away again 5 and he alfo attempted to
kill the children he had by her. Ge alfo often defend¬
ed or avenged herfelf, gathering auxiliary powers unto
her. But when Cronus came to man’s age, ufing Her¬
mes Trifmegiftus as his counfellor and affiftant (for he
was his fecretary), he oppofed his father Ouranos
avenging his mother. But Cronus had children, Per-
fephone and Athena 5 the former died a virgin, but by
the counfel of the latter Athena, and of Hermes, Cro¬
nus made of iron a feimitar and a fpear. Then Her¬
mes, fpeaking to the aftiftants of Cronus with enchant¬
ing, words, wrought in them a keen defire to fight
againft Ouranos in the behalf of Ge 5 and thus Cronus
warring againft Ouranos, drove him out of his kingdom,
and lucceeded in the imperial power or office. In the
fight was taken a well-beloved concubine of Ouranos
ig with child. Cronus gave her in marriage to Da¬
gon and flic brought forth at his houfe what (he had
in her womb by Ouranos, and called him Demaroon.
After thefe things Cronus builds a wall round about
his houfe, and founds Byblus the firft city in Phenicia.
Afterwards Cronus, fufpeding his own brother Atlas,
with the advice of Hermes, throwing him into a deep
hole of the earth, there buried him, and having a fon
called Sadid, lie difpatched him with his own °fword,
having a fufpicion of him, and deprived his own fon of
j. Wlth h5s 0W11 hand. Pie alfb cut off the head of
his own daughter, fo that all the gods were amazed at
the mind of Cronus. But in procefs of time, Ouranos
being in. flight, or baniffiment, fends his daughter A-
ftarie, with two other fifters Rhea and Dione, to cut
off
SAN
Sunclionia
tho.
# Apud Eu-
fsb. Preep.
E-vang.
lib. i. cap. 6,
f Geogr.
Sac. p. 2.
book 2. lib.
2. cap. 17.
• ofr Cronus by deceit, wlion Cronus taking, made wives
j of thefe filters. Ouranos, underltanding this, fent Ei-
marmene and Hore, Fate and Beauty, with other auxili¬
aries, to war againlt him : but Cronus, having gained
the affedions of thefe alfo, kept them with himfelf.
Moreover, the god Ouranos deviled Bcetulia, contrivhfg
itones that moved as having life. But Cronus begat
on Aftarte feven daughters called Titanides or Artemides;
and he begat on Rhea feven fons, the youngeft of whom,
as foon as he was born, was confecrated a god. Alfo
by Dione he had daughters, and by Altarte moreover
two fons, Polhos and Erar, i. e. Cupid and Love. But
Dagon, after he had found out bread, corn, and the
plough, was called Zeus Arotrius. To Sydyc, or the
jujl, one of the Titanides bare Afclepius. Cronus had
alfo in Percea three fons, 1. Cronus his father’s name-
fake. 2. Zeus Be/us. 3. Apol/oP
Is it conceivable, that a writer fo acute as Porphyry,
or indeed that any man of common fenfe, either in his
age or in that of Philo, would forge a book filled with
fuch dories as thefe, in order to remove the Chriftian
objections to the immoral charafters of the Pagan di¬
vinities > The very fuppofition is impoffible to be made.
Nor let any one imagine that Sanchoniatho is here
writing allegorically, and by his tales of Ouranos, and
Ge and Cronus, is only perfonifying the heaven, the
earth, and time. On the contrary, he affures us, that
Ouranos, or Epigcus, or Autochthon (for he gives him
all thefe names) was the fon of one Eliaun or Hypjijios,
who dwelt about Byblus, and that from him the ele¬
ment which is over us was called heaven, on account of
its excellent beauty, as the earth was named Ge after
his filter and wife. And his tranflator is very angry *
with the Neotoric Greeks, as he calls them, becaufe
that, “ by a great deal of force and draining, they la-
■ boured to turn all the dories of the gods into allegories
and phyfical difcourfes.” This proves unanfwerably,
that the author ef this book, whoever he was, did not
mean to veil the great truths of religion under the cloak
of mythologic allegories 5 and therefore, if it was forged
by Porphyry in fupport of Paganifm, the forger fo far
miftook the date of the quedion between him and his
adverfaries, that he contrived a book, which, if admitted
to be ancient, totally overthrew his own caufe.
The next thing to be inquired into with refpe<5f to
Sanchoniatho is his antiquity. Bid he really live and
write at fo early a period as Porphyry and Philo pre¬
tend ? We think he did not j and what contributes not
a little to confirm us in our opinion, is that mark of na¬
tional vanity and partiality, common to after-times, in
making the facred myderies of his own country original,
and conveyed from Phenicia into Egypt. This, how¬
ever, furntlhes an additional proof that Porphyry was
not the forger ef the work ; for he well knew that the
myderies had their origin in Egypt (fee Mysteries"),
and would not have fallen into fuch a blunder. He is
guilty, indeed, of a very great anachronifm, when he
makes Sanchoniatho contemporary with Semiramis, and
yet pretends that what he cvrites of the Jews is compiled
from the records of Hierombalus the pried of the god
Jao ; for Bochart has made it appear in the highed de¬
gree probable f, that Hieromha'us or Jeromb baalis the
Jerub-baal or Gideon of Scripture.
Between, the reign of Semiramis and the Trojan war
a period elapfed of near 800 years, whereas Gideon flou-
2
[ 486 ]
S A N
rifted not above feventy years before the dedru6tion of Sanchonia-
Troy. But fuppofing Sanchoniatho to have really con- tlK’-
fulted the records of Gideon, it by no means follows' v J
that he flouridied at the fame period with that judge of
Ifrael. He fpeaks of the building of Tyre as an an¬
cient thing, while our bed chronologers J place it in j. Scan (r
the time of Gideon. Indeed, were we certain that any
writings had been left by that holy man, we fiiould be
obliged to conclude, that a large tra£f of time had in¬
tervened between the death of their author and their
falling into the hands of Sanchoniatho j for, furely, they
could not, in a diort period, have been fo completely
corrupted as to give any countenance to his impious
abfurdities. His atheidic cofmogony he does not in¬
deed pretend to have got from the annals of the pried
of Jao, but from records which were depofited in his
own town of Berytus by Thoth a Phenician philofo-
pher, who was afterwards made king of Egypt. But
furely the annals of Gideon, if written by himfelf,
and preferved pure to the days of Sanchoniatho, mud
have contained fo many truths of the Mofaic religion,
as mud have prevented any man of fenfe from adopting
fo impodlble a theory as Thoth’s, though fanffioned by
the greated name of profane antiquity. Stillingfleet
indeed thinks it mod probable that Sanchoniatho be¬
came acquainted with the mod remarkable pafiages of
the life of Jerub-baal from annals written by a Phenician
pen. He obferves, that immediately after the death of
Gideon, the Ifraelites, with their ufual pronenefs to
idolatry, wordiipped Baal-berith, or the idol of Berytus,
the town in which Sanchoniatho Jived ; and from this
circumdance he concludes that there mud have been
fuch an intercourfe between the Hebrews and Berytians,
that in procefs of time the latter people might affume
to themfelves the Jerub-baal of the former, and hand
down his aftions to poderity as thofe of a pried in¬
dead of a great commander. All this may be true j
but if fo, it amounts to a demondration that the anti¬
quity of Sanchoniatho is not fo high by many ages as
that which is claimed for him by Philo and Porphyry,
though he may dill be more ancient, as we think Vof-
fius has proved him to be *, than any other profane hr- # D r/.,;
dorian whofe writings have come down to us eithir en- Orel. libd.
tire or in fragments. Cap. 1.
But granting the authenticity of Sanchoniatho’s hi-
dory, what, it may be afleed, is the value of his frag¬
ments, that we diould be at any trouble to afeertarn
whether they be genuine remains of high antiquity, or
the forgeries of a modern impodor > We anfwer, with
the illudrious Stillingfleet, that though thefe fragments
contain fuch abfurdities as it would be a difgrace to rea-
fon to fuppofe credible ; though the whole cofmogony
is the grofied fink of atheifm ; and though many perfons
make a figure in the hidory, whofe very exidence may
well be doubted ; yet we, who have in our hands the
light of divine revelation, may in this dungeon difeover
many excellent relicks of ancient tradition, which throw
no feeble light upon many pafiages of holy feripture, as
they give us the origin and progrefs of that idolatry
which was fo long the opprobrium of human nature.
I hey furnifh too a complete refutation of tire extra¬
vagant chronology of the Chaldeans and Egyptians,
and fhow, if they be genuine, that the world is indeed
not older than it is faid to be by Mofes. We diall con¬
clude the article by earnedly recommending to our
readers
SAN [ 487 ] SAN
Sancreft readers an attentive perufal of Cumberland''s SANCHO-
l' NIATHO.
t an SANCROFT, William, archbifliop of Canterbu¬
ry, was born at Frefingfield in Suffolk in 1616; and
admitted into Emanuel college, Cambridge, in 1633.
In 1642 he was eledted a fellow; and, for refilling to
take the covenant, wras ejedfed from his fellowfhip. In
1660 he was chofen one of the univerfily preachers ;
and in 1663 was nominated to the deanry of York.
In 1664 he was inflalled dean of St Paul’s. In this
Ration he fet himfelf with unwearied diligence to repair
the cathedral, till the fire of London in 1666 employed
his thoughts on the more noble undertaking of rebuild¬
ing it, toward which he gave 1400I. He alfo rebuilt
the deanry, and improved its revenue. In 1668 he was
admitted archdeacon of Canterbury, on the king’s pre-
fentation. In 1677, being now prolocutor of the con¬
vocation, he w'as unexpedtedly advanced to the arch-
bifhopric of Canterbury. In 1687 he was committed
to the tower, with fix other bilhops, for prefenting a
petition to the king againll reading the declaration of
indulgence. Upon King James II.’s withdrawing him¬
felf, he concurred w'ith the lords in a declaration to the
prince of Orange for a free parliament, and due indul¬
gence to the P rote flan t diffenters. But when that prince
and his confort were declared king and queen, his grace
refufmg to take the oath to their majefties, he wras
fufipended and deprived.—He lived in a very private
manner till his death in 1693. learning, integrity,
and piety, made him an exalted ornament of the church.
He publilhed a volume in i2rno, intitled Modern Po¬
litics, taken from Machiavel, Borgia, and other feledt
authors ; Familiar Letters to Mr North, an 8vo pam¬
phlet ; and three of his fermons were printed together
after bis death.
SANCTIFICATION, the afl of fan&ifying, or
rendering a thing holy. The reformed divines define
fandlification to be an adl of God’s grace, by wLich
a perfon’s defires and affedlions are alienated from
the world ; and by which he is made to die to fin,
and to live to righteoufnefs; or, in other words, to
feel an abhorrence of all vice, and a love of religion and
virtue.
SANCTION, the authority given to a judicial adl,
by which it becomes legal and authentic.
SANCTORIUS, or Sanctorio, a mofl ingenious
and learned phyfician, wTas profeffor in the univerfity of
Padua, in the beginning of the 17th century. He con¬
trived a kind of flatical chair, by means of which, after
eflimating the aliments received, and the fenfible dif-
charges, he was enabled to determine with great exadl-
neis the quantity of infenfible perfpiration, as well as
what kind of vidluals and drink increafed or diminifhed
it. . On thefe experiments he eredled a curious fyflem,
which he publifhed under the title of De Medicina Sta-
tica ; which is tranflated into Englifh by Dr Quincy.
Sandlorius publifhed feveral other treatifes, which fhewed
great abilities and learning.
SANCJ UARY, among the Jews, alfo called Sanc¬
tum fanBorum, or Holy of holies, was the holiefl and
moft retired part of the temple of Jerufalem, in which
the ark of the covenant was preferved, and into which
none but the high-prieft was allowed to enter, and that
only once a year, to intercede for the people.
Some diilinguifh the fan&uary from the fan&um fanc-
torum, and maintain that the whole temple was called Sanduary,
the fanBuary. Sand.
I o try and examine any thing by the weight of the v
fanfluary, is to examine it by a juft and equal fcale ;
becaufe, among the Jews, it was the cuftom of the priefts
to keep Hone weights, to ferve as ftandards for regula¬
ting all weights by, though thefe were not at all different
from the royal or profane weights.
Sanctuary, in the Romifh church, is alfo ufed for
that part of the church in which the altar is placed, en-
compafi'ed with a rail or balluftrade.
Sanctuary, in our ancient cuftoms, the fame ivith
Asylum.
SAND, in Natural Hiflory, properly denotes fmall
particles of filiceous ftories. Sands are fubjeft to be
varioufly blended, both with different fubftances, as that
of talks, &.c. ; and hence, as well as from their va¬
rious colours, are fubdivided into, 1. White fands, whe¬
ther pure or mixedi with other arenaceous or heteroge¬
neous particles; of all which there are feveral kinds,
differing no lefs in the finenefs of their particles than in
the different degrees of colour, from a bright and fhining
white, to a brownifh, yellowifh, greenhh, &c. white.
2. j he red and reddifh fands, both pure and impure.
3. The yellow fands, whether pure or mixed, are alfo
very numerous. 4. The brown fands, diftinguifhed in
the fame manner. 5. The black fands, of wdiich there
are only two varieties, viz. a fine finning greyifh black
fand, and another of a fine fhining reddith-black colour,
6. I he green kind ; of which there is only one known
fpecies, viz. a coarfe variegated dufky green fand, com¬
mon in Virginia.
Sand is of great ufe in the glafs manufaflure ; a
white kind of land being employed for making of the
white glafs, and a coarfe greenilh-looking fand for the
green glafs.
In agriculture it feems to be the office of fand to ren¬
der unfluous cr clayey earths fertile, and fit to fupport
vegetables, by making them more open and loofe.
SjlND-Bags, in the art of war. See SACKS of
Earth.
Sand-EEL. See Ammodytes, Ichthyology In¬
dex.
SAND-Floods, a name given to the motion of fand fo
common in the deferts of Arabia. Mr Bruce gives the
following accurate defeription of fome that he faw in
travelling through that long and dreary defert. “ At
one o’clock (fays he) we alighted among fome acacia
trees at W aadi el Halboub, having gone twenty-one
miles. We rvere here at once furprifed and terrified by
a fight furcly one of the moft magnificent in the world.
In that vaft expanfe of defert from weft and to north-
weft of us, we faw a number of prodigious pillars of fand
at different diftances, at times moving with great celeri¬
ty, at others ftalking on with a majeftic flownefs: at in¬
tervals we thought they were coming in a ferv minutes
to overwhelm us ; and fmall quantities of fand did ac¬
tually more than once reach us. Again they would
retreat fo as to be almoft out of fight, their tops reach¬
ing to the very clouds. There the tops often feparated
from the bodies ; and thefe, once disjoined, difperfed
in the air, and did not appear more. Sometimes they
were broken near the middle, as if ftruck with a large
cannon (hot. About noon they began to advance with
confiderable fwiftnefs upon us, the wind being very
ftrong
SAN [ 488 ] SAN
Sand. ftrong at north. Eleven of them ranged alongfide of
us about the diflance of three miles. The greatetl dia¬
meter of the largeft appeared to me at that diftance as
if it would meafure ten feet. They retired from us
with a wind at fouth-eaft, leaving an impreflion upon
my mind to which I can give no name, though furely
one ingredient in it was fear, with a confiderable deal
of wmnder and aftonifhment. It was in vain to think
of Hying, the fwifteft horfe or faftelt failing drip could
be of no ufe to carry us out of this danger ; and the
full perfualion of this rivetted me as if to the fpot where
I Hood, and let the camels gain on me fo much in my
ilate of lamenefs, that it was with fome difficulty I could
overtake them.
“ The fame appearance of moving pillars of fand pre-
fented themfelves to us this day in form and difpofition
like thofe we had feen at Waadi Halboub, only they
feemed to be more in number and lefs in fize. They
came feveral times in a direction clofe upon us, that is,
I believe, within lefs than two miles. They began im¬
mediately fafter funrife, like a thick wood, and almoft
darkened the fun : his rays ffiining through them for
near an hour, gave them an appearance of pillars of fire.
Our people now became defperate : the Greek ffirieked
out, and faid it was the day of judgement. Ifmael pro¬
nounced it to be hell, and the Tucorories, that the
world was on fire. I afked Idris if ever he had before
ieen fuch a fight ? He faid he had often feen them as
terrible, though never worfe •, but what he feared molt
was that extreme rednefs in the air, which was a fure
prefage of the coming of the fimoom.” See Simoom.
The flowing of fand, though far from being fo tre¬
mendous and hurtful as in Arabia, is of very bad confe-
quences in this country, as many valuable pieces of land
have thus been entirely loft j of which we give the fol¬
lowing inftances from Mr Pennant, together with a pro¬
bable means of preventing them in future. “ I have more
than once (fays he), on the eaftern coafts of Scotland,
obferved the calamitous ftate of feveral extenfive trails,
formerly in a moft flouriftring condition, at prefent
covered with fands, unftable as thofe of the defects of
Arabia. The pariflr of Furvie, in the county of
Aberdeen, is now reduced to two farms, and above
500I. a year loft to the Errol family, as appears by the
oath of the faftor in 1600, made before the court of
fefiion, to afcertain the minifter’s falary. Not a veftige
is to be feen of any buildings, unlefs a fragment of the
church.
“ The eftate of Coubin, near Forres, is another me¬
lancholy inftance. This traft was once worth 300I.
a-year, at this time overwhelmed with fand. This
ftrange inundation was ftill in motion in 1769, chiefly
when a ftrong wind prevailed. Its motion is fo rapid,
that I have been affured, that an apple-tree has been fo
covered with it in one feafon, that only the very fum-
mit appeared. This diftrefs was brought on about
ninety years ago, and was occafioned by the cutting
down fome trees, and pulling up the bent or ftar which
grew on the fand hills j which at laft gave rife to the
a£l of 15 George III. c. 33. to prohibit the deftruftion
of this ufeful plant.
“ I beg leave to fuggeft to the public a poffible
means of putting a flop to thefe deftruftive ravages.
Providence hath kindly formed this plant to grow only
in pure fand. Mankind was left to make, in after-times,
J
an application of it fuitable to their wants. The fand- SsrJ,
hills, on a portion of the Flintfliire flrores, in the pariflr Sandal,
of Llanafa, are covered with it naturally, and kept firm v~~
in their place. The Dutch perhaps owe the exiftence
of part at leaft of their country to the fowing of it on
the mobile folum, their fand-banks.
“ My humane and amiable friend, the late Benjamin
Stillingfleet, Efq. recommended the fowing of this
plant on the fandy wilds of Norfolk, that its matted
roots might prevent the deluges of fand which that
country experiences. It has been already remarked,
that wherefoever this plant grows the falutary effefts
are foon obferved to follow. A Angle plant will fix
the fand, and gather it into a hillock j thefe hillocks,
by the increafe of vegetation, are formed into larger, till
by degrees a barrier is made often againft the encroach¬
ments of the fea ; and might as often prove preventa¬
tive of the calamity in queftion. I cannot, therefore,
but recommend the trial to the inhabitants of many
parts of North Britain. The plant grows in moft
places near the fea, and is known to the Highlanders by
the name of murah; to the Engliffi by that of bent-
Jlar, mat-grafs, or marram. Linnaeus calls it arundo
arenaria. The Dutch call it helm. This plant hath
ftiff and fharp-pointed leaves, growing like a rufti, a foot
and a half long : the roots both creep and penetrate
deeply into their fandy beds : the ftalk bears an ear
five or fix inches long, not unlike rye •, the feeds are
finall, brown, and roundiffi. By good fortune, as old
Gerard obferves, no cattle wall eat or touch this vege¬
table, allotted for other purpofes, fubfervient to the ufe
of mankind.”
SAND-Piper. See Tringa, Ornithology Index,
SAND-Stone, a compound ftone of which there are
numerous varieties, arifing not only from a difference of
external appearance, but alfo in the nature and pro¬
portions of the conftituent parts. See Geology Index.
There is a lingular variety of fand-ftone, which con-
fifts of fmall grains of hard quartz which firike fire
with fteel united with fome micaceous particles. This
variety is flexible and elaftic, the flexibility depending on
the micaceous part and foftnefs of the gluten with which
the particles are cemented. This elaftic ftone is brought
from Brazil. There are alfo two tables of white marble,
kept in the palace of Borghefe at Rome, which have
the fame property. But the Iparry particles of their
fubftance, though tranfparent, are rather foft, and may
be eafily feparated by the nail. They effervefce with
acids, and there is a fmall mixture of minute par¬
ticles of talk or mica.
Sand-ftones are of great ufe in buildings wffiich are
required to refill air, water, and fire. Some of them
are foft in the quarry, but become hard when expofed
to the air. The loofe ones aie moft ufeful, but the folid
and hard ones crack in the fire, and take a poliffi when
ufed as grindftones. Stones of this kind ought therefore
to be nicely examined before they are employed for va¬
luable purpofes.
SANDAL, in antiquity, a rich kind of flipper worn
on the feet by the Greek and Roman ladies, made of
gold, filk, or other precious fluff; confifting of a foie,
with an hollow at one extreme to embrace the ancle,
but leaving the upper part of the foot bare.
Sandal, is alfo ufed for a ffioe or flipper wmrn by
the pope and other Romifli prelates wdien they officiate.
It
SAN [ 489 ] SAN
Sandarach. It is aifo the name of a fort of flipper worn by feveral
' v^1 ■' congregations of reformed monks. This laft confifts
of no more than a mere leathern foie, fattened with
latches or buckles, all the reft of the foot being left
bare. The Capuchins wear fandals j the Recollects,
clogs 5 the former are of leather, and the latter of
wood.
SANDAL-lVood. See SAUNDERS.
SANDARACH, in Natural Hi/lory, a very beau¬
tiful native foflil, though too often confounded with
the common factitious red arfenic, and with the red
matter formed by melting the common yellow orpi-
ment.
It is a pure fubftance, of a very even and regular
ftructure, is throughout of that colour which our dyers
term an orange fear let, and is confiderably tranfparent
even in the thickeft pieces. But though, with refpeCt
to colour, it has the advantage of cinnabar while in
the mafs, it is vaftly inferior to it when both are re¬
duced to powder. It is moderately hard, and remark¬
ably heavy •, and, when expofed to a moderate heat,
melts and flows like oil : if fet on fire, it burns very
brifkly.
It is found in Saxony and Bohemia, in the copper
and filver mines ; and is fold to the painters, who find
it a very fine and valuable red : but its virtues or qua¬
lities in medicine are no more afeertained at this time
than thofe of the yellow orpiment.
Gum SANDABACII, is a dry hard refin, ufually in the
form of loofe granules, of the fize of a pea, a horfe-bean,
or larger; of a pale whitiftr yellow colour, tranfparent,
and of a refinous fmell, brittle, very inflammable, of an
acrid and aromatic tafte, and diffufing a very pleafant
finell when burning. It w’as long the prevailing opinion
that this gum was obtained from the juniperus commu-
nii; but this plant does not grow in Africa, in which
country only fandarach is produced ; for the gum fan-
darach of the drops is brought from the fouthern pro¬
vinces of the kingdom of Morocco. About fix or feven
hundred quintals of it are exported every year from
Santa Cruz, Mogador, and Saffy. In the language of
the country it is called elgraffa. The tree which pro¬
duces it is a Thuia, found alfo by M. Vahl in the king¬
dom of Tunis. It wms made known feveral years ago
by Dr Shaw, rvho named it Ci/prejfus frutlu quadrival-
vi, Fquifeti inftar articulatis ; but neither of thefe learn¬
ed men was acquainted wmh the economical ufe of this
tree; probably becaufe, being not common in the north¬
ern part of Barbary, the inhabitants find little advantage
in colle&ing the refin which exudes from it.
M. Schoulboe (a), who fawr the fpecies of thuia in
queftion, fays that it does not rife to more than the
height of 20 or 30 feet at moft, and that the diameter
of its trunk does not exceed ten or twelve inches. It
difiinguiflies itfelf, on the firft view', from the tvm other
fpecies of the fame genus, cultivated in gardens, by ha¬
ving a very diftinft trunk, and the figure of a real tree j
whereas in the latter the branches rife from the root,
which gives them the appearance rather of butties. Its
branches alfo are more articulated and brittle. Its
flowers, which are not very apparent, (hew themfclves
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
in April; and the fruit, which are of a fpherical form, Sandarach
ripen in September. When a branch of this tree is 11
held to the light, it appears to be interfperfed with a
multitude of tranfparent veficles which contain the re- ‘ v ' *
fin. When thefe veficles burft in the fummer months,
a refinous juice exudes from the trunk and branches, as
is the cafe in other coniferous trees. This refin is the
fandarach, which is colledled by the inhabitants of the
country, and carried to the ports, from which it is tranf-
ported to Europe. It is employed in making fome
kinds of fealing-wax, and in different forts of vainilh.
In 1793 a hundred weight of it coll in Morocco from
13 to 131 piaftres, which make from about 3!. 5s. to
3I. 7s. 6d. fterling. The duty on exportation was
about 7s. 6d. fterling per quintal.
Sandarach, to be good, muft be of a bright-yellow co¬
lour, pure and tranfparent. It is an article very difficult
to be adulterated. Care, however, muft be taken, that
the Moors do not mix with it too much fand. It is
probable that a tree of the fame kind produces the gum
fandarach of Senegal, which is exported in pretty con-
fiderable quantities.
Pounded SANDARACH. See Pounce.
SANDEMANIANS, in ecclefiaftical hiftory, a mo¬
dern feci that originated in Scotland about the year
1728 ; where it is at this time diftinguilhed by the name,
of Glajfites, after its founder Mr John Glafs, who w’as a
miniller of the eftablilhed church in that kingdom 5 but
being charged with a defign of fubverting the national
covenant, and fapping the foundation of all national
eftablilhments by the kirk judicatory, was expelled by
the fynod fVom the church of Scotland. His fentiments
are fully explained in a tra£l publilhed at that time,
intitled, “ The Teilimony of the King of Martyrs,”
and preferved in the firft volume of his works. In con-
fequence ol Mr Glafs’s expulfion, his adherents formed
themfelves into churches, conformable in their inftitution
and difeipline to what they apprehended to be the plan
of the firll churches recorded in the New Tettament.
Soon after the year 1755, Mr Robert Sandeman, an
elder in one of thefe churches in Scotland, publilhed a
feries of letters addreffed to Mr Hervey, occafioned by
his Theron and Afpafio; in which he endeavours to
fhow, that his notion of faith is contradidlory to the
feripture account of it, and could only ferve to lead
men, profeffedly holding the dodlrines commonly called
Calvinijlic, to eftablifh their own righteoufnefs upon
their frames, inward feelings, and various a£ls of faith.
In thefe letters Mr Sandeman attempts to prove, that
faith is neither more nor lefs than a Ample affent to the
divine teftimony concerning Jefus Chrift, recorded in
the New Tettament ; and he maintains, that the word
faith, or hehef, is conftantly ufed by the apoftles to fig-
nify what is denoted by it in common difeourfe, viz. a
perfuafion of the truth of any propofition, and that there
is no difference between believing any common teftimo¬
ny, and believing the apoftolic teftirnony, except that
which refults from the nature of the teftimony itfelf.
This led the way to a controverfy, among thofe who
were called Cahinifts, concerning the nature of juftify-
ing faith ; and thofe who adopted Mr Sandeman’s no-
3 O tion
(a) Phyf Med. and hconom. Library, (a Dan’fti Journal) for 1799.
SAN
Sandcmaw- *ion of it, and who took the denomination of Sandema
11' njans, formed therafelves into church order, in ft riel
t 490 ]
SAN
Sandori- ^llowOu’p with the churches in Scotland, but holding
cum. no kind of communion with other churches. The chief
opinions and practices in which this feft differs from
other Chriftians, are, their weekly adminiftration of the
Lord’s Supper j their love-feafts, of which every mem¬
ber is not only allowed but required to partake, and
which confift of their dining together at each otWtrs
houfes in the interval between the morning and after¬
noon fervice ; their kifs of charity ufed on this occafion,
at the admiffion of a new member, and at other times,
when they deem it to be neceffary or proper; tlieir
weekly colledlion before the Lord’s Supper, for the fup-
port ol the poor, and defraying other expences; mutual
exhortation ; abftinence from blood things ftrang-
led ; walhing each other’s feet, the precept concerning
Tvhich, as wrell as other precepts, they underftand lite^
rally ; community of goods, fo far as that every one is
to confider all that he has in his poffeffion and power as
haole to the calls of the poor and church ; and the un-
hwfulnefs or laying up treafures on earth, by fetting
them apai t for any dilhant, future, and uncertain ufe.
1 hey allow of public and private diverfions, fo far as
they are not conneaed with circumftaiKes really finful;
but apprehending a lot to be facred, difapprove of playing
at cards, dice, &c. They maintain a plurality of elders,
pallors, or bifliops, in each church ; and the neceffity
of the prefence of two elders in every aft of difeipline,
and at the adminiftration of the Lord’s Supper. In the
choice of thefe elders, want of learning, and engage¬
ments in trade, &c. are no fufficient objection ; but fe-
cond marriages difqualify for the office; and they are
ordained by prayer and falling, impofition of hands, and
giving the right hand of fellowlliip. In their difeipline
they are ftrieft and fevere; and think themfelves obliged
to feparate from the communion and worlhip of all fuch
religious focieties as appear to them not to profefs the
fimple truth for their only ground of hope, and who do
not walk in obedience to it. We ffiall only add, that
n every church tranfadlion, they efteem unanimity to
be abfolutely neceffary. From this abftraft of the ac¬
count which they have publiffied of their tenets and
praclices, it does not feem to be probable that their
number fhould be very conliderable.
SANDLRh, a dye wood. See Saunders.
■SANDIYER, an old name for a whitiffi fubftance
winch is thrown up from the metal% as it is called, of
which glafs is made ; and, fwimming on its furface’ is
ikrmmed off.
Sandiver is alfo plentifully ejeefted from volcanoes ;
iome is of a fine white, and others tinged bluifti or yel-
lowiffi, J
Sandiver is faid to be detergent, and good for foulnef-
.i£s of the fkin. It is alfo ufed by gilders of iron.
SANDIX, a kind of minium, or red lead, made of
cerufe, but much inferior to the true minium.
^ SANDOMIR, a city, the capital of a palatinate of
the lame name, in Little Poland, on the Viftula. The
Swedes blew up the caftle in 1656 ; and here, in 1650
was a dreadful battle between the Tartars and Ruffians.
It is 84 miles fouth-eaft of Cracow. Lat. 49. 26.
Long. 20. 10. y •
SANDQRICU~VI, a genus of plants belonging to the
decandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 23d order, Trihilatce. See Botany Index.
. SANDPU, or Sanpoo, the vulgar name of a river
in the Eaft Indies, which is one of the largeft in the
world; but it is better known by that of Burrampooter.
Of this moft majeftic body of waters we have the fol¬
lowing very animated account in Maurice’s Indian An¬
tiquities. “ An objedt equally novel and grand now
claims our attention ; fo novel, as not to have been
known to Europeans in the real extent of its magnifi¬
cence before year 1765? an^ awfully grand, that the
aftonifhed geographer, thinking the language of profe
inadequate to convey his conception, has had recourfe
to the more expreffive and energetic language of pcetrv ;
-Scarce the Mufe herfeif
Dares ftr<ttch her wing o’er this enormous mafs
Of rufhing waters; to whofe dread expanfe,
Continuous depth, and wond’reus length of courfe
Our floods are rills.
‘‘ I his ftupendous objedl is the Burrampooter, a word
which m Shanfcrit hgxubzs the fon of Brahma ; for no
meaner origin could be affigned to fo wonderful a pro¬
geny. This fupreme monarch of Indian rivers derives
its fomce fiom the oppofite fide of the fame mountain
from which the Ganges fprings, and taking a bold
fweep towards the eaft, in a line diredlly oppofite to the
courfe of that river, wafnes the vaft country of Tibet,
where, by way of diftindlion, it is denominated Sanpooy
or the river. Winding with a rapid current through
I ibet, and, for many a league, amidft dreary deferts
and regions remote from the habitations of men, it wa¬
ters the borders of the territery of Laffa, the refidence
of the grand Lama; and then deviating with a come¬
tary irregularity, from an eaft to a fouth-eaft courfe,
the mighty wanderer approaches within 200 miles of the
weftern frontiers of the vaft empire cf China. From
this point its more direft path to the ocean lay through
tne gulf of Siam ; but with a defultory courfe peculiar
to itfelf, it fuddenly turns to the weft through Affam,
and enters Bengal on the north-eaft quarter. Circling
round the weftern point of the Garrovv mountains, the
Burrampooter now takes a fouthern direiftion ; and for
60 miles before it meets the Ganges, its fifter in point
of origin, but not its rival in point of magnitude, glides
majeftically along in a ftream which is regularly from
four to five miles wide, and but for its freflincfs, Mr
Rennel fays, might pafs for an arm of the fea. About
40 miles from the ocean thefe mighty rivers unite their
flreams ; but that gentleman is of opinion that their
jundticn was formerly higher up, and that the accumu¬
lation of two fuch vaft bodies of water, fccoped out the
amazing bed of the Megna lake. Their prefent con¬
flux is below. Luckipcor ; and by that confluence a body
of frefh running water is produced, hardly equalled, and
not exceeded, either in the old or the new' hemifphere.
So ftupendous is that body of water, that it has formed
a gulf of fuch extent as to contain iflands that rival our
Ale of Wight in fize and fertility ; and with fuch refift-
lefs violence does it ruffi into the ocean, that in the
rainy feafon the fea ilfelf, or at lead its furface, is per-
feftly frefh for many leagues out.”
SANDS, Goodwin, or Godwin, are dangerous fancl
bauks
SalldjlU
ti
Sards,
s a i<r [49
Sandwich, banks lying off tbe coaft of Kent in England. See
' >  Kent.
SANDWICH, a town of Kent, and one of the
cinque ports, having the title of an earldom. It confills
of about 1 500 houfes, mod of them old, and built with
wood, though there are a few new ones built with brick
sind flints. It has three long narrow ftreets paved, and
thirty crofs-ftreets or alleys, with about 6000 inhabi¬
tants, but no particular manufaftory. The town is
walled round, and alfo fortified with ditches and ram¬
parts } but the walls are much decayed, on account of
the harbour being fo choked up with land that a fliip of
loo tons burthen cannot get in. E. Long. 1. 20.
N. Lat. 51. 20.
SANDWICH IJlands, a group of iflands in the South
fea, lying near New Ireland, were among the laft difeo-
veries of Captain Cook, who fo named them in honour
of the earl of Sandwich, under whofe adminiftration
thefe difeoveries wrere made. They confift of 11 iflands,
extending in latitude from 18. 54. to 22. 15. N. and in
longitude from 150. 54. to 160.124. W. They are cal¬
led by the natives, OwHYHEE, MoWEE, jRanai, Mo-
rotoi, TaHOOROWA, Woahoo, Atooi, Neehceheow,
Oreekoua, Morotinne, and Tahoora, all inhabited ex¬
cept the two laft. An account of the moft remarkable
of which will be found in' their alphabetical order, in
their proper places in this work. The climate of thefe
iftands differs very little from that of the Weft Indies in
the fame latitude, though perhaps more temperate ; and
there are no traces of thofe violent winds and hurricanes,
which render the ftormy months in the Weft Indies fo
dreadful. There is alfo more rain at the Sandwich
ifles* where the mountainous parts being generally enve¬
loped in a cloud, fuccefiive ftiowers fall in the inland
parts, with fine weather, and a clear Iky, on the fea
ihore. Hence it is, that few of thofe inconveniences,
to which many tropical countries arefubjeft, either from
heat or moifture, are experienced here. The wands, in
the winter months, are generally from eaft-fouth-eaft to
noith-eaft. The vegetable produftions are nearly the
fame as thofe of the other illands in this ocean ; but the
taro root is here of a fuperior quality. The bread-fruit
trees thrive not in fuch abundance as in the rich plains
of Otaheite, but produce double the quantity of fruit.
The fugar-canes are of a very unufual fize, fome of them
Jneafuring 11 inches and a quarter in circumference, and
having 14 feet eatable. There is alfo a root of a brown
colour, ihaped like a yam, and from fix to ten pounds
in weight, the juice of which is very fweet, of a plea¬
sant tafte, and is an excellent fubftitute for fugar. The
quadrupeds are confined to the three ufual forts, hogs,
dogs, and rats. The fowls are alfo of the common
fort : and the birds are beautiful and numerous, though
not various. Goats, pigs, and European feeds, were
left by Captain Cook ; but the poffeffion of the goats
foon gave rife to a conteft between two diftrifts, in
which the breed was entirely deftroyed. The inhabi¬
tants are undoubtedly of the fame race that poffeffes the
ifiands fouih of the equator •, and in their perfons, lan¬
guage, cuftoms, and manners, approach nearer to the
New Zealanders than to their Ids diftant neighbours,
either of the Society or Friendly Iflands. They are in
general about the middle fize, and well made; they
walk very gracefully, run nimbly, and are capable of
bearing very great fatigue. Many of both fexes have
i ] SAN
fine open countenances; and the women in particular Sandwich,
have good eyes and teeth, with a fweetnefs and fenfibi- 1 -
lity of look, that render them very engaging. There is
one peculiarity, charadleriftic of every part of thefe
iflands, that even in the handfomeft faces there is a fui-
nefs of the noftril, without any flatnefs or fpreading of
the nofe. They fuffer their beards to grow, and wear
their hair after various fafhions. The drefs of both mert
and women nearly refemble thofe of New Zealand, and
both fexes wear necklaces of fmall variegated Ihells.
Tattovving the body is praftifed by every colony of this
nation. The hands and arms of the women are alio
very neatly marked, and they have the Angular cuftom
of tattowing the tip of the tongue. Like the New Zea¬
landers, they have adopted the method of living toge¬
ther in villages, containing from'100 to 200 houfes,
built pretty clofely together, without any order, and
having a winding path between them. They are gene¬
rally flanked, towards the fea, with detached walls,
which are meant both for flicker and detence. Thefe
walls confift of loofe ftones, and the inhabitants aie very
dexterous in thifting them fuddenly to fuch places as
the direction of the attack may require. In the Tides of
the hills, or furrounding eminences, they have alfo little
holes, or caves, the entrance to which is alfo fecured
by a fence of the fame kind. They ferve for places of
retreat in cafes of extremity, and may be defended by
a fingle perfon againft feveral aflailants. Their houfes
are of different fizes, fome of them being large and com¬
modious, from 40 to 50 feet long, and from 20 to 30
broad ; while others are mere hovels. The food of the
lower clafs confifts principally of fifh and vegetables, to
which the people of higher rank add the fleth of dogs
and hogs. The manner of fpending their time admits
of little variety. They rife with the fun, and, after en¬
joying the cool of the evening, relive to reft, a few hours
after funfet. The making of canoes, mats, &c. forms
the occupations of the men ; the women are employed
in manufafturing cloth, and the fervants are principally
engaged in the plantations and fithing. Their idle hours
are filled up with various amufements, fuch as dancing,
boxing, wreftiing, Sec. Their agriculture and navi¬
gation bear a great refemblance to thofe of the South-
fea illands. Their plantations, which are fpread over
the whole fea-coaft, confift of the taro, or eddy-root,
and fweet potatoes, with plants of the cloth-trees fet in
rows. The bottoms cf their canoes are of a fingle piece
of wood, hollowed out to the thicknefs ot an inch, and
brought to a point at each end. The fides confift of
three beards, each about an inch thick, neatly fitted
and laflied to the bottom part. Some of their double
canoes meafure 70 feet in length, three and a half, in
depth, and twelve in breadth. Their cordage, fifh-
hooks, and filhing-tackle, differ but little from thofe of
the other iflands. Among their arts muft not be forgot¬
ten that of making fait, which they have in great abun¬
dance, and of a good quality. Their inftruments of war
are fpears, daggers, clubs, and flings ; and for defen-
flve armour they wear ftrong mats, which are not eafily
penetrated by fuch weapons as theirs. As the ifland-S
are not united under one fovereign, wars are frequent
among them, which, no doubt, contribute greatly t®
reduce the number of inhabitants, which, according to
the proportion afligned to each ifland, does not exceed
400,000. The fame fyftem of fubordination prevails
3^2 here
SAN
Sandwich here as at the other iflands, the fame abfolute authority
^ li. on the part of the chiefs, and the fame unrefifting fub-
ria minion on the part of the people. The government is
u—y—likewife monarchical and hereditary. At Owhyhee
there is a regular fociety of priefts living by themfeives,
and diftind in all refpeds from the reft of the people.
Human facrifices are here frequent ; not only at the
commencement of a war, or any fignal enterprife, but
the death of every confiderable chief calls for a repeti¬
tion of thefe horrid rites, Notwithftanding the irrepa¬
rable lofs in the death of Captain Cook, who Avas here
murdered through hidden refentment and violence, they
are acknowledged to be of the moft mild and affedion-
ate difpofition. They live in the utmoft harmony and
friendihip with each other ; and in hofpitality to ftran-
gers they are not exceeded even by the inhabitants of
tne Friendly Iflands. Their natural capacity feems, in
no refped, below the common ftandard of mankind j
and their improvements in agriculture, and the perfec¬
tion of their manufadures, are certainly adequate to the
circumftances of their fituation, and the natural advan¬
tages which they enjoy.
SANDYS, Sir Edwin, fecond fon of Dr Edwin
Sandys archbilhop of York, was born about i i;6i, and
educated at Oxford under Mr Richard Hooker, author
of the Ecclefiaftical Polity. In 1581 he was collated
to a prebend in the cathedral of York. He travelled
into foreign countries; and, upon his return, grew fa¬
mous for learning, prudence, and virtue. While he was
at Paris, he drew up a trad, publifhed under the title of
Europe Speculum. In 1602, he refigned his prebend j
and, the year following, was knighted by King James T.
who employed him in feveral important affairs. He was
dexterous in any great employment, and a good patriot.
However, oppoftng the court with vigour in the parlia¬
ment held in 1621, he, with Mr Selden, was committed
to cuftody for a month. He died in 1629, having be¬
queathed 1500I. to the univerfity of Oxford, for the en¬
dowment of a motaphyfical ledure.
Sandys, George, brother of the foregoing Sir Ed¬
win, and youngeft fon of Archbilhop Sandys, was born
in 1577. He was a very accomplilhed* man-, tra¬
velled over feveral parts of Europe and the Eaft 5 and
publiflied a relation of his journey in folio, in 1615.
He made an elegant tranflation of Ovid’s Metamor-
phofes; and compofed fome poetical pieces of his own,
that were greatly admired in the times of their being
written. He alfo paraphrafed the Pfalms; and has
left behind him a Tranflation, with Notes, of one Sa¬
cred Drama written originally by Grotius, under the
title of Chrijlus Pullens ; on which, and Adamus Exul,
and Mafenius, is founded Lauder’s impudent charge of
plagiarifm againft our immortal Miton. Our author
became one of the privy chamber to Charles I. and died
in i 643.
SAN Fernando, near the entrance of the Golfb
Dolce, in 15 degrees 18 minutes north latitude, has
lately been fortified by the Spaniards, for the purpofe
of checking the Mufquito-men, logwood-cutters, and
bay-men. It is a very good harbour, with fafe an¬
chorage from the north and eaft winds, in eight fa¬
thoms water.
SANGUIFICATION, in the animal (economy, the
eonverfion of the chyle into true blood. See Blood.
SANG U IN ARIA, elood-wort, a genus of plants
[ 492 3
SAN
belonging to the polyandria clafs, and in the natural Sanpuifer-
method ranking under the 27 th order, Rhcecedea. See ba.
Botany Index, d'he Indians paint themfeives yellow ^anlie(irim-i
with the juice of thefe plants. v_
SANGUISORBA, greater wild burnet, a ge¬
nus of plants, belonging to the tetrandria clafs, and in
the natural method ranking under the 54th order, Mif-
cel/anecr. See Botany Index. The cultivation of
this plant has been greatly recommended as food for
cattle. See Burnet, Agriculture Index.
SANHEDRIM, or Sanhedrin, from the Greek
word which fignifies a council or aflembly of
perfons fitting together, was the name whereby the
Jews called the great council of the nation, affembled
in an apartment of the temple of Jerufalem to determine
the moft important affairs both of their church and
fiate. This council confifted of feventy fenators. The
room they met in was a rotunda, half of which w^as
built without the temple, and half within -, that is, one
femicircle was within the compafs of the temple \ the
other femicircle, they tell us, was built without, for
the fenators to fet in 5 it being unlawful for any one to
fit down in the temple. The Nafi, or prince of the fan-
hedrim, fat upon a throne at the end of the hall, ha¬
ving his deputy at his right hand, and his fub-deputy
on his left. The other fenators ivere ranged in order on
on each fide.
The rabbins pretend, that the fanhedrim has always
fubfifted in their nation from the time of Mofes down
to the deftruflion of the temple by the Romans. They
date the eftablifhment of it from what happened in the
wildernefs, fome time after the people departed from
Sinai (Numb. xi. 16), in the year of the world 2514.
Mofes, being difcouraged by the continual murmurings
of the Ifraelites, addreffed himfelf to God, and defired
to be relieved, at leaft, from fome part of the burden
of the government. Then the Lord faid to him, “ Ga¬
ther unto me 70 men of the elders of Ifrael, wdiom
thou knoweft to be the elders of the people, and offi¬
cers over them ; and bring them unto the tabernacle
of the congregation, that they may ftand there with
thee : And I will come down and talk with thee there ;
and I will take of the fpirit which is upon thee, and
will put it upon them; and they fhali bear the burden
of the people with thee, that thou bear it not thyfelf
alone.” The Lord, therefore, poured out his fpirit
upon thefe men, who began at that time to prophecy,
and have not ceafed from that time. The fanhedrim
was compofed of 70 counfellors, or rather 72, fix out
of each tribe ; and Mofes, as prefident, made up the
number 73. To prove the uninterrupted fucceffion of
the judges of the fanhedrim, there is nothing unat¬
tempted by the partifans of this opinion. They find a
proof where others cannot fo much as perceive any ap¬
pearance or ftiadow of it. Grotius may be confulted
in many places of his commentaries, and in his firft
book De jure belli el pads, c. 3. art. 20. and Selden de
Sjjnedrlis veterum Hebreeorum. Alfo, Calmet’s Diffe-
tation concerning the polity of the ancient Hebrews,
printed before his Comment upon the Book of Num¬
bers.
As to the perfonal qualifications of the judges of
this bench, their birth wTas to be untainted. They were
often taken from the race of the priefts or Levites, or
out of the number of the inferior judges, or from the
- lefl'er
SAN [ 493 ] SAN
Sanhedrim, leffer fanliedrim, which confifted only of 23 judges.—
They were to be Ikilful in the law, as well traditional as
written. They were obliged to ftudy magic, divination,
fortune-telling, phyfic, altrology, arithmetic, and lan¬
guages. The Jews fay, they were to know to the num¬
ber of 70 tongues ; that is, they were to know all the
tongues, for the Hebrews acknowledged but 70 in all,
and perhaps this is too great a number. Eunuchs were
excluded from the fanhedrim, becaufe of their cruelty,
ufureis, decrepid perfons, players at games of chance,
fuch as had any bodily deformities, thofe that had
brought up pigeons to decoy others to their pigeon-
houfes, and thofe that made a gain of their fruits in
the fabbatical year. Some alfo exclude the high-prieft
and the king, becaufe of their too great power; but
others will have it, that the kings always prefided in
the fanhedrim, -while there were any kings in Ifrael.—
Laftly, it was required, that the members of the fan¬
hedrim Ihould be of a mature age, a handfome perfon,
and of confiderable fortune. We fpeak now according
to the notions of the rabbins, without pretending to
warrant their opinions.
The authority of the great fanhedrim was vaftly ex-
tenfive. This council decided fuch caufes as were
brought before it by way of appeal from the inferior
courts. The king, the high-prieft, the prophets, were
under its jurifdiftion. If the king offended againft the
law, for example, if he married above 18 wives, if he
kept too many horfes, if he hoarded up too much gold
and filver, the fanhedrim had him ftripped and whipped
in their prefence. But whipping, they fay, among the
Hebrews was not at all ignominious j and the king
bore this corre£fion by way of penance, and himfelf
made choice of the perfon that was to exercife this dif-
cipline over him. Alfo the general affairs of the na¬
tion were brought before the fanhedrim. The right of
judging in capital cafes belonged to this court, and this
fentence could not be pronounced in any other place,
but in the hall called Lafchat-hagga'zith, or the hall
paved with Jlones, fuppofed by fome to be the AiGorcdlos,
or pavement, mentioned in John xix. 13. From whence
it came to pafs, that the Jews were forced to quit this
hall when the power of life and death was taken out
of their hands, 40 years before the deftruflion of their
temple, and three years before the death of Jefus Chrift.
In the time of Mofes this council was held at the door
of the tabernacle of the teftimony. As foon as the
people were in poffeftion of the land of promife, the
fanhedrim followed the tabernacle. It wTas kept fuccef-
fively at Gilgal, at Shiloh, at Kirjath-jearim, at Nob,
at Gibeon in the houfe of Obed-edom ; and laftly, it
was fettled at Jerufalem, till the Babylonifh captivity.
During the captivity it was kept up at Babylon. After
the return from Babylon, it continued at Jerufalem to
the time of the Sicarii, or Aftaftins. Then finding that
thefe profligate wretches, whofe number increafed every
day, fometimes efcaped punifhment by the favour of the
prefldent or judges? it was removed to Hanoth, which
were certain abodes fituated, as the rabbins tell us, upon
the mountain of the temple. From thence they came
down into the city of Jerufalem, withdrawing themfelves
by degrees from the temple. Afterwards they removed
to Jamia, thence to Jericho, to Uzzah, to Sepharvaim,
to Bethfanim, to Sephoris, laft of all to Tiberias, where
they continue I to the time of their utter extinction.
And this is the account the Jew's themfelves give us ofSanf.edVim,-
the fanhedrim. i Sai jacks. ^
But the learned do not agree with them in all this.' " *
Father Petau fixes the beginning of the fanhedrim not
till Gabinius v/as governor of Judea, who, according
to Jofephus, erefted tribunals in the five principal ci»
ties of Judea 5 at Jerufalem, at Gadara, at Amathus,
at Jericho, and at Sephora or Sephoris, a city of Ga¬
lilee. Grotius places the origin of the fanhedrim under
Mofes, as the rabbins do; but he makes it determine
at the beginning of Herod’s reign. Mr Bafnage at
firft thought that the fanhedrim began under Gabinius;
but afterwards he places it under Judas Maccabaeus, or
under his brother Jonathan. We fee indeed, under Jo¬
nathan Maccabaeus, (1 Macc. xii. 6.), in the year
3860, that the fenate with the high-prieft fent an em-
bafly to the Romans. The rabbins fay, that Alexander
Janneus, king of the Jews, of the race of the Afmo-
naeans, appeared before the fanhedrim, and claimed a
right of fitting there, whether the fenalors would or
not. Jofephus informs us, that wken Herod was but
yet governor of Galilee, he was fummoned before the
fenate, where he appeared. It muft be therefore ac¬
knowledged, that the fanhedrim was in being before
the reign of Herod. It was in being afterwards, as we
find from the Gofpel and from the Adis. Jefus Chrift
in St Matthew (v. 22.) diftinguifhes two tribunals.—
“ Whofoever is angry with his brother without a caufe
lhall be in danger of the judgement.” This, they fay,
is the tribunal of the 23 judges. “ And w'hofoever
lhall fay to his brother Raca, lhall be in danger of the
council j” that is, of the great fanhedrim, which had
the right of life and death, at leaft generally, and be¬
fore this right was taken away by the Romans. Some
think that the jurifdidfion of the council of 23 extend¬
ed to hfe and death alfo j but it is certain that the fan¬
hedrim was fuperior to this council. See alfo Mark
xiii. 9. xiv. 55. xv. 1.; Luke xxii. 52, 66. j John xi. 47.;
Afts iv. 15. v. 21. where mention is made of the fyne-
drion or fanhedrim.
From all this it may be concluded, that the origin of
the fanhedrim is involved in uncertainty j for the coun¬
cil of the 70 elders eftablilhed by Mofes W'as not what
the Hebrews underftand by the name of fanhedrimi
Belides, w'e cannot perceive that this eftablifhment fub-
fifted either under Jolhua, the judges, or the kings. We
find nothing of it after the captivity, till the time of Jo¬
nathan Maccabaeus. The tribunals eredled by Gabinius
were very different from the fanhedrim, w'hich was the
fupreme court of judicature, and fixed at Jerufalem ;
whereas Gabinius eftabliihed five at five different cities.
Laftly, It is certain that this fenate was in being in the
time ol Jefus Chrift ; but the Jews themfelves inform us
that they had no longer then the power of life and death
(John xviii. 31.).
SANJACKS, a people inhabiting the Curdiftan, or
Perfian mountains, fubfifting chiefly by plunder, and
the fcanty pittance afforded by their own mountainous
country. “ They were much reduced (fays Mr Ives)
by the late balhaw Achmet of Bagdad, who purfued
them in perfon to their fubterranean retreats, and de-
ftroved many by the fword, and carried off great num¬
bers of prifoners, who were fold for Haves.” Notwith-
ftanding this check, in the year 1758, they again be¬
came fo daring that they would attack caravans of 703
men''
San
I!
Santa.
SAN [ 494
men> and foraetiraes carry all off. They are faid to be 18
worfliippers of the evil principle.
^ SAN Juan de Puerto Rico, ufually called Porto
R:ro, one of the Weft India iHands belonging to Spain,
is fituated in about 18. N. Pat. and between 6$. 36.
and 67. 45. W. Long, and is about 40 leagues long and
20 broad. The itland is beautifully diverfified with
woods, valleys, and plains, and is extremely fertile. It
is well watered with fprings and rivers, abounds with
meadows, is divided by a ridge of mountains running
from eaft to'weft, and has a harbour fo fpacious that
the largeft Hups may lie in it with fafety. Before the
airivai of the Spaniards it was inhabited by 400,000
or 500,000 people, who, in a few years, were extirpated
by its mercilefs conquerors. Raynal fays, that its whole
inhabitants amount at prefent only to 1500 Spaniards,
Meftoes, and Mulattoes, and about 3000 negroes. Thus
one of the Hneft inands in the Weft Indies has been de¬
populated by the cruelty, and left uncultivated by the
indolence, of its pofleffors. But it is the appointment
of Providence, who feldom permits flagrant crimes to
pafs unpuniflied, that poverty and wretchednefs Ihould
be uniform confequences of oppreflion.
SANICULA, SaNICLE, or Self-healt a genus of
plants belonging to the pentandria clafs, and in the na¬
tural method ranking under the 4 5th order, Pinbellatce.
See Botany Index.
SANIES, in Medicine, a ferous putrid matter, ifluing
from wounds. It differs from pus, which is thicker and
whiter.
SANNAZARIUS, James, in Latin ABius Cin-
cems Sannazarius, a celebrated Latin and Italian poet,
born at. Naples in 1458. He by his wit ingratiated
himfelf into the favour of King Frederic j and, when
that prince was dethroned, attended him into France,
where he ftaid with him till his death, which happened
m 1504. Sannazarius then returned into Italy, where
he applied himfelf to polite literature, and particularly
to Latin and Italian poetry. His gay and facetious
humour made him fought for by all companies •, but he
was fo afflifted at the news that Phillibert prince of
Orange, general of the emperor’s army, had demolilh-
ed his.country-houfe, that it threw him into an illnefs,
of which he died in 1530. It is faid, that being in¬
formed a few days before his death, that the prince of
Orange was killed in battle, he called out, “ I fhall
die contented, fince IMars has pumfhed this barbarous
enemy of the Mufes.” He wrote a great number of
Italian and Latin poems : among thole in Latin, his
De Partu Virginis and Eclogues are chiefly efteemed ;
and the moft celebrated of his Italian pieces is his Ar¬
cadia.
SANSANDING, a town in Africa, fituated near
the banks of the Niger, in N. Lat. 140 24' and 2° 23'
W. Long. It is inhabited by Moors and Negroes to
the number of from eight to ten thoufand. The Ne¬
groes are kind, hofpitable, and credulous-, the Moors
are at Sanfanding, as everywhere elfe in the interior
parts of Africa, fanatical, bigotted, and cruel.
SAN 1 A. Cruz, a large ifland in the South fea, and
one of the moft confiderable of thofe of Solomon, beino-
about 250 miles in circumference. W. Long. 120 o
S. Lat, IO. 21. 00-
SANTA Cruz, or St Croix, a fmall and unhealthy
ifland, fituated in about 64 degrees weft longitude and
3
Santa.
] SAN
north latitude. It is about eighteen leagues in
length, and from three to four in breadth. In 1643' 
it was inhabited by Dutch and Englifh, who foon ba-
came enemies to each other j and in 1650 were both tleEnft
driven out by 1200 Spaniards, who arrived there in fiveowi Wcfl
fliips. The triumph of thefe lafted but a few months. lnd'esy
The remains of that numerous body, which were leftvi>i'lv‘
for the defence of the ifland, furrendered without refift~P‘
ance to 160 French, who had embarked in 1651, from
St Chriftopher’s, to make themfelves mailers of the
ifland.
Thefe new inhabitants loft no time in making them¬
felves acquainted with a country fo much difputed. On
a foil, in other refpefts excellent, they found only one
river of a moderate fize, which, gliding gently aimolt
on a level with the lea through a fiat country, furniflied
only a brackifh water. Fwo or three fprings, which
they found in the innennoft parts of the ifland, made but
feeble amends for this defedl. The wells were for the
moft part dry. I he conftru6tion of relervoirs required
time.. Nor was the climate more inviting to the new
inhabitants. The ifland being flat, and covered with
old trees, fcarcely afforded an opportunity for the winds
to carry off the poifonous vapours with which its mo~
raffes clogged the almcfphere. There w as but one re¬
medy for this inconvenience : which was to burn the
woods. The French fet fire to them without delay j
and, getting on board their fhips, became fpe&atars
from the fea, for feveral months, of the conflagration
they had raifed in the ifland. As foon as the flames
w^ere extinguiftied, they went on fliore again.
They found the foil fertile beyond belief. Tobacco,
cotton, arnotto, indigo, and fugar, flouriflied .equally
in it. So rapid was the progrefs of this colony, that
in 11 years from its commencement there w-ere upon it
822 white perfons, with a proportionable number of
flaves. It was rapidly advancing to profperity, when
fuch obftacles wTere thrown in the way of its aftivity as
made it decline again. This decay was as hidden as its
nfe.. In 1696 there w^ere no more than 147 men, with
their wives and children, and 623 blacks remaining ; and
thefe were tranfported to St Domingo.
. Some obfeure individuals, fome writers unacquainted
with the views of government, with their fecret nego¬
tiations, with the charafler of their miniflevs, with die '
interefts of the proteftors and the protefted 3 who flat¬
ter themfelves that they can difeern the reafon of events
amongft a multitude of important or frivolous caufes,
which may have equally occafioned them ; who do not
conceive, that among all thefe caufes the moft natural
may poflibly be the fartheft from the truth *, who after
having read the news, or journal of the day, with pro¬
found attention, decide as peremptorily as if thev had
been placed all their lifetime at the helm of the^ ftate,
and had aflifted at the council of kings 3 who are never
more deceived than in thole circumftance in which they
difplay .fome ihare of penetration ; writers as abfurd in
the praifes as in the blame which they bellow upon na¬
tions, in the favourable or unfavourable opinion they
form of minillerial operations: thefe idle dreamers, iu
a word, who think they are perfons of importance, be-
caufe their attention is always engaged on matters of
confequence, being convinced that courts are always
governed in their decifions by the moft comprehenllve
views of profound policy, have fuppofed that the court
of
5anta.
SAN [ 495 ] - S A N
of Verfailles had negle&ed Santa Cruz, merely becaufe
they wilhed to abandon the fmall hlands in order to
unite all their ftrength, induftry, and population, in the
large ones ; but this is a miilaken notion, ihis deter¬
mination arofe from the farmers of the revenue, who
found that the contraband trade of Santa Cruz with
f>t Thomas was detrimental to their interefts. L he fpi-
rit of finance hath in all times been injurious to com¬
merce j it hath deftroyed the fource from whence it
Fprang. Santa Cruz continued without inhabitants, and
without cultivation, till 1733, when it was fold by
France to Denmark for 30,750!. Soon after the
Danes built there the fortrefs of Chrifiianftadt. Then
Fe keeps up its communication with Europe. There Santalum
are lilver mines in the mountains about the city. W. 5an|'eujj
Long. 60. 5. N. Lat. 3. 58. > -- —
SANTALUM, a genus of plants belonging to the
oclandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking
with thofe of which the order is doubtful. See Botany
Index.
SANTAREN, a handfome town of Portugal in
Etlremadura, feated on a mountain near the river Fajo,
<J5 miles N. E. from Lifbon, in a country very fertile
in wheat, wine, and oil. They get in their harveft here
two months after they have fown their corn. It tvas
taken from the Moors in 1447. W. Long. 8. 25.
it was that this northern power feemed likely to take
deep root in America. Unfortunately, flic laid her
plantations under the yoke of exclufive privileges. In-
dudrious people of all lefts, particularly Moravians,
flrove in vain to overcome this great dilhculty. Many
attempts were made to reconcile the interefts of the co-
lonifts and their oppreflbrs, but without fuccefs. The
two parlies kept up a continual ftruggle of animofity,
not of induftry. At length the government, with a
moderation not to be expefted from its conftitution,
purchafed, in 1754, the privileges and elfefts of the
company. The price was fixed 31412,500!. part of
which was pa:d in ready money, and the remainder in
bills upon the treasury, bearing intereft. From this
time the navigation to the iftands was opened to all the
fubjsfts of the Danifti dominions. Of 345 plantations,
which were feen at Santa Cruz, 150 were covered with
fugar canes, and every habitation is limited to 3000
Danifti feet in length, and 2000 in breadth. It is in¬
habited by 2136 white men, by 22,244 flaves> and by
159 freed men.
SANTA Crux, in Teneriffe. See TenerifFE.
SANTA Cruz, a town of Africa, on the coaft of Bar¬
bary, and in the province of Suez and kingdom of Mo¬
rocco, with a harbour and a fort. The Moors took it
from the Portuguefe in 1536. It is feated at the ex¬
tremity of Mount Atlas, on the Cape Aguer. W. Long.
IO. 7. N. Lat. 30. 38.
Santa Cruz de la Sierra, a town of South Ameri¬
ca, and capital of a province of that name in Peru,
and in the audience of Los Charcas, with a biftiop’s
fee. It is feated at the foot of a mountain, in a coun¬
try abounding in good fruits, on the river Guapy.
W. Long. 59. 3 c. S. Lat. 20. 40.
SANTA Fe de Bogota, a town of South America, ar.d
capital of New Granada, with an archbifhop’s fee, a fu-
preme court of juftice, and an univerfity.
The city is fituated at the foot of a fteep and cold
mountain, at the entrance of a vaft and fuperb plain.
In 1774 it contained 1770 houfes, 3246 families, and
16,233 inhabitants. Population muft neceftarily in-
creafe there, fince it is the feat of government, the place
where the coin is ftriken, the flapie of trade ; and laft-
ly, fince it is the refidence of an archbifhop, whofe im¬
mediate jurifdiftion extends over 31 Spanifh villages,
which are called towns j over 195 Indian colonies, an¬
ciently fubdued : and over 28 millions, eftabliftied in
modern times. This archbilhop hath likewife, as me¬
tropolitan, a fort of infpeftion over the diocefes of Quito,
of Panama, of Caraccas, of St Martha, and of Cartha-
gena. It is by this laft place, though at the diftance
100 leagues, and by the river Magdalena, that Santa
N. Lat. 39. 2.
SANTAUGUSTiNE. See Augustine.
SANTEN, a toi?n of Germany, in the circle of
Weftphalia, and in the duchy ot Cieves. It is feated
on the Rhine, 15 miles S. E. from Cieves. It has a
handfome church belonging to the Roman Catholics,
wherein is an image of the Virgin Mary, which it is
pretended performs a great many miracles. Here the
fine walks begin that run as far as Wefel, from which
it is five miles diftant to the north-weft. E. Long. 6.
33. N. Lat. 51. 38.
SANTERRE, the former name of a fmall territory
of France, in Picardy •, bounded on the north by Cam-
brefis, on the eaft by Vermandois, on the weft by Amie-
nois, and on the fouth by the river Somme. It is very
fertile, and the capital town is Peronne.
SANTEUIL, or rather Santeul, John Baptist
DF., in Latin Saniolius Vidlorinus, an excellent Latin
pcet, was born at Paris in 1630. Having finilhed his
iludies in Louis the Great’s college, he applied hiro-
felf entirely to poetry, and celebrated in his verfe the
praifes of feveral great men ; by which he acquired
univerfal applaufe. He enriched Paris with a great
number of inferiptions, which are to be feen on the
public fountains, and the monuments confccrated to
pofterity. At length, fome new hymns being to be
compofed for the Breviary of Paris, Claude Santeuil
his brother, and M. BolTixt, perfuaded him to under¬
take that work } and he fucceeded in it with the greateft
applaufe. On which the order of Clugny defiring him
to compofe forne for their Breviary, he complied with
their requeft ; and that order, out of gratitude, granted
him letters of filiation, with an annual pennon. San¬
teuil was carefled by all the learned men of his time ;
and had for his admirers the two princes of Conde,
the father and fon, from whom he frequently received
favours. Louis XIV. alfo gave him a proof of his
efteem, by bellowing a penfion upon him. He at¬
tended the duke of Bourbon to Dijon, when that
prince went thither in order to hold the Hates of Bur¬
gundy, and died there in 1697, as he was preparing
to return to Paris. Befides his Latin hymns, he wrote
a great number of Latin poems, which have all the fire
and maiks of genius difcoverable in the works of great
poets.
To Santeuil we are indebted for many fine church-
hymns, as above-mentioned. Santeuil read the verfes
he made for the inhabitants of heaven with all the agi¬
tations of a demoniac. Defpreaux faid he was the
devil whom God compelled to praife faints. He was
among the number of poets wbofe genius was as impe¬
tuous as Ills mufe was decent.
.Santeuil
II .
Santorini.
]
SAN [ 496
La Bruyere has painted the chara&er of this fingu-
lar and truly original poet in the molt lively colours.
fan rand docile11 in °f te1mfer.’ comPlai* for "Wch reafon the rain-water is preferved in cifterns!
ate a d caoHcious A 7 T' * 77 ^7' ^ l° the Turks’ ^ cho^'e their own
ate, and capricious. A man Ample, credulous, play- magiftrates. E. Long. 25. 5. N. Lat. 39. 10.
S A P
town, befide which, there are feveral little towns and
villages. There is but one fpring of water in the illand,
Sanizo
iul, volatile, puerile j in a word, a child in gray hairs:
but let him colledl himfelf, or rather call forth his in¬
terior genius, I venture to fay, without his knowledge
or privacy, what fallies ! w’hat elevation ! what images !
what latmity ! Do you fpeak of one and the fame per-
on, you will aik ? Yes, of the fame j of Theodas, and
.ot him alone. He flirieks, he jumps, he rolls upon the
.ground he roars, he ftorms.j and in the midft of this
tempelt, a flame ifl'ues that fliines, that rejoices. With¬
out a figure, he rattles like a fool, and thinks like a wife
mam He utters truths in a ridiculous way ; and, in an
idiotic manner, rational and fenfiblp things. It is aifo-
nit.iing to find good (enfe difclofe itfelf from the bofom
of buffoonery, accompanied with grimaces and contor¬
tions. What fliall I fay more ? He does and he favs
better tnan he knows. Thefe are like two fouls that
are_ unacquainted with each other, which have each
their turn and feparate funftions. A feature would be
wanting in this extraordinary portrait, if I omitted fay¬
ing, that he has at once an infatiable third for praife
ready to throw himfelf at the mercy of the critics, and,
nt the bottom fo docile as to profit by their cenfure. I
begin to perfuade. myfelf that I have been drawing the
portraits of two different perfons : it would be impoflible
to firm a third m Theodas 5 for he is a good man, a
ptealant man, an excellent man.”
This poet ought not to be confounded with Claude de
o ant era/, his brother, a learned ecclefiaftic, who alfo
wrote feveral hymns in the Paris Breviary, under the
name of Santohus Maglioranus, a name given him from
his having lived a long time in the feminary of St Mag-
nore at Paris, in quality of fecular ecclefiaffic. He was
efteemed not only for his poetical abilities, but alfo for
.-is profound erudition and his exemplary piety. He
wrote feveral other pieces of poetry, befides his hymns,
whicn are printed with his brother’s works.
SANTILLANE, a fea-port town of Spain, in the
province of Allurias, of which it is the capital. It is
ieated on the fea-coaft, 53 miles eaft of Oviedo, and
■200 north-well of Madrid. W. Long. 4. 00. N. Lat
43. 30. ^ 00 •
SANTOLINA, lavender-cotton, a genus of
plants belonging to the fyngenefia clafs 5 and in the na-
tural method ranking under the 49th order, Combofitce.
See Botany Index.
SANTORINI, or Santorin, an iff and of the Ar-
cmpelago, to the north of Candia, and diftant from it
about 90 leagues, and to the fouth-weft of Nanphio. It
is eight miles in length, and nearly as much in breadth,
and ahnoft covered with pumice-ftone, whence the foil
m general muff be dry and barren ; it is, however
gieatly improved by the labour and induftry of the in¬
habitants, who have turned it into a garden. It affords
a great deal of barley, plenty of cotton, and large quan-
tmes of wit- e. Fruit is fcarce, except almonds and figs;
and there is neither oil nor wood. The partridge
.mcl the hare, fo common in the other iflands of the Ar¬
chipelago, are fcarce at Santorin ; but quails are met
with in abundance. The inhabitants are all Greeks
and “te about 10,000 in number. Pyrgos.is the-capital
4
SANIZO, Raphael. See Raphael.
SAO, a territory, called a kingdom, of Africa, on the
Gold-coaff of Guinea, hardly two miles in length along
the ffiore. It produces abundance of Indian corn, yams,
potatoes, palm-wine, and oil. The inhabitants are very
treacherous, and there is no dealing with them without
great caution. It contains feverai villages, of which
Sabo is the principal.
SAONE, a confiderable river of France, which has
its lource in Mount Volgue, nearDarney ; runs through
the Franche Comte, Burgundy, Beaujolois j and falls
into the Rhone at Lyons. It paffes by Gray, Chalons,
and Mafcon.
SAP, the juice found in vegetables.
We obferved, when treating of Plants, that it has
been long difputed whether the fap of plants be analo¬
gous to the blood of animals, and circulates in the fame
manner. We alfo mentioned the conclufions that Di-
Hales drew from his numerous experiments, which were
all in oppofition to the dodlrine that the fap circulates.
Dr Walker, late profeffor of Natural Hiftory in the
univerfity of Edinburgh, has publifhed, in the iff volume
of the Philofophical Tranfaftions of Edinburgh, an ac¬
count of a courfe of experiments on this fubjedff, accom¬
panied with fome obfervations and conclufions.
^It is weil knowm that in the fpring vegetables con¬
tain a great quantity of fap ; and there are fome trees, as
the birch and plane, which, if wounded, will difcharge
a great portion of it. Whence is this moifture derived ?
Whether is it imbibed from the atmofphere, or does it
flow from the foil through the roots ? Thefe are the
queftions which require firft to be anfwered 5 and Dr
Walker’s experiments enable us to anfwer them with
confidence.
He felefted a vigorous young birch, 30 feet high
and 26 inches in circumference at the ground. He
bored a hole juft above the ground on the iff of Fe¬
bruary, and cut one of its branches at the extremity.
He repeated this every fecond day; but no moifture ap¬
peared at either of the places till the 5th of May, when
a fmall quantity flowed on making an incifion near the
ground. He then cut 21 incifrons in the trunk of the
tree, on the north fide, at the diftance of a foot from
one another, and reaching from the ground to the height
of 20 feet. The incifions were folid triangles, each fide
being an inch long and an inch deep, and penetrating-
through the bark and wood. Dr Walker vifited the
tree almoft every day for two months, and marked ex-
a£tly from which of the incifions the fap flowed. He
obferved that it flowed from the Weft incifion firft, and
gradually afcended to the higheft. The following table
will fhow the progrefs of the fap upwards, and its cor-
refpondence with the thermometer.
The firft column is the day of the month on which
the obfervation was made; the fecond expreffes the
number of incifions from which the fap flowed on the
day of the month oppofite •, and the third column the
degree of the thermometer at noon. Some days are
omitted in March, as the incifions, though made on the
5th, did not bleed till the nth. Some days are alfo
paffed
SAP [ 497 J S A P
pafied over in April, becaufe no obfervation was made
on account of rain.
March. N. of In. Ther Noon.
5—46
11 2 49
12 2 49
1 44
14 4 48
*5 5 S2
16 5 47
17 4 44
18 5 47
19 6 48
20 5 44
21 7 48
22 7 45
23 8 46
24 9 47
25 9 42
26 7 39
27 8 45
28 8 49
29 8 46
March N. of In. Ther. Noon.
20 8 50
31 7 62
April 2 7 46
4 53
7 11 49
8 11 48
9 12 50
^ J3 53
11 13 45
12 13 44
*3 !3 43
J4 14 55
15 14 49
16 16 56
18 16 50
19 !7 54
20 19 56
21 20 54
22 21 52
Dr Walker found that the fap afcends through the
wood, and ftiil more copioufly between the wood and
the bark •, but none could be perceived afcending through
the pith or the bark. He found alfo, that when the
thermometer at noon is about 49, or between 46 and 50,
the fap rifes about one foot in 24 hours ; that when
the thermometer is about 45 at noon, it afcends about
one foot in two days ; and that it does not afcend at
all unlefs the mid-day heat be above 40. He obferved
that it moves with more velocity through young than
through old branches. In one young branch it moved
through feven feet in one day, the thermometer being
at 49, wdiile it moved in the trunk of the tree only feven
feet in feven days. Dr Walker has thus explained the
reafon why the buds on the extremities of branches un¬
fold firlt ; becaufe they are placed on the youngefl
wood, to which the fap flow's moll abundantly.
The effefls produced by the motion of the fap de-
ferve to be attended to. In thofe parts to w'hich it
has mounted, the bark eafily feparates from the wTood,
and the ligneous circles may, without difficulty, be de¬
tached from one another. The buds begin to fwell and
their fcales to feparate, while thofe branches to which
the fap has not afcended remain clofely folded. When
the fap has reached the extremities of the branches, and
has thus pervaded the wThole plant, it is foon covered
with opening buds and ceafes to bleed. The bleeding
ceafes firfl in the upper parts of the tree, and in the
lower parts fucceflively downwards, and the wmod be¬
comes dry. An inverted branch flows more copioufly
when cut than thofe which are ereft. This is a proof
that the afcent of the fap is not occafioned by capillary
attra&ion, for water which has rifen in a fmall glafs tube
by tins attra&ion will not defcend when the tube is in¬
verted.
It is evident that there is an intimate connexion be¬
tween heat and the affent of the fap. It did not begin
to flow' till the thermometer flood at a certain point :
when it fell below 40, it was arrefted in its progrefs.
The fouth fide of the tree, when the fun was bright,
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
bled more profufely than the north fide j and at funfet
the incifions at the top ceafed to bleed, where it was
expofed moft to the cold air, wdiile it ftill continued to
flow from the incifions next to the ground ; the ground
retaining its heat longer than the air.
Sap, in fieges, is a trench, or an approach made under
cover, of 10 or 12 feet broad, w’hen the befiegers come
near the place, and the fire from the garrifon grows fo
dangerous that they are not able to approach uncover¬
ed.—There are feveral forts of faps; the fingle, which
has only a fingle parapet ; the double, having one on
each fide j and ihe flying, made with gabions, &c. In
all faps traverfes are left to cover the men.
Sap, or $#/>/>, in building, as to fap a wall, See. is
to dig out the ground from beneath it, fo as to bring it
down all at once for want of fupport.
SAPHIES, a kind of charms, confifting of fome
ferap of writing, which the Negroes believe capable of
protefting them from all evil. The Moors fell feraps
of the Koran for this purpofe ; and indeed any piece of
writing may be fold as a faphie ; but it would appear
that the Negroes are difpofed to place greater confidence
in the faphies of a Chriilian than in thofe of a Moor.
When Mr Park was at Koolikorro, a confiderable town
near the Niger, and a great market for fait, his landlord,
hearing that he wras a Chriffian, immediately thought
of procuring a faphie. For this purpofe he brought
out his 'VL'a/ha, or waiting board, alluring me (fays our
author) that he would drefs me a fupper of rice if I
would W'rite him a faphie to protedd him from wicked
men. The propofal wTas of too great confequence to
me to be refilled ; I therefore wrote the board full,
from top to bottom, on both fides j and my landlord,
to be certain'of having the whole force of the charm,
waflied the writing from the board into a calabalh with
a little water 5 and having fiaid a few prayers over it,
drank this powerful draught 5 after which, left a fingle
word (hould efcape, he licked the board until it was
quite dry. A faphie writer was a man of too great
confequence to be long concealed : the important in¬
formation was carried to the Dooty, who fent his fon
with half a Iheet of writing-paper, defiring me to write
him a tiophulafaphie (a charm to procure wealth). He
brought me, as a prefent, fome meal and milk ; and
when I had finilhed the faphie, and lead it to him with
an audible voice, he feemed highly fatisfied with his
bargain, and promifed to bring me in the-morning fome
milk for my breakfaft.
SAPINDUS, the SOAP-BERRY TREE, a genus of
plants belonging to the o&andria clafs ; and in the na¬
tural method ranking under the 23d order, Trihiiatec.
See Botany Index.
SAPONARIA, Sopewort ; a genus of plants be¬
longing to the decandria clafs and in the natural me¬
thod ranking under the 2 2d order, Caryophyllece. See
See Botany Index.
SAPOR, Taste. See Taste, and Anatomy,
N° 139.
SAPOTA plum. See Achras, Botany /;r-
dex.
SAPPERS, are foldiers belonging to the royal ar¬
tillery, whofe bufinefs it is to work at the faps, for which
they have an extraordinary pay. A brigade of Tappers
generally confifts of eight men, divided equally into two
3 R parties;
SAP
Sapphira
11
Sappho.
[ 498 ]
S A E
"* See Poe
try, N°
parties j and whilft one of thefe parties is advancing
the fap, the other is furnifhing the gabions, fafeines, and
j other necefiary implements. They relieve each other
alternately.
SAPPHIRA, was the wife of a rich merchant in
Gueldres, and equally dillinguilhed for her beauty and
her virtue. Rhinfauld, a German officer, and gover¬
nor of the town of Gueldres, fell in love with her j and
not being able to feduce her either by promifes or pre¬
tents, he imprifoned her hufband, pretending that he
kept up a traiterous correfpondence with the enemies
of the (fate. Sapphira yielded to the paffion of the go¬
vernor in order to relieve her hufband from chains j but
private orders had already been given to put him to
death. His unhappy widow, ovenvhelmed with grief,
complained to Charles duke of Burgundy. He order¬
ed Rhinfauld to marry her, after having made over to
her all his poiTeffions. As foon as the deed was figned,
and the marriage over, Charles commanded him to be
put to death. Thus the children of a wife wffiom he
had feduced, and of a hufband whom he had murdered,
became lawful heirs to all his wealth.
SAPPHIRE, a fpecies of precious ftone, of a blue
colour. See Mineralogy Index.
SAPPHO, a famous poetefs of antiquity, who for
her excellence in her art has been called the Tenth
Mi/fe, w'as born at Mitylene, in the ifle of Lefbos, about
610 years before Chrilt. She was contemporary with
Stelichorus and Alcaeus j which lail was her country¬
man, and fome think her fuitor. A verfe of this poet,
in wffiich he infinuates to her his paffion, is preferved in
Ariftotle, Rhet. lib. i. cap. 9. together with the fair
damfel’s anfwer.
Alc. I fain to Sappho would a with impart,
But fear locks up the feefet in my heart.
Sap. Thy downcaft looks, refpeft, and timid air,
Too plain the nature of thy with declare.
If lawdefs, wild, inordinate delire,
Did not with thoughts impure thy bofom fire,
Thy tongue and eyes, by innocence made bold,
Ere now' the fecret of thy foul had told.
M. la Fevre obferves, that Sappho was not in her
ufual good humour when ffie gave fo cold an anfwer
to a requeft, for which, at another time, perhaps Ihe
would not have waited—It has been thought, too, that
Anacreon was one of her lovers, and his editor Barnes
has taken fome pains to prove it : but chronology will
not admit this ; fince, upon inquiry, it will be found
that Sappho was probably dead before Anacreon was
born. Of the numerous poems this lady w'rote, there is
nothing remaining but fome fmall fragments, which the
ancient fcholiafts have cited j a hymn to Venus, pre¬
ferved by Dionyfius of Halicarnaffus •, and an ode to
one of her miftreffes * : which laft piece confirms a tra¬
dition delivered down from antiquity, that her amorous
paffion extended even to perfons of her own fex, and
that (lie was willing to have her miftreffes as wrell as hsr
gallants.
Ovid introduces her making a facrifice to Phaon, one
of her male paramours : from wffiich wre learn, that
Sappho’s love for her own fex did not keep her from
loving ours. She fell defperately in love with Phaon,
and did all ftie could to win him *, but in vain : upon
Milch ftre threw herfelf headlong from a rock, and died.
It is faid that Sappho could not forbear following Phaon
into Sicily, whither he retired that he might not fee
her ; and that during her flay in that ifiand ffie probably
compofed the hymn to Venus, ftill extant, in which ffie
begs fo ardently the afliftance of that goddefs. Her
prayers, however, proved ineffectual: Phaon was cruel
to the laft degree. The unfortunate Sappho was forced
to take the dreadful leap ; ihe went to the promontory
Leucas, and threw' herfelf into the fea. The cruelty of
Phaon will not furprife us fo much, if we reflect, that
ffie was a widow (for {he had been married to a rich
man in the iile of Andros, by whom ffie had a daugh¬
ter, named elds') •, that ffie had never been handfome ;
that ffie had obierved no mealure in her paffion to both
fexes ; and that Phaon had long knowm all her charms.
She was, however, a very great wit, and for that
alone deferves to be remembered. The Mitylenians
held her merit in fuch high efteem, that they paid her
fovereign honours after her death, and ftamped their
money with her image. The Romans afterwards erec¬
ted a noble ftatue of porphyry to her ; and in ftiort, an¬
cients as well as moderns have done honour to her me¬
mory. Voffius fays, that none of the Greek poets ex¬
celled Sappho for fweetnefs of verfe 5 and that flie made
Archilochus the model of her ftyle, but at the fame
time took care to foften the feverity of his expreffion.
It muft be granted, fays Rapin, from what is left us of
Sappho, that Longinus had great reafon to extol the ad¬
mirable genius of this woman ; for there is in wffiat re¬
mains of her fomething delicate, harmonious, and im-
paffioned to the laft degree.
SARABAND, a mufical compofition in triple time,
the motions of which are flow' and ferious.
Saraband is alio a dance to the fame meafure, which
ufual ly tei mi nates when the hand that beats the time
falls ; and is otherwife much the fame as the minuet.
I he faraband is faid to be originally derived from the
Saracens, and is ufually danced to the found of the gui¬
tar or caftanettes.
SARACA, a genus of plants belonging to the dia-
delphia clafs. See Botany Index.
SARACENS, the inhabitants of Arabia ; fo called
from the word faru, which fignifies a defert, as the
greateft part of Arabia is 5 and this being the country
of Mahomet, his difciples W'ere called Saracens.
SARACOLETS, a Negro nation occupying the
country between the rivers of Senegal and Gambia.
They are a laborious people, cultivate their lands with
care, are plentifully fupplied with all the neceffaries of
life, and inhabit handfome and well built villages •, their
houfes, of a circular form, aie for the moft part terra¬
ced ; the others are covered with reeds as at Senegal :
they are inclofed with a mud waII a foot thick, and
the villages are furrouuded with one of ftone and earth
of double that folidity. There are feveral gates, which
are guarded at night for fear of a furprife. This na¬
tion is remarkably brave, fo that it is very uncommon to
find a Saracolet Have. rl he religious principles of this
people are nearly allied to Mahometanifm, and ftill
more to natural religion. They acknowledge one God ;
and believe that thofe who fteal, or are guilty of any
crime, are eternally puniffied. They admit a plurality
of wives, and believe their fouls to be immortal like
their owm. The extent of this country is unknown.
It is governed by four powerful princes, all bearing the
name
Sappho
II
Saracoiets,
S A R [ 499 ] S A R
SaracdSets name of Fouquet. The leaft confiderable, according to
Sarcoce’e t-e^“riony *-^e Saracolets, is that of Tuago, who
--C° e e' can affemble 30,000 horfe, and whofe fubjefts occupy a
territory two hundred leagues in extent, as well on the
Senegal as on the traft that reaches beyond the Felou ;
a rock which, according to the fame report, forms cata¬
racts, from whence proceed the Senegal and the river
Gambia, equally confiderable.
SARAGOSSA, a city of Spain, in the kingdom of
Arragon, with an archbifhop’s fee, an univerfity, and
a court of inquilition. It is faid to have been built by
the Phoenicians 5 and the Romans fent a colony here in
the reign of the emperor Auguftus, whence it had the
name of Ccefar Augujlus, wdiich by corruption has been
changed into Saragoffa. It is a large, handfome, and
•well-built town. The ftreets are long, broad, wrell pav¬
ed, and very clean, and the houfes from three to fix
Rories high. It is adorned with many magnificent build¬
ings j and they reckon 17 large churches, and 14 hand¬
fome monafteries, not to mention others lefs confider¬
able. The river Ebro runs crofs the place, dividing it
into two } and on its banks is a handfome quay, which
ferves for a public walk. The Holy-ftreet is the lar-
gefl, and fo broad that it may be taken for a fquare •, and
here they have their bull-fights : in this ftreet there are
feveral noblemen’s families, particularly that of the vice¬
roy. The convents are handfome and richly adorned,
as wrell as the churches. The cathedral church is a
fpacious building, after the Gothic tafte 5 but the fineft
qhurch is that of Nueftra Signora del Pilar, feated on
the fide of the Ebro, and is a place of the greatefi de¬
votion in Spain. They tell us the Virgin appeared to
St James, who was preaching the gofpel, and left him
her image, with a handfome pillar of jafper : it is ftill
in this church, which they pretend is the firft in the
world built to her honour. This image Hands on a
marble pillar, with a little Jefus in her arms ; but the
place is fo dark, that it cannot be feen without the af-
fiflance of lamps, which are 50 in number, and all of
filver. Thefe are alfo chandeliers and baluftrades of mafly
filver. The ornaments of this image are the richeft that
can be imagined, her crown being full of precious Hones
of an inefiimable price ; in fiiort, there is fcarce any
thing to be feen but gold and jewels, and a vafi number
of people come in pilgrimage hither. The town-houfe
is a fumptuous Hrufture, adorned with fine columns :
in the hall are the pi&ures of all the kings of Arragon ;
and in a corner of it St George on horfeback, with a
dragon of white marble under him. It is feated in a
very large plain, where the Ebro receives two other ri¬
vers j and over it are two bridges, one of Hone and the
other of wood, which lafi has been thought the moH
beautiful in Europe. A vidlory was* obtained here
over the French and Spaniards in 1710, but it was
abandoned by the allies foon after. It is 97 miles weft
by north of Tarragona, 137 weft of Barcelona, and 150
north-eaft of Madrid. W. Long. o. 48. N. Lat. 41. 47.
SARANNE. See Lilium.
SARCASM, in Rhetoric, a keen bitter expreflion
which has the true point of fatire, by which the orator
feoffs and infults his enemy : fuch as that of the Jews
to our Saviour; “ He faved others, himfelf he cannot
fave.”
SARCOCELE, in Surgery, a fpurious rupture or
kernia, wherein the tefticle is eonfiderably tumefied or
indurated, like a feirrhus, or much enlarged by a Rdhy SarcocoUlf
excrefcence, which is frequently attended with acute ii
pains, fo as to degenerate at laft into a cancerous difpo- Sarcopha-
fition. See Surgery. ■  1
SARCOCOLLA, a concrete juice brought from
Perfia and Arabia, in fmall whitith-yellow grains, with
a few of a reddifii and lometimes of a deep red colour
mixed with them ; the whiteft tears are preferred, as
being the freftieft : its tafte is bitter, accompanied with
a dull kind of fweetnefs. See Chemistry.
SARCOLOGY, is that part of anatomy which treats-
of the foft parts, viz. the mufcles, inteftines, arteries,
veins, nerves, and fiit.
SARCOMA, in Surgery, denotes any fleftiy excref¬
cence.
SARCOPHAGUS, in antiquity, a fort of Hone coffin
or grave, wherein the ancients depofited the bodies of
the dead which were not intended to be burnt.
The word, as derived from the Greek, literally fig-
nifies JleJh-eater ; becaufe originally a kind of Hone was
ufed for tombs, which quickly confumed the bodies.
See the following article.
One of the moft celebrated fpecimens of antiquity is
the great farcophagus, which is commonly called the
tomb of Alexander the Great. It fell into the hands
of the Britilh at the capitulation of Alexandria in Egypt
in 1801, is now depofited in the Britifh Mufeum, and
is thus deferibed by a writer in the Monthly Magazine*. Voi, Xxvi3l
“ It was brought from the mofque of St Athanafius, p. 4s.
at Alexandria, where it had been transformed, by the
Mahometans, into a kind of refervoir, confecrated to
contain the water for their pious ablutions. It is of
confiderable magnitude, and would form an oblong rect¬
angle, were not one of the ends or ftiorter fides of the
parallelogram rounded fomewhat like a bathing tub.
It is probable that formerly it was covered with a lid,
but no trace of it is now vifible j but is entirely open
like an immenfe laver, of one fingle piece of beautiful
marble, fpotted with green, yellow, reddifti, &c. on a
ground of a fine black, oi the fpecies called breccia, a
fort of pudding Hone, compofed of agglutinated frag¬
ments of various fizes, which are denominated accord¬
ing to their component parts. This comes under the
clafs of calcareous breccias. But what renders this mag¬
nificent fragment of antiquity peculiarly interefting, is
the prodigious quantity of fmall hieroglyphic charafters,
with which it is fculptured both within and without, as
you may perceive by the figure. It would employ
me nearly a month to make faithful copies of them :
their thape and general appearance is pretty fairly given
in the figure j but it can only ferve to convey toGCCCLXVIIT{
you an idea of the .monument in one view. A cor-
reCl and faithful copy of all the hieroglyphics, though
an Herculean talk, is a defideratum j for it can be only
by copying with fcrupulous accuracy, and of a large
fize, the figures of this fymbolical language, that we can
attain the knowledge of a myiterious compofition, on
which depends that of the hiftory of a country, once fo
highly celebrated. When that language fhall be un-
derftood, we may perhaps learn the original purpofe of
this farcophagus, and the hiftory of the puiffant man
whofe fpoils it contained. Till then it is but the vain
and flitting field of conjecture.
“ Many men of fcience and learning, have examined
this memento of Egyptian Ikill and induftry j but no
3 R 3 pofitive
S A R ' [ 500 ] S A R
Sarcopha pofitive decifion of its former application is yet found by
gus~ the learned. Sonnini and Denon, who both cloiely and
attentively examined it, have pronounced nothing de-
cifive on the fubjeft. Dr Clark of Cambridge, an in¬
defatigable and learned antiquary, has afierted that the
farcopbagus of the mufeum really was the tomb of Alex¬
ander j but it requires more talents than 1 poffefs, to re¬
move the obflacles that withftand the clear intelligibi¬
lity of this invaluable antique.”
Sarcophagus, or Lapis sffius, in the natural hillo-
ry of the ancients, a lloue much uled among the
Greeks .in their fepultures, is recorded to have always
perfedlly confumed the fleih of human bodies bu¬
ried in it in forty days. This property it was much
famed for, and all the undent naturalifts mention it.
There was another very lingular quality alfo in it, but
whether in -all, or only in fome peculiar pieces of it, is
not known : that is, its turning into Hone any thing
that was put into veffels made of it. This is recorded
only by Mulianus and Theophrallus, except that Pliny
had copied it from thefe authors, and fome of the later
writers on thefe fubje&s from him. The account Mu-
tianus gives of it is, that it converted into Hone the
ihoes of perfons buried in it, as alio the utenhls which
it was in fome places cuftomary to bury with the dead,
particularly thofe which the perfon while living moll
delighted in. The utenfils this author mentions, are
fuch as muft have been made of very different materials*,
and hence it appears that this Hone had a power of
* confuming not only fleGi, but that its petrifying quality
extended to fubftances of very different kinds. Whether
ever it really polTeffed this laft quality has been much
doubted ; and many, from the feeming improbability of
it, have been afraid to record it. What has much encou¬
raged the general difbelief of it is, Mutianus’s account
of its taking place on fubftances of very different kinds
and textures *, but this is no real objeftion, and the
whole account has probably truth in it. Petrifactions
in thofe early days might not be diftinguilhed from in-
cruftations of fparry and ftony matter on the furfaces
of bodies only, as we find they are not with the gene¬
rality of the world even to this day ; the incruftations
of fpar on raoffes and other fubllances in fome of our
fprings, being at this time called by many petrified mofs,
&c. and incruftations like thefe might eafily be formed
on fubflances enclofed in veffels made of this ftone, by
water paffing through its pores, diflodging from the
common mafs of the ftone, and carrying with it par¬
ticles of fuch fpar as it contained j and afterwards fal¬
ling in repeated drops on whatever lay in its way, it
might again depofit them on fuch fubftances in form of
incruftations. By this means, things made of ever fo
different matter, which happened to be inclofed, and in
the way of the paffage of the water, would be equally
incrufted with and in appearance turned into ftone, with¬
out regard to the different configuration of their pores and
parts.
The place from whence the ancients tell us they had
this ftone w'as Affos, a city of Lycia, in the neighbour¬
hood of which it was dug ; and De Boot informs us,
that in that country, and in fome parts of the Eaft,
there are alfo ftones of this kind, which, if tied to the
bodies of living perfons, would in the fame man¬
ner confume their flefti. HilPs Notes on Theophrafius,
p. x4.
SARCOTICS. in Surgery, medicines which are fup- Sm-rotics
pofed to generate fiefli in wounds. 11
SARDANAPALUS, the laft_ king of Ailyria, s;ld‘ni^
whofe character is one of the moil infamous in hiftory.
Pie is laid to have funk fo far in depravity, that, as tar
as he could, he changed his very fex and nature. Pie
clothed himfelf as a woman, and fpun amidft companies
of his concubines. Pie painted his face, and behaved
in a more lewd manner than the molt laicivious harlot.
In ftiort, he buried himfelf in the moft unbounded fen-
fuality, quite regardlefs of fex and the dictates of na¬
ture. Having grown odious to all his fubjects, a rebel¬
lion was formed againft him by Arbaces the Mede and
Belefis the Babylonian. They were attended, however,
with very bad luccefs at firft, being defeated with great
daughter in three pitched battles. With great difficul¬
ty Belefis prevailed upon his men to keep the field only
five days longer ; when they were joined by the Ba£lri-
ans, w ho had come to the affiftance of Sardanapalus, but
had been prevailed upon to renounce their allegiance to
him. With this reinforcement they twice deteated the
troops of Sardanapalus, who ftiut himfelf up in Nineveh
the capital of his empire. The city held out for three
years \ at the end of which, Sardanapalus finding him-
jfelf unable to hold out any longer, and dreading to fall
into the hands of an enraged enemy, retired into his
palace, in a court of which he cauled a valt pile of wood
to be raifed j and heaping upon it all his gold and fil-
ver, and royal apparel, and at the fame time inclofing
his eunuchs and concubines in an apartment within the
pile, he fet fire to it, and fo deftroyed himfelf and all to¬
gether.
SARDINIA, an ifiand of the Mediterranean, boun¬
ded by the ftrait which divides it from Corfica on the
north; by the Tufcan fea, which flows between this
ifiand and Italy, on the eaft ; and by other parts of the
Mediterranean lea on the fouth and weft. It is about
140 miles in length and 70 in breadth, and contains
420,000 inhabitants. The revenue arifes chiefly irom
a duty upon fait, and is barely fufficient to defray the
expences of government ; but it certainly might be con-
fiderably augmented, as the foil produces wine, corn,
and oil, in abundance. Moft of the fait that is export¬
ed is taken by the Danes and Swedes *, the Englifh for¬
merly took great quantities for Newfoundland, but ha¬
ving found it moie convenient to piocure it from Spain
and Portugal, they now take little or none. A profit¬
able tunny fifhery is carried on at the fouth-weft part of
the ifiand, but it is monopolized by the proprietors of
the adjoining land. Wild boars abound in the hilly
parts of the ifland, and here are fome few deer, not fb
large as thofe in Britain, but in colour and make exa&ly
the fame. Beeves and ffitep are alfo common, as well
as horfes.
The feudal fyftem ftill fubfifts in a limited degree, and.
titles go with their eftates, fo that the purchafer of the
latter inherits the former. The regular troops feldom
exceed 2000 men ; but the militia amount to near
26,000, of whom 1 i,oco. are cavalry. Their horfes are
fmail, but uncommonly adlive. In a charge, we ffiould
beat them ; but, on a march% they would be funerior to
us. The country people are generally armed ; but nbt-
withftanding their having been fo long under the Spa-
niflr and Italian government, affaffinations are by no
means frequent; and yet by the laws of the country, if
S A R
Sardinia a man ftabs another without premeditated malice, with-
il . in four hours afier quarrelling with him, he is not liable
Sard <nms.. to ^ jiange(j> Qn t]le otlier hand, the church affords
no proteftion to the guilty. The Sardinians are not at
all bigotted 5 and, next to the Spaniards, the Englifh
are their favourites. This ifland was formerly fubjeft to
the duke of Savoy, who enjoyed the title of king of Sar¬
dinia. See Cagliari, it is now under the dominion
of the French.
There is in this ifland a pleafing variety of hills and
valleys, and the foil is generally fruitful •, but the inha¬
bitants are a flothful generation, and cultivate but a lit¬
tle part of it. On the coal! there is a fifhery of anchovies
and coral, of which they fend large quantities to Genoa
and Leghorn. This ifland is divided into two parts;
the one, called Capo di Cagliari, lies to the fouthj and
the other Capo di Lugary, which is leated to the north.
The principal towns are Cagliari the capital, Oriflagno,
and Saffari.
SARDIS, or Sardes, now called Sardo, or Sari, is
an ancient town of Natolia in Afia, about 40 miles eaft
of Smyrna. It was much celebrated ia early antiquity,
was enriched by the fertility of the foil, and had been
the capital of the Lydian kings. It was feated on the
fide of Mount Tmolus •, and the citadel, placed on a
lofty hill, was remarkable for its great {Length. It was
the feat of King Croefus, and was in his time taken by
Cyrus •, after which the Perfian fatrapas or comman¬
dant refided at Sardis as the emperor did at Sufa. The
city was alfo taken, burnt, and then evacuated by the
Milefians in the time of Darius, and the city and for-
trefs furrendered on the approach of Alexander after
the battle of Granicus. Under the Romans Sardis was
a very confiderable place till the time of Tiberius Cae-
far, when it fullered prodigioufly by an earthquake.
The munificence of the emperor, however, was nobly
exerted to repair the various damages it then fuflained.
Julian attempted to refiore the heathen worfhip in the
place. He erected temporary altars where none had
been left, and repaired the temples if any vetfiges re¬
mained. In the year 400 it was plundered by the Goths,
and it fuffered confiderably in the fubfequent troubles of
Afta. On the incurfion of the Tartars in 1304, the
Turks were permitted to occupy a portion of the citadel,
feparated by a flrong wall with a gate, and were after¬
wards murdered in their fleep. The file of this once no¬
ble city is now green and flowery, the whole being re¬
duced to a poor village, containing nothing but wretch¬
ed huts. There are, however, fome curious remains of
antiquity about it, and fome ruins which difplay its an¬
cient grandeur. See Chandler's Travels in AJia Minor,
p. 251, &c.
There is in the place a large caravanfary, where tra¬
vellers may commodioufly lodge. The inhabitants are
generally fhepherds, who lead their fheep into the fine
paflures of the neighbouring plain. The Turks have a
mofque here, which was a Chriftian church, at the gate
of which there are feveral columns of polifhed marble.
There are a few ChriIlians, who are employed in gar¬
dening. E. Long. 28. 5. N. Lat. 37. 51.
SARDONIUS risus, Sardonian Laughter; a con-
vulfive involuntary laughter *, thus named from the her-
ba fardonia, which is a fpecies of ranunculus, and is faid
to produce fuch convulfive motions in the cheeks as re-
femble thofe motions which are obferved in the face du-
S A R
ring a fit of laughter. This complaint is fomelimes fpec- Sardonyjx
dily fatal. If the ranunculus happens to be the caufe,
the cure muft be attempted by means of a vomit, and fre-1 '' ' ,
quent draughts of hydromel with milk.
SARDONYX, a precious ftone confifling of a mix¬
ture of the calcedony and carnelian, fometimes in ftrata,
but at other times blended together. See Minera¬
logy.
SARIMPATAM, a country of Indoftan,' lying at
the back of the dominions of the Samorin of Malabar,
and which, as far as we know, was never fubdued by
any foreign power. Mr Grofe relates, that “ it has
been conllantly a maxim with the inhabitants of this
country never to make any but a defenfive war 5 and
even then, not to kill any of their adverfaries in battle,
but to cut off their nofes. To this fervice the military
were peculiarly trained up, and the dread of the defor¬
mity proved fufficiently itrong to keep their neighbours,
not much more martial than themfelves, from effedlually
attacking them.”
SARMENTOSiE (from farmentum, a long flxoot
like that of a vine) 5 the name of the 1 ith clafs in Lin¬
naeus’s Fragments of a Natural Method, confifling of
plants which have climbing flems and branches, that,
like the vine, attach themfelves to the bodies in their
neighbourhood for the purpofe of fupport. See Bck
tany.
S AR OS, in chronology, a period of 2 23 lunar months.
The etymology of the word is faid to be Chaldean, fig-
nifying reflitution, or return of eclipfes j that is, con¬
junctions of the fun and moon in nearly the fame place
of the ecliptic. The Saros was a cycle like to that of
Meto.
SAROTHRA, a genus of plants, belonging to the
pentandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking
under the 20th order, Rotacece. See Botany Index.
SARPLAR of'Wool., a quantity of wool, other-
W’ife called a pocket, or ha/ffack ; a fack containing 80
tod ; a tod two ftone; and a ftone 14 pounds.—In Scot¬
land it is called farpliath, and contains 80 ftone.
SARRACONIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
polyandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking
under the 54 th order, Mifcellanece. See Box ant In¬
dex.
SARR ASIN, or Sarrazin, in fortification, a kind of
portcullis, otherwife called a herfe, which is hung with
ropes over the gate of a town or fortrefs, to be let fall in
cafe of a furprife.
SARSAPARILLA. See Smilax, Botany and
Materia Medica Index.
SARTORIUS, in Anatomy. See there, Table of
the Mufcles.
Old SARUM, in Wilts, abeut one mile north of
New Sarum or Salifbury, has the ruins of a fort which
belonged to the ancient Britons; and is laid alfo to
have been one of the Roman ftations. It has a double
intrenchment, with a deep ditch. It is of an orbicular
form, and has a very auguft look, being erefled on one
of the moft elegant plans for a fortrefs that can be ima¬
gined. In the north-weft angle flood the palace of the
bifliop, whofe fee was removed hither from Wilton and
Sherborn ; but the biftiop quarrelling with King Ste¬
phen, he feized the cattle and put a gnrrifon into it,
which was the principal caufe of its deftruifbon, as the
fee was foon after removed from hence to Salilbury in
1219,
f 501 I
S A S [ 502 ] S. A T
Samm
;i
Saflies.
1219, The area of this ancient city is fituated on an
artificial hill, whofe walls were three yards thick, the
ruins of which in many places in the circumference are
ftill to be feen, and the tracks of the ftreets and cathe¬
dral church may be traced out by the different colour
of the corn growing where once the city flood. Here
fynods and parliaments have formerly been held, and hi¬
ther were the dates of the kingdom fummoned to fwear
fidelity to William the Conqueror. Here alio was a
palace of the Britifh and Saxon kings, and of the Ro¬
man emperors j which was deferted in the reign of Hen¬
ry III. for want of water, fo that one farm houfe is all
that is left of this ancient city ; yet it is called the Bo¬
rough of Old Sarurn, and fends two members to parlia¬
ment, who are chofen by the proprietors of certain ad¬
jacent lands.
In February 1795 a fubterraneous ptrffage was difco-
vered at this place, of which we have the following ac¬
count in the Gentleman’s Magazine for March, in a let¬
ter dated Salifbury, Feb. 10. “ Some perfons of Salif-
bury on Saturday laft went to the upper verge of the
fortification (the citadel), and on the right hand, after
they had reached the fummit, difcovered a large hole.
They got a candle and lantern, and went down a flight
of fteps for more than 30 yards. It was an arched way
feven feet wide, neatly chiffeled out of the folid rock or
chalk. It is probable the crown of the arch gave way
from the hidden thaw, and fell in. There is a great
deal of rubbifh at the entrance. It appears to be be¬
tween fix and feven feet high, and a circular arch over¬
head all the way. Thefe particulars I learned from the
perfon who himfelf explored it \ but was afraid to go
farther left it might fall in again and bury him. He
thinks it turns a little to the right towards Old Sarum
houfe, and continues under the fofle till it reached the
outer verge. The marks of a chiffel, he fays, are vi-
lible on the fide. There are two large pillars of fquare-
ftone at the entrance, which appear to have had a door
at foot. They are 18 inches by 27, of good free-ftone,
and the mafon work is extremely neat. The higheft
part of the archway is two feet below the furface of the
ground.
“ It is all now again filled up by order of farmer
Whitechurch, who rents the ground of Lord Camelford,
and thinks curiofity would bring fo many people there
as to tread down his grafs whenever grafs fliall be there.
I went into it 30 yards, which was as far as I could
get for the rubbifh. I meafured it with a line, and
found it extend Full 120 feet inwards from the two pil¬
lars fuppofed to be the entrance ; then onwards it ap¬
peared to be filled to the roof with rubbifh. By mea-
furing with the fame line on the furface of the earth, I
found it muft go under the bottom of the outer bank of
the outer trench j where I think the opening may be
found by digging a very little way. Whether it was a
Roman or a Norman wrork it is difficult to fay 5 but it
certainly was intended as a private way to go into or
out of the caftle 5 and probably a fort or ftrong caftle
was built over the outer entrance. I looked for in-
fcriptions or coins, but have not heard of any being
found.”
SASAFRAS. See Laurus, Botany and Mate¬
ria Medica Index.
SASHES, in military drefs, are badges of diftin&ion
ivorn by the officers of moft nations, either round their
x
waift or over their fhoulders. Thofe for the Britifli ar- Saline
my were made of crimfon filk : for the Imperial army •!
crimfon and gold ; for the Pruflian army black filk and .
filver; the Hanoverians yellow filk j the Portuguele
crimfon filk with blue taffels.
SASINE, or Seisin. See Law, N°clxiv. 15, &c.
SASSA. See Myrrh, Opocalpasum, Materia
Medica Index, and Bruce's Travels, vol. v. p. 27,
&.C.
SATAN, a name very common in Scripture, means
the devil or chief of the fallen angels. See Devil.
SATELLITE, in Afronomy, the fame with a fe-
condary planet or moon.
SATIRE. See Satyr.
SATRAPA, or Satrapes, in Perfian antiquity, de¬
notes an admiral; but more commonly the governor of a
province.
SATTIN, a gloffy kind of filk fluff, the warp of
which is very fine, and Hands fo as to cover the coarfer
woof.
SATTINET, a flight thin kind of fattin, which is
commonly ftriped, and is employed for different purpofes
of female drefs.
SATURANTS, in Anatomy, the fame with Absor¬
bents.
SATURATION, in Chemiflry, is the impregna¬
ting an acid with an alkali, or vice verfa, till either
receive no more, and the mixture then become neu¬
tral.
SATURDAY, the feventh and laft day of the wreek,
fo called from the idol Seater,worfhipped on this day by
the ancient Saxons, and thought to be the fame as the
Saturn of the Latins.
SATUREI A, Savory, a genus of plants belonging
to the didynamia clafs j and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 42d order, Verticillatce. See Botany
Index.
SATURN, in Afronomy, one of the planets of our
folar fyftem, revolving at the diftance of more than
900 millions of miles from the fun. See Astronomy
Index.
Saturn, in Chemiflry, an appellation formerly given
to lead.
Saturn, in Heraldry, denotes the black colour in
blazoning the arms of fovereign princes.
Saturn, one of the principal of the Pagan deities,
wras the fon of Coelus and Terra, and the father of
Jupiter. He depofed and caftrated his father; and
obliged his brother Titan to refign his crown to him,
on condition of his bringing up none of his male iffue,
that the fucceflion might at length devolve on him.
For this purpofe he devoured all the fons he had by
his wdfe Rhea or Cybele : but flie bringing forth at
one time Jupiter and Juno, flie prefen ted the latter to
her hulband, and fent the boy to be nurfed on Mount
Ida; when Saturn being informed of her having a fon,
demanded the child ; but in his ftead his wife gave him
a ftone fwaddled up like an infant, which he inftantly
fwallowed. Titan finding that Saturn had violated the
contrafl he had made with him, put himfelf at the head
of his children, and made war on his brother, and ha¬
ving made him and Cybele prifoners, confined them in
Tartarus : but Jupiter being in the mean time grown
up, raifed an army in Crete, went to his father’s aflift-
ance, defeated Titan, and reftored Saturn to the throne.
Some
SAT [ 5°3 ] S A V
Saturn Some time after, Saturn being told that Jupiter intended
II to dethrone him, endeavoured to prevent it; but the
u a latter being informed of his intention, depofed his fa-
1 ther, and threw him into Tartarus. But Saturn efca-
ping from thence fled into Italy, where he was kindly
received by Janus king of the country, who aiTociated
him to the government: whence Italy obtained the
name of Saturnia Tel lux ; as alfo that of Latiutn, from
luteo, “ to lie hid.” There Saturn, by the wifdom and
mildnefs of his government, is laid to have produced
the golden age.
Saturn is reprefented as an old man with four wings,
armed with a fcythe ; iometimes he is delineated under
the figure of a (erpent with its tail in its mouth. This
is emblematic of the feafons, which roll perpetually in
the fame circle. Sometimes alfo Saturn is painted
with a fand-glafs in his hand. The Greeks fay, that
the ftory of his mutilating his father and dellroying
his children is an allegory, which fignifies, that Time
devours the paft and prefent, and will alfo devour the
future. The Romans, in honour of him, built a temple,
and celebrated a feftival which they called Saturnalia.
During this feftival no bufinefs or profeflion was allowed
to be carried on except cookery ; all diftimflions of rank
ceafed ; flaves could fay what they pleafed to their maf-
ters with impunity; they could even rally them with
their faults before their faces.
SATURNALIA, in Roman antiquity, a feftival
obferved about the middle of December, in honour of
the god Saturn, whom Lucan introduces giving an ac¬
count of the ceremonies obferved on this occafion, thus.
“ During my whole reign, which lafts but for one week,
no public bufinefs is done ; there is nothing but drink¬
ing, finging, flaying, creating imaginary kings, placing
fervants with their mafters at table, &c. There (hall
be no difputes, reproaches, &c. but the rich and poor,
mafters and flaves, (hall be equal,” &c.
On this feftival the Romans facrificed bare-headed,
contrary to their cuftom at other facrifices.
SATURNINE, an appellation given to perfons of
a melancholy difpofition, as being fuppofed under the
influence of the planet Saturn.
SA CYAVR AT A, or Meku, in Indian mythology,
is believed by the Hindoos to have reigned over the
whole world in the earlieft age of their chronology,
and to have refided in the country of Dravira on the
coaft of the eaftern Indian peninfula. His patronymic
name was Vaivafwata, or child of the fun. In the Bha-
gavat we are informed, that the Lord of the univerfe,
intending to preferve him from the fea of deftrudtion,
caufed by the depravity of the age, thus told him how
he was to a£L “ Id feven days from the prefent time,
O thou tamer of enemies, the three worlds will be plun¬
ged in an ocean of death ; but, in the midft of the de-
ftroying waves, a large veffel, feot by me for thy ufe,
fliall ftand before thee. Then (halt thou take all medi¬
cinal herbs, all the variety of feeds ; and, accompanied
by feven faints, encircled by pairs of all brute animals,
thou (halt enter the ipacious ark and continue in it, fe-
cure from the flood on one immenfe ocean without light,
except the radiance of thy holy companions. When
the (hip fhall be agitated by an impetuous- wind, thou
lhalt faften it with a large fea-ferpent on my horn ; for
I.will be near thee: drawing the veffel, with thee and
thy attendants, I will remain on the ocean, O chief of
men, until a night of Brahma fhall be completely ended. Satyavra-
Thou (halt then know my true greatnefs, rightly named ta
the fupreme Godhead; by my favour, all thy quef- <, |l g
tions fhall be anfwered, and thy mind abundantly in- - -—‘
ftrudled.” All this is laid to have been accomplhhed ;
and the ftory is evidently that of Noah difguifed by A-
fiatic fiftion and allegory. It proves, as Sir William
Jones has rightly obferved, an ancient Indian tradition of
the univerfal deluge deferibed by Mofes; and enables us
to trace the connexion between the eaftern and weftem
traditions relating to that event. The fame learned au¬
thor has fhown it to be in the higheft degree probable,
that the Satyavrala of India is the Cronus of Greece and
the Saturn of Italy. See Saturn ; and slfiatic Re-
fcarches, vol. i. p. 230, &c.
SATYR, or Satire, in matters of literature, a dif-
courfe or poem, expofing the vices and follies of man¬
kind. See Poetry, Part II. fe£L x.
The chief fatirifts among the ancients are, Horace,
Juvenal, and Perfius : thofe among the moderns, are,
Regnier and Boileau, in French ; Butler, Dryden, Ro-
chefter, Buckingham, Swift, Pope, Young, &c. among
the Englifh ; and Cervantes among the Spaniards.
SATYRIASIS. See Medicine Index.
SATYRIUM, a genus of plants belonging to the gy-
nandria clafs; and in the natural method ranking under
the 4 2d order, VerticillaUe. See Botany Index.
SATYRS, in ancient mythology, a fpecies of demi¬
gods who dwelt in the woods. They are reprefentecl
as monfters, half-men, and half-goats; having horns on
their heads, a hairy body, with the feet and tail of a
goat. They are generally in the train that follows
Bacchus. As the poets fuppofed that they were re¬
markable for piercing eyes and keen raillery, they have
placed them in the fame pictures with the Graces, Loves,,
and even with Venus herfelf.
SAVAGE, Richard, one of the moft remarkable
characters that is to be met with perhaps in all the re¬
cords of biography, was the fon of Anne countels of
Macclesfield by the earl of Rivers, according to her
own confeflion ; and was born in 1698. This con-
feflion of adultery was made in order to procure a re¬
paration from her hufband the earl of Macclesfield : yet,
having obtained this defired end, no looner was her Ipu-
rious offspring brought into the world, than, without
the dread of ihame or poverty to accufe her, Ihe difeo-
vered the refolution of difowning him ; and, as long as
he lived, treated him with the moft unnatural cruelty.
She delivered him over to a poor woman to educate as
her own ; prevented the earl of Rivers from leaving him
a legacy of 6000I. by declaring him dead : and in effeCt
deprived him of another legacy which his godmother
Mrs Lloyd had left him, by concealing from him his
birth, and thereby rendering it impoflible for him to
profecute his claim. She endeavoured to fend him fe-
cretly to the plantations ; but this plan being either laid
afide or fruftrated, flie placed him apprentice with a
faoemaker. In this fituation, however, he did not
long continue : for his nurfe dying, he went to take
care of the effefts of his fuppofed mother ; and found in
her boxes fome letters which drfeovered to young Savage
his birth, and the caufe of its- concealment.
From the moment of this difeovery it was natural for
him to become diffatisfied with his fituation as a fhoe-
maker. He now conceived that he had. a right to ftiare •
iu
S A V
Savage, in the affluence of his real mother; and therefore he dx-
 v reflly, and perhaps indifci'eetly, applied to her, and
made ufe of every art to awaken her tendernefs and at¬
tract her regard. But in vain did he folicit this unna¬
tural parent : (he avoided him with the utmoft precau¬
tion, and took meafures to prevent his ever entering
her houfe on any pretence whatever.
Savage was at this time fo touched wnth the difcovery
of his birth, that he frequently made it his practice to
walk before his mother’s door in hopes of feeing her by
accident •, and often did he warmly folicit her to admit
liim'to fee her; but all to no purpofe : he could neither
foften her heart nor open her hand.
Mean time, while he was affiduoufly endeavouring to
roufe the affe&ions of a mother in whom all natural af-
feftion wras extinft, he was deftitute of the means of
fupport, and reduced to the miferies of want. We are
not told by what means he got rid of his obligation to
the fhoemaker, or whether he ever was a&ually bound
to him ; but we now find him very differently employed
in order to procure a fubfiftence. In fhort, the youth
had parts, and a ftrong inclination towards literary pur-
fuits, efpecially poetry. He wrote a poem *, and after-
waids two plays, Woman's a Riddle, and Love in a Veil:
but the author was allowed no part of the profits from
the firfl; and from the fecond he received no other ad¬
vantage than the acquaintance of Sir Richard Steele
and Mr Wilks, by whom he was pitied, careffed, and re¬
lieved. However, the kindnefs of his friends not afford¬
ing him a conftant fupply, he wrote the tragedy of Sir
Thomas Overbury; which not only procured him the
efleem of many perfens of wit, but brought him in 200I.
The celebrated Aaron Hill, Efq ; -was of great fervice
to him in correcting and fitting this piece for the ftage
and the prefs; and extended his patronage ftill farther.
But Savage was, like many other wits, a bad manager,
and was ever in diftrefs. As faff; as his friends raifed
him out of one difficulty, he funk into another •, and,
when he found himfelf greatly involved, he would ram¬
ble about like a vagabond, with fcarce a fhirt on his
back. He was in one of thefe fituations during the
time that he wrote his tragedy above-mentioned ; with¬
out a lodging, and often without a dinneri fo that he
ufed to fcribble on fcraps of paper picked up by acci¬
dent, or begged in the {hops, which he occafionally
Hepped into, as thoughts occurred to him, craving the
favour of pen and ink, as it were juft to take a memo¬
randum.
Mr Hill alfo earneftly promoted a fubfcription to a
volume of Mifcellanies^ by Savage ; and likewife furnifh-
ed part of the poems of which the volume was compo-
fed. To this mifcellany Savage wrote a preface, in
which he gives an account of his mother’s cruelty, in a
very uncommon ftrain of humour.
The profits of his Tragedy and his Mifcellanies to¬
gether, had now, for a time, fomewhat raifed poor
Savage both in circumftances and credit ; fo that the
world juft began to behold him with a more favourable
eye than formerly, when both his fame and life were »n-
dangeivd by a moft unhappy event. A drunken frolic
in which he one night engaged, ended in a fray, and
Savage unfortunately killed a man, for which he was
condemned to be hanged •, his friends earneftly folicited
the mercy of the crown, while his mother as earneftly
exerted herfelf to prevent his receiving it. The coun-
S A V
tefs of Hertford at length laid his whole cafe before i Savage,
^hieen Caroline, and Savage obtained a pardon.
Savage had now loft that tendernefs for his mother
which the whole feries of her cruelty had not been able
w holly to reprefs j and confidering her as an implaca¬
ble enemy, whom nothing but his blood could fatisfy,
threatened to harafs her with lampoons, and to publiih
a copious narrative of her conduft, unlefs (he confented
to allow him a penfion. This expedient proved luccefs-
ful; and the lord Tyrconnel, upon his promife of laying
afide his defign of expofing his mother’s cruelty, took
him into his family, treated him as an equal, and enga¬
ged to allow him a penfion of 200I. a-year. This was
the golden part of Savage’s life. He was courted by
all who endeavoured to be thought men of genius, and
careffed by all who valued themfelves upon a refined
tafte. In this gay period of his life he publiftied the
Temple of Health and Mirth, on the recovery of Lady
Tyrconnel from a languiftiing illnefs •, and The fVan~
derer, a moral poem, which he dedicated to Lord Tyr¬
connel, in ftrains of the higheft panegyric : but thefe
praifes he in a ftxort time found himfelf inclined to re-
traft, being difearded by the man on whom they were
beftowed. Of this quarrel Lord Tyrconnel and Mr Sa¬
vage afiigned very different reafons. Our author’s knowm
chara&er pleads too ftrongly againft him j for his con-
du£! wras ever fuch as made all his friends, fooner or
later, grow weary of him, and even forced moft of them
to become his enemies.
Being thus ence more turned adrift upon the world,
Savage, whofc paffions were very ftrong, and whofe
gratitude was very fmall, became extremely diligent in
expofing the faults of Lord Tyrconnel. He, moreover
now thought himfelf at liberty to take revenge upon
his mother.—Accordingly he wrote The Bafard, a
poem, remarkable for the vivacity of its beginning
(where he finely enumerates the imaginary advantages
of bafe birth), and for the pathetic conclufion, wherein
he recounts the real calamities which he fuffered by the
crime of his parents.—The reader will ixot be difpleafed
with a tranfeript of fome of the lines in the opening oi
the poem, as a fpecimen of this writer’s fpirit and man¬
ner of verfification.
Bleft be the baftard’s birth 1 thro’ wondrous ways,
He fifines eccentric like a comet’s blaze.
No fickly fruit of faint compliance he ;
He ! damp’d in nature’s mint with eeftafy !
He lives to build, not boaft, a gen’rous race j
No tenth tranfmitter of a foolifh face.
I e, kindling from within, requires no flame,
He glories in a baflard’s glowing name.
—Nature’s unbounded fon, he ftands alone,
HL heart unbias’d, and his mind his own.
—O mother ! yet no mother !—’tis to you
My thanks for fuch diftinguifti’d claims are due.
This poem had an extraordinary fale •, and its ap¬
pearance happening at the time when his mother was
at Bath, many perfons there took frequent opportuni¬
ties of repeating paffages from the Baftard in her hear¬
ing. This was perhaps the firft time that ever (he dif-
covered a fenfe of fliame, and on this occafion the pow?er
of wit was very confpicuous : the wretch who had, with¬
out fcruple, proclaimed herfelf an adulterefs, and who
had firft endeavoured to ftarve her fon, then to tranfport
him
l 504 ]
S A V [ 505 ] S A V
Savage, him, and afterwards to hang him, was not able to bear
—  1 the reprefentation of her own condudl; but ded from
reproach, though ihe felt no pain from guilt j and left
Bath with the utmoil hatte, to Ihelter herlelf among the
crowds of London (a).
Some time after this, Savage formed the refolution
of applying to the queen ; who having once given him
life, he hoped ihe might farther extend her goodnefs to
him, by enabling him to fupport it.—With this view,
he published a poem on her birth-day, which he entitled
The Voluntter-Laureat; for which the was pleafed to
fend him 50I. with an intimation that he might annu¬
ally expeft the fame bounty. But this annual allow¬
ance was nothing to a man of his ftrange and fingular
extravagance. His ufual cuftom was, as foon as he
had received his penfion, to difappear with it, and fe-
crete himfelf from his molt intimate friends, till every
fliilling of the 50I. was fpent •, which done, he again
appeared, pennylefs as before : But he would never in¬
form any perfon where he had been, or in what manner
his money had been difhpated.—From the reports, how¬
ever, of iome, who found means to penetrate his. haunts,
it
(a) Mr Bofwell, in his life of Dr Johnfon, has called in queftion the ftory of Savage’s birth, and grounded his
fufpxcion on two miilakes, or, as he calls them, falfehoods, which he thinks he has difcovered in Ids friend’s me¬
moirs of that extraordinary man. Johnfon has faid, that the earl of Rivers was Savage’s godfather, and
gave him his own name j which, by his direction, rvas inferted in the regiiter of the parifh of St Andrew’s,
Holborn. Part of this, it feems, is not true ; for Mr Bofwell carefully infpefted that regifter, but no fuch
entry is to be found. But does this omiflion amount to a proof, that the perfon who called himfelf Richard
Savage was an impoftor, and not the fon of the earl of Rivers and the countefs of Macclesfield ? Mr Bofwell
thinks it does ; and, in behalf of his opinion, appeals to the maxim, falfum in uno, falfum in omnibus. The fo-
hdity of this maxim may be allowed by others 5 but it was not without furprife that, on fuch an occafion, we
found it adopted by the biographer of Johnfon. To all who have compared his view of a celebrated caufe,
with Stuart’s letters on the fame fubjeft addreffed to Lord Mansfield, it mutt be apparent, that, at one period
of his life, he would not hate deemed a thoufand fuch mtttakes fufficient to invalidate a narrative otherwife
fo well authenticated as that which relates the birth of Savage. The truth is, that the omiflion of the name
in the regifter of St Andrew’s may be eafily accounted for, without bringing again!! the wretched Savage an ac-
cufation of impofture, which neither his mother nor her friends dared to urge when provoked to it by every poflible
motive that can influence human condudl. The earl of Rivers would undoubtedly give the dire&ion about regifter-
ing the child’s name to the fame perfon whom he entrufted with the care of his education ; but that perfon,^ it is
well.known, was the cottntefs ot Macclesfield, wflio, as fhe had refolved from his birth to difown her fon, would
take care that the dire&ion ftiould not be obeyed.
2 hat which, in Johnfon’s life of Savage, Mr Bofwell calls a fccond falfehood, feems not to amount even ta
a mittake. It is there Rated, that “ I^ady Macclesfield having lived for feme time upon very uneafy terms with
her hutband, thought a public confeflion of adultery the moft obvious and expeditious method of obtaining
her liberty.” I his Mr Bofwell thinks cannot be true; becaufe, having perufed the journals of both houfes
of parliament at the period of her divorce, he there found it authentically afeertaineii, that to far from vo¬
luntarily fubmitting to the ignominious charge of adultery, tire made a ftrenuous defence by her counfel. But
what is this to the purpofe ? Johnfon has nowhere faid, that the confelfed her adultery at the bar of either
houfe of parliament, but only that her confeffion was public : and as he has taught us in his Dictionary, that
whatever is wo/orzbw or generally known is public; public, in his fenfe of the word, that confeffiun certainly
was, if made to different individuals, in tuch a manner as thowed that tire was not anxious to conceal it from her
hutband, or to prevent its notoriety. She might, however, have very cogent reafons for denying her guilt
before parliament, and for making a ftrenuous defence by her counfel 5 as indeed, had the ated otherwife it is
very little probable that her great fortune would have been reftored to her, or that the could have obtained a fe-
eond hutband.
But Mr Bofwell is of opinion, that the perfon who affumed the name of Richard Savage was the fon of the
thoemaker under whofe care Lady Macclesfield’s child rvas placed ; becaufe “ his not being able to obtain pay¬
ment of Mrs Lloyd’s legacy muft be imputed to his confcioufnefs that he was not the "real perfon to whom
that legacy was left.” He muft have a willing mind who can admit this argument as a proof of impofture. Mrs
Lloyd died when Savage was in his 10th year, when he certainly did not know or fufpeeft that he was the perfon
:or whom the legacy was intended, when he had none to profecute his claim, to thelter him from oppreflion, or
^0 call in law to the aiTiilance of juftice. In fuch circumftances he could not have obtained payment of the
money, unlefs the executors of the will had been infpired from heaven with the knowledge of the perfon to whom
it was due.
lo thefe and a thoufand fuch idle cavils it is a fufficient anfwer, that Savage was acknowledged and patronized
as Lady Macclesfield’s fon by Lord Tyrconnel, who was that lady’s nephew ; by Sir Richard Steele, the intimate
friend of Colonel Brett, who was that lady’s fecond hptband 5 by the queen, who, upon the authority of that lady
and her creatures, once thought Savage capable of entering his tnother',s houfe in the night with an intent to mur¬
der her 5 and in efteft by the^ lady hcrfclf, who at one time was prevailed upon to give him 50I. and who fled before
the fatire of the Bajlard, without offering, either by herfelf or her friends, to deny that the author of that poem
was the perfon whom he called himfelf, or to infinuate fo much as that he might pojftbly be the fon of a thoemaker.
To Mr Bofwell all this feems toothers, who look not with fo keen an eye for fuppbfititious births, we
think it muft appear convincing.
Vot,. XVIII. Part II. 2 S
SAY [ 506 ] SAY
it would feem that he expended both his time and his
cadi in the mod fordid and defpicable fenfuality 5 parti¬
cularly in eating and drinking, in which he would in¬
dulge in the molt unlbcial manner, fitting whole days
and nights by himfelf, in obfcure houfes of entertain¬
ment, over his bottle and trencher, immerfed in filth and
doth, with fcarce decent apparel} generally wrapped up
in a horfeman’s great coat ; and, on the wThole, with his
very homely countenance, altogether, exhibiting an ob¬
ject the molt dilgulting to the fight, if not to fome other
of the fenfes.
His wit and parts, however, dill raifed him new
friends as fait as his behaviour loft him his old ones.
Yet fuch w?as his conduct, that occafional relief only fur-
nidied the means of occafional excefs •, and he defeated
all attempts made by his friends to fix him in a decent
way. He w*as even reduced fo low as to be deftitute of
a lodging ; infomuch that he often palled his nights in
thofe mean houfes that are fet open for cafual wander¬
ers } fometimes in cellars amidft the riot and filth of the
molt profligate of the rabble ; and not feldom would he
wTalk the ftreets till he wras weary, and then lie down in
fummer on a bulk, or in winter w’ith his afibciates among
the allies of a glafs-houfe.
Yet, amidft all his penury and wretchednefs, had this
man fo much pride, and fo high an opinion of his own
merit, that he ever kept up his fpirits, and wras always
ready to reprefs, with fcorn and contempt, the leaft ap¬
pearance of any flight or indignity towards himfelf, in
the behaviour of his acquaintance ; among whom he
looked upon none as his fuperior. He would be treat¬
ed as an equal, even by perfons of the higheft rank.
We have an inftance of this prepofterous and inconfift-
ent pride, in his refufing to wait upon a gentleman who
w’as defirous of relieving him when at the loweft ebb
of diftrefs, only becaufe the meffage fignified the gen¬
tleman’s defire to fee him at nine in the morning. Sa¬
vage coaid not bear that any one Ihould prefume to
prefcribe the hour of his attendance, and therefore he
abfolutely rejefted the proffered kindnefs. This life,
unhappy as it may be already imagined, was yet ren¬
dered more unhappy, by the death of the queen, in
1738} which ftroke deprived him of all hopes from
the court. His penfion was difcontinued, and the in-
folent manner in which he demanded of Sir Robert
Walpole to have it reftored, for ever cut off this confi-
derable fupply j which poflibly had been only delayed,
and might have been recovered by proper application.
His diftrefs became now fo great, and fo notorious,
that a fcheme was at length concerted for procuring
him a permanent relief. It was propofed that he
ihould retire into Wales, with an allowance of 50I.
per annum, on which he was to live privately in a
cheap place, for ever quitting his town-haunts, and re-
figning all farther pretenfions to fame. This offer he
feemed gladly to accept; but his intentions were only
to deceive his friends, by retiring for a while, to write
another tragedy, and then to return with it to London
in order to bring it upon the ftage.
In 1739, he fet out in the Briftol ftage-coach for
Swanfey, and was furnilhed with 13 guineas to bear the
expence of his journey. But, on the 14th day after
his departure, his friends and benefa6lors, the principal
of whom was no other than the great Mr Pope, who
expefted to hear of his arrival in Wales, were furprifed Savage,
with a letter from Savage, informing them that he wasl'——y—-
yet upon the road, and could not proceed for want of
money. There was no other method than a remittance
which was fent him, and by the help of which he was
enabled to reach Briftol, from whence he was to pro¬
ceed to Swanfey by water. At Briftol, however, he
found an embargo laid upon the (hipping j fo that he
could not immediately obtain a paffage.. Here, there¬
fore, being obliged to ftay for fome time, he, with his
ufual facility, fo ingratiated himfelf with the principal
inhabitants, that he was frequently invited to their hou¬
fes, diftinguifhed at their public entertainments, and
treated with a regard that highly flattered his vanity,
and therefore eafily engaged his affe&ions. At length,
with great reiuclance, he proceeded to Swanfey ; where
he lived about a year, very much diffatisfied with the
diminution of his falary j for he had, in his letters,
treated his contributors fo infolently, that moft of them
withdrew their fubfcriptions. Here he finifhed his tra¬
gedy, and refolved to return wdth it to London : which
was ftrenuoufly oppofed by his great and conftant
friend Mr Pope } who propofed that Savage Ihould
put this play into the hands of Mr Thomfon and Mr
Mallet, in order that they might fit it for the ftage,
that his friends Ihould receive the profits it might bring
in, and that the author Ihould receive the produce by
way of annuity. This kind and prudent fcheme was
reje&ed by Savage with the utmoft contempt.—He
declared he would not fubmit his works to any one’s
correftion 5 and that he ftiould no longer be kept in
leading firings. Accordingly he foon returned to Bri¬
ftol in his way to London ; but at Briftol, meeting
with a repetition of the fame kind treatment he had
before found there, he was tempted to make a fecond
ftay in that opulent city for fome time. Here he was
again not only careffed and treated, but the fum of 30I.
was raifed for him, with which it had been happy if he
had immediately departed for London : But he never
confidered that a frequent repetition of fuch kindnefs
was not to be expefted, and that it was poflible to tire
out the generofity of his Briftol friends, as he had be¬
fore tired his friends every where elfe. In Ihort, he
remained here till his company was no longer welcome.
His vifits in every family were too often repeated } his
wit had loft its novelty, and his irregular behaviour
grew troublefome. Neceflity came upon him before he
was aware j his money was fpent, his clothes were worn
out, his appearance was fhabby } and his prefence was
difguftful at every table. He now began to find every
man from home at whofe houfe he called 5 and he
found it difficult to obtain a dinner. Thus reduced,
it would have been prudent in him to have withdrawn
from the place 5 but prudence and Savage were never
acquainted. He ftaid, in the midft of poverty, hunger,
and contempt, till the miftrefs of a coffee-houfe, to
whom he owed about eight pounds, arrefted him for
the debt. He remained for fome time, at a great ex¬
pence, in the houfe of the ftieriff’s officer, in hopes of
procuring bail; which expence he was enabled to defray,
by a prefent of five guineas from Mr Naffi at Bath. No
bail, however, was to be found; fo that poor Savage
was at laft lodged in Newgate, a prifon fo named in
Briftol.
But
S A V _ [ 5^
But it was the fortune of this extraordinary mortal
always to find more friends than he deferved. Ihe
keeper of the prifon took compaffion on him, and
greatly foftened the rigours of his confinement by every
kind of indulgence y he fupported him at his own table,
gave him a commodious room to himfelf, allowed him
to itand at the door of the gaol, and even frequently
took him into the fields for the benefit of the air and
exercife : fo that, in reality, Savage endured fewer hard-
fhips in this place than he had ufually fuffered during
the greateft part of his life.
While he remained in this not intolerable prifon, his
ingratitude again broke out, in a bitter fatire on the
city of Briftol; to which he certainly owed great obli¬
gations, notwithftanding the circumtlances ot his arreft j
which was but the a6l of an individual, and tuat attend¬
ed with no circumdances of injuftice or cruelty. This
fatire he entitled London and BriJIol delineated; and in
it he abufed the inhabitants of the latter, with fuch a
fpirit of refentment, that the reader would imagine he
had never received any other than the molt injurious
treatment in that city.
Wnen Savage had remained about fix months in this
hofpicable prifon, he received a letter from Mr Pope,
(who Itill continued to allow him 2d1. a-year) contain¬
ing a charge of very atrocious ingratitude. What were
the particulars of this charge we are not informed •, but,
from the notorious character of the man, there is rea-
fon to fear that Savage was but too juftly accufed. He,
however, folemnly protefted his innocence j but he was
very unufually affedled on this occafion. In a few days
after, he was feized with a diforder, which at firft was
not fufpetted to be dangerous : but growing daily more
languid and deje&ed, at laft a fever feized him ; and he
expired on the ill of Auguft 1743, in the 46th year of
his age.
Thus lived, and thus died, Richard Savage, Efq.
leaving behind him a charafter ftrangely chequered with
vices and good qualities. Of the former we have feen a
variety of inftances in this abftracl of his life; of the
latter, his peculiar fituation in the world gave him but
few opportunities of making any confiderable difplay.
He was, however, undoubtedly a man of excellent
parts ; and had he received the full benefits of a liberal
education, and had his natural talents been cultivated to
the belt advantage, he might have made a refpeftable
figure in life. He veas happy in a quick difcernment,
a retentive memory, and a lively flow of wit, which
made his company much coveted; nor was his judge¬
ment both of writings and of men inferior to his wit:
but he was too much a Have to his paftions, and his paf-
fions were too eafily excited. He was warm in his
friendfhips, but implacable in his enmity ; and his great-
eft fault, which is indeed the greateft of all faults, was
ingratitude. He feemed to think every thing due to his
merit, and that he was little obliged to any one for thofe
favours which he thought it their duty to confer on
him : it is therefore the lefs to be wondered at, that he
never rightly eftimated the kindnefs of his many friends
and benefaftors, or preferved a grateful and due fenfe of
their generofity towards him.
The works of this original writer, after having long
lain difperfed in magazines and fugitive publications,
have been lately collefted and publilhed in an elegant
edition, in 2 vols 8vo j to which are prefixed, the ad-
7 ] S A V
mirable Memoirs of Savage, Written by Dr Samuel Savage.
Johnfon. vr*~:
Savage is a word fo well underftood as fcarcely to
require explanation. When applied to inferior animals,
it denotes that they are wild, untamed, and cruel; when
applied to man, it is of much the fame import with bar¬
barian, and means a perfon who is untaught and unci¬
vilized, or who is in the rude ftate of uncultivated na¬
ture. That fuch men exift at prefent, and have exifted
in moft ages of the world, is undeniable *, but a queftion
naturally occurs refpe&mg the origin of this favage ftate,
the determination of which is of confiderable importance
in developing the nature of man, and afcertaining the
qualities and powers of the human mind. Upon this
fubjeff, as upon moft others, opinions are very various,
and the fyftems built upon them are confequently very
contradiftory. A large fed! of ancient philofophers
maintained that man fprung at firft from the earth like his
brother vegetables ; that he was without ideas and with¬
out fpeech •, and that many ages elapfed before the race
acquired the ufe of language, or attained to greater
knowledge than the beafts of the foreft. Other fe<fts
again, with the vulgar, and almoft all the poets, main¬
tained that the firft mortals were wifer and happier, and
more powerful, than any of their offspring •, that man¬
kind, inftead of being originally favages, and rifing to
the ftate of civilization by their own gradual and pro-
greflive exertions, were created in a high degree of per¬
fection j that, however, they degenerated from that
ftate, and that all nature degenerated with them.
Hence the various ages of the world have almoft every¬
where been compared to gold, fiiver, brafs, and iron,
the golden having been always fuppofed to be the firft
age.
Sinee the revival of letters in Europe, and efpecially
during the prefent century, the fame queftion has been
much agitated both in France and England, and by far
the greater part of the moft faftnonabie names in modem
fcience have declared for the original favagifm of men.
Such of the ancients as held that opinion were counte¬
nanced by the atheiftic cofmogony of the Phoenicians,
and by the early hiftory of their own nations; the mo¬
derns build their fyftem upon what they fuppofe to be
the conftitution of the human mind, and upon the late
improvenients in arts and fciences. As the queftion muft
finally be decided by hiftorical evidence, before we
make our appeal to fads, we ihall confider the force of
the modern reafonings from the fuppofed innate powers
of the human mind j for that reafoning is totally differ¬
ent from the other, and to blend them together wjould
only prevent the reader from having an adequate con¬
ception of either.
Upon the fuppofition that all mankind were original¬
ly favages, deftitute of the ufe of Ipeech, and, in the
ftricleft fenfe of the words, mutum et turpe pecus, the
great difficulty is to conceive how they could emerge
from that ftate, and become at laft: enlightened and ci¬
vilized. The modern advocates for the univerfality of
the favage ftate remove this difficulty by a number of
inftinCts or internal fenfes, with which they fuppofe the
human mind endowed, and by which the favage is,
without refiedlion, not only enabled to diftinguith be¬
tween right and wrong, and prompted to do every thing
neceffary to the prefervation of his exiftence, and the
continuance of the fpecies, but alfo led to the difcovery
3 S 2 of
S A V [5c
of what will contribute, in the firft inflance, to the eafe
and accommodations of life. Thefe inftinfts, they think,
brought mankind together, when the reafoning faculty,
which had hitherto been dormant, being now roufed by
the collifions of focietjr, made its obfervalions upon the
confequences of their different abtions, taught them to
avoid fuch as experience fliowed to be pernicious, and
to improve upon thofe which they found beneficial j and
ihus was the progrefs of civilization begun. But this
theory is oppofed by objebtions which we know7 not
how to obviate. The bundle of inftinfts with which
modern idlenefs, under the denomination of philofophy,
has fo amply furnhhed the human mind is a mere chi-
mera. (See Instixct). But granting its reality, it is
by no means lufficient to produce the confequences which
are derived from it. That it is not the parent of lan¬
guage, we have drown at large in another place (fee
Language, N° x—7.) 5 and we have the confeflion
of fome of the ableit advocates for the original favagifm
of man, that large focieties mult have been formed be¬
fore language co-uld have been invented. How focieties,
at leaft large focieties, could be formed and kept toge¬
ther without language, we have not indeed been told ",
but w7e are allured by every hiftorian and every traveller
of credit, that in fuch locieties only have mankind been
found civilized. Among known favages the focialJlorge
is very much confined •, and therefore, had it been in
the firft race of men of as enlarged a nature, and as fafe
a guide, as the inftinctive philofophers contend that it
was, it is plain that thofe men could not have been la¬
vages. Such an appetite for fociety, and Inch a direc¬
tor of condubf, inllead of enabling mankind to have
emerged from favagifm, would have effectually prevent¬
ed them from ever becoming favage ; it would have
knit them together from the very firit, and furnifhed op¬
portunities for the progenitors of the human race to have
begun the procefs of civilization from the moment that
they dropt from the hands of their Creator. Indeed,
were the modern theories of internal fenfes and focial af-
feftions well founded, and were thefe fenfes and affec¬
tions fufficient to have impelled the firff men into fo¬
ciety, it is not eafy to be conceived how there could be
at this day a favage tribe on the face of the earth. Na¬
tural caufes, operating in the fame direffion and with
the fame force, muft in every age produce the fame ef¬
fects ; and if the focial affections of the firft mortals im¬
pelled them to fociety, and their reafoning faculties im¬
mediately commenced the procefs of civilization, furely
the fame affections and the fame faculties would in a
greater or lefs degree have had the fame effect in every
age and on every tribe of their numerous offspring ; and
we fhould everywhere obferve mankind advancing in ci¬
vilization, inftead of Handing ftill as they often do, and
fometimes retreating by a retrograde motion. This,
however, is far from being the cafe. Hordes of favages
exift in almoft every quarter of the globe 5 and the Chi-
r.efe, who have undoubtedly been in a ftate of civiliza¬
tion for at leaft 2000 years, have during the whole of
that long period been abfolutely ftationary, if they have
not loft fome of their ancient arts. (See Porcelain).
The origin of civilization, therefore, is not to be look¬
ed for in human in ft i nets or human propenfities, carry¬
ing men forward by a natural progrefs ; for the fuppofi-
tion of fuch propenfities is contrary to faCt 5 and by faCt
aad hiftoiical evidence? in conjunction with what we
8 ] S A V
know of the nature of man, muft this great queftion he Savage,
at laft decided.
In the article Religion, N° 7. it has been (hewn
that the firft men, if left to themielves without any in-
ftruCtion, inftead of living the life of favages, and in
procefs of time advancing towards civilization, muft
have perifhed before they acquired even the ufe of fome
of their fenfes. In the fame article it has been ftiown
(N° 14—17.), that Mofes, as he is undoubtedly the
oldeft hiftorian extant, wrote likewife by immediate in-
fpiration ; and that therefore, as he reprefents our firft
parents and their immediate defeendants as in a ftate far
removed from that of favages, it is vain to attempt to
deduce the originality of luch a ftate from hypothetical
theories of human nature. We have, indeed, heard it
obferved by fome of the advocates for the antiquity and
univerfality of the favage ftate, that to the appeal to
revelation they have no objection, provided we take the
Mofaic account as it Hands, and draw not from it con-
clufions which it will not fupport.
They contend, at the fame time, that there is no ar¬
gument fairly deducible from the book of Genefis which
militates againft their pofition. Now we beg leave to
remark, that befides the reafoning which we have al¬
ready ufed in the article juft referred to, we have as
much pofitive evidence againft their pofition as the
nature of the Mofaic hiitory could be fuppofed to af¬
ford.
We are there told that God created man after his
own image ; that he gave him dominion over every thing
in the fea, in the air, and over all the earth } that he
appointed for his food various kinds of vegetables 3 that
he ordained the Sabbath to be obferved by him, in
commemoration of the works of creation 3 that he pre¬
pared for him a garden to till and to drefs 3 and that, as
a teft of his religion and fubmifTicn to his Creator, he
forbade him, under fevere penalties, to eat of a certain
tree in that garden. We are then told that Gcd brought
to him every animal which had been created 3 and we
find that Adam was fo well acquainted with their feve-
ral natures as to give them names. When, too, an
helpmate was provided for him, he immediately ac¬
knowledged her as bone of his bone, fiefh of his fiefti,
and called her woman, becaufe fhe was taken out of
man.
Plow thefe faffs can be reconciled to a fltete of igne-
rant favagifm is to us abfolutely inconceivable 3 and it
is indeed ftrange, that men who profefs Chriftianity
fhould appeal to reason, and ftick by its decifion on a
queftion which revelation has thus plainly decided againft
them. But it is agreeable to their theory to believe
that man rofe by flow fteps to the full ufe of his reafon¬
ing powers. To us, on the other hand, it appears
equally plaufible to fuppofe that our firft parents were
created, not in full maturity, but mere infants, and that
they went through the tedious procefs of childhood and
youth, &c. as to fuppofe that their minds were created
weak, uninformed, and uncivilized, as are thofe of fa¬
vage?.
But if it be granted that Adam had a tolerable fhare
of knowledge, and fome civilization, nothing can be
more natural than to fuppofe that he would teach his
defeendants what he knew himfelf 3 and if the Scrip¬
tures are to be believed, we are certain that fome of
them pofleffed more than favage knowledge, and better
than
{
S A V [ 509 ] S A V
Savage, than favage manners. But inftead of going on to fur-
-“'v ' ther perfection, as the theory of modern philcfophers
would lead us to fuppofe, we find that mankind degene¬
rated in a molt aftoniihing degree } the caufes of which
we have already in part developed in the article Poly¬
theism, I$0 4, &c.
This early degeneracy of the human race, or their
fudden progrefs towards ignorance and favagifm, appears
to lead to an important confequence. If men fo very
foon after their creation, pofleflmg, as we have feen they
did, a confiderable fliare of knowledge and of civiliza¬
tion, inftead of improving in either, degenerated in
both refpeCts, it would not appear that human nature
has that ftrong propenfity to refinement which many
philofophers imagine ; or that had all men been origin¬
ally favage, they would have civilized themfelves by
their own exertions.
Of the ages before the flood we have no certain ac¬
count anywhere but in Scripture ; where, though we
find mankind reprefented as very wicked, we have no
reafon to fuppofe them to have been abfolute favages.
On the contrary, we have much reafon, from the lliort
account of Moles, to conclude that they were far ad¬
vanced in the arts of civil life. Cain, we are told, built
a city ; and two of his early defcendants invented the
harp and organ, and were artificers in brafs and iron.
Cities are not built, nor mufical inftruments invented,
by favages, but by men highly cultivated : and furely
we have no reafon to fuppofe that the righteous pofle-
rity of Seth were behind the apoilate defcendants of
Cain in any branch of knowledge that was reallv ufeful.
That Noah and his family were far removed from fa¬
vagifm, no one will controvert who believes that with
them was made a newT covenant of religion ; and it was
unqueftionably their duty, as it muft otherwife have been
their with, to communicate what knowledge they poiTef-
fed to their poflerity. Thus far then every confident
Chriftian, we think, muft determine againft original and
univerfal favagifm.
In the preliminary difeourfe to Sketches of the Hi-
ftory of Man, Lord Karnes would infer, from foine
faffs which he ftates, that many pairs of the human
race were at firft created, of very different forms and
natures, but all depending entirely on their own natural
talents. But to this ftaternent he rightly obferves, that
the Mo'aic account of the Creation oppofes inflrperable
objections. “ Whence then (fays his Lordfhip) the
degeneracy of all men into the favage ftate ? To ac¬
count for that difmal cataftrophe, mankind mull have
futiered fome dreadful convulfionH Now, if we mif-
take not, this is taking for granted the very thing to be
proved. W e deny that at any period fince the crea¬
tion of the world, a// men were funk into the ftate of
favages; and that they were, no proof has yet been
brought, nor do we know of any that can be brought,
unlefs our faftiionable philofophers choose to prop their
theories by the buttrefs of Sanchoniatho’s Phenician
cofmogony. (See Sanchoniatho). His Lordfhip,
however, goes on to fay, or rather to fuppofe, that the
confufion at Babel, &c. was this dreadful convulfion :
For, fays he, “ by confounding the language of men,
and fcattering them abroad upon the face" of all the
earth, they were rendered favages.” Here again we
have a pofitive affertion, without the leaf! ihadow of
proof; for it does not at all appear that the confufion of
language, and the fcattering abroad of the people, was Savage,
a circumftance fuch as could induce univerfal favagifm. v 1 J‘
There is no reafon to think that all the men then alive
were engaged in building the tower of Babel ; nor does
it appear from the Hebrew original that the language
of thofe who were engaged in it was fo much changed
as the reader is apt to infer from our Englifh ver-
fion. (See Philology, N° 8—16.). That the builders
were fcattered, is indeed certain ; and if any of them
were driven, in very fmall tribes, to a great diftance from
their brethren, they would in procefs of time inevitably
become favages. (See Polytheism, N° 4—6, and
Language, N° 7.) ; but it is evident, from the Scrip¬
ture account of the peopling of the earth, that the de¬
fcendants of Shem and Japheth were not fcattered over
the face of all the earth, and that therefore they could
not be rendered favage by the cataftrophe at Babel. In
the chapter which relates that wonderful event, the ge¬
nerations of Shem are given in order down to Abram ;
but there is no indication that they had fuffered with
the builders of the tower, or that any of them had de¬
generated into the rtate of favages. On the contrary,
they appear to have pofteffed a confiderable degree of
knowledge ; and if any credit be due to the tradition
which reprefents the father of Abraham as a ftatuary,
and himfelf as Ikilied in the fcience of aftronomy, they
muft have been far advanced in the arts of refinement.
Even fuch of the pofterity of Ham as either emigrated
or were driven from the plain of Shinar in large bodies,
fo far from finking into favagifm, retained all the ac-
complilhments of their antediluvian anceftors, and be¬
came afterwards the inftruftors of the Greeks and Pto-
mans. This is evident from the hiftory of the Egyp¬
tians and other eaftern nations, who in the days of Abra¬
ham were powerful and highly civilized. And that for
many ages they did not degenerate into barbarifm, is ap¬
parent from its having been thought to exalt the cha-
rafler of Mofes, that he was learned in all the wifdom
of the Egyptians, and from the wifdom of Solomon
having been laid to excel all the wifdom of the eafl
country and of Egypt.
Thus decided are the Scriptures of the Old Teftament
againft the univerfal prevalence of favagifm in that period
of the world ; nor arc the moft authentic Pagan wri¬
ters of antiquity of a different opinion. Molchus the Phe¬
nician *, Democritus, and Epicurus, appear to be * Stralo,.
the firft champions of the lavage ftate, and they are !‘b. xvii.
followed by a numerous body of poets and rhapfodifts,^Jvg-Laert*
among the Greeks and Remans, who were ur.queftion-, t yf'’
ably devoted to fable and fiftion. The account which Epicurt.
they have given of the origin of man, the reader will
find in another place (fee Theology, Part I. feift. 1.) ;
But we hardly think that he will employ it in fupport
of the falhionable doftrine of original favagifm. Againft
the wild reveries of this fchool are polled all the leaders
of the other fedls, Greeks and barbarians ; the philo¬
fophers of both Academies, the fages of the Italian and
Alexandrian fchools ; the Magi of Perfia ; the Bia-
mins of India, and the Druids of Gaul, &c. The
leftimony of the early hiftorians among all the ancient
nations, indeed, who are avowedly fabulifts, is very
little to be depended on, and has been called in queflion
by the moft judicious writers of Pagan antiquity. (See
Plutarch Vita Thef fib init.; ThiicifdA. Leap. 1.; Strabo,
1. n> p. 507.; Livtj Pref and Varro ap. Augufl. de Civ,
Bcif,
SAY [51
Savage. t)ei). The more populous and extennve kingdoms and
focieties were civilized at a period prior to the records
of profane hiftory : the prefumption, therefore, without
taking revelation into the account, certainly is, that they
were civilized from the beginning. This is rendered
further probable from other circumftances. To account
for their fyftem, the advocates of favagifm are obliged,
as we have feen, to have recourfe to numerous fuppofi-
tions. They imagine, that fince the creation dreadful
convulfions have happened,, which have fpread ruin and
devaftation over the earth, which have deftroyed learning
and the arts, and brought on favagifm by one fudden
blow. But this is reafoning at random, and without a
veftige of probability : for the only convulfion that can
be mentioned is that at Babel, which we have already
fhown to be inadequate.
Further, it does not appear that any people who were
once civilized, and in procefs of time had degenerated
into the favage or barbarous ftate, have ever recovered
their priftine condition without foreign aid. From
whence we conclude, that man, once a favage, would
never have raifed himfclf from that hopelefs ftate. This
appears evident from the hiftory of the world 5 for that
it requires ftrong incitements to keep man in a very
high ftate of knowledge and civilization, is evident from
what wTe know of the numerous nations which were famed
in antiquity, but which are now degenerated in an afto-
niihing degree. That man cannot, or, w'hich is the
fame thing, has not rifen from barbarifm to civilization
and fcience by his own efforts and natural talents, ap.
pears further from the following fafts. The rudiments
of all the learning, religion, laws, arts, and fciences,
and other improvements that have enlightened Europe,
a great part of Afta, and the northern coaft of Africa,
were fo many rays diverging from two points, on the
banks of the Euphrates and the Nile. In proportion
as nations receded from thefe two fources of humanity
and civilization, in the fame proportion were they more
and more immerfed in ignorance and barbarifm. The
Greeks had made no progrefs towards civilization when
the Titans firft, and afterwards colonies from Egypt and
Phenicia, taught them the very elements of fcience and
# See Ti- urbanity *. The aborigines of Italy were in the fame
tan. ftate prior to the arrival of the Pelafgi, and the colo¬
nies from Arcadia and other parts of Greece. Spain
was indebted for the firft feeds of improvement to the
commercial fpirit of the Phenicians. The Gauls, the
Britons, and the Germans, derived from the Romans all
that in the early periods of their hiftory they knew of
fcience, or the arts of civil life, and fo on of other na¬
tions in antiquity. The fame appears to be the cafe in
modern times. The countries which have been difco-
vered by the reftlefs and inquifitive fpirit of Europeans
have been generally found in the lowed ftate of favagifm;
from which, if they have emerged at all, it has been
exaftly in proportion to their connexion with the inha¬
bitants of Europe. Even w’eftern Europe itfelf, when
funk in ignorance, during the reign of monkery, did not
recover by the efforts of its own inhabitants. Had not
the Greeks, who in the 15th century took refuge in
Italy from the cruelty of the Turks, brought with
them their ancient books, and taught the Italians to
read them, we who are difputing about the origin of
the favage ftate, and the innate powers of the human
tpind, had at this day been grofs and ignorant favages
O ]
S A V
ourfelves, incapable of reafoning with accuracy upon Suva^e.
any fubject. That we have now advanced far before
our matters is readily admitted 5 for the human mind,
when put on the right track, and fpurred on by emu¬
lation and other incitements, is capable of making great
improvements : but between improving fcience, and
and emerging from favagifm, every one perceives there
is an immenfe difference.
Lord Karnes obferves, that the people who inhabit
a grateful foil, where the neceffaries of life are eafily
procured, are the firft who invent ufeful and ingenious
arts, and the firft wEo figure in the exercifes of the
mind. But the Egyptians and Chaldeans, who are
thought to fupport this remark, appear from what w^e
have ieen to have derived their knowledge from their
antediluvian progenitors, and not from any advantages
of fituation or ftrength of genius. Befides, the inha¬
bitants of a great part of Africa, of North and South
America, and of many of the iflands lately difcovered,
live in regions equally fertile, and equally produftive
of the neceffaries of life, with the regions of Chaldea
and Egypt 5 yet thefe people have been favages from
time immemorial, and continue ftill in the fame ftate.
The Athenians, on the other hand, inhabited the moft
barren and ungrateful region of Greece, while their
perfection in the arts and fciences has never been equal¬
led. The Norwegian colony which fettled in Iceland
about the beginning of the 8th century, inhabited a
moft bleak and barren foil, and yet the fine arts were
eagerly cultivated in that dreary region when the reft
of Europe was funk in ignorance and barbarifm. Again,
there are many parts of Africa, and of North and South
America, where the foil is neither fo luxuriant as to
beget indolence, nor fo barren and ungrateful as to de-
prefs the fpirits by labour and poverty 5 where, not-
withftanding, the inhabitants ftill continue in an uncul¬
tured ftate. From all which, and from numerous other
inftances which our limits permit us not to bring for¬
ward, we infer that fome external influence is neceffary
to impel favages towards civilization j and that in the
hiftory of the world, or the nature of the thing, we
find no inftance of any people emerging from barbarifm
by tire progreffive efforts of their own genius. On the
contrary, as we find in focieties highly cultivated and
luxurious a ftrong tendency to degenerate, fo in favages
we not only find no mark of tendency to improvement,
but rather a rooted averfion to it. Among them, indeed,
the focial appetite never reached beyond their own
horde. It is, therefore, too weak and too confined to
difpofe them to unite in large communities; and of
courfe, had all mankind been once in the favage ftate,
they never could have arrived at any confiderable de¬
gree of civilization.
Inftead of trufting to any fuch natural progrefs, as
is contended for, the Providence of Heaven, in pity to
the human race, appears at different times, and in dif¬
ferent countries, to have raifed up fome perfons endow¬
ed with fuperior talents, or, in the language of poetry,
fome heroes, demi-gods, or god-like men, who having
themfelves acquired fome knowledge in nations already
civilized, by ufeful inventions, legiilation, religious in-
ftitutions, and moral arrangements, fowed the firft
feeds of civilization among the hordes of wandering
difunited barbarians. Thus we find the Chinefe lock
up to their Fohee, the Indians to Brahma, the Perfians
to
s A V [ 5
Savage to Zoroafler, the Chaldeans to Oanes, the Egyptians
il to Thoth, the Phenicians to Melicerta, the Scandina-
"a"v*ans to the Italians to Janus, Saturn, and Pi-
1 —t— - cus, and the Peruvians to Manco. In later times, and
^Imoft within our own view, we find the barbarous na¬
tions of Ruffia reduced to fome order and civilization
by the aftonilhing powers and exertions of Peter the
Great. The endeavours of fucceeding monarchs, and
efpecially of Catharine II. have powerfully contributed
to the improvement of this mighty empire. In many
parts of it, however, we Hill find the inhabitants in
a ftate very little fuperior to favagifm j and through
the moll of it, the lower, and perhaps the middling or¬
ders, appear to retain an almoft invincible averfion to
*SzeRuJJia. all further progrefs *. A fadt which, when added to nu¬
merous others of a fimilar nature which occur in the
hillory of the world, feems to prove indifputably that
there is no fuch natural propenfity to improvement in
the human mind as we are taught by fome authors to
believe. The origin of favagifm, if we allow mankind
to have been at firtf civilized, is eafily accounted for by
natural means : The origin of civilization, if at any
period the whole race were favages, cannot, we think, be
accounted for otherwife than by a miracle, or repeated
miracles.
To many perfons in the prefent day, efpecially, the
doftrine we have now attempted to ellablifh will ap¬
pear very humiliating •, and perhaps it is this alone that
has prevented many from giving the fubjedl fo patient
a hearing as its importance feems to require. It is a
fafhionable kind of philofophy to attribute to the human
mind very pre-eminent powers 5 which fo flatter our
pride, as in a great meafure, perhaps, to pervert our rea-
fon, and blind our judgement. The hiflory of the
world, and of the difpenfations of God to man, are cer¬
tainly at variance with the popular dodlrine refpedling
the origin of civilization : for if the human mind be
poffefled of that innate vigour which that doftrine at¬
tributes to it, it will be extremely difficult to account
for thofe numerous fa£!s which feem with irrefiflible
evidence to proclaim the contrary ; for that unceafing
care with which the Deity appears to have watched over
us j and for thofe various and important revelations He
was vouchfafed to us. Let us rejoice and be thankful
that we are men, and that we are Chriftians ; but let
not a vain philofophy tempt us to imagine that we are
angels or gods.
SAVAGE Ijland, one of the fmall iflands in the South
fea, lying in S. Lat. 19. 1. W. Long. 169. 37. It
is about feven leagues in circuit, of a good height, and
has deep water clofe to its (bores. Its interior parts are
fuppofed to be barren, as there was no foil to be feen
upon the coaft •, the rocks alone fupplying the trees with
humidity. The inhabitants are exceedingly warlike and
fierce, fo that Captain Cook could not have any inter-
courfe with them.
SAVANNA-la-Mar, a town of Jamaica, fituated
in the county of Cornwall in that ifland.—It is the
county-town, where the affize courts are held. This
town was almolt totally deftroyed in 1781 by an earth¬
quake and inundation, when many of the inhabitants
perilhed. It has now an elegant court houfe, and con¬
tains about one hundred other houfes. It belongs to
Weftmoreland parilh, in which are 89 fugar-eflates, 106
ether eftutes, and 18,000 (laves.
II J S A V
SAVANNAH, formerly the capital of Georgia in Savannah,
North America, fituated on a river of the fame name, SaVdry' ,
and 17 miles from its mouth, in W. Long. 80. 20. N.
Lat. 32. o. This town is regularly built in form of a
parallelogram.
SAVARY, James, an eminent French writer on the
fubjedl of trade, was born at Done, in Anjou, in 1622.
Being bred to merchandife, he continued in trade un¬
til 1658 j when he left oft’ the praftice, to cultivate the
theory. He had married in 1650 , and in 1660, when
the king declared a purpofe of'afligning privileges and
penfions to fuch of his fubjefts as had twelve children
alive, Mr Savary wras not too rich to put in his claim
to the royal bounty. He was afterwards admitted of
the council for the reformation of commerce j and the
orders which paffed in 1670 were drawn up by his in-
Ilruftions and advice. He wrote Le Parfait Negotiant,
4to 5 and, Avis et confei/s fur les importantes inatieres
du Co77imerce, in qto. He died in 1690 ; and out of
17 children whom he had by one wife, left II. Two
of his fons, James and Philemon Lewis, laboured jointly
on a great work, Diciionnaire Vmverfelle du Co7ntnercef
2 vols folio. This work was begun by James, who was
infpedlor general of the manufatlures at the cuftom-
houfe, Paris 5 who called in the affiitance of his brother
Philemon Lewis, although a canon of the royal church
of St Maur ; and by his death left him to finifh it.
This work appeared in 1723, and Philemon afterwards
added a third fupplemental volume to the former. Po-
ftlethwayte’s Engliflr Didlionary of Trade and Com¬
merce is a tranflation, with confiderable improvements,
from Savary.
Savary, an eminent French traveller and writer,
was born at Vitre, in Brittany, about the year 1748.
He ftudied with applaufe at Rennes, and in 1776 tra¬
velled into Egypt, where he remained almoft three years.
During this period he was wholly engaged in the ftudy
of the Arabian language, in fearching out ancient mo¬
numents, and in examining the national manners. Af¬
ter making himfelf acquainted with the knowledge and
philofophy of Egypt, he vifited the iflands in the Ar¬
chipelago, where he fpent 18 months. On his return
to France, in 1780, he publiffied, 1. A Tranflation cf
the Koran, with a fliort IJfe of Mahomet, in 1783,
2 vols 8vo. 2. The Morality of the Koran, or a col-
ledlion of the moft excellent maxims in the Koran 5 a
work extradled from his tranflation, which is efteemed
both elegant and faithful. 3. Letters on Egypt, in 3
vols 8vo, in 1785- In thefe the author makes his ob-
fervations with accuracy, paints with vivacity, and ren¬
ders interefting every thing he relates. His defcriptions
are in general faithful, but are perhaps in fome inflances
too much ornamented. He has been juflly cenfured
for painting modern Egypt and its inhabitants in too
high colours. Thefe letters, however, were bought up
by the curious public, and read with pleafure and advan¬
tage. Encouraged by this flattering reception, he pre¬
pared his letters upon Greece. He died foon after at
Paris of a malady contrafled from too intenfe applica¬
tion. A fenfible obftruftion in the right lobe of the
liver had made a decifive progrefs, which the return of
fummer, fome Ample medicines, a Arid regirnen, and
travelling, feemed to remove.
On his return into the country adjacent to Paris,
his health however was dill doubtful) for it is well
- known
3 A V [5i
knowm tkat wken the organization of one of the vifcera
has been much deranged, deep traces of it rvill ever re¬
main. His aftive mind, however, made him regardlefs
of his health, and he conceived it his duty to profit by
thofe appearances of recovery which he experienced at
the clofe of the fummer and the beginning of autumn,
to put into order his travels into the iflands o! the Ar¬
chipelago, intended as a continuation of h<s letters on
Egypt. His warmth of temper was exalperated by
fome lively criticifnjs which had been made on his for¬
mer produftions, and h? gave himfelf up to ftudy with
a degree of activity of which the confequences were fuf-
fieiently obvious. An obftruflion in the liver again took,
place, and made a newr progrefs 5 his digeltion became
extremely languid ; Ikep quite forfook him, both by
night and by day ; a dry and troublefome cough came
on \ his face appeared bloated, and his legs more and
more inflamed. The ufe of barley-water and cream of
tartar dill however promoted, in fome degree, the uri¬
nary fecretions, and afforded fome little glimmering of
hope. In this lituation he returned to Paris in the be¬
ginning of the year 1788, to attend to the publication
of his new work concerning the illands of the Archipe¬
lago, particularly the ifie of Candia. He had then all
the fymptoms of a dangerous dropfy, which became
ftill more alarming from the very exhaufted ftate of the
vifcera. The right lobe of the liver was extremely hard
and fenfible. The patient had Ihiverings without any
regular returns, and his ftrength was undermined by a
hedlic fever. At the fame time ftill more uneafy fymp¬
toms took place, thofe of a dropfy in the chert ; but the
circumftances which deftroyed all hope, and announced
his approaching diffoliltion, w'ere a fevere pain in the
left fide, with a very troublefome cough, and a copious
and bloody expedforation (in hepaticis, lays Hippocrates,
fputurji cruenttim rhortiferurn); his reipiration became
more and more difficult ; his ftrength was exhaufted,
and his death took place on the 4th of February 1788,
attended with every indication of the moft copious over¬
flowing in the cheft, and of an abfeefs in the liver.—-
Thus was deftroyed, in the vigour of his age, an author
whofe character and talents rendered him worthy of the
happieft lot.
Mr Savary’s genius was lively and well cultivated }
his heart warm and benevolent •, his imagination vigo¬
rous ; his memory retentive. He wras cheerlul and open
and had fo great a talent for telling a ftory, that his com¬
pany ■was not lefs agreeable than inftruftive. He did not
mingle much xvith the world, but was fatisfied with perform¬
ing wjell the duties of a fon, of a brother, and of a friend.
SAUCISSE, or SaucISSON, in mining, is a long
pipe or bag, made of cloth wrell pitched, or fometimes
of leather, of about an inch and a half diameter, filled
with powder, going from the chamber of the mine to
the entrance of the gallery. It is generally placed in
a -wooden pipe called an nuget, to prevent its growing
damp. It ferves to give fire to mines, caiffons, bomb-
chefts, &c.
Saucissok, is likewife a kind of fafeine, longer than
the common ones; they ferve to raife batteries and to
repair breaches. They are alfo ufed in making epaule-
ments, in flopping paflages, and in making traverfes
over a wet ditch, &c.
SAVE, a river of Germany, which has its fource in
Upper Carniola, on the frontiers of Carinthia. It runs
3
2 ] SAY
through Carniola from weft to eaft, afterwards feparatesSavemlroog
Sclavonia from Croatia, Bofnia, and part of Servia, and II
then falls into the Danube at Belgrade. . f
SAVENDROOG, a rtrong fortrefs of Hinduftan, in
the Myfore kingdom. It is fituated on the fummit of
a vaft rock, meafuring about half a mile in perpendicu¬
lar height, its bafe being upwards of eight miles in
circumference, and divided by a chafm at the top, by
wdrich it is formed into two hills, each having a pecu¬
liar kind of defence. They anfwer the purpole of two
citadels which are capable of being maintained, inde¬
pendent of the low’er works, which are remarkably
ftrong. It was, however, taken by the gallantry of
Britilh troops in the year 1791, after a fiege of feven
days continuance. It is 18 miles weft of Bangalore.
See India, N° 167.
SAVER-krout. See Kroute.
SAVERNAKE-Forest, is fituated near Marlbo¬
rough in \Yiltlhire, and is 12 miles in circumference,
well flocked with deer, and delightful from the many
villas cut through the woods and coppices with which it
abounds. Eight of thefe villas meet, like the rays of a
liar, in a point near the middle of the foreft, where an
octagon tower is erefled to correfpond with the villas j
through one of which is a view of Tottenham Park,
Lord Ailelhury’s leat, a ftately edifice erected after the
model, and under the direction, of our modern Vitruvi¬
us, the earl of Burlington, who to the ftrength and con¬
venience of the Englilh architecture has added the ele-
'gance of the Italian.
SAVILE, Sir George, afterwards marquis of Ha¬
lifax, and one of the greateft ftatefmen of his time, was
born about the year 1630 ; and 1'ome time after his re¬
turn from his travels w*as created a peer, in confidera-
tion of his own and his father’s merits. He was a llre-
nuous oppofer of the bill of exclufion 5 but propofed
fuch limitations of the duke of York’s authority, as
ffiould difable him from doing any harm either in church
or ftate, as the taking out of his hands all power in
ecclefiaftical matters, the difpofal of the public money,
and the power of making peace and w'ar j and lodging
thefe in the two houfes of parliament. After that bill
was rejeCted in the houfe of lords, he prefied them,
though without fuccefs, to proceed to the limitation of
the duke’s powder ; and began with moving, that during
the king’s life he might be obliged to live five hundred
miles out of England. In Auguft 1682 he was crea¬
ted a marquis, and foon after made privy-feal. Upon
King James’s acceffion, he was made prefident of the
council ; but on his refufal to confent to the repeal of
the teft, he was difmified from all public employments.
In that afiembly of the lords which met after King
James’s withdrawing himfelf the firft time from White¬
hall, the marquis was chofen their prefident •, and upon
the king’s return from Feverlham, he wras fent, together
with the earl of Shrewlbury and lord Delamere, from
the prince of Orange, to order his majefty to quit the
palace at Whitehall. In the convention of parliament
he was chofen fpeaker of the houfe of lords, and ftre-
nuoufly fupported the motion for the vacancy of the
throne, and the conjunftive fovereignty of the prince and
princefs; upon whofe acceffion he was again made pnvy-
feal. Yet, in 1689, he quitted the court, and became
a zealous oppofer of the meafures of government till his
death, which happened in April 1695. The Rev. Mr
Grainger
SAY [5
Saville. Grainger obferves, that “ he was a perfon of unfettled
¥ '' principles, and of a lively imagination, which fometimes
got the better of his judgement. He would never lofe
his jeft, though it fpoiled his argument, or brought his
fincerity or even his religion in queftion. He was de-
iervedly celebrated for his parliamentary talents j and in
the famous contelf relating to the bill of exclufion w7as
thought to be a match for his uncle Shaftlbury. The
pieces he has left us fliow him to have been an ingeni¬
ous, if not a mailerly writer j and his Jidvice to a Daugh¬
ter contains more good fenfe in fewer words than is,
perhaps, to be found in any of his contemporary au¬
thors.” His lordihip alfo wrote, The Anatomy of an
Equivalent j a Letter to a Diffenter ; a Rough Draught
of a New Model at Sea ; and Maxims of State j all
which were printed together in one volume 8vo.~
Since thefe were alfo publifhed under his name the Cha-
ra&er of King Charles II. 8vo; the Chara&er of
Eifliop Burnet, and Hiftorical Obfervations upon the
reigns of Edward I. II. III. and Richard II. with
Remarks upon their faithful Counfellors and falfe Fa¬
vourites.
SAVILLE, Sir Henry, a learned Englilhman, was
the fecond fon of Henry Saville, Efq. and was born at
Bradley, near Halifax, in ‘York(hire, November the
30th, 1549. He was entered of Merton College, Ox¬
ford, in 1561, where he took the degrees in arts, and
xvas chofen fellow. When he proceeded mafter of arts
in 1570, he read for that degree on the Almageft of
Ptolemy, which procured him the reputation of a man
eminently flailed in mathematics and the Greek lan¬
guage ; in the former of which he voluntarily read a
public leflure in the univerfity for fome time.
In 1578 he travelled into France and other countries 5
where, diligently improving himfelf in afj ufeful learn¬
ing, in languages, and the knowledge of the world, he
became a moft accomplilhed gentleman. At his return,
he was made tutor in the Greek tongue to Queen Eli¬
zabeth, who had a great efteem for him.
1° 1585 he was made warden of Merton College,
which he governed 36 years with great honour, and im¬
proved it by all the means in his power.—In 1596 he
was chofen provofl: of Eton College; which he filled
with many learned men.-—James I. upon his acceflion
to the crown of England, expreffed a great regard for
him, and would have preferred him either in church or
Rate $ but Saville declined it, and only accepted the
ceremony of knighthood from the king at Windfor in
1604. His only fon Henry dying about that time, he
thenceforth devoted his fortune to the promoting of
learning.^ Among other things, in 1619, he founded,
in the univerfity of Oxford, two leftures, or profeflbr-
fhips, one in geometry, the other in aftronomy ; which
he endowed with a falary of 160I. a-year each, befides
a legacy of 600I. to purchafe more lands for the fame
ufe. He alfo furnithed a library with mathematical
books, near the mathematical fchool, for the ufe of his
profeffors; and gave 100I. to the mathematical chefi:
of his own appointing: adding afterwards a legacy of
40I. a-year to the fame cheft, to the univerfity, and to
his profeffors jointly. He likewife gave 120I. towards
the new building of the fchools, befide feveral rare ma-
nufcripts and printed books to the Bodleian library ;
and a good quantity of Greek types to the printing prefs
at Oxford.
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
13] SAY
Alter a life thus fpent in the encouragement and
promotion of fcience and literature in general, he died
at Eton College the 19th of February 1622, in the 73d
year of his age, and was buried in the chapel there. On
this occafion, the univerfity of Oxford paid him the
greateft honours, by having a public fpeech and verfes
made in his praife, which were publifned foon after in
4to, under the title of Ultima Linea Savilii.
I he higheft encomiums were bellowed on Saville by
all the learned of his time : by Cafaubon, Mercerus,
Meibomius, Jofeph Scaliger, and efpecially the learned
Bilhop Montague ; who, in his Diatnbcc upon SeMen’s
Hiftory of lythes, ftyles him, “ that magazine of
learning, whole memory fliall be honourable amongft
not only the learned, but the righteous for ever.” His
works are,
1. Four Books of the Hillories of Cornelius Tacitus,
and the Life of Agricola 5 with Notes upon them, in
folio, dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, 1581 2. A
View of certain Military Matters, or Commentaries
concerning Roman Warfare, 1598 3. Rerum Angii-
carutn Scriptores pojl Bedam, &c. 1596. This is a col-
leftion of the belt writers of our Englilh hillory ; to
which he added chronological tables at the end, from
Julius Caefar to William the Conqueror.—4.The Works
of St Chryfoltoir, in Greek, in 8 vols folio, 1613.
Ibis is a very fine edition, and compofed with great
coll and labour. In the preface he fays, “ that having
himfelf vifited, about^ 12 years before, all the public and
private libaries in Britain, and copied out thence what¬
ever he thought ufeful to this defign, he then fent fome
learned men into France, Germany, Italy, and the Eaft,
to tranfcribe fuch parts as he had not already, and to’
collate the others with the bell manufcripts.” At the
fame time, he makes his acknowledgments to feveral
eminent men for their affiltance; as Thuanus, Velferus,
Schottus, Cafaubon, Ducceus, Gruter, Hoefchelius, &c.
In the 8th volume are inferted Sir Henry Saville’s own
notes, with thole of other learned men. The whole
charge of this edition, including the feveral fums paid to
learned men, at home and abroad, employed in findino-
out, tranfcribing, and collating the bell manufcripts, is
faid to have amounted to no lefs than 8000I. Several
Saville
il
Saviour.
editions of this work were afterwards publilhed at Paris.
■—5. In 1618 he publilhed.a Latin work, written bv
J homas Bradwardin, archbilbop of Canterbury, againfi
Pelagius, entitled, De Caufa Dei contra Pe/agiurn, et de
virtute caufarum ; to which he prefixed the life of Brad-
wardm.—6. In 1621 he publilhed a collettion of his
own Mathematical Ledures on Euclid’s Elements, in
4to.—7. Qratio coram Elhabetha Regina Oxonice ha-
bita, anno 1592. Printed at Oxford in 1658, in 4to.
-—8. He tranflated into Latin King James’s Apoloow
for the Oath of Allegiance. He alfo left feveral ma¬
nufcripts behind him, written by ord^r of King James;
all which are in the Bodleian library. He wrote notes
likewife upon the margin of many books in his library
particularly Eufebius’s Ecclefiallical Hillory j which
were afterwards ufed by Valefius, in his edition of that
work in 1659—Four of his letters to Camden are
publilhed by Smith, among Camden’s Letters, 1601
4to. y ’
SAVIN, in Botany. See Juniperus, Botany
Index.
SAVIOUR, an appellation peculiarly given to Jefus
3 T Chrilk
Saul
Saunderfon.
S A U r 51
Clirifl, as being the Meffiah and Saviour of the world.
See Jesus.
Order of St SAVIOUR, a religious order of the Ro-
mifli church, founded by St Bridget, about the year
1345, and fo called from its being pretended that our
Saviour himleif declared its confHtution and rules to the
foundrefs. According to the conllitutions, this is princi¬
pally founded for religious women who pay a particular
honour to the holy virgin 5 but there are fome monks
of the order, to admisitier the facrament and fpiritual
affiftance to the nuns.
SAUL the fon of Kith, of the tribe of Benjamin,
was the firft king of the Uraelites. On account of his
difobedient conduft, the kingdom was taken from his
family, and given to David. See the Firfl Book of
Samuel.
Saul, otherwife called Paul. See Paul.
SAUMUR, a confiderable town of France, in the
department of Maine and Loire, and capital of the Sau-
marois, with an ancient cattle. The town is final!, but
pleafantly fituated on the Loire, acrofs which is a long
bridge, continued through a number of jflands. Saumur
was anciently a mod important pafs over the river, and
of confequence was frequently and fiercely difputed by
either party, during the civil wars of France in the fix-
teenth century. The fortifications are of great ftrength,
and Henry IV. on the reconciliation which took place
between him and Henry III. near Tours, in 1589, de¬
manded that Saumur fhould be delivered to him, as one
of the cities of fafety. The cadk overlooks the town
and river. It is built on a lofty eminence, and has a
venerable and magnificent appearance, and was lately
ufed as a prifon of date, where perfons of rank were
frequently confined. The kings of Sicily, and dukes of
Anjou of the houfe of Valois, who defcended from John
kmg of France, often refided in the cadle of Saumur,
a« it condituted a part of their Angevin dominions.
E. Long. o. 2. N. Lat. 47. 15.
S \UNDERS, a kind of wood brought from the Ead;
Indies, of which there are three kinds ; white, yellow,
and red. See Pterocarpus and Santalum, Botany
Index.
SAUNDERSON, Dr Robert, an eminent cafuid,
was born at Rotherham in YorkOrire on the 19th
September 1587, and was defcende.d of an ancient fa¬
mily. He attended the grammar-fchool at Rotherham,
wdiere he made fuch wonderful proficiency in the lan¬
guages, that at 13 it was judged proper to fend him to
Lincoln college, Oxford. In j6o8 he was appointed
logic reader in the fame college. He took orders in
1611, and was promoted fuccedively to feveral bene¬
fices. Archbifoop Laud recommended him to King
Charles I as a profound cafuid; and that monarch,
who feems to have been a great admirer of cafuidical
learning, appointed him one of his chaplains in 1631.
Charles propofed feveral cafes of confcience to him, and
received fo great fatisfadlion from his anfwers, that at
the end of his month’s attendance he told him, that h^
would wait with impatience during the intervening 11
months, as he was refolved to be more intimately ac¬
quainted with him, when it would again be his turn to
otheiate. The king regularly attended his fermons,
and was wont to fay, that “ he carried his ears to hear
other preachers, but his confcience to hear Mr Saun-
derfon.”
4 ] S A U
In 1642 Charles created him regius profeffor of di-Saunderfon,
vinity at .Oxford, with the canonry of Chrid church an-  v '
nexed : but the civil wars prevented him till 1646 from
entering on the cfhce ; and in 1648 he was ejebled by
thevifitors which the parliament had commidioned. He
mud have dood high in the public opinion ; for in the
iame year in which he was appointed profeffor of di¬
vinity, both houfes of parliament recommended him to
the king as one of their trudees for fettling the affairs
of the church. The king, too, repofed great confidence
in h;s judgement, and frequently confulted him about
the date of his idfairs. When the parliament propofed
the abolition of the epifcopal form of church-govern¬
ment as incompatible with monarchy, Charles defired
him to take the fubjefl under his confideration, and de¬
liver Ins opinion. Fie accordingly wrote a treatife en¬
titled, Epilcopacy as edabliihed by law in England
not prejudicial to regal power. At taking leave, the
king advifed him to publilh Cafes of Confcience : he
replied, that “ he was now grown-old and unfit to
write cafes of confcience.” The king faid, “ it was
the fimpled thing he ever had heard from him \ for no
young man was fit to be a judge, or write cafes of con¬
fcience.” Walton, who wrote the life of Dr Saunder¬
fon, informs us, that in one of thefe conferences the
king told him (Dr Saunderfon), or one of the red who
was then in company, that “ the remembrance of two
errors did much affect him *, which were his affent to
the earl of Strafford’s death, and the aboliflvng of epif-
copacy in Scotland ; and that if God ever reftored him
to the peaceable pofTeiTion of his crown, he would prove
his repentance by a public confedion and a voluntary
penance, by walking barefoot from the Tower of Lon¬
don, or Whitehall, to St Paul’s church, and would de¬
fire the people to intercede with God for his pardon.”
Dr Saunderfon was taken prifoner by the parlia¬
ment’s troops and conveyed to Lincoln, in order to
procure in exchange a Puritan divine named Clarh,
whom the king’s army had taken. The exchange was
agreed to, on condition that Dr Saunderfon’s living
fiiould be redored^ and his perfon and property remain
umnoleded. The fird of thtfe demands was readily
complied with : and a ftipulation was made, that the
fecond fhould be obferved; but it was impofiible to re-
ftrain the licentioufnefs of the foldiers. They entered
his church in the time of divine fervice, interrupted
him when reading prayers, and even had the audacity
to take the common prayer book from him, and to tear
it to pieces.
The honourable Mr Boyle, having read a -work of
Dr Saunderfon’s entitled De jar amend obUgatione, was
fo much cleafed, that he inquired at Bifhop Barlow,
whether he thought it was poflible to prevail on the
author to write Cafes of Confcience, if an honorary pen-
fion was afligned him to enable him to purchafe books,
and pay an amanuenfis. Saunderfon told Barlow, “ that
if any future tradl of his could be of any ufe to man¬
kind, lie would cheerfully fet about it without a penfion ”
Boyle, however, fent him a prefent of i;cl. fenfible no
doubt, that, like the other royalifts, his finances could
not be great. Upon this Saunderfon publiflied his book
Dc Confcientin.
When Charles II. was reinftated in the throne, he
recovered his profeff rfhip and canonry, and foon after
was promoted to the bifhopric of Lincoln. During
the
S A U
Saunderfon. the two years and a half in which he poffeiTed this newr
—v office, he fpent a confiderable fum in augmenting poor
vicarages, in repairing the palace at Bugden, &:c. lie
died January 29. 1662-3, in his 761I1 year.
He was a man of great acutenefs and folid judgement.
“ That ftaid and well-weighed man Dr Saunderfon
(fays Dr Hammond) conceives all things deliberately,
dwells upon them difcreetly, difcerns things that differ
exaftly, paffeth his judgement rationally, and expreffes
it aptly, clearly, and hcmeftly.” Being allied, what
books he had read moft ? he replied, that “ he did not
read many books, but thofe which he did read were
well chofen and frequently perufed.” Thefe, he fair),
wrere chietly three, Ariftotle’s Rhetoric, Aquinas’s Se-
cunda Secundcc, and Tully’s Works } efpecially his Offi¬
ces, which lie had not read over lefs than 23 times,
and could even, in his old age, recite without book.”
He added, that “ the learned civilian Dr Zouch had
written E/ementa juris prudent ice, which he thought he
could alfo fay without book, and that no wife man
could read it too often.” He was not only converfant
with the fathers and fchoolmen, with cafuillical and
controverlial divinity ; but he was well acquainted with
all the hi (lories of the Englith nation, was a great anti¬
quary, had fearched minutely into records, and wTas
well (killed in heraldry and genealogy.
It will now be proper to give a ihort account of his
works. 1. In 1615 he publilhed Logicce Artis Co?npen-
dium, which was the fyftem of lectures he had delivered
in the Univerlity when he was logic-reader. 2. Ser¬
mons, amounting in number to 36, printed in 1681,
folio, with the author’s life by Walton. 3. Nine Cafes
of Confcience refolved *, firll collected in one volume, in
1678, 8vo. 4. Dc juramenti obligatione. This book
was ttanfhted into Englilli by Charles I. while a pri-
fbner in the ifle of Wight, and printed at London in
1665, 8vo. 5. De Obligatione confeientice. 6. Cenfure
of Mr Antony Afcham his book of the confuffons and
revolutions of govemment. 7. Pax Ecclejiee concern¬
ing Predeftination, or the five points. 8. Epifcopacy,
as effablilhed by law in England, not prejudicial to the
regal power, in 1661. Befides thefe, he wrote two Dif-
courfes in defence of Ulher’s writings.
Saunderson, Dr Nicholas, was born at Thurlflone
in Yorkfhire in 1682, and may be confidered as a
prodigy for his application and fuccefs in mathematical
literature in circumlfances apparently the moil unfavour¬
able. He loft his fight by the fir allpox befote he was
a year old. But this difafter did not prevent him from
fearching after that knowdedge for which nature had
given him fo ardent a defire. He was initiated into
the Greek and Roman authors at a free fchool at Pen-
nifton. After {pending fome years in the ftudy of the
languages, his father (who had a place in the excife)
began to teach him the common rules of arithmetic.
He foon furpaffed his father •, and could make long and
difficult calculations, without having any fenfible marks
to affift his memory. At 18 he was taught the princi¬
ples of algebra and geometry by Richard Weft of Un-
doorbank, Efq. who, though a gentleman of fortune,
yet, being ftrongly attached to mathematical learning,
readily undertook the education of fo uncommon a
genius. Saunderfon was aifo affifted in his mathematical
ftudies by Dr Nettleton. Thefe two gentlemen read
books to him and explained them. He was next tent
S A U
to a private academy at Attercliff near Sheffield, whereSaunderfon.
logic and metaphylics were chiefly taught. But thefe 'v
fciences not fuiting his turn of mind, he foon left the
academy. He lived for fume time in the country with¬
out any inftruftor j but fuch was the vigour of his own
mind, that few inftruftions were neceffary : lie only re¬
quired books and a reader.
His father, befides the place he had in the excife,
poffelfed alfo a fmall eftate ; but having a numerous fa¬
mily to fupport, he was uuable to give him a liberal
education at one of the r niverfities. Some of bis friends,
who had remarked his perfpicuous and interefting man¬
ner of communicating his ideas, propofed that he Ihould
attend the univerfity of Cambridge as a teacher ol ma¬
thematics. This propofal was immediately put in exe¬
cution ; and he was accordingly conduced' to Cam¬
bridge in his 25th year by Mr Joftrua Dunn, a fellow*-
commoner of Chrift’s college* Though he was not re¬
ceived as a member of the college, he was treated with
great attention and refpeift. He was allowed a cham¬
ber, and had free accefs to the library. Mr Whifton
was at that time profeffor of mathematics; and as he
read lectures in the way .that Saunderfon intended, it was
naturally to be fuppofed he would view his projedl as
an invafion of his office. But, inftead of meditating
any oppofition, the plan w-as no fooner mentioned to
him than he gave his confent. Saunderfon’s reputa¬
tion was foon fpread through the univerfity. When
his leflures were announced, a general curiofity was
excited to hear fuch intricate mathematical fubje&s ex¬
plained by a man who had been blind from his infancy.
The fubject of his lectures was the Principia Mathernati-
ca, the Optics, and Arithmetica Univerjahs of Sir Ifaac
Newton. He was accordingly attended by a very nu¬
merous audience. It will appear at firft incredible to
many that a blind man ffiould be capable of explaining
optics, which requires an accurate knowledge of the
nature of light and colours ; but we mull recollect,
that the theory of vifion is taught entirely by lines, and
is fubjeft to the rules of geometry.
While thus employed in explaining the principles of
the Newtonian philofophy, he became known to its il-
luftrious author. He was alfo intimately acquainted
with Halley, Cotes, De Moivre, and other eminent ma¬
thematicians. When Whifton was removed from hl«
profefforlhip, Saunderfon was univerfally allowed to be
the man bell qualified for the, fucceffion. But to enjoy
this office, it was neceffary, as the ftatutes direff, that
he Ihould he promoted to a degree. To obtain this pri¬
vilege the heads of the univerlity applied to their chan¬
cellor the duke of Somerfet, who procured the royal
mandate to confer upon him the degree of mafter of
arts. He was then elected Lucafian profeffor of ma¬
thematics in November 1711. His inauguration fpeech
was compofed in claftical Latin, and in the ftvle of
Cicero, with whofe works he had been much conver¬
fant. He now devoted his whole time to his lecfbu-es,
and the in draft ion of his pupils. When George II. in
1728, vifited the univerfity of Cambridge, he expreffed
a defire to fee Profeffor Saunderfon. In compliance
with this defire, he waited upon his mqefty in the
fenate-houfe, and was there, by the king’s command,
created doftor of laws. He was admitted a member of
the Royal Society in 1736.
Saunderfon was naturally of a vigorous conftitution ;
3 T 2 but
[ 515 ]
s A U [51
1 Tor-but having confined himfelf to a fedentary life, he at
' length became icorbutic. For feveral years he felt a
numbnefs in his limbs, which, in the fpring of 1739,
brought on a mortification in his foot; and, unfortu¬
nately, his blood was fo vitiated by the fcurvy, that
affutance from medicine was not to be expe£ted. When
he was informed that his death was near, he remained
for a little fpace calm and filent} but he foon recovered
his former vivacity, and converfed with his ufual eafe.
He died on the 19th of April 1739, in the 57th year
of his age, and was buried at his own requeft in the
chancel at Boxworth.
He married the daughter of the reverend Mr Dic¬
kens, retlor of Boxworth, in Cambridegefhire, and by
her had a fon and danghter.
Dr Saunderfon was rather to be admired as a man of
wonderful genius and afliduity, than to be loved for
amiable qualities. He fpoke his fentiments freely of
chara&ers, and praifed or condemned his friends as well
as his enemies without referve. This has been afcribed
by feme to a love of defamation •, but perhaps with
more propriety it has been attributed by others to an
inflexible love of truth, which urged him upon all oc-
cafions to fpeak the fentiments of his mind without dif-
guife, and without conlidering whether this conduct
would pleafe or give offence. His fentiments were fup-
pofed unfavourable to revealed religion. It is faid, that
he alleged he could not know God, becaufe he was blind,
and could not fee his works ; and that, upon this, Dr
Holmes replied, “ Lay your hand upon yourfelf, and
the organization which you will feel in your own body
will diflipate fo grofs an error.” On the other hand,
we are informed, that he had defired the facrament to
be given him on the evening before his death. He
was, however, feized with a delirium, which rendered
this impoffible.
He wrote a fyftem of algebra, which was publi(lied, in
2 volumes 4(0, at London, after his death, in the year
3 740, at the expence of the univerfity of Cambridge.
Dr Saunderfon invented for his own ufe a Palpable
Arithmetic *, that is, a method of performing operations
in arithmetic folely by the fenfe of touch. It confifted
of a table raifed upon a fmall frame, fo that he could
apply his hands with equal eafe above and below. On
this table were drawn a great number of parallel lines
which were croffed by others at right angles •, the edges
of the table were divided by notches half an inch diftant
from one another, and between each notch there were
five parallels •, fo that every fquare inch xvas divided in¬
to a hundred little fquares. At each angle of the
Iquares -where the parallels interfered one another,, a
hole was made quite through the table. In each hole
lie placed two pins, a big and a fmall one. It wras by
the various arrangements of the pins that Saunderfon
performed his operations. A defeription of this me¬
thod of making calculations by his table is given under
the article Blind, N° 38. though it is there by miftake
faid that it was not of his own invention.
His fenfe of touch was fo perfeft, that he could dif-
cover with the greateft exaflnefs the flighteft inequality
of lurface, and could diftinguifli in the moft finilhed
works the fmallefl: overfight in the polifh. In the cabi¬
net of medals at Cambridge he could fingle out the Ro¬
man medals with the utmoft corrernefs ; he could alfo
perceive the fljghteft variation in the atmofphere. One
6 ] s a v
day, while tome gentlemen were making obfervations on Saunderfon
the fun, he took notice of every little cloud that paffed II
over the (un which could interrupt their labours. When Savonarola,
any objefl palled before his face, even though at 1’ome v ” "
diitance, he difeovered it, and could guefs its fize with
confiderable accuracy. When he walked, he knew
when he palled by a tree, a wall, or a houfe. He made
thele diltindlions from the different ways his face was af¬
fected by the motion of the air.
His mufical ear was remarkably acute j he could di¬
ftinguifli accurately to the fifth of a note. In his youth
he had been a performer on the flute ; and he had made
fuch proficiency, that if he had cultivated his talents in
this way, he would probably have been as eminent in
mufic as he was in mathematics. Fie recognized not
only his friends, but even thofe with whom he was
flightly acquainted, by the tone of their voice ; and he
could judge with wonderful exaCtnefs of the fize of any
apartment into which he was condufted.
SAVONA, a large, handfome, populous, and ftrong
town of Italy, in the territory of Genoa, with two
cafiles, and a bilhop’s fee. It contains feveral handfome
churches and well-built ftruClures. It was taken by the
king of Sardinia in 1746, at which time it had a capa¬
cious harbour ; but the people of Genoa, being afraid
that it would hurt their own trade, choked it up. It is-
feated on the Mediterranean fea, in a well-cultivated
country, abounding in filk and all kinds of good fruit.
E. Long. 8. 14. N. Lat. 44. 21.
SAVONAROLA, Jerome, a famous Italian monk,
was born at Ferrara in 1452, and defeended of a noble
family. At the age of 22 he affumed the habit of a
Dominican friar, without the knowledge of his parents,
and diftinguifhed himfelf in that order by his piety and
ability as a preacher. Florence was the theatre where
lie chofe to appear •, there he preached, confeffed, and
wrote. He had addrefs enough to place himfelf at the
head of the faction which oppofed the family of the
Medici. He explained the Apocalypfe, and there found
a prophecy which foretold the deftru&ion of his oppo¬
nents. He predi&ed a renovation of the church, and
declaimed with much feverity againft the clergy and the
court of Rome. Alexander VI. excommunicated him,
and prohibited him from preaching. He derided the
anathemas of the pope : yet he forbore preaching for
fome time, and then refumed his employment with more
applaufe than before. The pope and the Medici family
then thought of attacking him with his own weapons..
Savonarola having polled up a thefis as a fubjetl of dil-
putation, a Francifcan, by their inftigation, offered to
prove it heretical. The Francifcan was feconded by his
brother friars, and Savonarola by his ; and thus the two
orders were at open war with each other. To fettle the
difpute, and to convince their antagonifts of the fuperior
fanciity of Savonarola, one of the Dominicans offered
to walk through a fire ; and in order to prove his wicked-
nefs, a Franeifcan agreed to the fame experiment. The
multitude, eager to witnefs fo extraordinary a fpeflacle,
urged both parties to come to a decifion ; and the ma-
giftrates were conftrained to give their confent. Ac¬
cordingly, Saturday the 7th of April 1498 was fixed
for the trial. On that day the champions appeared j
but when they faw7 one another in cold blood, and be¬
held the wood in flames, they were feized with fear, and
were very anxious to efcape by any fubterfuge the immi¬
nent
S A V
Saronaro’a nent danger into which they had raflily thrown them-
I! {elves. The Dominican pretended he could not enter
. the flames without the holt in his hand. This the ma-
giftrates obftinately refufed to allow ; and the Domini¬
can’s fortitude was not put to the teft. The Francifcans
incited the multitude againft their opponents, who ac¬
cordingly affaulted their monaftery, broke open the
gates which were (hut againlt them, and entered by
force. Upon this, the magiftrates thought it neceiTary
to bring Savonarola to trial as an impoflor. He was
put to the torture, and examined $ and the anfwers
which he gave fully evinced that he rvas both a cheat
and a fanatic. He boafled of having frequent converfa-
tions with God, and found his brother friars credulous
enough to believe him. One of the Dominicans, who
had (hared in his fufl’erings, affirmed, that he faw the
Holy Ghoft in the (hape of a dove, with feathers of
gold and filver, twice in one day alight on the (boulder
of Savonarola and peck his ear •, he pretended alfo that
he had violent combats with demons. John Francis
Picus earl of Mirandula, who wrote his life, aflures us,
that the devils which infefled the convent of the Do*
minicans trembled at the fight of Friar Jerome, and that
out of vexation they always fuppreffed iome letters of
his name in pronouncing it. He expelled them from
all the cells of the monaftery. When he went round
the convent fprinkling holy water to defend the friars
from the infults of the demons, it is faid the evil fpirits
fpread thick clouds before him to prevent his paffage.—
At length, the pope Alexander VI. fent the chief of
the Dominicans, with jBifliop Romolino, to degrade him
from holy orders, and to deliver him up to the fecular
judges with his two fanatical affociates. They were con¬
demned to be hanged and burned on the 23 d May 1498.
Savonarola fubmitted to the execution of the fentence
with great firmnefs and devotion, and without uttering
a word refpefting his innocence or his guilt. He was
46 years of age. Immediately after his death, his Con-
feffion was publiftied in his name. It contained many
extravagancies, but nothing to deferve fo fevere and in¬
famous a puniftrment. His adherents did not fail to at¬
tribute to him the power of working miracles; and fo
ftrong a veneration had they for their chief, that they
preferved with pious care any parts of his body which
they could fnatch from the flames. The earl of Miran«
dula, the author of his life, has defcribed him as an emi¬
nent faint. He gravely informs us, that his heart was
found in a river; and that he had a piece1 of it in his
poffeffion, which had been very ufeful in curing difeafes,
and ejefting demons. He remarks, that many of his
perfecutors came to a miferable end. Savonarola has
alfo been defended by Father Quetif, Bzovius, Baron,
and other religious Dominicans.
He wrote a prodigious number of books in favour of
religion. He has left, 1. Sermons in Italian-, 2. A Trea-
tife entitled, Triumphus cruris ; 3. Eruditorum Confcf-
forum, and feveral others. His works have been pub-
lifhed at Leyden in 6 vols 12 mo.
SAVORY, See Satureia, Botany Index.
SAVOUR. See Taste.
SAVOY, formerly a duchy, now a department of
France, lying between the latter and Italy, and which
takes its name from the Latin Sabaadia, altered after-
wards to Saboia, and Sobojia.
This country was anciently inhabited by the Celtes,
S A V
whofe defcendanls therein were fubdivided into the Al- Savoy,
lobroges, Nantuates, Veragri, Seduni, Salaffi, Centrones, V““
Garocelli, and feme others of interior note.—Of all
thefe the Aiiobroges were the molt confiderable. The
reduftion of thefe tribes, in which Julius Caefar had
made a great progrefs, was completed under Auguilus.
Afterwards this country (hared the fate of the reft of
the weftern empire, and was overrun by the northern
barbarians. The Burgundians held it a confiderable
time ; but when or how it firft became a dittinft earldom
under the prefent family, is what hiftorians are not
agreed about: thus much, however, is certain, that A-
madeeus I. who lived in the 12th century, was count of
it. In 1416, Amadaeus VIII. was created by the em¬
peror Sigiimund duke of Savoy 5 and Victor Amadaeus
firft took the title of king of Sicily, and afterwards of
Sardinia. See Sardinia. Savoy was lately conquered
by the French, and added to the republic as the 80th
department. As this arrangement, though decreed by
the convention to laft for ever, may probably be of (hort
duration, we (hall write of the duchy as of an indepen¬
dent (late. Savoy, then, is bounded to the louth by
France and Piedmont j to the north by the lake of Ge¬
neva, which feparales it from Switzerland ; to the weft,
by France j and to the call, by Piedmont, the Mila-
nefe, and Switzerland ^ its greateft length, being about
88 miles, and breadth about 76.
As it lies among the Alps, it is full of lofty moun¬
tains, which in general are very barren : many of the
higheft of them are perpetually covered with ice and
fnow. The fummit of thofe called Montagues Maudites,
“ the curfed mountains,” are faid to be more than two
Englifh miles in perpendicular height above the level of
the lake of Geneva, and the level itfelf is much higher
than the Mediterranean. In fome few of the valleys
there is corn land and pafture, and a good breed of cat¬
tle and mules; and along the lake of Geneva, and in
two or three other places, a tolerable wine is produced.
Mount Senis or Cenis, between Savoy and Piedmont,
over which the highway from Geneva to Turin lies, is
as high, if not higher, than the Montagues Maudites ;
but of all the mountains of the Alps, the higheft is-
Mount Rochmelon, in Piedmont, between Fertiere and
Novalefe. The roads over thefe mountains are very te¬
dious, difagreeable, and dangerous, efpeciaily as huge
maffes of fnow, called by the Italians avalanches, and
fragments of rocks, frequently roll down into them from
the impending precipices. The way of travelling is ei¬
ther in fledges, chairs, or on the backs of mules : in
fome places the path on the brink of the precipices is fo
narrow, that there is but juft room for a (ingle perfon
to pafs. It begins to fnow on thefe mountains com¬
monly about the beginning of Oifober. In fummer, in
the months of July, Auguft, and September, many of
them yield very fine grafs, with a great variety of flowers
and herbs; and others boxwood, rvalnuts, chefnuts, and
pines. The height and different combinations of thefe
mountains, their towering fumraits rifing above one an¬
other, and covered with fnow, the many catarafts or
falls of water, the noife and rapidity of the river Arc,
the froth and green tinclure of its water, the echoes of
its numerous ftreams tumbling from cliff to cliff, form
altogether a very romantic feene. Thefe mountainous
trafts, notwithftanding their height, are not altogether
free from thunder in fummer, and are alfo much expo--
fedd
[ S17 1
S A V [5
>S,^0V' , fed to thick clouds, which fometimes fettle unexpectedly
on them, and continue feveral days. There are fome
wolves among the thickets ; and they abound with hares,
rupicapras or chamois, and marmottes. In the lower
parts of Savoy, there are alfo bears, wild boars, deer,
and rabbits; and among the defolate mountains are
found great quantities of rock-cryftal. In the glacieres
or ice-valleys, between the high mountains, the air is
extremely cold, even in the months of July and Auguft.
The furface of thefe ice-valleys looks like a fea or lake,
which, after being agitated by fierce and contrary winds,
has been frozen all at once, interfperfed with hideous
cracks and chafms. I he noife of thefe cracks, when
firft made by the heat of the noon-day fun, and reverbe¬
rated by the furrounding rocks and mountains, is afio-
nifhing. The height of the impending mountains is
fuch, that the fun’s rays feldom reach the ice-valleys,
except a few hours in the middle of fummer. The ava¬
lanches or fnow-balls, which the leafl concuflion of the
air will occafion, tumble down the mountains with ama¬
zing rapidity, continually increafing, and carrying all
before them. People have been taken out alive, after
being buried feveral days under them. The mountain¬
ous nature of this duchy renders the plough an ufelefs
inftrument of agriculture. The peafants break up the
hungry foil with the pickaxe and fpade, and to improve
it carry up mould and dung in bafkets. For the pur-
pofe of preferving it from drought in the fpring and
fummer, they cut fmall refervoirs above it, the water of
which may be let out at will •, and to prevent the earth
from giving way, break the declivity of the mountains
by building walls on the fide for its fupport, which fre¬
quently affume the appearance of ancient fortification,
and are a very pleafing deception to travellers. The
Savoyards carry their better fort of cheefe into Pied¬
mont, as the fiavour is much efleemed there ; but they
gain more by their fkins of bears, chamois, and bouque-
tins (a fpecies of the wild goat), or by the fale of
growfe and pheafants, which they carry in great num¬
bers to Turin.
^ The chief rivers are the Rhone, which, on the fide
of Geneva, feparates Savoy from France ; the Arve,
which has fome particles of gold in its fands 5 the Ifere,
the Seran, the Siers, and the Arc. There are alfo a
great many lakes in this country, which yield plenty
of filh, but none of them are very large, toge¬
ther with medicinal and reciprocating fprings and hot
baths.
^ The language of the common people is a corrupt
French ; but the better fort, and thofe that live in the
great cities, fpeak as good French as they do in Paris it-
felf.
In their temper, however, and difpofition, the Savoy¬
ards refemble the Germans more than the French, re¬
taining fiill much of the old German honefiy and fim-
plicity of manners, which no doubt is partly owing to
the poverty and barrennefs of the country. To this
alfo, joined to their longevity and the fruitfulnefs of
their women, which are the effects of their cheerful dif¬
pofition, healthy air, activity, temperance, and fobriety,
it is owing that great numbers of them are obliged to
go abroad in quell of a livelihood, which they earn,
thofe at leaf! who have no trades, by (bowing marmottes,
cleaning (hoes, fweeping chimneys, and the like. It is
faid, that there are generally about 18,000 of them,
2
i B ] S A V
young and old, about Paris. In fummer they lie in the
flreets, and in winter, 40, 50, or 60 of them lodge to
gether in a room : they are fo honed that they may be
trufted to any amount. The children are often carried
abroad in balkets before they are able to walk. In ma¬
ny villages oi Savoy there is hardly a man to be (een
throughout the year, excepting a month or two. Thofe
that have families generally fet out and return about the
fame feafon, when their wives commonly lie in, and
they never fail to bring home fome part of their finail
earnings. Some of them are fuch confummate mailers
of economy, that they fet up (hops and make fortunes,
and others return home with a competency for the reft
of their days. An old man is often difpatched with let¬
ters, little prefents, and fome money, from the younger
fort, to their parents and relations, and brings back
with him frefh colonies, letters, meffages, and news.
1 he cultivation of their grounds, and the reaping and
gathering iri of the harveft and vintage, are generally
left to the women and children 5 but all this is to be
underftood of the mountainous parts of Savoy. Great
numbers of the mountaineers of both fexes are faid to be
lame and deformed j and they are much fubje<ft to a
kind of wens, which grow about their throats, and very
much disfigure them, efpecially the women 5 but that is
the only inconvenience they feel from them.
j he nobility of Savoy, and the other dominions of
the king of Sardinia, labour under great hardftiips and
reftriflions, unheard of in other countries, which we have
not room here to particularize. A minute account of
them will be found in Mr Keyfler’s Travels. In (hort,
the king has left neither liberty, power, nor much pro¬
perty, to any but himfelf and the clergy, whofe over¬
grown wealth he has alfo greatly curtailed.
No other religion is profeffed or tolerated in Savoy
but that of the church of Rome. The decrees, how¬
ever, of the council of Trent are not admitted j nor are
the churches afylums foi malefaftors.
I his duchy is divided into thofe of Chablais, Gene-
vois, and Savoy Proper, the counties of Tarantaife and
Maurienne, and the barony of Faucigny.
SAURIN, James, a celebrated preacher, was bom
at Ni fines in *677, and was the fon of a protefiant law¬
yer of confiderable eminence. He applied to his ftudies
with great fuccefs ; but at length being captivated with
a military life, he rclinquiihed them for the pro-
feffion of arms. In 1694 made a campaign as a
cadet in Lord Galloway’s company, and foon afterwards
obtained a pair of colours in the regiment of Colonel
Renault which ferved in Piedmont. But the duke of
Savoy having made peace with France, he returned to
Geneva, and refumed the ftudy of pbilofophy and the¬
ology under Turretin and other profeflbrs. In 1700
he vifited Holland, then came to England, where he
remained for feveral years, and married. In 1705 he
returned to the Hague, where he fixed his refidence,
and preached with the moft unbounded applaufe. To
an exterior appearance highly prepoffeffmg, he added a
ftrong harmonious voice. The fuhlime prayer which
he recited before his fermon was uttered in a manner
highly affecRing. Nor was the attention excited by
the prayer d'ffipated by the fermon : all who heard
it were charmed ; and thofe who came with an inten¬
tion to criticife, were carried along with the preacher
and forgot their defign. Saurin had, however, one
fault
Savoys
Saurin.
S A U [ 519 ] S A U
Saurin. fault in his delivery ; he did not manage his voice with
—e—^ fufficient {kill. He exhaufted himfelf fo much in his
prayer and the beginning of his fermon, that his voice
grew feeble towards the end of the iervice. His fer-
mons, efpecidly thole publiihed during his life, are di-
ftinguilhed for jutlnels of thought, force of reafoning,
and an eloquent unafthfted hylei
The firli lime that the celebrated Abbadie heard him
preach, he exclaimed, “ Is it an angel or a man who
{peaks l” Sauvin died on the 30th of December 1730,
aged 53 years.
He wrote, 1. Seimons, which were publiihed in 12
vols 8vo and 12mo 5 fome of which difplay great genius
and eloquence, and others are compoled with negligence.
One may obferve in them the imprecations and the aver-
fion which the Calvinilts of that age were wont to utter
againft the Roman Catholics. Saurin was, notwith-
ilanding, a lover of toleration : and his fentiments on
this fubject gave great offence to foime of his fanatical
brethren, who attempted to oblcure his merit, and em¬
bitter his life. 'i'hey found fault with him becaufe
he did not call the pope AnUchrijl, and the Romifh
church the whore of Bah//on. But thefe prophetic me¬
taphors, however applicable they may be, were certainly
not intended by the benevolent religion of Jefus to be
bandied about as terms of reproach •, which would teach
thofe to rail who uie them, and irritate, without con¬
vincing, thole to whom they were applied.
Saurin, therefore, w-hile he perhaps interpreted thefe
metaphors in the fame way with his oppolers, difeovered
more of the moderation of the Chriitian fpirit. Five
volumes of his fermoris w7ere publilhed in his life, the
reft have been added lince his deceale.
2. Difcourfes Hiftorical, Critical, and Mofal, on the
molt memorable Events of the Old and New7 Teftament.
'{'his is his greateft and moll valuable work. It was
printed firft in two volumes folio. As it w7as left unfi.
niflied, Beaufobre and Roques undertook a continua¬
tion of it, and increafed it to four volumes. It is full
of learning : it is indeed a colleftion of the opinions of
the beft authors, both Chriftian and Heathen ; of the
philofophers, hiftorians, and critics, on every fubjeft
which the author examines. 3. The State of Chriftia-
nity in France, 1725, 8vo. In this book he difeuffes
many important points of contrcverfy, and calls in
queftion the truth of the miracle faid to be performed
on La Foffe at Paris. 4. An Abridgement of Chriftian
Theology and Morality, in the form of a Catechifm,
1722, 8vo. He afterwards publiihed an abridgement
of this w7ork.
A Differlation which he publilhed on the Expedi¬
ency of fometimes difguifing the Truth, raifed a multi¬
tude of enemies againft him. In this difeourfe his plan
was, to ftate the arguments of thofe 'who affirm that, in
certain cafes, it is lawful to difguile truth, and the an-
fwers of thore who maintain the contrary. He does
not determine the queftion, but (eems, however, to in¬
cline to the firft opinion. He was immediately attack¬
ed by feveral adverfaries, and a long controverfy en-
fued ; but his d«6lrines and opinions w7ere at length
publicly approved of by the fynods of'Campen and of
the Hague.
The fubjeft of this controverfy has long been agi¬
tated, and men of equally good principles have fupporled
oppofite fides. It would certainly be a dangerous maxim
that falfehood can ever be lawfful. There may, indeed,
be particular cafes, when the motives to it are of fuch
a nature as to diminhh its criminality in a high degree $
but to lefl’en its guilt is a very different thing from juf-
tifying it by the laws of morality.
Saurin, Jofeph, a geometrician of the academy of
Sciences at Paris, was born at Counoufon in the prin¬
cipality of Orange, in 1659. His father, who was a
mini Iter at Grenoble, was his firft preceptor. He made
rapid progrefs in his lladies, and was admitted minifter
of Eure in Dauphiny when very young : but having
made ufe of fome violent expreffions in one of his fer-
mons, he was obliged to quit France in 1683. He re¬
tired to Geneva, and thence to Berne, where he obtain¬
ed a confiderable living. He wyas fcarcely fettled in his
new habitation, when fome theologians railed a perfe-
cution againft him. Saurin, hating controverfy, and
difgufted with Switzerland, where his talents were en-
tiwly concealed, repaired to Holland. He returned
foon after to Fiance, and furrendered himfelf into the
hands of Boffuet bithop of Meaux, who obliged him to
make a recantation of his errors. This event took
place in 1690. His enemies, however, fulpebted his
fincerity in the abjuration which he had made. It was
a general opinion, that the defire of cultivating fcience
in the capital of France had a greater effedl in produ¬
cing this change than religiolr. Saurin, however,
fpeaks of the reformers with great afperity, and con¬
demns them for going too far. “ Deceived in my
opinions concerning the rigid fyftem of Calvin, I no
longer regarded that reformer in any other light but
as one of thofe extratagant geniufes who are. carried
beyond the bounds of truth. Such appeared to me in
general the founders of the reformation j and that juft
idea which 1 have now obtained of their chara£ler has
Saurin.
enabled me to fhake off a load of prejudices. I law in
moll of the articles which have feparated them from us,
fuch as the invocation of faints, the vvorihip of images,
the diftinttion of meats, &c, that they had much exag¬
gerated the inevitable abufes of the people, and impu¬
ted thefe to the Romith church, as if fandtior.ed by its
dodlrines. Befides, that they have mifreprefented thefe
dodlrines which were not connedled with any abide.
One thing which furprifed me much when my eyes be¬
gan to open, was the falfe idea, though in appearance
lull of refpedl, for the word of God, which the reform¬
ers entertained of the perfedlion and perfpicuity of the
Holy Scriptures, and the manifeft mifinterpretation of
paffages which they bring fupport that idea (for that
mifinterpretation is a point which can be proved). 'Two
or three articles ftill raifed fome objedlions in my mind
againft the Rcmiffi church 5 to wit, Tranfubftantiation,
the adoration of the facrament, and the infallibility of
the church. The adoration of the facrament I confi-
dered as idolatry, and, on that account, removed from
her communion. But foon after, the Expofition of
the bifhop of Meaux, a work which can never be fuf-
ficiently admired, and his Treatife concerning changes,
reverfed all my opinions, and rendered me an enemy
to the Reformation.” It is laid alfo, that Saurin, ap¬
peal d his confidence by reading Poiret’s Cogitationes
rationales. This book is written with a vew to
vindicate the church of Rome from the charge of
idolatry.
If it was the love of diftin&ion that induced Saurin to
return -
S A U
[ 520 ]
S A U
Saurin
il
Sauffure.
return to the Romifli church, he rvas not difappointed j
fur he there met with proteftion and fupport. He was
favourably received by Louis XIV. obtained a penfion
from him, and was treated by the Academy of Sciences
with the moft Hattering refpedt. At that time (1717),
geometry formed his principal occupation. He adorn¬
ed the Journaldes Sfavans with many excellent treatifes $
and he added to the memoirs of the Academy many in-
tereiling papers. Thefe are the only works which he
has left behind him. He died at Paris on the 29th De¬
cember 1737, in his 78th year, of a fever. He married
a wife of the family of Croufas in Switzerland, who bore
him a fon, Bernard jofeph, diftinguilhed as a waiter for
the theatre.
Saurin was of a bold and impetuous fpirit. He had
that lofty deportment which is generally miilaken for
pride. His philofophy was auftere •, his opinions of
men wTere not very favourable; and he often delivered
them in their pretence : this created him many enemies.
His memory was attacked after his deceafe. A letter
was printed* in the Mercure Sui//e, faid to be written by
Saurin from Paris, in which he acknowdedges that he
had committed feveral crimes which deferved death.
Some Calvinilt minifters publiflred in 1737 two or three
pamphlets to prove the authenticity of that letter j but
Voltaire made diligent enquiry not only at the place
where Saurin had been difcharging the facerdotal office,
but at the deans of the clergy of that department.
They all exclaimed againft an imputation fo opprobrious.
It mull not, however, be concealed, that Voltaire, in
the defence which he has publiffied in his general hiftory
of Saurin’s conduct, leaves fome unfavourable impref-
lions upon the reader’s mind. He irffinuates, that Sau¬
rin facrificed his religion to his intereft *, that he played
upon Boffuet, who believed he had converted a clergy¬
man, when he had only given a little fortune to a phi-
lofopher.
SAURURUS, a genus of plants belonging to the hep-
tandria clafs j and in the natural method ranking under
the tecond order, Piperita’. See Botany Index.
SAUSSURE, Horace Benedict de, a celebrated
naturalift, wTas a native of Geneva, and born in 174O.
His father w'as an intelligent farmer, who lived at
Conches, about half a league from Geneva, which no
doubt contributed, in addition to his a&ive education,
to increafe the phyfical ftrength of young Sauffure, fo
requifite for a naturalift who intends to travel. He wrent
daily to town for public inftruftion •, and as he lived at
the foot of a mountain, he frequently amufed himfelf in
afcending its fteep and rugged fides. Thus environed by
the phenomena of nature, and affifted by ftudy, it was to
be expefted that he would foon conceive a predile&ion
for natural hiftory. Botany w’as his moil early and fa¬
vourite ftudy, a tafte which w'as powerfully encouraged
by his local fituation, and was the means of introdu¬
cing him to the acquaintance of the great Haller, to
whom he paid a vifit in 1764, and was aftoniflied at
his intimate acquaintance with every branch of the na¬
tural fciences.
His attachment to the ftudy of the vegetable king¬
dom was alfo increated by his connexion with Bonnet,
who had married his aunt, and who put a proper efti-
mate on the talents of his nephewa He wTas at that
time engaged in the examination of the leaves of plants,
ty which Sauffure was alfo induced to turn his attention,
and publilhed the refult of his refearches under the title Sauffur*
of Obfervations on the Bark of Leaves. About this time -v—-
the philofophical chair at Geneva became vacant, and
was given to Sauffure at the age of 21. Rewards con¬
ferred fo early have been thought to extinguiffi in fome
a zeal lor the increate of knowledge, but this was not
the cate with de Sauffure, who taught phyfics and logic
alternately with equal fuccefs. For phyfics, however,
he had the greateft tafte, as affording the means of pro-
fecuting the ftudy of chemiftry, mineralogy, and other
kindred fciences.
He now began his travels through the mountains, not
for the purpofe of ftudying, as formerly, their flow'ery
decorations, but their confiituent parts, and the difpofi-
tion of their maffes. During the firft fifteen years of
his profefforlhip, he was alternately engaged in difchar¬
ging the duties of his office, and in traverfing the moun¬
tains in the vicinity of Geneva •, and in this period his ta¬
lents as a great philofopher were fully difplayed. He
extended his retearches on one fide to the banks of the
Rhine, and on the other to the country of Piedmont.
He travelled to Auvergne to examine the extinguithed
volcanoes, going afterward to Paris, England, Holland,
Italy and Sicily. It is proper to remark that thefe were
not mere journeys, but were undertaken purely with the
viewT of ftudying nature *, and in all his journeys he was
furrounded wdth fuch inftruments as would be of fervice
to him ; together with plans of his procedure previoufty
drawn up. Readily will our readers believe this great
philofopher when he afferts, that he found fuch a method
extremely beneficial.
The firft volume of his travels through the Alps wTas
publiflied in 1779, which contains a circumftantial de-
feription of the environs of Geneva, and an excurfion as
far as Chamouni, a village at the foot of Mont-Blanc.
It contains a defeription of his magnetometer, with which
philofophers will probably be delighted. In proportion
as he examined mountains, the more was he perfuaded
of the importance of mineralogy j and that he might
ftudy it wfith advantage, he acquired a knowledge of
the German language. In the laft volumes of his tra¬
vels, the reader will tee how much new mineralogical
knowledge he had acquired.
During the troubles which agitated Geneva in 1782,
he made his beautiful and interefting experiments on
hygrometry, which he publifhed in 1783* This has
been pronounced the beft work that ever came from his
pen, and completely eftablilhed his reputation as a phi¬
lofopher. De Sauffure refigned his chair to his pupil
and fellow labourer, Pidlet, who difeharged the duties
of his office with reputation, although rendered difficult
to him by fucceeding fo great a man. He projefted a
plan of reform in the education of Geneva, the defign
of w'hich was, to make young people acquainted with
the natural fciences and mathematics at an early period,
and wfiffied that their phyfical education ffiould not be
neglefted, for which purpofe he propofed gymnaftic ex-
ercifes. This plan found admirers in the city, but the
poverty of its funds was an obftacle in the way of any
important innovation. It was dreaded too, that if efta-
bliffied forms were changed, they might be altered for
the w'orfe.
The attention of De Sauffure was not wholly confin¬
ed to public education, for he fuperintended the educa¬
tion of his own two fons and a daughter, who have
fines
SAW [ 521 ] S A W
SauflTure
fl
Sauveur.
fince proved themfelves worthy of facli a father and
preceptor. In 1786, he publiihed his fecond volume
of travels, containing a defcription of the Alps around
Mcnt-Blanc, the whole having been examined with the
eye of a mineralogift, geologift, and philofopher. It
contains fome valuable experiments on eleftricity, and a
defcription of his own eledfrometer, faid to be the moil
perfect we have. To him we are indebted for a cya-
notneter, for meafuring the degree of bluenefs of the
heavens, which is found to vary according to the height
of the obferver: his diaphanometer for meafuring the
tranfparency of the atmoiphere} and his anemometer
for afeertaining the force of the winds. He founded
the Society of Arts, to the operations of which Geneva
is indebted for the ftate of profperity it has reached
within the laft 30 years. Over that fociety he prelided
to the day of his death, and the prefervation of it in
profperity conftituted one of his fondeft willies.
In 1794, the health of this eminent man began ra¬
pidly to decline, and a fevere ftroke of the palfy almoft
deprived him totally of the ufe of his limbs. Such a
condition was no doubt painful to fuch a man 5 but his
intelledfs ftill preferved their original aflivity, and he
prepared for the prefs the two laft volumes of his tra¬
vels, which appeared in 1 796. They contain a great
mafs of new faffs and obfervations of the laft import¬
ance to phyfical fcience. During his illnefs he pub¬
liihed Obfervations on the Fufibility of Stones by means of
the Blow pipe. He was in general a Neptunian, aferi-
bing the revolutions of our globe to water, and admitting
the poflibiliiy of mountains having been thrown up by
elaftic fluids difengaged from the cavities of the earth.
In the midft of his rapid decline he cherifhed the hopes
of recovery ; but his ftrength was exhaufted ; a languor
fucceeded the vigour which he had formerly enjoyed 5
his flow pronunciation did not correfpond with the viva¬
city of his mind, and was a melancholy contrail to the
pleafarttnefs which he had formerly exhibited. He
tried in vain to procure the re-eftablilhment of his
health, for all the remedies preferibed bv the ablell
phylicians were wholly ineffeftual. His mind after¬
wards loft its aflivity, and on the 22d of hlarch 1799,
he finilhed his mortal career, in the 59th year of his
age, lamented by a family to whom he was dear,—
by a country to which he had done honour,—and by
Europe, the knowledge of which he had extended.
SAUVAGESIA, a genus of plants belonging to
the pentandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking
with thofe of which the order is doubtful. See Bo¬
tany Index.
SAUVEUR, Joseph, an eminent French mathe¬
matician, born at La Fleche in 1653. was abfo-
lutely dumb until he was feven years of age 5 and even
then his organs of fpeech were not evolved fo fully as
to permit him to Ipeak without great deliberation. Ma¬
thematics were the only ftudies he had any relilh for,
and thefe he cultivated with extraordinary fuccefs •, fo
that he commenced teacher at 20 years of age, and was
fo foon in vogue, that he had Prince Eugene for his
fcholar. He became mathematical profeffor in the
royal college in 1686; and ten years after was admitted
a member of the Academy of Sciences. He died in
1716; and his writings, which confift rather of de¬
tached papers than of ccnnefied ireatifes, are all in-
ferted in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences.
Vol. XVIII. Part II,
He was twice married 5 and by the laft: vnfe had a fon, Sauveur
wdio, like himlelf, wTas dumb for the firft feven years i*
of his life. , ^aw'
SAW, an inftrument which ferves to cut into pieces
feveral folid matters 5 as wrood, ftone, ivory, &c.
The bell faws are of tempered fteel ground bright
and fmooth : thofe of iron are only hammer-hardened ;
hence the firft, befides their being ftiffer, are likewdfe
found fmoother than the laft. They are known to be
well hammered by the ftiff bending of the blade ; and
to be well and evenly ground, by their bending equally
in a bow.
The lapidaries, too, have their faw, as well as the
workmen in mofaic 5 but of all mechanics, none have
fo many faws as the joiners, the chief of which are the
following. The pit-faw, which is a large two handed
faw, employed for fawing timber in pits, and chiefly
ufed by the fawners. The whip-faw, which has likewife
twro handles, ufed in fawing fuch large pieces as the
hand-faw will not eafily reach. The hand-faw is made
to be ufed by an individual, of which there are different
kinds, as the frame-faw', which is furniftied with cheeks.
By the twifted cords which pafs from the upper parts of
thefe cheeks, and the tongue in the middle of them, the
upper ends are drawn clofer together, and the lower fel
further afunder. The tenon-faw, which being very
thinj has a back to keep it from bending. The com-
pafs-faw, which is very fimall, and its teeth ufually not
fet; its ufe is to cut a round, or any other compafs-
kerf, on which account the edge is made broad, and
the back thin, that it may have a compafs to turn in.
At an early period, the trunks of trees v'ere fplit
with wedges into as many and as thin pieces as poflible ;
and if it were neceffary to have them ftill thinner, they
w^ere hewn on both fides to the proper fize. This
fimple and wafteful manner of making boards has been
ftill continued in fome places to the prefent day. Peter
the Great of Ruffia endeavoured to put a flop to it, bv
forbidding hewn deals to be tranfported on the river
Neva. The faw, however, though fo convenient and
beneficial, lias not been able to banifti entirely the prac¬
tice of fplitting timber ufed in building, or iri making
furniture and utenfils ; for we do not fpeak here of fire¬
wood 5 and indeed it muft be allowed that this method
is attended with peculiar advantages which that of faw¬
ing can never poffefs. The wood-fplitters perform their
work more expeditioufly than fawers, and fplit timber is
much ftronger than that which has been fawn 5 for the
fiffure follows the grain of the wood, and leaves it
whole •, whereas the faw, which proceeds in the line
chalked out for it, divides the fibres, and by thefe
means lefiens its cohefion and folidity. Split timber,
indeed, turns out often crooked and warped $ but for
many purpofes to which it is applied this is not injuri¬
ous, and thefe faults may fometimes be amended. As
the fibres, however, retain their natural length and di-
reffion, thin boards particularly, can be bent much
better. This is a great advantage in making pipe
ftaves, or fieve frames, which require ftill more art,
and in forming various implements of a fimilar kind.
Our common faw, which requires only to be guided
by the hand, however fimple it may be, was not known
to the inhabitants of America when they were fubdued
by the Europeans. The inventor of this inftrument has
been inferted in their mythology by the Greeks, with a
3 U place
✓
Saw
Saw-mills.
SAW [ 52
place, in which, among their gods, they honoured the
greateft benefactors of the earlieft ages. By fome he is
called Talus, and by others Perdix. None except
Pliny make Daedalus the inventor •, but Plardouin, in
the paffage where this occurs, reads Talus for Daedalus.
Talus is the name of the inventor according to Diodo¬
rus Siculus, Apollodorus, and others. He was the ion
of Daedalus’s filter, and was by his mother placed under
the tuition of her brother, to be inftrufted in his art.
Having found the jaw-bone of a fnake, he employed it
to cut through a fmall piece of wood ; and by thefc
means was induced to fabricate a fimilar inftrurnent of
iron, that is, to make a faw. This invention, by which
labour is greatly facilitated, excited the envy of his ma¬
iler, and prompted him to put Talus privately to death.
Being afleed, when burying the body, what he was de-
poiiting in the earth, he replied, a ferpent. Lhis am¬
biguous anfwer difeovered the murder j and thus a fnake
was tlie caufc of the invention, of the murder, and of
its being brought to light. By others the inventor is
called Perdix, wdio is fuppofed to have been the fon of
a filter of Daedalus. Perdix did not employ the jaw¬
bone of a fnake for a faw, but the back-bone of a filh,
as is mentioned by Ovid.
The fawTs of the Grecian carpenters had the fame
form, and wTere made with equal ingenuity as the fame
inftruments at prefent. This appears from a painting
preferved among the antiquities of Herculaneum. Two
genii are reprefented at the end of a bench, confiding
of a long table reding on two four-footed Itools •, and
the piece of wood to be fawn through is fecured by
cramps. The faw with which the genii are at work
bears a linking refemblance to our frame-fawn It con-
fids of a fquare frame, having a blade in the middle,
the teeth of which are perpendicular to the plane of the
frame. The piece of wood to be fawn extends beyond
the end of the bench, and one of the workmen appears
Handing, and the other fitting on the ground. The
arms in which the blade is fattened, have the fame form
as that given to them at prefent. In the bench are feen
holes, in which the cramps holding the timber are
ituck. They are draped like the figure 7 ; and the
ends of them reach below the boards which form the
top of it.
SATV-JiJh. See Pristis, Ichthyology Index.
Saw-Mills. The mod beneficial improvement of the
operation of fawing w’as the invention of faw-mills, which
are driven either by water or by wind. Mills of the
fird kind were erected fo early as the fourth century,
in Germany, on the fmall river Ruer. The art of cut¬
ting marble with a faw is very ancient. According to
Pliny, it was invented in Caria. Stones of the foap-
rock kind, which are fofter than marbie, were fawn at
that period j but it appears that the harder kinds ot
done were alfo then fawn j for we are informed xefpect-
ing the difeovery of a building which was encruded
with cut agate, carnehan, lapis lazuli, and amethyds.
There is, however, no account in any of the Greek
or Roman writers of a mill for fawing wood •, and as
modern authors fpeak of faw-mills as new and uncom¬
mon, it appears that the olded conitruftion of them has
been forgotten, or that fome interelting improvement
has made them appear entirely new.
Becher fays that faw-mills were invented in the 17th
century, which is a miltake. ^ for when the infant Blenry
2 ] SAW
fent people to fettle in the illand of Madeira, difeovered Saw-miil"
in 1420, he gave orders for faw-mills to be erected, for —y~~“
the purpofe of fawing into deals the various fpecies of
excellent timber with which the illand abounded, and
which were afterwards exported to Portugal. There
was a faw-mill in the city of Bredau about the year
1427, producing a yearly rent of three merks ; and in
1490, the magidrates of Erfurt purchafed a fored, in
which they erected a faw-mill, befides renting another
in the neighbourhood. The fird faw-mill in Norway
was erected about the year 1530. In the year 1552
there was a faw-mill eredted at Joacbimdhal, the pro¬
perty of a mathematician called Jacob Geufen. In 1555,
the biihop of Ely, ambaffador from Queen Mary of
England to the court of Rome, having ieen a faw-mill
in the vicinity of Lyons, the writer of his travels gave
a particular defeription of it. The fird faw-mill was
eredted in Holland at Saardam in 1596, the invention
of which is aferibed to Cornelius Corneliffen.
The fird mill of this kind in Sweden was erected in
the year 1653. At prelent, that kingdom pofleffes the
larged perhaps ever condrudted in Europe, where a
water-wheel, 12 feet broad, drives at the fame time 72
faws.
In England, faw-mills had at fird a fimilar fate with
printing in Turkey, the ribbon-loom in the dominions
of the church, and the crane at Stralhurg. When at¬
tempts were made to introduce them, they were vio¬
lently oppofed, becaufe it was apprehended that the
fawers would thus be deprived of the means of procur¬
ing fubfiltence. An opulent merchant in 1767 or 1768,
by defire of the Society of Arts, caufed a faw-mill to
be erefted at Limehoufe, driven by wind ; but it was
demolilhed by the mob, and the damage was fudained
by the nation, while fome of the rioters were punilhed.
This, however, was not the only mill of the kind then
in Britain 5 for at Leith there was one driven by wind,
fome years before.
Saw-mills are very common in America, where the
moving power is generally water. Some have been
condrufted on a very extenlive plan j one in particular,
we have been informed, has been erefted in the pro¬
vince of New Brunfwick, in Britilh America, for the
purpofe of cutting planks for the Enghih maiket. I. his
machine vrorks 13 faws in one frame, and is capable,
it is faid, of cutting annually not fewer than 8,coo,ooo
feet of timber.
The mechanifm of a fawing mill may be reduced to
three principal things 5 the fird, that the faw is drawn
up and down as long as is neceffary, by a motion com-
municated to the wheel by water j the lecond, that the
piece of timber to be cut into boards is advanced by an
uniform motion to receive the drokes of the faw ; for
here the wood is to meet the faw, and not the faw to
follow the wood, therefore the motion of the wood and
that of the faw ought immediately to depend the one
on the other : the third, that where the faw has cut
through the whole length of the piece, the whole ma¬
chine dops of itfelf, and remains immoveable •, led hav¬
ing no obdacle to furmount, the moving power fiiould
turn the wheel with too great velocity, and break fome
part of the machine. _
Saw mills have been didinguifiied into two Kinds,
viz. thofe which have a reciprocating and thofe which
have a rotatory motion.
Fig. i»
Saw-mill.
Plate
CCCCLXIX.
Fisr. i.
SAW C 523 1 s A W
Fig. 1. reprefents the elevation of a reciprocating
faw-mill. AA is the lhait or axle, upon which is fixed
the wheel BB (of 175 or 18 feet diameter), containing
40 buckets to receive the water by which it is impelled.
CC a wheel fixed upon the fame fiiaft containing ^6
teeth, to drive the pinion N° 2. having 22 teeth, which
is faftened upon an iron axle or fpindle, having a cou¬
pling box on each end that turns the cranks, as DD,
round : one end of the pole E is put on the crank, and
its other end moves on a joint or iron bolt at F, in the
lower end of the frame GG. The crank DD being
turned round in the hole E, moves the frames GG up
and down, and thefe having faws in them, by this motion
cut the wood. The pinion, N° 2. may work, two, three,
or more cranks, and thus move as many frames of faws.
N° 3. an iron wheel having angular teeth, which one
end of the iron K takes hold of, while its other end
rolls on a bolt in the lever HH. One end of this lever
moves on a bolt at I, the other end may lie in a notch
in the frame GG fo as to be pufiied up and down by it.
Thus the catch K pulls the wheel round, while the
catch L falls into the teeth and prevents it from going
backwards. Upon the axle of N° 3. is alfo fixed the
pinion N° 4. taking into the teeth in the under edge of
the iron bar, that is faftened upon the frame TT, on
which the wood to be cut is laid : by this mean the
frame TT is moved on its rollers S3, along the fixed
frame UU \ and of courfe the wood faftened upon it is
brought forward to the faws as they are moved up and
down by reafon of the turning round of the crank DD.
VV, the machine and handle to raife the fluice when
the wrater is to be let upon the wheel BB to give it mo¬
tion. By pulling the rope at the longer arm of the le¬
ver M, the pinion N° 2. is put into the hold or grip of
the wheel CC, which drives it \ and by pulling the
rope R, this pinion is cleared from the wheel. N° 5. a
pinion containing 24 teeth, driven by the wheel CC,
and having upon its axle a fheave, on which is the rope
PP, pafling to the Iheave N° 6. to turn it round \ and
Upon its axle is fixed the pinion N® 7. afting on the
teeth in an iron bar upon the frame TT, to roll that
frame backwards •when empty. By pulling the rope at
the longer arm of the lever N, the pinion N° 5. is put
into the hold of the wheel CC ; and by pulling the
rope O it is taken off the hold. N° 8. a wheel fixed
upon the axle N° 9. having upon its periphery angular
teeth, into which the catch N° 10. takes j and being
moved by the lever attached to the upper part of the
frame G, it pufhes the wrheel N° 8. round ; and the
Catch N° 11. falls into the teeth of the wheel, to pre¬
vent it from going backwards while the rope rolls in its
axle, and drags the logs or pieces of wood in at the
door Y, to be laid upon the moveable frames TT, and
carried forward to the faws to be cut. The catches
N° 10, 11. are eafily thrown out of play when they are
not wanted. The gudgeons in the ftiafts, rounds of the
cranks, fpindles, and pivots, ftiould all turn round in
cods or bulhes of brafs. Z, a door in one end of the
milbhoufe at which the wood is conveyed out when cut.
WW, walls of the mill houfe. Q£), the couples or
framing of the roof. XXX, &c. windows to admit
light to the houfe.
Saw-mills for cutting blocks of ftone are generally,
though not always, moved horizontally : the horizontal
alternate motion may be communicated to one or more
faws, by means of a rotatory motion, either by the ufe Saw-ttiill.
of cranks, &c. or in fome fuch way as the following. v
Let the horizontal wheel ABDC (fig. 2.) drive the pi- Fig. 2.
nion 0/> N, this latter carrying a vertical pin P, at the
diftance of about one-third of the diameter from the
centre. This pinion and pin are reprefented feparately
in fig. 3. Let the frame WSTV, carrying four faws, Fig .3,
marked 1, 2, 3, 4, have wheels V, T, W, W, each
running in a groove or rut, whofe direction is parallel
to the propofed direction of the faws : and let a tranf-
verfe groove PR, whofe length is double the diftance of
the pin P from the centre of the pinion, be cut in the
faw frame to receive that pin. Then, as the great
wheel revolves, it drives the pinion, and carries round
the pin P : and this pin, being compelled to Hide in the
ftraight groove PR, while by the rotation of the pinion
on which it is fixed its diftance from the great wheel is
conftantly varying, it caufes the whole law frame to
approach to and recede from the great wheel alternate¬
ly, while the grooves in which the wheels run confine
the frame fo as to move in the diredfion T /, V v. Ci¬
ther blocks of ftone may be fawn at the fame time by the
motion of the great wheel, if other pinions and frames
running off in the diredlions of the refbeftive radii EB,
EA, EC, be worked by the teeth at the quadrantal
points B, A, and C. And the contiary efforts of thefe
four frames and pinions will tend to foften down the
jolts, and equalize the whole motion.
The fame contrivance, of a pin fixed at a fuitable
diftance from the centre of a wheel, and Aiding in a
groove, may ferve to convert a reciprocating into a ro¬
tatory motion : but it will not be preferable to the com¬
mon converfion by means of a crank.
When faws are ufed to cut blocks of ftone into pieces
having cylindrical furfaces, a fmall addition is made to
the apparatus. See figs 4 and 5. The faw, inftead ofFig‘4-Sc5.
being allowed to fall in a vertical groove as it cuts the
block, is attached to a lever or beam EG, fufticiently
ftrong 5 this lever has feveral holes pierced through it,
and fo has the vertical piece ED, which is likewife
moveable towards either fide of the frame in grooves in
the top and bottom pieces AL, DM. Thus, the length
KG of the radius can be varied at pleafure, to fait the
curvature of NO \ and as the faw is moved to and fro
by proper machinery, in the diredftion CB, BC, it works
lower and lower into the block, while, being confined
by the beam EG, it cuts the cylindrical portion from
the block P, as required.
When a completely cylindrical pillar is to be cut
out of one block of ftone, the firft thing will be to afeer-
tain in the block the pofition of the axis of the cylinder :
then lay the block fo that fuch axis fhall be parallel to
the horizon, and let a cylindrical hole of from one to
two inches diameter be bored entirely through it. Let
an iron bar, whofe diameter is rather lefs than that of
this tube, be put through it, having juft room to Aide
freely to and fro as occafion may require. Each end of
this bar ftiould terminate in a ferew, on which a nut and
frame may be faftened : the nut frame ftiould carry
three flat pieces of wood or iron, each having a flit run¬
ning along its middle nearly from one end to the other,
and a ferew and handle mull be adapted to each flit:
by thefe means the frame-work at each end of the bar
may readily be fo adjufted as to form equal ifofceles or
equilateral triangles j the iron bar will connect two cor-
3 U 2 refponding
S A W
[ 524 1
SAX
Saw mill.
Fig. 6.
refponding angles of thefe^riangles, the faw to be ufed
two other correfponding angles, and another bar or iron
or of wood the two remaining angles, to give fufficient
ftrength to the whole frame. This conftruttion, it is
obvious, will enable the workmen to place the faw at
any propofed diftance from the hole drilled through ihe
middle of the block j and then, by giving the alter¬
nating motion to the faw frame, the cylinder may at
length be cut from the block, as required.
If it were propofed to faw a conic fruftum from fuch
a block, then let twm frames of wmod or iron be fixed
to thofe parallel ends of the block which are intended to
coincide with the bafes of the fruflum, circular grooves
being previoufiy cut in thefe frames to correfpond wfith
the circumferences of the two ends of the propofed
fruftum ; the faw being wrorked in thefe grooves will
manifeftly cut the conic furface from the block.. I his,
we believe, is the contrivance of Sir George Wright.
The beft method of drilling the hole through the
middle of the propofed cylinder feems to be this : on a
carriage running upon four low wheels let two vertical
pieces (each having a hole juft large enough to admit
the borer to play freely) be fixed two or three feet afun-
der, and fo contrived that the pieces and holes to receive
the borer may, by fcrews, &c. be raifed or lowered at
pleafure, while the borer is prevented from Hiding to
and fro by (boulders upon its bar, which are larger than
the holes in the vertical pieces, and which, as the borer
revolves, prefs againft thofe pieces : let a part of the
boring bar between the two vertical pieces be lijuarc,
and a grooved wheel with a fquare hole of a fuitable
fize be placed upon this part of the bar ; then the ro¬
tatory motion may be given to the bar by an endlefs
band wdiich (hall pafs over this grooved wheel and a
wheel of a much larger diameter in the fame plane, the
latter wheel being turned by a winch handle in the
ufual way. See boring of ORDNANCE.
Circular faws, a&ing by a rotatory motion, have been
long known in Holland, where they are ufed for cutting
wood ufed in veneering. They were introduced into
this country, we believe, by General Bentham, and
are now ufed in the dock yard at Portfmouth, and in a
few other places: but they are not, as yet, fo generally
adopted as might be wilhed, confidering how well they
are calculated to abridge labour, and to accompliih
with expedition and accuracy what is very tedious and
irkfome to perform in the ufual way. Circular faws
may be made to turn either in horizontal, vertical, or
inclined planes 5 and the timber to be cut may be laid
upon a plane inclined in any diredtion •, fo that it may
be fawn by lines making,any angle whatever, or at any
propofed diftance from each iher. When the (aw is
fixed at a certain angle, and at a ceitain cnilance from
the edge of the frame, all the pieces will be cut of the
fame fize, without maiking upon them by a chalked
line, merely by caufing them to be moved^ along and
keeping one fide in contaft with the fide ot the iiame 5
for then, as they are brought one by one to touen the
law revolving on its axle, and are preffed upon it, t .ey
are foon cut through.
Mr Smart, of Ordnance wharf, Weftminfter-bndge,
has feveral circular faws, all worked by a horfe in a
moderate fized walk : one of thefe, intended (or cut jug
and boring tenons ufed in this gentleman’s hollow mafts,
is reprefented in fig. 6. NQPQR is a hollow frame,
under which is part of the wheel-work of the horfe-mill.
—A, B, D, C, E, F, are pulleys, over which pafs (traps
or endlefs bands, the parts of which out of fight run _
upon the rim of a large vertical wheel : by means of
this (imple apparatus, the faws S, S', are made to re¬
volve upon their axles with an equal velocity, the fame
band palling round the pulleys I), C, upon thofe axles j
and the rotatory motion is given to the borer G by the
band palling over the pulley A. Ihe board I is in¬
clined to the horizon in an angle of about 30 degrees j
the plane of the faw S' is parallel to that of the board I,
and about a quarter of an inch diftant from it, while
the plane of the faw S is vertical, and its lovveft point
at the fame diftance from the board I. Each piece of
wood K out of which the tenon is to be cut is four
inches long, an inch and a quarter broad, and 5-eighths
of an inch thick. One end of fuch piece is laid fo as
to Aide along the ledge at the lower part of the board
I} and as it is puftied on, by means of the handle H, it
is firft cut by the faw S', and immediately after by the
faw S : after this the other end is put loweft, and the
piece is again cut by both faws : then the tenon is ap¬
plied to the borer G, and as foon as a hole is pierced
through it, it is dropped into the box beneath. By
this procefs, at leaft 30 tenons may be completed in a
minute, with greater accuracy than a man could make
one in a quarter of an hour, with a common hand-faw
and gimblet. The like kind of contrivance may, by
(light alterations, be fitted for many other purpofes, par¬
ticularly all fuch as may require the fpeedy fawing of a
great number of pieces into exaflly the lame fize and
(liape. Gregory's Mechanics, II.
SAXE, Maurice count of, was born the 13th Oc¬
tober 1696. He was the natural fon of Frederic Au-
guftus II. elettor of Saxony, and king of Poland,
and of the countefs of Konigfmnrc, a Swedifti lady,
celebrated both for her wit and beauty. He was edu¬
cated along with Frederic Auguftus the ele&oral prince,
afterwards king of Poland. His infancy announced the
future warrior. Nothing could prevail on him to ap¬
ply to his ftudies but the promife of being allowed, after
he had finilhed his talk, to mount on horfeback, or ex-
ercife himfelf with arms.
He ferved his firft campaign in the army commanded
by Prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough, when
only twelve years old. He fignalized himfelf at the
fieges of Tournay and Mens, and particularly at the
battle of Malplaquet. In the evening of that memo¬
rable day, he was heard to fay, “ I’m content with my
day’s work.” During the campaign of 1710, Prince
Eugene and the duke of Marlborough made many
public encomiums on his merit. Next year the young
count accompanied the king of Poland to the fiege of
Stralfund, the ftrongeft place in Pomerania, and dif-
played the greateft intrepidity. He fwam acrofs the
river in fight of the enemy, with a piftol in his hand.
His valour (hone no lefs confpicuoufly on the bloody day
of Gaedelbufck, where he commanded a regiment of ca¬
valry. He had a horfe killed under him, after he had
three times rallied his regiment, and led them on to the
charge.
Soon after that campaign, his mother prevailed on
him to marry the eountefs of Lubin, a lady both rich
and beautiful. This union lafted but a fkert time. In
1721, the count procured a diflblution of th
Saw-mill
Saxe.
mama tje
Saw Mill
/.
Plate CCCCLXJX
* . I
. '
SAX [S2S] SAX
a ftep of which he afterwards repented. The countefs
left him with regret } but this did not prevent her from
marrying foon after. The count of Saxe was too fond
of pleafure and variety to fubmit to the duties which
marriage impofes. In the midlt, however, of the plea-
fures in which he fometimes indulged, he never loll
fight of his profeffion. He carried along with him
wherever he went a library of military books j and
even when he feemed molt taken up with his plea-
fures, he never failed to fpend an hour or two in pri¬
vate Itudy.
In 17x7 he went to Hungary, where the emperor
had an army of 15,000 men under the command of
Prince Eugene. Young Count Saxe was prefent at the
fiege of Belgrade, and at a battle which the prince gain¬
ed over the Turks. On his return to Poland in 1718,
he was made a knight of the golden eagle.
The wars in Europe being concluded by the treaties
of Utrecht and Paffarowitz, Count Saxe went to France.
He had always profefled a partiality for that country.
French, indeed, was the only foreign language which
during his infancy he was willing to learn. He fpent
his whole time during the peace in ftudying mathema¬
tics, fortification, and mechanics, fciences which exaftly
fuited his genius. The mode of exercifing troops had
ftruck his attention when very young. At 16 he in¬
vented a new exercife, which was taught in Saxony with
the greatelf fuccefs. Having obtained a regiment irr
France in 1722, he formed it himfelf according to his
new i. From that moment the Chevalier Folard, an
excellent judge of military talents, predicted that he
would be a great man.
In 1726 the ftates of Courland chofe him for their
fovereign. But both Poland and Ruffia rofe in arms
to oppofe him. The Czarina wilhed to bellow the
duchy on Menzikoff, a happy adventurer, who from a
paltry-cook’s boy became a general and a prince. Menzi¬
koff fent 800 Ruffians to Milan, where they befieged
the new-chofen duke in his palace. Count Saxe, who
had only 60 men, defended himfelf with aflonilhing in¬
trepidity. The liege was railed, and the Ruffians obli¬
ged to retreat. Soon after he retired to Ufmaiz, and
prepared to defend his people again!! the two hoffile na¬
tions. Here he remained with only 300 men, till the
Ruffian general approached at the head of 4000 to
force his retreat. That general invited the count to a
conference, during which he intended to furprife him,
and take him prifoner. The count, informed of the
plot, reproached him for his bafenefs, and broke up the
conterence. About this time he wrote to France for
men and money. Mademoifelle le Couvreur, a famous
a&refs, pawned her jewels and plate, and fent him the
fum of 40,000 livres. This a£lrefs had formed his mind
for the fine arts. She had made him read the greater
part of the French poets, and given him a talle for the
theatre, which he retained even in the carnp. The
count, unable to defend himfelf againfl: Ruffla and Po¬
land, was obliged in the year 172^ to leave his new do¬
minions, and retire into France. It is faid that Anne
Iwanowa, duchefs dowager of Courland, and fecond
daughter of the tzar Iwan Alexio vitz, had given him
hopes of marriage, and abandoned him at that time
becaufe (lie de.'paired of fixing his wavering palfion.-—
rids inccnffuacy loll him not only Courland, but the
throne of Rulfia itfelf, which that princefs afterwards
filled.
Count Saxe, thus ftript of his territories, devoted
himfelf for fome time to the ftudy of mathematics. He
compofed alfo, in 13 nights, and during the intervals
of an ague, his Reveries, which he corrected afterwards*-
This book is written in an incorrefl but forcible Ityle;
it is full of remarks both new and profound, and is
equally ufeful to the foldier and the general.
The death of the king of Poland his father, in 1733,
kindled a newT war in Europe. His brother, the eledlor'
of Saxony, offered him the command of all his forces,
but he preferred the French fbrvice, and repaired to the
marechal of Berwick’s army, which was encamped on
the Rhine. “ Count,” faid that general, who wTaS'
preparing to attack the enemy’s entrenchments at Et-
linghen, “ I was going to fend for 3000 men, but your
arrival is of more value than theirs.” When the attack
began, the count, at the head of a regiment of grena¬
diers, forced the enemy’s lines, and by his bravery de¬
cided the viftory. He behaved at the fiege of Philipf-
burgh with no lefs intrepidity. For thefe fervices he
was, in 1734, rewarded with the rank of lieutenant-
general. Peace was concluded in 1736 •, but the death
of Charles VI. emperor of Germany kindled a new war
almoft immediately.
Prague was befieged by the count of Saxe in 174T,
near the end of November, and taken the fame month
by affault. The conquefl: of Egra followed that cf
Prague. It was taken a few days after the trenches
wrere opened. This fuccefs gave fo much joy to the'
emperor Charles VII. that he wrote a congratulatoiy
letter to the conqueror with his own hands.
In 1744 he wTas made marechal of France, and com¬
manded a part of the French army in Flanders. During
that campaign he difplayed the greateft military con¬
duct. Though the enemy was fuperior in number, he
obferved their motions fo Ikilfully that they could do
nothing.
In January 1745, an alliance was concluded at War-
fovia between the queen of Hungary, the king of
England, and the States of Holland. The ambaffador
of the States General, meeting Marechal Saxe one day
at Verfailles, alked his opinion of that treaty. “ I
think (fays he), that if the king my mailer would give
me an unlimited commilfion, I would read the original
at the Hague before the end of the year.” This anfwer
was not a bravado 3 the marechal was capable of per¬
forming it.
He went foon after, though exceedingly ill, to take
the command of the French army in the Low Coun¬
tries. A gentleman feeing the feeble condition in
which he left Paris, alked him how he could in that fi-
tuation undertake fo great an enterprife. “ The quefticn
(replied he) is not about living, but fetting out.”—.
Soon after the opening of the campaign, the battle of
Fontenoy wTas fought. Marechal Saxe was at the point
of death, yet he caufed himfelf to be put into a litter,
and carried round all the polls. During the aftion he
mounted on horfeback, though he was fo very weak
that his attendants dreaded every moment to fee him ex¬
pire. The viftory of Fontenoy, owing entirely to his
vigilance and capacity, was followed by the reduftion
of Tournay, Bruges, Ghent, Oudcnarie, Offend, Aih;
and
S A X [52
and Bruffels : This laft city was taken on the 28th Fe¬
bruary 1746 ; and very foon after the king fent to the
marechal a letter of naturalization conceived in the molt
flattering terms. The fucceeding campaigns gained
him additional honours. After the victory of Raucoux,
which he gained on the 11th October 1746, the king
of France made him a prefent of flx pieces of cannon.
He was, on the 1 2th of January of the following year,
created marechal of ail the French armies, and, in 1748,
commander-general of all thofe parts of the Netherlands
which were lately conquered.
Holland now began to tremble for her fafety. Mae-
ftricht and Bergen-op-Zoom had already fallen, and no¬
thing but misfortunes feemed to attend the further pro-
fecution of the war. The States General, therefore, of¬
fered terms of peace, which were accepted, and a treaty
concluded on the 18th Oftober 1748.
Marechal Saxe retired to Chambord, a country feat
which the king of France had given him. Some time
after he went to Berlin, where the king of Pruffia re¬
ceived him as Alexander would have received Csefar.—
On his return to France, he fpent his time among men
of learning, artilts, and philofophers. He died of a
fever, on the 30th November 1750, at the age of 54.
Some days before his death, talking to M. Senac his
phyfician about his life, “ It has been (fays he) an
excellent dream.” He was remarkably careful of the
lives of his men. One day a general officer was pointing
out to him a poll; which would have been of great ufe.
“ It will only coft you (fays he) a dozen grenadiers.
“ That would do very well,” replied the marechal,
“ were it only a dozen lieutenant-generals.”
It was impoflible for Marechal Saxe, the natural
brother of the king of Poland, eledled fovereign of
Courland, and poffeffed of a vigorous and reftlefs ima¬
gination, to be deftitute of ambition. He conftantly
entertained the notion that he would be a king. After
lofing the crown of Ruffia by his inconftancy in love, he
formed, it is faid, the projedl of affembling the Jews,
and of being the fovereign of a nation which for 1700
years had neither poffefied chief nor country. When
this chimerical idea could not be realized, he call his
eyes upon the kingdom of Corfica. After failing in
this projeiR alfo, he was bufily employed in planning a
fettlement in fome part of America, particularly Brazil,
when death furprifed him.
He had been educated and died in the Lutheran re¬
ligion. “ It is a pity (faid the queen of France, when
Are heard of his death) that we cannot fay a Angle
De profundis (prayer for the dead) for a man who has
made us ling fo many Te Dennis.'1'' All France la¬
mented his death.
By his will, which is dated at Paris, March 1. 1748,
he dire£led that his body ffiould be buried in quicklime:
“ that nothing (fays he) may remain of me in this
world but the remembrance of me among my friends.”
Thefe orders, however, were not complied with ; for
his body was embalmed, put into a leaden coffin, which
was inclofed in another of copper, and this covered
6 ] SAX
rvith one of wood, bound about with iron. Fils heart Saxe
was put into a fllver gilt box, and his entrails into an- tl
other coffin. Louis XV. was at the charge of his fu-
neral. By his order his corpfe was interred with great
pomp and fplendor in the Lutheran church of St Tho- ——v——J
mas, at Stralhurg, on the 8th February 1751.
The marechal was a man of ordinary flature, of
a robuft conflitution, and extraordinary ftrength. To
an afpedf, noble, warlike, and mild, he joined the ex¬
cellent qualities of the heart. Affable in his manners,
and difpofed to fympathize with the unfortunate, his
generolity fometimes carried him beyond the limits of
his fortune. On his death-bed he reviewed the errors
of his life with remorfe, and exprefled much peni¬
tence.
The beft edition of his Reveries was printed at Pa¬
ris 1757, in two vols qto. It was compared with the
greateil attention with the original manufeript in the
king’s library. It is accompanied with many deflgns
exa&ly engraved, and a Life of the Author. The Life
of Marechal Saxe was written by M. d’Efpagnac, two
vols 12mo. This hiflory is written in the panegyrical
ftyle. The author is, horvever, impartial enough to re¬
mark, that in the three battles upon ■which the reputa¬
tion of Marechal Saxe is founded, he engaged in the moft
favourable circumftances. “ Never did a general (fays
he) Hand in a more advantageous Atuation. Honoured
with the confidence of the king, he was not reltrained
in any of his projedls. He always commanded a nume¬
rous army : his foldiers were fteady, and his officers pof¬
feffed great merit.”
SAXIFRAGA, Saxifrage, a genus of plants be¬
longing to the decandria clafs; and in the natural me¬
thod ranking under the 13th order, Hucculentcv. See
Botany Index.
SAXO-Grammaticus, defeended from an illuftriousCoxe’s Tra-
Danilh (a) family, wTas born about the middle of thew/j into
12th century. Stephens, in his edition of Saxo-Gram-^)£’www:r^'
maticus, printed at Soroe, indubitably proves, that he
muff have been alive in 1156, but cannot afeertain the
exaft place and time of his birth. See Stephens’s Pro¬
legomena to the Notes on Saxo-Grammaticus, p. 8, to
24 5 alio Holberg, vol. i. p. 269 ; and Mallet’s North.
Antiq. vol. i. p. 4. On account of his uncommon learn¬
ing, Saxo was diltinguilhed by the name of Grammati¬
cus. He was provoft of the cathedral church of Rolkild,
and warmly patronized by the learned and warlike Ab-
falon, the celebrated archbifliop of Lunden, at whofe
inftigation he wrote the Hiftory of Denmark. His epi¬
taph, a dry panegyric in bad Latin verfes, gives no ac¬
count of the era of his death, which happened, accord¬
ing to Stephens, in 1204. His hiftory, confifting of
16 books, begins from the earlieft account of the Danilh
annals, and concludes with the year 1186. According
to the opinion of an accurate writer, the firft part, which
relates to the origin of the Danes, and the reigns of the
ancient kings, is full of fables; but the eight laft books,
and particularly thofe which regard the events of his
own times, deferve the utmoft credit. He wrote in
Latin j
(a) Some authors have erroneoufly conje&ured, from his name Saxo, that he was born in Saxony ; but Saxe
was no uncommon appellation among the ancient Danes. See Olaus Wormius Monumenta Danica, p. 186, and
Stephens’s Prolegomena, p. 10.
3
SAX
r 5
Saxony,
Saxo- La'in ; the ftyle, if we confider the barbarous age in
^rammati- which he ftourilhed, is in general extremely elegant, but
c.lJs rather too poetical for hiltory. Mallet, in his HiJJoire
de Dannemarc, vol. i. p. 182, fays, “ that Sperling, a
J writer of great erudition, has proved, in contradiction
to the affertions of Stephens and others, that Saxo-
Grammaticus was fecretary to Abfalon ; and that the
Saxo provoft of Rolkild was another perfon, and lived
earlier.”
SAXONY, the name of two circles of the German
empire, an electorate, and a duchy of the fame. The
lower circle is bounded to the fouth by the circle of Up¬
per Saxony, and a part of that of the Upper Rhine •,
to the north, by the duchy of Slefwick, belonging to
the king of Denmark, and the Baltic j to the welt, by
the circle of Weitphalia and the North fea^ and to the
eaft by the circle of Upper Saxony. The dates be¬
longing to it are the dukes and princes of Magdeburg
and Bremen, Zell, Grubenhagen, Calenburg, Wolfen-
buttle, Halberftadt, Mecklenburg-Schwcrin, Mecklen-
burg-Gutlro, Hoi Hein-Gluckfladt, Holftein-Gottorf,
Hildelheim, Saxe-Lawenburg •, the archbifhopric of Lu-
beck •, the principalities of Schwerin, Ratzeburg, Blan-
kenburg, Ranzau •, the imperial cities of Lubeck, Gctz-
lar, Muhlhaufen, Nordhaufen, Hamburg, and Bremen.
The dukes of Bremen and Magdeburg are alternately
directors and fummoning princes ; but, ever fince the
year 1682, the diets which ufed generally to be held at
Brunfwick or Lunenburg have been difconlinued. To¬
wards the army of the empire, which, by a decree of
the empire in 1681, was fettled at 40,000 men, this
circle was to furnilh 1322 horfemen and 2707 foot;
and of the 300,000 florins granted to the imperial cheft
in 1707, its quota was 31,271 florins; both which af-
feflrnents are the fame with thofe of Upper Saxony, Bur¬
gundy, Swabia, and Weflphalia. This circle at prefent
nominates only two affeiTors in the chamber judicatory
of the empire, of one of which the elector of Brunfwick-
Lunenburg has the nomination, who mufl be a Luther¬
an, and is the ninth in rank. The inhabitants of this
circle are almoft all Lutherans.
The circle of Upper Saxony is bounded by that of
Franconia, the Upper Rhine, and Lower Saxony ; and
alfo by the Baltic fea, Pruflia, Poland, Silefia, Lufatia,
and Bohemia. It is of great extent, and contains the
Tollowing dates; viz. the electors of Saxony and Bran¬
denburg, Saxe-Weimar, Saxe-Eifenach, Saxe-Cobourg,
Saxe Gotha, Saxe-Altenburg, Saxe Querfurt, the Hi¬
ther and Farther Pomerania, Camin, Anhalt, Quidlen-
burg, Gernrode, Walkenried, Schwarzburg, Sonderfhau-
fen, Schwarzburg-Rudolftadt, Mansfeld, Stolberg, Bar-
by, the counts of Reuffen, and the counts of Schonberg.
No diets have been held in this circle flnee the year
1683. The elector of Saxony has always been the foie
fummoning prince and dire&or of it. Moft of the in¬
habitants profefs the Proteflant religion. When the
whole empire furniflies 40,000 men, the quota of this
circle is 1322 horfe and 2707 foot. Of the 300,000 flo¬
rins granted by the empire in 1707, it contributed only
31,271 florins, 28 kruitzers, being rated no higher than
thofe of Weflphalia, Lower Saxony, Swabia, and Bur¬
gundy, though it is much larger. Agreeable to a re-
folution and regulation in 1654, circle nominates
now only two aflelTors of the chamber-court.
The eleftorate conlifls of the duchy of Saxeny, the
27 ] SAX
greateft part of the margravate of MeiiTen, a part of Saxony,
the Vogtland, and the northern half of the landgravate ' v~~**
of Thuringia. The Lufatias alfo, and a part of the
country ot Henneberg, belong to it, but are no part
of this circle. The foil of the electoral dominions lying
in this circle is in general exceeding rich and fruitful,
yielding corn, fruits, and pulfe in abundance, together
with hops, flax, hemp, tobacco, anifeed, wild faffron,
wood 5 and in fame places woad, wine, coals, porcelain
clay, terra flgillata, fullers-earth, fine driver, various
forts of beautiful marble, ferpentine done, and almofl ail
the different fpecies of precious flones. Sulphur alfo,
alum, vitriol, land, and free-flone, falt-fprings, amber,
turf, cinnabar, quickfilver, antimony, bilmuth, arlenic,
cobalt, and other minerals, are found it. This country,
befides the above articles, contains likewife valuable
mines of diver, copper, tin, lead, and iron ; and abounds
in many places with horned cattle, flieep, horfes, and
venifon. The principal rivers by which it is watered
are the Elbe, the Schwerze-Elrter, the Muide, the Saale,
the Unflrut, the Weifle-Elder, and the Pleiife. Thefe
rivers, as well as the lakes and rivulets, abound in fifli ;
and in the White-Elfler are found beautiful pearls. This
electorate is extremely well cultivated and inhabited,
and is faid to include about 250 great and fmall towns,
upwards of 5000 villages, 196 royal manors, and near
as many royal caftles, befides private eltates, and com-
manderies. The provincial diets here conflit of three
clafles. The firfl is compofed of the prelates, the counts,
and lords, and the two univerfities of Leipfic and Wit¬
tenberg. To the fecond belong the nobility in general,
immediate or mediate, that is, fuch as Hand immediately
under the fief-chancery or the aulic judicatories, and
fuch as are immediately under the jurifdidtion of the
amtman. The third clafs is formed of the towns in ge¬
neral. The general provincial diets are ordinarily held
every fix years; but there are others, called felediion
diets, which are convened commonly every two years.
We would here obferve, that not only thefe diets, but
thofe in molt of the other dates of Germany, are at pre-
fent extremely infignificant and unimportant, retaining
little more than the fhadow of their former power and
privileges ; for even the petty princes, though they de¬
pend upon their more potent neighbours, and mud be
careful not to give them any umbrage, are almofl as ab-
folute in their refpe£tive territories as the grand feignior
himfelf. As to religion, it was in this country that the
reformation took its rife in the 16th century, to which
it hath ever fince adhered, according to the doftrines of
Luther *. The two late electors, when they embraced # geP
Ponery in order to qualify themfelves to be defied \dmgsformation,
of Poland, gave the mod folemn affurances to their peo-u° S.
pie, that they would inviolably maintain the eflabliihed
religion and its profeffors in the full and free enjoyment
of all their ecclefiadical rights, privileges, and preroga¬
tives whatfoever, in regard to churches, worfhip, cere¬
monies, ufages, univerfities, fchools, benefices, incomes,
profits, jurifdiflions, and immunities. The elefloral fa¬
milies dill continue Roman Catholics, though they have
lod the crown of Poland, for which they at fiifl em¬
braced Popery. With refpefl to ecclefiaflical matters,
the country is divided into parifhes, and thefe again into
fpiritual infpeflions and confidories, all fubordinate to
the ecclefiadical council and upper confidory of Dref-
den, in which city and Leipfic the Calvinilts and Ro¬
man
. s A x . r. 5
Saxony, man Catholics enjoy the free exercife of their religion.
^ Learning flourilhes in this deflorate ; in which, bciides
the free-lchools and gymnafia in moft of the chief towns,
are the two celebrated univerlities of Wittenberg and
-Leipzig, in the laft of which are alfo focieties for the li¬
beral arts and the German language, with bookfellers
and printers of the greateft eminence. A great variety
of manufactures are alfo carried on in this country. The
principal are thole of fine and coarfe linen, thread, fine
lace, paper, fine glafles and mirrors •, porcelain, equal if
not fuperior to that of China ; iron, brafs, and fteel
wares j manufactures of gold and filver, cotton, wool,
•and filk 5 gloves, caps, hats, and tapeftry j in which,
and the natural productions mentioned above, together
with dyeing, an important foreign commerce is carried
■cn. A great addition has been made fince the year
1718 to the electoral territories, by the extinction of the
collateral branches of Zeitz, Merfeburg, and Weiffenfels,
vvhofe dominions devolved to the elder electoral branch,
defcended from the margraves of Meiffen. The firft of
thefe, who was eleCtor of Saxony, was Frederick the
Warlike, about the beginning of the 15th century.
This eleCtor flyles himfelf duke of Saxony, Juliers,
•Cleve, and Berg, as alfo of Engern and Weftphalia,
arch-marfhal and eleCtor of the Holy Roman empire,
-landgrave in Thuringia, margrave of Meiffen, and of
Upper and Lower Lufatia, burgrave of Magdeburg,
princely count of Henneberg, count of La Mark,
Ravenfberg, Barby, and Hanau, and lord of Raven-
Hein. Among the eleCtors he is reckoned the fixth,
as great-marfhal of the empire, of which he is alfo vi¬
car, during an interregnum, in all places not fubjeCt to
the vicariate of the count palatine of the Rhine. He
is moreover foie direCtor of the circle j and in the va¬
cancy of the fee of Mentz claims the direCtorium at the
diet of the empire. His matricular affefl'ment, on ac¬
count of the electorate, is 1984 florins, befides what
he pays for other diftriCts and territories. To the cham¬
ber-courts he contributes, each term, the fum of 1545
Tix-dollars, together with 83 rix-dollars and 62kruitzers
on account of the county of Mansfeld. In this elec¬
torate, fubordinate to the privy council, are various col¬
leges for the departments of war, foreign affairs, the fi¬
nances, fiefs, mines, police, and ecclefiaftical affairs, to¬
gether with high tribunals and courts of juftice, to
which appeals lie from the inferior. The revenues of
this eleCtor are as confiderable as thofe of any prince in
the empire, if we except thofe of the houfe of Auftria.
They arife from the ordinary and extraordinary fub-
iidics of the Hates 5 his own demefnes, confining of 72
bailiwics; the impoft on beer, and the fine porcelain
of the country ; tenths of corn, fruit, wine, &c. 5 his own
filver mines, and the tenths of thofe that belong to par¬
ticulars ; all which, added together, bring in a yearly
revenue of betwixt 700,000!. and 8oo,oool. yet the
electorate is at prefent deeply in debt. The regular
troops commonly amount to 20,000 men, exclufive of
the militia of the ban, the arriere-ban, and the body of
miners and hunters, who are obliged in time of war
to bear arms. The whole electorate is divided into
circles.
The electoral circle, or the duchy of Saxony, is
bounded by the circles of Meiflen, Leipzig, and Thu¬
ringia, the principality of Anhalt, the marche of Bran¬
denburg, and Lufatia. The principality of Anhalt lies
4
28 ] SAX
acrofs it, and divides it into two parts. Its greatefi Saxony.
length and breadth is computed at about 40 miles 5 but  v 
though it is watered by the Elbe, the Black Elder, and
the Mulde, it is not very fruitful, the toil for the molt
part confiding of fand. It contains 24 towns, three bo¬
roughs, betwixt 400 and 500 villages, 164 noblemen’s
edates, 11 fuperintendencies, three infpeCtions under
one confidory, and 11 prefeCturates or diltriCts. The
prefent duchy of Saxony is not to be confounded with
the old 5 for the latter was of a much greater extent,
and contained in it thofe large traCts anciently called
Eq/lphalia, Engern, and Wejlphalia, of which the elec¬
toral circle w'as no part, but was taken by Albert the
Bear, margrave of Salzwedel, from the Venedi. His
fon Bernard obtaining the dignity of duke of Saxony
from the emperor Frederic I. the name of duchij was
given to this country 5 and the electoral dignity having
been afterwards annexed to the duchy, it acquired there¬
by alfo the name of the eletioral circle.
1 he country of Saxony is remarkable for being the
mother of the prefent Englidi nation j but concerning
the Saxons themfelves, previous to that period, we have
very few particulars. The Saxons (fays Mr Whitaker)
have been derived by our hidorians from very different
parts of the globe ; India, the north of Afia, and the
foreds of Germany. And their appellation has been
equally referred to very different caufes 5 the name of
their Indian progenitor, the plundering difpofition of
their Afiatic fathers, and the Ihort hooked weapons of
their warriors. But the real origin of the Saxons, and
the genuine derivation of their name, feem clearly to be
thefe.
In the earlier period of the Gallic hidory, the Celtm
of Gaul crofled the Rhine in confiderable numbers, and
planted various colonies in the regions beyond it. Thus
the Volcae TeCtofages fettled on one fide of the Hercy-
nian fored and about the banks of the Neckar, the Hel-
vetii upon another and about the Rhine and Maine, the
Boii beyond both, and the Senones in the heart of Ger¬
many. Thus alfo we fee the Treviri, the Nervii, the
Suevi, and the Marcomanni, the Quadi, the Venedi,
and others, in that country ; all plainly betrayed to be
Gallic nations by the Gallic appellations wdiich they
bear, and all together pofieding the greated part of it.
And, even as late as the conclufion of the fird century,
we find one nation on the eadern fide of this great con¬
tinent actually fpeaking the language of Gaul, and ano¬
ther upon the northern ufing a dialed nearly related to
the Britidi. But as all the various tribes of the Ger¬
mans are confidered by Strabo to be ysojsva; or
genuine Gauls in their origin ; fo thofe particularly that
lived immediately beyond the Rhine, and are aflerted by
Tacitus to be indubitably native Germans, are exprefsly
denominated rctXollcti, or Gauls, by Diodorus, and as
exprtfsly declared by Dio to have been didinguidied
by the equivalent appellation of Celtee from the earlied
period. And the broad line of nations, which extend¬
ed along the ocean, and reached to the borders of Scy¬
thia, was all known to the learned in the days of Dio¬
dorus, by the fame fignificant appellation of r«A«7ce<, or
Gauls.
Of thefe, the mod noted tvere the Si-Cambri and
Cimbri ; the former being feated near the channel of
the Rhine, and the latter inhabiting the peninfula ot
Jutland. And the denominations of both declare their -
original:
SAX [ 529 ] S C A
Saxony.
original; and fhovv them to have been derived from the
common ftock of the Celtae, and to be of the fame Cel¬
tic kindred with the Cimbri of our own Somerfetthire,
and the Cymbri or Cambrians of our own Wales. The
Cimbri are accordingly denominated Celtce by Strabo
and Appian. And they are equally afl'erted to be Gauls
by Diodorus ', to be the defcendants of that nation
which facked the city of Rome, plundered the temple
of Delphi, and fubdued a great part of Europe and fome
of Afia.
Immediately to the fouth of thefe were the Saxons,
extending from the ifthmus of the Cherlbnefus to the
current of the Elbe. And they were equally Celtic in
their origin as their neighbours. They were denomi¬
nated Ambrones as well as Saxons; and, as fuch, are in¬
cluded by Tacitus under the general appellation of Cim¬
bri, and comprehended in Plutarch under the equal one
of Ceito-Scytiue. And the name of Ambrones appears
particularly to have been Gallic ; being common to the
Saxons beyond the Elbe, and the Ligurians in Cifalpine
Gaul j as both found to their furprife, on the irruption
of the former into Italy with the Cimbri. And, what
is equally furprifing, and has been equally unnoticed by
the critics, the Wefh diftinguilh England by the name
of Loegr or Liguria, even to the prefent moment. In
that irruption thefe Saxons, Ambrons, or Ligurians,
compofed a body of more than 30,000 men, and were
principally concerned in cutting to pieces the large
armies of Manlius and Caepio. Nor is the appellation
of Saxons lefs Celtic than the other. It was originally
the fame with the Belgic Sueflbnes of Gaul ; the capi¬
tal of that tribe being now intitled Soifons by the French,
and the name of the Saxons pronounced Saifen by the
Wellh, Safon by the Scotch, and Safenach or Sax/enach
by the Irilh. And the Sueffones or Saxones of Gaul
derived their own appellation from the polition of their
metropolis on a river, the ftream at Soifons being now
denominated the Aifne, and formerly the Axon; Ueff-
on or Axon importing only waters or a river, and S-ueff-
on or S-ax-on on the waters or the river. The Sueffones,
therefore, are actually denominated the UeJJbnes by
Ptolemy; and the Saxones are aftually intitled the
Axones by Lucan.
Thefe, with their brethren and allies the Cimbri,
having been more formidable enemies to the Romans
by land, than the Samnites, Carthaginians, Spaniards,
Gauls, or Parthians, in the fecond century applied them-
i'elves to navigation, and became nearly as terrible by
fea. They foon made themfelves known to the inha¬
bitants of the Britifli ifles by their piracies in the north¬
ern channels, and were denominated by them Lochlyn or
Lochlynach ; lucd-lyn fignifying the people of the wave,
and the d being quiefcent in the pronunciation. They
took pofleflion of the Orkney iflands, which were then
merely large ihoals of fand, uncovered with wood, and
overgrown with ruflies ; and they landed in the north
of Ireland, and ravaged the country. Before the mid¬
dle of the third century they made a fecond defcent up¬
on the latter, difembarked a conliderable body of men,
and defigned the abfolute fubjeftion of the ifland. Be¬
fore the conclufion of it, they carried their naval opera¬
tions to the fouth, infefted the Britilh channel with their
little veflels, and made frequent defcents upon the coafls.
And in the fourth and fifth centuries, afting in conjunc¬
tion with the, Pi61s of Caledonia and the Scots of Ire-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
land, they ravaged all the eaftern and fouth-eaftern Say
fliores of Britain, began the formal conqueft of the coun- ,
try, and finally fettled their vi&orious foldiery in Lan- crea‘*
caihire. —y—,
SAY, or Saye, in Commerce, a kind of ferge much
ufed abroad for linings, and by the religious for Hurts ;
with us it is ufed for aprons by feveral forts of artificers,
being ufually dyed green.
SCAB. See Itch and Medicine.
Scab in Sheep. See Sheep, Difeafes of, under
Farriery.
SCABIOSA, Scabious j a genus of plants belong¬
ing to the tetrandria clafs j and in the natural method
ranking under the 48th order, Aggregate. See Bo¬
tany Index.
SCABRITA, a genus of plants belonging to the
tetrandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SCAlVOLA, C. Mucius, a young Roman of illuf-
trious birth, is particularly celebrated in the Roman hi-
ftory for a brave but unfuccefsful attempt upon the life
of Porfena king of Hetruria, about the year before Chrift
504. See the article Rome, N° 71.
ScvEVOLA, a genus of plants belonging to the pent-
andria clafs. See Botany Index.
SCAFFOLD, among builders, an affemblage of
planks and boards, fuftained by treffels and pieces of
wood fixed in the wall ; whereon mafons, bricklayers,
&c. Hand to work, in building high wralls, and plafterers
in plaftering ceilings, &c.
Scaffold, alfo denotes a timber-work raifed in the
manner of an amphitheatre, for the more commodious
viewing any fhow or ceremony : it is alfo ufed for a Rage
raifed in fome public place for the execution of crimi¬
nals.
SCALA-nova, anciently Neapolis, called by the
Turks Koufhadafe, is fituated in a bay, on the Hope of
a hill, the houfes rifing one above another, intermixed
with minarets and tall (lender cyprefles. “ A ftreet,
through which we rode (fays Dr Chandler f), was hung f Travels
■with goat-(kins expofed to dry, dyed of a moft lively red. in Afia
At one of the fountains is an ancient coffin ufed as a ci- Minor.
(tern. The port was filled with fmall craft. Before it
is an old fortrefs on a rock or iflet frequented by gulls
and fea-mews. By the water-fide is a large and good
khan, at which we paffed a night on our return. This
place belonged once to the Ephefians, wffio exchanged
it with the Samians for a town in Caria.”
SCALADO, or Scallade, in the art of war, a furi¬
ous affault made on the wall or rampart of a city, or other
fortified place, by means of ladders, without carrying on
works in form, to fecure the men.
SCALD-cream, fometimes alfo called Clouted cream;
a curious method of preparing cream for butter, almoR
peculiar to Devonffiire. Dr Hales, in Philofophical
Tranfa&ions volume xlix. p. 342, 1755, Part I. gives
fome account of the method of preparing this delicate
and luxurious article } other writers alfo fpeak of it.
With an elucidation or two, we (hall nearly quote Mr
Feltham’s account from the Gentleman’s Magazine,
volume Ixi. Part II. It is there obferved, that the pur-
pofe of making fcald-cream is far fuperior butter than
can be procured from the ufual raw cream, being pre¬
ferable for flavour and keeping ; to which thofe accuf-
tomed are fo partial, as feldom to eat any other. As
leaden cifterns would not anfwer for fcalding cream, the
3 X dairies
s C A t 53° ] S C A
ScnM- dairies moftly adopt brafs pans, which hold from three
tieaai tQ £ye gaHons for tJle . anp tilat [s pUt in(;0
Scaliger. ^10^e Pans one morning, hands till the next, when,
without difturbing it, it is fet over (on a trivet) a Heady
brifk wood fire, devoid of fmoke, where it is to remain
from feven to fifteen minutes, according to the fize of
the pan, or the quantity in it: the precife time of re¬
moving it from the fire muit be particularly attended
to, and is, when the furface begins to wrinkle or to ga¬
ther in a little, (bowing figns of being near the agita¬
tion of boiling, which it muft by no means do; it is
then inftantly to be taken off, and placed in the dairy
until the next morning, when the fine cream is thrown
up, and may be taken for tke table, or for butter, into
which it is now foon converted by ftirring it with the
hand. Some know when to remove it from the fire by
founding the pan with the finger, it being then lefs fo-
norous j but this can only be acquired by experience. Dr
Hales obferves, that this method of preparing milk takes
off the ill tafte which it fometimes acquires from the cows
feeding on turnips, cabbage, &c.
SCALDS, in the hiffory of literature, a name given
by the ancient inhabitants of the northern countries
to their poets 5 in whofe writings their hiftory is record¬
ed. ,
SCALE, a mathematical inffrument confifting of
feveral lines drawn on wood, brafs, filver, &c. and
varioufly divided^ according to the purpofes it is in¬
tended to ferve ; whence it acquires various denomina¬
tions, as the plainfcnle, diagonalfcale, plotting /ale, Sac.
Scale, in Mujtc, fometimes denominated a gamut, a
diagram, a feries, an order, a diapafon. It confilts of the
regular gradations of found, by rvhich a compofer or
performer, whether in riling or defcending, may pafs
from any given tone to another. Thefe gradations are
feven. When this order is repeated, the firff note of
the lecond is confentaneous with the lowTeff note of the
fuff 5 the fecond of the former with the fecond of the
latter5 and fo through the whole o&ave. The fecond
order, therefore, is juftly efteemed only a repetition of
the firft. For this reafon the fcale, among the moderns,
is fometimes limited to an oHave; at other times extend¬
ed to the compafs of any particular voice or inftrument.
It likewife frequently includes all the pra<ffical grada¬
tions of mufical found, or the whole number of oftaves
employed in compofition or execution, arranged in their
natural order.
Scale, in ArchiteElure and Geography, a line divided
into equal parts, placed at the bottom of a map or draught, „
to ferve as a common meafure to all the parts of the build¬
ing, or all the diilances and places of the map.
SCALENE, or Scalenous Triangle, fcalenum,
in Geometry, a triangle whofe lides and angles are un¬
equal. See Geometry.
SCALENUS, in Anatomy. See there, Table of the
Mufcles.
SCAUGER, Julius Cesar, a learned critic, poet,
phyfician, and philofopher, was born at the caffle of
Ripa, in the territories of Verona, in 1484 ; and is faid
to have been defcended from the ancient princes of Ve¬
rona, though this is not mentioned in the letters of
naturalization he obtained in France in 1528. He
learned the firft rudiments of the Latin tongue in his
own country j and in his 12th year was prefented to
the emperor Maximilian, who made him one of his
pages. He ferved that emperor 17 years, and gave Scaliger.
fignal proofs of his valour and conduct in feveral expe-
ditions. He was prefent at the battle of Ravenna in
April 1512, in which he had the misfortune to lote
his father Eenedidt Scaliger, and his brother Titus; on
which his mother died with grief: when being reduced
to neceflitous circumitances, he entered into the order of
the Francil'cans, and applied himfelf to ftudy at Bologna;
but loon after changing his mind with refpedt to his
becoming a monk, he took arms again, and ferved in
Piedmont; at which time a phyfician perfuaded him
to ftudy phyfic, which he did at his Jeiiure hours, and
alfo learned Greek *, and at laff the gout determined
him, at 40 years of age, to abandon a military life.
He foon after fettled at Agen, where he married, and
began to apply hirnlelf leriouily to his ftudies. He
learned firlt the French tongue, which he Ipoke per¬
fectly in three months; and then made himiell mailer
of the Gafcon, Italian, Spanilh, German, Hungarian,
and Sclavonian : but the chief object of his ftudies was
polite literature. Meanwhile, he fupported his family
by the praCtice of phyfic. He did not publilh any of
his works till he was 47 years of age ; when he loon
gained a great name in the republic of letters. He
had a graceful perfon, and io ftrong a memory, even in
hrs old age, that he diHated to his Ion zoo vtries
which he had compofed the day before, and letained
without writing them down. He was fo charitable,
that his houfe was as it were an hofpital for the poor
and fick ; and he had fuch an averfion to lying, that he
would have no correlpondence with thole who were
given to that vice j but, on the other hand, he had
much vanity, and a fatirical fpirit, which created him
many enemies. Fie died of a retention of urine in
1558. He ivrote in Latin, 1. A Treatile on the Art
of Poetry. 2. Exercitations againft Cardan : which
works are much efteemed. 3. Commentaries on Ari-
ftotle’s Hiftory of Animals, and on Theophraftus on
Plants. 4. Some Treatifes on Phyfic. 5. Letters, O-
rations, Poems, and other works, in Latin.
Scaliger, Jofeph Jujlus, one of the molt learned
critics and writers of his time. He was the fon of the
fonner, and was born at Agen in France in 1540.
He ftudied in the college of Bourdeaux ; after which
his father took him under his own care, and employed
him in tranfcribing his poems; by which means he ob¬
tained fuch a talle for poetry, that before he was 17
years old he wrote a tragedy upon the fubjeft of
Oedipus, in which he introduced all the poetical orna¬
ments of ftyle and fentiment. His father dying in 1
he went to Paris the year following, with a defign to
apply himfelf to the Greek longue. For this purpofe
he for two months attended the leClures of Turnebus *,
but finding that in the ufual ceurfe he Ihould be a long
time in gaining his point, he ft.ut himfelf up in his clofet,
and by conftant application for tw o years gained a perfect
knowledge of that language. After which he applied
to the Hebrew, which he learned by bimfelf rvith great
facility. He made no lefs progrefs in the fciences j and
his w ritings procured him the reputation of one of the
greateft. men of that or any other age. He embraced
the reformed religion at 22 years of age. In 1363,
he attached himfelf to Lewis Cafteignier de la Roch
Pozay, w hom he attended in feveral joumeys ; and ia
J593f waS invited to accept of the place of honorary
ptofefibr
S C A [ 531 ]
Scaliger proteiTur of the univerfity of Leyden, which he com- dinand of Arragon,
plied with. He died of a dropfy in that city in 1609.
He was a man of great temperance ; was never marri¬
ed j and was fo clefe a Undent, that he often fpent
whole days in his ftudy without eating *, and though
his circumftances were always very narrow’, he con-
ftantly refufed the prefents that were offered him. He
publilhed many wrorks ; the principal of which are,
I. Notes on Seneca’s Tragedies, on Varro, Aufonius,
Pompeius Feitus, &c. 2. His Latin Poems. 3. A
Treatife de Emendations Temporum. 4. Eufebius’s
Chronicle, with Notes. 5. Canones Ifogogici; and many
other works. The collections entitled Scaligeriana,
were collefted from his converfations by one of his
S c A
friends; and being ranged into alphabetical order, were
publifhcd by Ifaac Voflius.
SCALLOP. See Ostrea, Conchology Index.
In the Highlands of Scotland, the great fcallop {hell
is made ufe of for fkimming milk. In old times, it had
a more honourable place \ being admitted into the halls
of heroes, and was the cup of their feftivity when the
tribe a {Tern bled in the hall of their chieftain.
SCALPEL, in Surgery, a kind of knife ufed in ana¬
tomical dilfe&ions and operations hr furgery.
SCALPER, or Scalping-Iron, a furgeon’s in-
ftrument ufed for feraping foul carious bones.
SCALPING, in military hiflory, a barbarous cu-
flom, in praddice among the Indian warriors, of taking
off the tops of the fealps of the enemies fkulls with their
hair on. They preferve them as trophies of their victo¬
ries, and are rewarded by their chiefs according to the
number of fealps they bring in.
SCALPRA DENTALIA, inftruments ufed by fur-
geons to take off thofe black, livid, or yellow crufts
rvhich adhere to the teeth, and not only loofen and de-
ftroy them, but taint the breath.
SCAMMONY, a concreted vegetable juice of a
fpecies of convolvulus, partly of the refin, and partly of
the gum kind. See Convolvulus, Materia Medi-
ca Index.
SCANDALUM magNatum, in Law, is a defama¬
tory fpeech or writing to the injury of a perfon of dig¬
nity } for which a writ that bears the fame name is
granted for the recovery of damages.
SCANDERBEG, the furname of George Caflriot
king of Albania, a province of Turkey in Europe, de¬
pendent on the Ottoman empire. He w’as delivered
up with his three elder brothers as hoftages, by their
father, to Amurath II. fultan of the Turks, who poi-
foned his brothers, but fpared him on account of his
youth, being likewife pleafed with hL juvenile wit and
amiable perfon. In a fhort time he became one of the
moft renowned generals of the age ; and revolting from
Amurath, he joined Hunniade Corvin, a moil; formi¬
dable enemy to the Ottoman power. He defeated
the fultan’s army, took Amurath’s fecretary prifoner,
obliged him to fign and feal an order to the governor
of Croia, the capital of Albania, to deliver up the
citadel and city to the bearer of that order, in the name
of the fultan. With this forged order he repaired to
Croia ; and thus recovered the throne of his anceftors,
and maintained the independency of his country againft
the numerous armies of Amurath and his fucceffor Ma-
hommed II. who was obliged to make peace with this
heroin 1461. He then w’ent to the afTillance of Fer-
at the requeft of Pope Pius II. Scancfeioor,
and by his aflilfance Ferdinand gained a complete vie- Scamlma-
tory over his enemy the count of Anjou. Scanderbeg 1 . <
died in 1467.
SCANDEROON. See Alexandretta.
SCANDINAVIA, a general name for the coun¬
tries of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, anciently
under the dominion of one prince. The inhabitants
of thefe countries, in former times, were exceflively
addicted to war. From their earlieft years they ap¬
plied themfelves to the military art, and accuflomed
themfelves to cold, fatigue, and hunger. Even the
very fports of youth and childhood wrere dangerous.
They confifted in taking frightful leaps, climbing up
the ileepeit rocks, fighting naked with offenfive wea¬
pons, wreftling with the utmoti fury 5 fo that it was
ufual to fee them grown up to be robult men, and ter¬
rible in the combat, at the age of 15. At this early
age the young men became their own mailers 5 which
they did by receiving a fword, a buckler, and a lance.
This ceremony was performed at fome public meeting.
One of the principal men of the affembly named the
youth in public } after which he was obliged to pro¬
vide for his own fubfiflence, and was either now to
live by hunting, or by joining in fome incurfion againft
the enemy. Great care was taken to prevent the
young men from too early connections with the female
fex *, and indeed they could have no hope to gain the
affeClion of the fair, but in proportion to the courage
and addrefs they had Ihown in their military exercifes.
Accordingly, in an ancient long, we find Bartholin,
king of Norway, extremely furprifed that his miftrefs
fhould prove unkind, as he could perform eight differ¬
ent exercifes. The children were generally born in
camps; and being inured from their infancy to behold
nothing but arms, effufion of blood, and {laughter, they
imbibed the cruel difpofition of their fathers, and when
they broke forth'upon other nations, behaved rather like
furies than like human creatures.
The laws of this people, in fome meafure, refembled
thofe of the ancient Lacedemonians. They knew no vir¬
tue but bravery, and no vice but cowardice. The great-
eft penalties were infliCled on fuch as fled from battle.
The laws of the ancient Danes declared fuch perfons
infamous, and excluded them from fociety. Among
the Germans, cowards were fometimes fuffocated in
mud j after which they were covered over with hurdles,
to fhow, fays Tacitus, that though the punifhment of
crimes fhould be public, there are certain degrees of
cowardice and infamy which ought to be buried in
oblivion. Frotho king of Denmark enafted, by law,
that whoever folicited an eminent poft ought upon all
occafions to attack one enemy, to face two, to retire
only one ftep back from three, and never to make an
actual retreat till affaulted by four. 'The rules of ju-
ftice themfelves were adapted and warped to thefe pre¬
judices. War was looked upon as a real a£t of juftice,
and force was thought to be an inconteftable title over
the weak, and a vifible mark that God had intended
them to be fubjeft to the ftrong. They had no doubt
but that the intentions of the Deity had been to efta-
blifli the fame dependence among men that takes place
among inferior creatures 5 and, fetting out from this
principle of the natural inequality among men, they
had from thence inferred that the weak had no right
3X2 t*
S C A [ 532 ] S C A
to what they could not defend. This maxim was ad¬
opted with fuch rigour, that the name of divine judge¬
ment was given not only to the judicatory combat, but
to conllifts and battles of all forts j vidtory being, in
their opinion, the only certain mark by which provi¬
dence enables us to diftinguifh thofe whom it has ap¬
pointed to command others.—Laftly, Their religion, by
annexing eternal happinefs to the military virtues, gave
the utmoft poffible degree of vigour to that propenfity
which thefe people had for war, and to their contempt
of death, of which we (hall now give fome initances.
We are informed that Harold, furnamed Blaatand, or
Blue-tooth, a king of Denmark, who lived in the be¬
ginning ot the ninth century, had founded on the
coafts of Pomerania a city named Julin or Jotnjburg.
To this place he fent a colony of young Danes, be¬
llowing the government on a celebrated warrior called
Palnatoko. In this colony it was forbidden to mention
the word fear, even in the moft imminent dangers.
No citizen of Jomfburg was to yield to any number of
enemies however great. The fight of inevitable death
was not to be taken as an excufe for {bowing the fmall-
eft apprehenfion. And this legillator really appears
to have eradicated from the minds of moil of the youths
bred up under him, all traces of that fentiment fo na¬
tural and fo univerfal, which makes men think on their
deftruftion with horror. Nothing can Ihow this better
than a fingle faft in their hiftory, which deferves to
have place here for its Angularity. Some of them ha¬
ving made an irruption into the territories of a power¬
ful Norwegian lord, named Haquin, were overcome in
fpite of the oblfinacy of their refiftance ; and the moil
diftinguifhed among them being made prifoners, were,
according to the cuftom of thofe times, condemned to
death. The news of this, far from afflidling them, was
on the contrary received with joy. The firlf who was
led to punifhment was content to fay, without changing
countenance, and without exprefling the leaft fign of
fear, “ Why fiiould not the fame happen to me as did
to my father ? He died, and fo muft I.” A warrior,
named Thorchill, who was to cut off the head of the fe-
cond, having alked him what he felt at the fight of
death, he anfvvered, “ that he remembered too well the
laws of Jomfburg to utter any words that denoted fear.”
The third, in reply to the fame queftion, faid, “ he re¬
joiced to die with glory •, and that he preferred fuch a
death to an infamous life like that of Thorchill’s.”
The fourth made an anfwer much longer and more ex¬
traordinary. “ I fuller with a good heart; and the
prefent hour is to me very agreeable. I only beg of
you (added he, addreffing himfelf to Thorchill) to be
very quick in cutting oft' my head ; for it is a queftion
often debated by us at Jomlburg, whether one re¬
tains any fenfe after being beheaded. I wall therefor^
gr&fp this knife in my hand •, if, after my head is cut
off, I ftrike it towards you, it will (how I have not loft
ail fenfe ; if I let it drop, it will be a proof of the con¬
trary, Make hafte therefore, ^nd decide the difpute.”
Thorchill, adds the hiftorian, cut off his head in a
moft expeditious manner ; but the kniie, as might be
expefted, dropt from his hand. The fifth {bowed the
fame tranquillity, and died rallying and jeering his ene¬
mies. The fixth begged of Thorchill, that he might
not be led to punifiiment like a ftreep 5 “ Strike the
blow in my face (faid he), I will fit ftill without
{hrinking j and take notice whether I once wink my Scandina-
eyes, or betray one fign of fear in my countenance: v'a
for we inhabitants of Jomfburg are ufed to exercife our- Scantlirw.
felves in trials of this fort, fo as to meet the ftroke of —y—
death without once moving.” He kept his promife
before all the Ipettators, and received the blow without
betraying the leaft fign of fear, or fo much as winking
with his eyes. The feventh, fays the hiftorian, was
a very beautiful young man, in the flower of his age.
His long hair, as fine as filk, floated in curls and ring¬
lets on his Ihoulders. Thorchill alked him, what he
thought of death ? “ I receive it w illingly (faid he), fince
I have fulfilled the greateft duty of life, and have leen
all thofe put to death whom I would not furvive. I on¬
ly beg of you one favour, not to let my hair be touched
by a ilave, or ftained with my blood.”
Neither was this intrepidity peculiar to the inhabi¬
tants of Jomfburg ; it was the general charafter of all
the Scandinavians, of which we {hall only give this
further inftance. A warrior, having been thrown upon
his back in wrellling with his enemy, and the latter
finding himfelf ■without his arms, the vanquilhed per-
fon promifed to wait, without changing his pofture,
till his antagonift; fetched a fword to kill him ; and he
faithfully kept his word.—To die with his arms in his
hand was the ardent wiflr of every free man 5 and the
pleafing idea which they had of this kind of death led
them to dread fuch as proceeded from old age and dif-
eafe. The hiftory of ancient Scandinavia is full of
inftances of this way of thinking. The warriors wrho
found themfelves lingering in difeafe, often availed
themfelves of their few remaining moments to fhake
off life, by a way that they fuppofed to be more glo¬
rious. Some of them would be carried into a field of
battle, that they might die in the engagement. Others
flew themfelves : many procured this melancholy fer-
vice to be performed by their friends, who confidered
it as a moft facred duty. “ There is, on a mountain of
Iceland, (lays the author of an old Iceland romance), a
rock fo high, that no animal can fall from the top and
live. Here men betake themfelves when they are af-
ftifted and unhappy. From this place all our anceftors,
even without waiting for ficknefs, have departed into
Eden. It is ufelefs, therefore, to give ourfelves up to
groans and complaints, or to put our relations to need-
lefs expences, fince we can eafily follow the example
of our fathers, who have all gone by the way of this
rock.”—When all thefe methods failed, and at laft:
when Chriftianity had baniflied fuch barbarous praftices^
the difconfolate heroes confoled themfelves by putting
on complete armour as foon as they found their end ap¬
proaching.
SCANDIX, Shepherd’s Needle, or Venns Comb,
a genus of plants, belonging to the pentandria clafs j
and in the natural method ranking under the 45th order,
Umbellatce. See Botany Index.
SCANNING, in Poetry, the meafuring of verfe by
feet, in order to fee whether or not the quantities be
duly obferved. The term is chiefly ufed in Greek and
Latin verfes. Thus an hexameter verfe is fcanned by
refolving it into fix feet} a pentameter, by relblving it
into five feet, &c.
SCANTLING, a meafure, fize, or ftandard, by
which the dimenfions, &c. of things are to be deter¬
mined. The term is particularly applied to the dimen-
fions
s C A [ 533 1 s C A
Scanto fions of any piece of timber, with regard to its breadth
II i and thicknefs.
. , SCANTO, or Spavento, a fudden impreffion of
Swin- horror upon the mind and body. It is extremely
bume's dreaded by the inhabitants of Sicily j and the wild
Travels in ideas of the vulgar part of the inhabitants rcfpefting it
Sicilies are a^mo^ incredible, and their dread of a fudden (hock
is no lefs furprifmg. There is fcarce a fymptom, dif*
order, or accident, they do not think may befal the
human frame in confequence of the fcanto. They are
perfuaded that a man who has been frightened only by
a dog, a viper, fcorpion, or any other creature, which
he has an antipathy to, will foon be feized with the
fame pains he would really f;el, had he been torn with
their teeth, or wounded wdth their venomous fting;
and that nothing can remove thefe nervous imaginary
pangs but a ftrong dofe of dilena, a fpecies of cantha-
rides found in Sicily.
SCAPE-goat, in the Jewifh antiquities, the goat
which was fet at liberty on the day of folemn expiation.
For the ceremonies on this occafion, fee Levit. xvi.
5» &c.
Some fay, that a piece of fcarlet cloth, in form of a
tongue, was tied on the forehead of the fc ape-goat.
Hoff. Lex. Univ. in voc. Lingua.
Many have been the difputes among the interpreters
concerning the meaning of the word fcape-goat j or ra¬
ther of a'zazel. for which fcabe-goat is put in our verlion
of the Bible.
Spencer is of opinion, that azazel is a proper name,
fignifying the devil or evil dtemon. See his reafons in
his book De leg. Hebr. ritual. Diflert. vili. Among
other things, he obferves, that the ancient Jew's ufed
to fubftitute the name Samael for Axatsel; and many of
them have ventured to affirm, that at the feafl of expia¬
tion they were obliged to offer a gift to Samael to ob¬
tain his favour. Thus alfo the goat, fent into the
wildernefs to Azazel, vTas underftood to be a gift or
■oblation. Some Chriftians have been of the fame opi¬
nion. But Spencer thinks that the genuine reafons
of the ceremony wrere, I. That the goat, loaded with
the fins of the people, and fent to Azazel, might be
a fymbolical reprefentation of the miferable condi¬
tion of finners. 2. God fent the goat thus loaded to
the evil daemons, to fhow that they were impure, there¬
by to deter the people from any converfation or fami¬
liarity with them. 3. That the goat fent to Azazel,
fufficiently expiating all evils, the Ifraelites might the
more willingly abftain from the expiatory facrifices of
the Gentiles.
SCAPEMENT, in clock-w7ork, a general term for
the manner of communicating the impulfe of the wheels
to the pendulum. The ordinary fcapements. confift of
the fvving-wheel and pallets only ; but modern improve¬
ments have added other levers or detents, chiefly for the
purpofes of diminifhing fri&ion, or for detaching the
pendulum from the prelTure of the wrheels during part of
the time of its vibration. See WATCH-lVorh.
SCAPULA, in Anatomy, the ihoulder, or flioulder-
bone.
Scapula, John, the reputed author of a Greek lexi¬
con, ftudied at Laufanne. His name is recorded in the
annals of literature, neither on account of his talents nor
learning, nor virtuous induftry, but for a grofs acl of
difing,enuity and fraud which he committed againft an
eminent literary chara£ler of the 16th century. Being Scapula
employed by Henry Stephens as a correftor to his prefs II
w’hile he wras publifhing his Thefaurus linguce Greece?,
Scapula extracted thofe words and explications which 1 . ’
he reckoned moil ufeful, comprifed them in one volume,
and publiihed them as an original wTork, with his owui
name.
The compilation and printing of the Thefaurus had
coil Stephens immenfe labour and expence ; but it was
fo much admired by thofe learned men to whom he had
fliovvn it, and feemed to be of fuch effential importance
to the acquifition of the Greek language, that he rea-
fonably hoped his labour would be crowned with ho¬
nour, and the money he had expended would be repaid
by a rapid and extenfive fale. But before his work
came abroad, Scapula’s abridgement appeared j which,
from its fize and price, wTas quickly purchafed, while
the Thefaurus itfelf lay neglected in the author’s hands.
The confequence wfas, a bankruptcy on the part of Ste¬
phens, while he who had occafioned it was enjoying the
fruits of his treachery. Scapula’s Lexicon was fiHl
printed in 1570, in 410. It was afterwards enlarged,
and publiihed in folio. It has gone through feveral
editions, while the valuable w;ork of Stephens has ne¬
ver been reprinted. Its fuccefs is, however, not owing
to its fuperior merit, but to its price and more commo¬
dious fize. Stephens charges the author with omitting a
great many important articles. He accufes him of mif-
underilanding and perverting his meaning j and of tra¬
cing out abfurd and trifling etymologies, which he him-
felf had been careful to avoid. He compofed the fol¬
lowing epigram on Scapula :
ffyidam ZTrm^vwv me capulo tenus abdidit enfetn
Alger eram a Scapulis,y2/««j- et hue redeo.
Doctor Bulby, fo much celebrated for his knowledge of
the Greek language, and his fuccefs in teaching it,
would never permit his fcholars at Weftminfter fchool
to make ufe of Scapula.
SCAPULAR, in Hnatomy, the name of two pair
of arteries, and as many veins.
Scapular, or Scapulary, a part of the habit of fe¬
veral religious orders in the church of Rome, worn,
over the gowm as a badge of peculiar veneration for the
Bleffed Virgin. It confifts of twro narrow flips or
breadths of cloth covering the back and the breaft, and
hanging down to the feet.—The devotees of the fcapu-
lary celebrate its feflival on the 10th of July.
SCAR ABACUS, the Beetle, a genus of infefts of
the coleoptera order. See Entomology Index.
SCARBOROUGH, a town of the north riding
ofYorklhire, feated on a fteep rock, near which are
fuch craggy cliffs that it is almofl. inacceffible on every
fide. On the top of this rock is a large green plain,
with twm wrells of frefli W'ater fpringing out of the rock.
It is greatly frequented on account of its mineral waters
called the Scarborough-Spa; on which account it is
much improved in the number and beauty of the build¬
ings. The fpring was under the cliff, part of which fell
down in 1737, and the w'ater w-as loft 5 but in clearing
awray the ruins in order to rebuild the wharf, it was re¬
covered, to the great joy of the town. The waters of
Scarborough are chalybeate and purging. The two
wells are both impregnated with the fame principles, in
different proportions} though the purging well is the
tnoft.
St'arbo
rotigT),
Scardona,
Travels
into Dal¬
matia.
S C A [ 534- ] S C A
moft celebrated, and the water of this is ufually called
the Scarborough water. When thefe waters are poured
out of one glafs into another, they throw up a number
of air bubbles; and if they are fhaken for fome time in
a phial clofe flopped, and the phial be fuddenly opened
before the commotion ceafes, they difplode an elartic
vapour, with an audible noife, which fhows that they
abound in fixed air. At the fountain they have a brifk,
pungent chalybeate tafle ; but the purging water talles
bitten"(li, which is not ufually the cafe with the chaly¬
beate one. They lofe their chalybeate virtues by ex-
pofure and by keeping ; but the purging water the
fooneft. They both putrefy by keeping ; but in time
recover their fweetnefs. Four or five half pints of the
purging water drank within an hour, give two or three
eafy motions, and raife the fpirits. 'I he like quantity
of the chalybeate purges lefs, but exhilerates more, and
paffes off chiefly by urine. Thefe waters have been
found beneficial in heftic fevers, rveakneffes of the Ifo-
mach, and indigeftion •, in relaxations of the fyflem *, in
nervous, hyfteric, and hypochondriacal diforders 5 in
the green ficknefs, fcurvy, rheumatifm, and afthmatic
complaints j in gleets, the fluor albus, and other preter¬
natural evacuations 5 and in habitual coftivenefs. Here
are afifemblies and balls in the fame manner as at Tun¬
bridge. It is a place of fome trade, has a very good
harbour, and fends two members to parliament. E.
Long. tq. 18. N. Lat. o. 3.
SCARDONA, a fea port town of Dalmatia, feated
on the eaflern banks of the river Cherca, with a bifliop’s
fee. It has been taken and retaken feveral times by the
Turks and Venetians-, and thefe laft ruined the fortifica¬
tions and its principal buildings in 153? ? ^ave
been fince put in a Rate of defence.
“ No veftiges (fays Fortis) now remain vifible of that
ancient city, where the Rates of Liburnia held their af-
fcmbly in the times of the Romans. I however tran-
fcribed thefe two beautiful infcriptions, which were dif-
covered fome years ago, and are preferved in the houfe
of the reverend canon Mercati. It is to be hoped,
that, as the population of Scardona continues increa-
finp, new lands will be broken up, and eonfequently
more frequent difeoveries made of the precious monu¬
ments of antiquity. And it is to be wiflied, that the
few men of letters, who have a (hare in the regulation
of this reviving city, may bellow fome particular atten¬
tion on that article, fo that the honourable memorials
of their ancient and illuftrious country, which once held
fo eminent a rank among the Liburnian cities, may not
be loft, nor carried away. It is almoft a ftiame, that
only fix legible infcriptions aflually exill at Scardona ;
and that all the others, fince many moth certainly mult
have been dug up there, are either miferably broken, or
loft, or tranfported to Italy, where they lofe the great-
eft part of their merit. Roman coins are very frequent¬
ly found about Scardona, and feveral valuable ones were
fhown to me by that hofpitable prelate Monfignor I re-
vifani, bifhop and father of the riling fettlement. One
the principal gentlemen of the place was fo kind as to
(rive me feveral fepulchral lamps, which are marked by
the name of Fortis, and by the elegant form of the let¬
ters appear to be of the bed: times. The repeated de-
vaftations to which Scardona has been expofed, have
left it no traces of grandeur. It is now, however, be-
pinnirm to life- again, and many merchants of Servia
2
and Bofnia have fettled there, on account of the con- Sairifica*
venient fltuation for trade with the upper provinces of tion
Turkey. But the city has no fortifications, notwith- s a||rn
Handing the affertion of P. Farlati to the contrary.” i . ' ‘ .1
E. Long. 17. 25. N. Lat. 43. 55.
SCARIFICATION, in Surgery, the operation of
making feveral incifions in the fkin by means of lances
or other inftruments, particularly the cupping inftru-
ment. See Surgery.
SCARLET, a beautiful bright red colour. See Dye¬
ing Index.
In painting in water-colours, minium mixed with a
little vermilion produces a good fcarlet : but if a flower
in a print is to be painted .» Icarlet colour, the lights as
well as the lhades Ihould be covered with minium, and
the lhaded paits finiflied with carmine, which will pro¬
duce an admirable fcarlet.
Scab let- Fever. See Medicine Index.
SCARP, in Fortification, is the interior talus or
Hope of the ditch next the place, at the foot of the ram¬
part.
Scarp, in Heraldry, the fcarf which military com¬
manders wear for ornament. It is borne fomewhat like
a battoon finifter, but is broader than it, and is conti¬
nued out to the edges of the field, whereas the battoon
is cut off at each end.
SCARPANTO, an ifland of the Archipelago, and
one of the Sporades, lying to the fouth-weft of the ifle
of Rhodes, and to the north-eaft of that of Candia. It
is about 22 miles in length and 8 in breadth j and there
are feveral high mountains. It abounds in cattle and
game ; and there are mines of iron, quarries of marble,
with feveral good harbours. The Turks are mafters of
it, but the inhabitants are Greeks.
SCAR PE, a river of the Netherlands, which has its
fource near Aubigny in Artois, where it walhes Arras
and Douay ; after which it runs on the confines of
Flanders and Hainault, pafling by St Amand, and a
little after falls into the Scheldt.
SCARRON, Paul, a famous burlefque writer, was
the fon of a counfellor in parliament, and was born at
Paris about the end of the year 1610, or in the begin¬
ning of the fucceeding year. His father marrying a
fecond time, he was compelled to affume the ecclefiafti-
cal profeflion. At the age of 24 he vifited Italy, where
he freely indulged in licentious pleafures. After his «
return to Paris he perfifted in a life of difiipation till a
long and painful difeafe convinced him that his confti-
tution was almoft worn out. At length when engaged
in a party of pleafure at the age of 27, he loft the ufe
of thofe legs which danced fo gracefully, and of thofe
hands which could paint and play on the lute with fo
much elegance. In the year 1638 he was attending the
carnival at Mens, of which he was a canon. Having
dreffed himfelf one day as a favage, his Angular appear¬
ance excited the curiofity of the children of the town.
They followed him in multitudes, and he was obliged
to take fhelter in a marfti. This wet and cold fituation
produced a numbnefs which totally deprived him of the
ufe of his limbs; but notwithfianding this misfortune he
continued gay and cheerful. He tof>k up his refioence
at Paris, and by his pleafant humour foon attracted to
his houfe all the men of wit about the city. The iofs
of his health wras followed by the lofs of his fortune.
On the death of his father he entered Into a procefs
s C A [ 535 ] S G A
'• with his motlier-in-lav/. He pleaded the caufe in a lu¬
dicrous manner, though his whole fortune depended on
the decifion. He accordingly loit the caufe. Made-
moifelle de Hautefort, compailionating his misfortunes,
procured for him an audience of the queen. The poet
requeited to have the title of Valetudinarian to her ma-
jefly. The queen fmiled, and Scarron confidered the
fmile as the commiffion to his new office. He therefore
aiTumed the title of Scarron, by the grace of God, un-
Vjorthy valetudinarian to the queen.
Cardinal Mazarine gave him a penfion of 500 crowns;
but that minitfer having received difdainfully the dedi¬
cation of his Tyfthon, the poet immediately wrote a Ma-
t&arinade, and the penfion was withdrawn. He then at¬
tached himfelf to the prince of Conde, and celebrated
his victories. He at length formed the extraordinary
refolution of marrying, and was accordingly, in 1651,
married to Mademoifelle d’Aubigne (afterwards the fa¬
mous Madame de Maintenon), who was then only 16
years of age. “ At that time (fays Voltaire) it was
confidered as a great acquifition for her to gain for a
hufband a man who was disfigured by nature, impotent,
and very little enriched by fortune.” When Scarron
was queflioned about the contradd of marriage, he faid
he acknowledged to the bride two large invincible eyes,
a very beautiful ffiape, two fine hands, and a large por¬
tion of wit. The notary demanded what dowry he
would give her ? Immediately replied Scarron, “ The
names of the wives of kings die with them, but the
name of Scarron’s wife fhall live for ever.” She
reftrained by her modefly his indecent buffooneries,
and the good company which had formerly reforted to
his houfe were not lefs frequent iq their vifits. Scar-
ron now became a new man. He became more decent
in. his manners and converfation : and his gaiety, when
tempered with moderation, was flill more agreeable.
But, in the naean tune, he lived with fo little economy,
that his income was foon reduced to a fmall annuity
and^ bis marquifate of Quinet. By the marquifate of
Quinet, he meant the revenue he derived from his pub¬
lications, which were printed by one Quinet. He was
accuftomed to talk to his fuperiors with great freedom
in his jocular dyle. In the dedication to his Don Ja~
phet d'Armenia, he thus addrefles the king. “ I {hall en¬
deavour to perfuade your majefly, that you would do
yourftif no injury were you to do me a fmall favour ;
for in that cafe I ffiould become more gay : if I ffiould
become more gay, I fhould write fprightly comedies :
and if I fhould write fprightly comedies, your majefty
jvould be amufed, and thus your money would not be
loft. All this appears fo evident, that I fiiould cer¬
tainly be convinced of it if I were as great a king as I
am now a poor unfortunate man.”
Though Scarron wrote comedies, he had neither time
nor patience to ftudy the rules and models of dramatic
poetry. Ariflotle and Horace, Plautus and Terence,
would have frightened him ; and perhaps he did not
know that there was ever fuch a perfon as Ariifopha-
nes; He faw an open path before him, and he follow¬
ed it. It was the fafhion of the times to pillage the
Spanifh writers. Scarron was acquainted with that
language, and he found it eafier to ufe the materials
which were already prepared, than to rack his brain in
inventing a fubjeft j a reflraint to which a genius like
ins could not eafily fubrait* As he borrowed liberally
from the Spanifh writers, a dramatic piece did not coft Scarron.
him much labour. His labour confided not in making   
his comic characters talk humoroully, but in keeping
up ferious characters; for the furious was a foreign lan¬
guage to him. The great fuccefs of his Jodelct Maitre
was a vad allurement to him. The comedians who aCted
it eagerly requeded more of his productions. They
were written without much toil, and they procured him
large dims. They ferved to amufe him. If it be ne-
cedary to give more reafons for Scarron’s readinefs to
engage in thefe works, abundance may be had. He
dedicated his books to his filter’s greyhound bitch j and
when fhe failed him, he dedicated them to a certain
Monfeigneur, whom he praifed higher, but did not
much elteem. When the office of hidoriographer be¬
came vacant, he folicited for it without fuccefs. At
length Fouquet gave him a penfion of 1600 livres.
Chridina queen of Sweden having come to Paris, tvas
anxious to fee Scarron. “ I permit you (faid fhe to
Scarron) to fall in love with me. The queen of France
has made you her valetudinarian, and I create you my
A'o/flW.” Scarron did not long enjoy that title : he
was feized with fo violent a hiccough, that every perfon
thought he would have expired. “ If I recoVer (he
faid), I will make a fine fatire on the hiccough.” His
gaiety did not foriake him to the lad. Within a few
minutes of his death, when his domellics were diedding
tears about him, “ My good friends (fays he), I dial!
never make you weep fo much for me as I have made
you laugh.” Juft before expiring, he faid, “ I could
never believe before that it is fo eafy to laugh at death.”
He died on the 14th of October 1660, in "the 51ft year
of his age.
His works have been colle&ed and publilhed by Bra¬
zen de la Martiniere, in to vols 121110, 1737. There
are, 1. The Eneid traveftied, in 8 books." It was af¬
terwards continued by Moreau de Brafey. 2. Typhon
or the Gigantomachia. 3. Many comedies ; as, Jode-
let, or the Mafter Valet j Jodelet cuffed j Don Japhet
d’Armenie; The Ridiculous Heir; Every Man his
own Guardian; The Fool ffi Marquis j The Scholar
of Salamanca; The Falfe Appearance; The Prince
Corfaire, a tragi-comedy. Befides thefe, He wrote other
pieces 111 \eife. 4* His Gonuc Romance in profe, which
is the only one of ins works that deferves attention. It
is written with much purity and gaiety, and has contri¬
buted not a little to the improvement of the French lan¬
guage. Scarron had gieal pleafure in reading his works
to his friends as he compofed them: he called it trying
his works. Segrais and another of his friends coming
to him one day, “ Take a chair (fays Scarron to them)
and fit down, that I may examine my Comic Romance.”
When he obferved the company laugh, “ Very well
(laid he), my book will be well received fince it makes
perfons of fuch delicate tafte laugh.” Nor was he de¬
ceived. His Romance had a prodigious run. It was
the only one of his works that Boileau could fubmit to
read. 5. Spanifh Novels tranflated into French. 6. A
volume of Letters. 7. Poems ; confiding of Songs, E«
pidles, Stanzas, Odes, and Epigrams. The whole’cob
leftion abounds with fprightlinefs and gaiety. Scarron
can raife a laugh in the mod ferious fubjefts ; but his
fallies are rather thofe of a buffoon than the effudons of
ingenuity and tade. He is continualiy falling into the
mean and the obfeene. If we fhould make any excep¬
tion
Scarron
n.
Sceptic.
S C E [536
tion in favour of fome of his comedies, of fome paffages
in his Eneid traveftied, and his Comic Romance, we
„ mufi: acknowledge that all the reft of his works are on¬
ly fit to be read by footmen and buffoons. It has been
faid that he was the moft eminent man in his age for
burlefque. This might make him an agreeable compa¬
nion to thole who choofe to laugh away their time ; but
as he has left nothing that can inftrucl pofterity, he has
but little title to pofthumous fame.
SCENE, in its primary fenfe, denoted a theatre, or
the place where dramatic pieces and other public {hows
were exhibited j for it does not appear that the ancient
poets were at all acquainted with the modern way of
changing the fcenes in the different parts of the play, in
order to raife the idea of the perfons rcprefented by the
aflors being in different places.
1 he original fcene for adling of plays wras as fimple
as the reprefentations themfelves: it confifted only of
a plain plot of ground proper for the occafion, which
was in fome degree fhaded by the neighbouring trees,
whofe branches were made to meet together, and their
vacancies fupplied with boards, fticks, and the like j
and to complete the {belter, thefe were fometimes co¬
vered writh {kins, and fometimes with only the branches
«f other trees nerwly cut down, and full of leaves.
Afterwards more artificial fcenes, or fcenical reprefenta-
tions, were introduced, and paintings ufed inftead of the
objefts themfelves. Scenes were then of three forts;
tragic, comic, and fatiric. The tragic fcene reprefent-
ed ftately magnificent edifices, with decorations of pil¬
lars, ftatues, and other things fuitable to the palaces of
kings : the comic exhibited private houfes wdth balco¬
nies and window’s, in imitation of common buildings:
and the fatiric was the reprefentation of groves, moun¬
tains, dens, and other rural appearances ; and thefe de¬
corations either turned on pivots, or Aid along grooves
as thofe in our theatres.
To keep clofe to nature and probability, the fcene
fhould never be ftiifted from place to place in the courfe
of the play : the ancients were pretty fevere in this re-
fpe£l, particularly Terence, in fome of wdiofe plays the
fcene never ftiifts at all, but the wkole is tranfa6led at
the door of lome old man’s houfe, whither with inimi¬
table art he occafionally brings the a£lors. The French
are pretty ft rift with refpeft to this rule $ but the Eng-
lifti pay very little regard to it.
SCENE is alfo a part or divifion of a dramatic poem.
Thus plays are divided into afts, and afts are again
fubdivided into fcenes *, in wEich fenfe the fcene is pro-
|>erly the perfons prefent at or concerned in the aftion
on the ftage at fuch a time : whenever, therefore, a new
aftor appears, or an old one difappears, the aftion is
changed intoother hands; and therefore a new fcene
then commences.
It is one of the laws of the ftage, that the fcenes be
well connefted ; that is, that one fucceed another in fuch
a manner as that the ftage be never quite empty till the
end of the aft. See Poetry.
SCENOGRAPHY, (from the Greek, a’x.jjrri fcene,
and y£ct(py\ defcription), in perfpeftive, a reprefentation of
a body on a perfpeftive plane ; or a defcription thereof
in all its dimenfions, fuch as it appears to the eye. See
Perspective.
SCEPTIC, e-xflTmxa?, from o-Kinropcti, “ I confider,
look about, or deliberate,” properly fignifies conjidera-
I
1
S C E
twe and inquijitfae, or one who is always weighing rea- Sceptic,
fons on one fide and the other, without ever deciding be-"y——
tween them. It is chiefly applied to an ancient feft of
philofophers founded by Pyrrho (fee Pyrrho), who,
according to Laertius, had various other denominations.
From their mailer they were called Pyrrhonians ; from
the diftinguifhing tenets or charafteriftic of their phi-
lofophy they derived the name of Aporetici, from
“ to doubtfrom their fufpenfion and hefitation they
w’ere called ep/ieBici, from iwtxuv, “ to ftay or keep
back and lallly, they were called ‘zctetici or feelerst
from their never getting beyond the fearch of truth.
That the fceptical philofophy is abfurd, can admit of
no difpute in the prefent age ; and that many of the fol-
lowTers of Pyrrho carried it to the moft ridiculous height,
is no lefs true. But we cannot believe that he himfelf
was fo extravagantly fceptical as has fometimes been
afferted, wrhen we refleft on the particulars of his life,
which are Hill preferved, and the refpeftful manner in
which w7e find him mentioned by his contemporaries
and writers of the firft name who flouriftied foon after
him. The truth, as far as at this diftance of time it
can be difcovered, feems to be, that he learned from De¬
mocritus to deny the real exiftence of all qualities in bo¬
dies, except thofe wrhich are effential to primary atoms,
and that he referred every thing elfe to the perceptions
of the mind produced by external objefts, in other words,
to appearance and opinion. All knowledge of courfe
appeared to him to depend on the fallacious report of
the fenfes, and confequently to be uncertain ; and in
this notion he wTas confirmed by the general fpirit of
the Eleatic fchcol in which he was educated. He was
further confirmed in his fcepticifm by the fubtilties of
the Dialeftic fchools, in which he had been inftrufted
by the fon of Stilpo; choofing to overturn the cavils
of fophiftry by recurring to the doftrine of univerfal
uncertainty, and thus breaking the knot which he
could not unloofe. For being naturally and habitually
inclined to confider immoveable tranquillity as the
great end of all philofophy, he was eafily led to defpife
the diffenfions of the dogmatifts, and to infer from their
endlefs difputes, the uncertainty of the queftions on
which they debated; controverfy, as it has often hap¬
pened to others, becoming alfo with refpeft: to him the
parent of fcepticifm.
Pyrrho’s doftrines, however new and extraordinary,
were not totally difregarded. He was attended by fe-
veral fcholars, and fucceeded by feveral followers, who
preferved the memory of his notions. The moft emi¬
nent of his followers w7as Timon (fee Timon), in whom
the public fucceflion of profefibrs in the Pyrrhonic fchool
terminated. In the time of Cicero it was almoft ex-
tinft, having fuffered much from thejealoufy of the dog¬
matifts, and from a natural averfion in the human mind
to acknowledge total ignorance, or to be left in abfo-
lute darknefs. The difciples of Timon, however, Hill
continued to profefs fcepticifm, and their notions were
embraced privately at leaft by many others. The fchool
itfelf was afterwards revived by Ptolsemeus a Cyrenian,
and was continued by./Enefidemus a contemporary of Ci¬
cero, who w'rote a treatife on the principles of the Pyr¬
rhonic philofophy, the heads of w hich are preferved by
Photius. From this time it was continued through
a feries of preceptors of little note to Sextus Empi¬
ricus, who alf© gave a fummary of the fceptical doctrine.
A
S C E r 537 ] s C H
ptic. A fyftem of pliilofophy thus founded on doubt, and
v ' clouded with uncertainty, could neither teach tenets
of any importance, nor prefcribe a certain rule of con-
duff and accordingly we find that the followers
of fcepticifm were guided entirely by chance. As
they could form no certain judgement refpeffing good
and evil, they accidentally learned the folly of eagerly
purfuing any apparent good, or of avoiding any apparent
evil; and their minds of courfe fettled into a ftate of
undillurbed tranquillity, the grand poftulatum of their
fyltem.
In the fchools of the fceptics wTe find ten diftinft to¬
pics of argument urged in fupport of the doflrine of
uncertainty, with this precaution, however, that no¬
thing could be pofitively afferted either concerning
their number or their force. Thefe arguments chiefly
refpeft objeffs of fenfe : they place all knowledge in
appearance j and, as the fame things appear very dif¬
ferent to different people, it is impoflible to fay which ap¬
pearance moft truly expreffes their real nature. They
likevvife fay, that our judgement is liable to uncertainty
from the circumftance of frequent or rare occurrence,
and that mankind are continually led into different con¬
ceptions concerning the fame thing by means of cuffom,
law, fabulous tales, and effablithed opinions. On all
thefe accounts they think every human judgement is lia¬
ble to uncertainty ; and concerning any thing they can
only aflert, that it feems to be, not that it is what it
feems.
This doubtful reafoning, if reafoning it may be call¬
ed, the fceptics extended to all the fciences, in which
they difcovered nothing true, or -which could be abfo-
lutely afferted. In all nature, in phyfics, morals, and
theology, they found contradi&ory opinions, and inex¬
plicable or incomprehenfible phenomena. In phyfics,
the appearances they thought might be deceitful 5 and
refpe&ing the nature of God and the duties of mora¬
lity, men were, in their opinion, equally ignorant and
uncertain. To overturn the fophiftical arguments of
thefe fceptical reafoners would be no difficult matter,
if their reafoning were wrorthy of confutation. Indeed,
their great principle is fufficiently, though fliortly refu¬
ted by Plato, in thefe words. “ When you fay all
tilings are incomprehenfible (fays he), do you com¬
prehend or conceive that they are thus incomprehen¬
fible, or do you not ? If you do, then fomething is com-
prehenfible •, if you do not, there is no reafon we fhould
believe you, fince you do not comprehend your own af-
fertion.”
But fcepticifm has not been confined entirely to the
ancients and to the followers of Pyrrho. Numerous
Iceptics have arifen alfo in modern times, varying in their
principles, manners, and charafter, as chance, prejudice,
vanity, weaknefs, or indolence, prompted them. The
great objefr, however, which they feem to have in view,
is to overturn, or at leaft to weaken, the evidence of
analogy, experience, and teffimony •, though fome of
them have even attempted to (how, that the axioms of
geometry are uncertain, and its demonftrations incon-
clufive. This lafl: attempt has not indeed been often
made •, but the chief aim of Mr Hume’s philofophical
writings is to introduce doubts into every branch of
phyjics, metaphijjics, hi/Ionj, ethics, and theologij. It is
needlefs to give a fpecimen of his reafonings in fupport
of modern fcepticifm. The moft important of them have
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
Sceptic
11
been noticed elfewhere (fee Miracle, Metaphy¬
sics, and Philosophy, N° 41.) •, and fuch of our rea¬
ders as have any relilh for fpeculations of that nature can Sc^!iau-
be no ftrangers to his Effays, or to the able confutations < e^‘ ,
of them by the Doftors Reid, Campbell, Gregory,
and Beattie, who have likewife expofed the rveaknefs
of the fceptical reafonings of Des Cartes, Malbranche,
and other philofophers of great fame in the fame
fchool.
SCEPTICISM, the doftrines and opinions of the
fceptics. See the preceding article.
SCEPTRE, a kind of royal ftaff, or batoon, borne
on folemn occafions by kings, as a badge of their com¬
mand and authority. Nicod derives the word from
the Greek o-kyctct^ov, wdiich he fays originally fignified
“ a javelin,” w-hich the ancient kings ufually bore as
a badge of their authority ; that inffrument being in
very great veneration among the heathens. But
does not properly fignify a javelin, but a Jlaff to rejl up¬
on, from o-jcjjt']*;, mnitor, “ I lean upon.” Accordingly,
in the fimplicity of the earlier ages of the world, the
fceptres of kings were no other than long walking-ftaves:
and Ovid, in ipeaking of Jupiter, defcribes him as reft-
ing on his fceptre (Met. i. ver. 178.) Thefceptre is an
enfign of royalty of greater antiquity than-the crown.
The Greek tragic and other poets put fceptres in the
hands of the moft ancient kings they ever introduce.
Juftin obferves, that the fceptre, in its original, was a
hajla, or fpear. He adds, that, in the moft remote an¬
tiquity, men adored the hajice or fceptres as immortal
gods; and that it was upon this account, that, even in
his time, they ftill furnifhed the gods with fceptres.  
Neptune’s fceptre is his trident. Tarquin the Elder was
the firft who affumed the fceptre among the Romans. Le
Gendre tells us, that, in the firft: race of the French
kings, the fceptre w’as a golden rod, almoft always of
the fame height with the king who bore it, and crooked
at one end like a crozier. Frequently inftead of a fcep-
tre, kings are feen on medals with a palm in their hand.
See Regalia.
_ SCHvEFFERA, a genus of plants belonging to ths
dioecia clafs j and in the natural method ranking with
thoie that are doubtful. See Botany Index.
SCHAF! HA.USEN, the fmalleft canton of Swit¬
zerland, bounded on the north and weft by Suabia, on
the eaft by the canton of Zurich and the biftiopric of
Conftance, and on the fouth by the fame and Thurgau.
It is about 15 miles long and 9 broad, and its popula¬
tion amounts to about 30,000. Its revenues are not
extenftve, as one proof of which the burgomafter or chief
has not more than I5°h 3 year. The reformation was
introduced before the middle of the 16th century. The
clergy are paid by the ftate, the higheft incomes not ex¬
ceeding 100I., and the lowcft 40I. annually. Sumptua¬
ry laws are in force, as tvell as in moft other parts of
Switzerland} and no dancing is allowed except on very
particular occafions. Wine is their chief article of
commerce, which they exchange with Suabia for corn,
as this canton produces very little of that neceffary
article.
SCHAFFHAUSEN, a town of Switzerland, the
metropolis of a canton of the fame name. It is feated
on the Rhine, and owes its origin to the interruption of
the navigation of that river by the cataract at Lauffen.
It was at one period an imperial town, and admitted a
3 Y member
S C H [ 538 ] SC H
Schaffhau- member of the Helvetic confederacy in ifoi and its
Schiele teri'*tol7 forms the 12th canton in point of rank. The
1—-—I~ ■ inhabitants of this town are computed at 6000, but the
number of citizens or burgeffes is about 1600. From
thefe were elected S5 members, who formed the great
and little council} the fenate, or little council of 25,
being entitilled with the executive power j and the
great council finally deciding all appeals, and regulating
the more important concerns of government. Though
a frontier town, it has no garrifon,and the fortifications
are weak ; but it once had a famous wooden bridge
over the Rhine, the work of one Ulrlc Grubenman, a
carpenter. The Tides and top of it were covered} and
it was a kind of hanging bridge ; the road was nearly
level, and not can led as ufual, over the top of the
arch, but let into the middle of it, and there fufpend-
ed. This curious bridge was burnt by the French, when
they evacuated Schaffhaufen, alter being defeated by
the Auftrians, April 13. 1799. Schaffhaufen is 22
miles north by eaft of Zurich, and 39 eaft of Bafil.
Long. 30. 41' E. Lat. 470. 39' N.
SCHALBEA, a genus of plants belonging to the
didynamia clafs. See BOTANY Index.
SCHEDULE, a fcroll of paper or parchment, an¬
nexed to a will, leafe, or other deed ; containing an
inventory of goods, or fome other matter omitted in
the body of the deed.—The word is a diminutive of
the Latin fcheda, or Greek a leaf or piece of
paper.
SCHEELE, Charles William, was born on the
19th of December 1742, at Stralfund, where his fa¬
ther kept a fhop. When he was very young, he re¬
ceived the ufual mftruffions of a private fchool 5 and
was afterwards advanced to an academy. At a very
ea-ly age he (hewed a ftrong defire to follow the pro-
feffion of an apothecary, and his father fuffered him to
gratify his inclinations. With Mr Bauch, an apothe¬
cary at Gottenburg, he paffed his apprenticefhip, which
was completed in fix years. Fie remained, however,
fome time longer at that place, and it was there that he
fo excellently laid the firft foundations of his knowledge.
Among the various books which he read, that treated
of chemical fubjedls, Kunckel’s Laboratory feems to
have been his favourite. He ufed to repeat many of
the experiments contained in that work privately in the
night, when the re!l of the family had retired to reft.
A friend of Scheele’s had remarked the progrefs which
he had made in chemiftry, and had alked him by what
inducements he had been at firfl: led to ftudy a fcience
in which he had gained fuch knowledge ? Scheele re¬
turned the following anfwer : “ The firfl caufe, my
friend, arofe from yourfelf. Nearly at the beginning
of my apprenticefiup you advifed me to read Neuman’s
Chemifiry •, from the }^rufal of which I became eager
to make experiments rnyfelf; and I remember very
well how I mixed together, in a conferve-glafs, oil of
cloves and fuming acid of nitre, which immediately
took fire. I Tee alfo ftill before my eyes an unlucky
experiment which I made with pyrophorus. Circum-
fiances of this kind did but the more inflame my defire
to repeat experiments.” After Scheele’s departure
from Gottenburg, in the year 1765, he obtained a place Scheele.
with Kalftrom, an apothecary at Malmo. Two years —y~-“
afterwards he -went from thence to Stockholm, and
managed the fiiop of Mr Scharenberg. In 1773,
he changed this appointment for another at Upfal,
under Mr Loock. Flere he was fortunately fituated j
as, from his acquaintance with learned men, and from
having free accefs to the univerfity laboratory, he had
opportunities of increafing his knowledge. At this
place alio he happily ccmmenced the friendlhip which
fubfifted between him and Bergman. During his
refidence at this place, his Royal Flighnefs Prince
Henry of Pruffia, accompanied by the Duke of Su-
dermania, vifited Upfal, and chofe this opportunity to
fee the academical laboratory. Scheele was accor¬
dingly appointed by the univerfity to exhibit fome
chemical experiments to them. This office he under¬
took, and (hewed fome of the mod curious proceffes
in chemiftry. The two princes afked him many quef-
tions, and expreffed their approbation of the anfwers
which he returned to them. The duke afked him
what countryman he -was, and feemed to be much
pleafed when Scheele informed him that he was bom
at Stralfund. At their departure they told the profef-
for, who was prefent, that they (hould efteem it a favour
if he would permit the young man to have free accefs to
the laboratory, as often as he chofe, to make experiments.
In the year 1777 Scheele was appointed by the Me¬
dical College to be apothecary at Roping. It was at
that place that he foon (hewed the world how great a
man he was, and that no place or fituation could confine
his abilities. When he was at Stockholm fie (hewed his
acutenefs as a chemift, as he difeovered there the new
and wonderful acid contained in the fluor fpar. It has
been confidently afferted, that Scheele was the firft who
difeovered the nature of the aerial acid ; and that whilft
he was at Upfal he made many experiments to prove its
properties. This circumftance might probably have fur-
niihed Bergman with the means of treating this fubjeft
more fully. At the fame place he began the feries of
excellent experiments on that remarkable mineral fub-
ftance, manganefe ; from which inveftigation he was led
to make the very valuable and interefting difeovery of
oxymuriatic acid At the fame time he examined the
properties of ponderous earth.
At Roping he finifhed his differtation on Air and
Fire; a work which the celebrated Bergman moft
warmly recommended in the friendly preface which he
wrote for it. The theory which Scheele endeavours to
prove in this treatife is, that fire confifts of pure air and
phlogifton. According to more recent opinions (if in¬
flammable air be phlogifton), water is compofed of thefe
two principles. Of thefe opinions we may fay, in the
words of Cicero, “ Opimones tam varice fnnt tamque in¬
ter fe difjidentes ut altcrum profeBo fieri pot ejl, ut earutn
nulla, alteru?n certe, non potefi ut plus una,vera fit” The
author’s merit in this work, exclufive of the encomiums
of Bergman, xvas fufficient to obtain the approbation of
the public ■, as the ingenuity difplayed in treating To
delicate a fubjedl, and the many new and valuable ob-
fervations (a) which are difperfed through the treatife,
juftly
(a)^ Schcele mentions in this work, in a curfory way, the decompofition of common fait by the calx of lead. Mr
Turner,
S G H [ 539 ] S C H
e!e. juilly entitled the author to that fame which his book
‘ procured him. It was (pread abroad through every coun¬
try, became foon out of print, was reprinted, and tranflated
into many languages. The Englith tranflation is en¬
riched with the notes of that accurate and truly philofo-
phic genius Richard Kirwan, E(q.
Scheele now diligently employed himfelf in contribu¬
ting to the Tranfa&ions of the Academy at Stockholm.
He firft pointed out a new way to prepare the fait of ben¬
zoin. In the fame year he difcovered that arfenic, freed
in a particular manner from phlogitlon, partakes of all
the properties of an acid, and has its peculiar affinities
to other fubftances.
In a Differtation on Flint, Clay, and Alum, he
clearly overturned Beaume’s opinion of the identity of
the filiceous and argillaceous earths. He publifhed an
Analyfis of the Human Calculus. He ffiewed alfo a
mode of preparing mercurius dulcis in the humid way,
and improved the procefs of making the powder of Al-
garoth. He analyfed the mineral fubftance called
m-j/ijbdena, or flexible black levd. He difcovered a
beautiful green pigment. He fhewed us how to de-
compofe the air of the atmofphere. He difcovered that
fome neutral falts are decompofed by lime and iron.
He decompofed plumbago, or the common black lead.
He obferved, with peculiar ingenuity, an acid in milk,
which decompofes acetated alkali} and in his experi¬
ments on the fugar of milk, he difcovered another acid,
different in fome refpefts from the above-mentioned
acid and the common acid of fugar. He accomplifhed
the decompofition of tungften, the component parts
of which were before unknown, and found in it a pecu¬
liar metallic acid united to lime. Fie publiffied an ex¬
cellent differtadon on the different forts of ether. He
found out an eafy way to preferve vinegar for many
years. His inveffigation of the colouring matter in
Pruffian blue, the means he employed to feparate it,
and his difeovery that alkali, fal ammoniac, and char¬
coal, mixed together, will produce it, are ftrong marks
of his penetration and genius. Fie found out a pecu¬
liar fweet matter in expreffed oils, after they have been
boiled with litharge and water, fie ffiewed how the
acid of lemons may be obtained in cryftals. He found
the white powder in rhubarb, which Model thought to
be felenite, and which amounts to one feventh of the
weight of the root, to be calcareous earth, united to the
acid of forrel. This fuggefted to him the examination
of the acid of forrel. He precipitated acetate of lead
with it, and decompofed the precipitate thus obtained
by the vitriolic acid, and by this procefs he obtained
tiie common acid of fugar } and by {lowly dropping a
folution of fixed alkali into a folution of the acid of fu¬
gar, he regenerated the acid of forrel.—TVom his exa¬
mination of the acids contained in fruits and berries, he
found not one fpecies of acid alone, viz. the acid of le¬
mon, hut another alfo, which he denominated the mala-
ceous or malic acid, from its being found in the greateft Scheele.
quantity in apples. u—’"v-
By the decompofition of Bergman’s new metal (fide-
rite) he ffiewed the truth of Meyer’s and Klaproth’s
conjehlure concerning it. He boiled the calx of fide-
rite with alkali of tartar, and precipitated nitrate of mer¬
cury by the middle fait which he obtained by this ope¬
ration } the calx of mercury which was precipitated
was found to be united to the acid of phol'phorus } fo
that he demonftrates that this calx was phofphorated
iron. He found alfo, that the native Pruffian blue
contained the fame acid. He difcovered by the fame
means, that the perlate acid, as it was called, was not
an acid fuigeneris, but the phofphoric united to a fmall
quantity of the mineral alkali. Fie fuggefted an im¬
provement in the procefs for obtaining magnefia from
Flpfom fait} he advifes the adding of an equal weight
of common fait to the Epfom fait, fo that an equal
weight of Glauber’s fait may be obtained } but this will
not fucceed unlefs in the cold of winter. Thefe are the
valuable difeoveries of this great philofopher, which are to
found in the Tranfaftions of the Royal Society at Stock¬
holm. Moft of his effays have been publilhed in French
by Madame Picardet, and Monf. Morveau of Dijon.
Dr Beddoes alfo has made a very valuable prefent to
his countrymen of an Englifti tranfiation of a greater
part of Scheele’s differtations, to which he has added
fome ufeful and ingenious notes. The following difeo¬
veries of Scheele are not, we believe, publiihed with the
reft. Fie (hewed what that fubftance is, which has
been generally called ‘ the earth of the ftuor fpar.’
It is not produced unlefs the fluor acid meet with filice¬
ous earth. It appears from Scheele’s experiments to be
a triple fait, confiding of flint, acid of ftuor, and fixed
alkali. Scheele proved alfo, that the fluor acid may
be produced without any addition of the vitriolic or any
mineral acid : the fluor is melted with fixed alkali,
and the fluorated alkali is decompofed by acetated lead.
If the precipitate be mixed with charcoal drift, and
expofed in a retort to a ftrong heat, the lead will be
revived, and the acid of fluor, which was united to it,
will pafs into the receiver poffeiTed of all its ufual pro¬
perties. This feems to be an ingenious and unanfwer-
able proof of its exiftence.
He obferved, that no pyrophorus can be made un¬
lefs an alkali be prefent; and the reafon why it can be
prepared from alum and coal is, that the common alum
always contains a little alkali, which is added in order
to make it cryftallize; for if this be feparated from it,
no pyrophorus can be procured from it. Flis laft dif¬
fertation was his very valuable obfervations on the acid
of the gall-nut. Ehrhart, one of Scheele’s moft intimate
friends, afferts, that he was the difeoverer of both of the
acids of fugar and tartar. We are alfo indebted to him
for that mafterpiece of chemical decompofition, the fe-
paration of the acid of phofphorus from bones. This ap-
3 Y 2 pears
Turner, a gentlemen who happily unites the flail of the manufa&urer with the knowledge of the philofophic che-
mifl, has alfo the merit of this dicovery, as he obferved the fame faft, without having been indebted to Scbeele’s
hint on the fubje£t. Mr Turner has done more; he has converted this difeovery to fome ufc in the arts; he pro¬
duces mineral alkali for fale, arifing from the decompofition ; and from the lead which is united to the marine acid
he forms the beautiful pigment called the patent yellow.
S C H [ 540 ] S C H
pears from a letter which Scheele wrote to Gahn, who
has generally had the reputation of this great difcovery.
This acid, which is fo curious in the eye of the chemitt,
begins to draw the attention of the phyfician. It was
firlt ufed in medicine, united to the mineral alkali, by
the ingenious Dr Pearfon. The value of this addition
to the materia medica cannot be better evinced than
from the increafe of the demand for it, and the quantity
of it which is now prepared and fold in London.
We may ftamp the charafter of Scheele as a philo-
fopher from his many and important difcoveries. What
concerns him as a man we are informed of by his friends,
who affirm, that his moral charafter was irreproachable.
From his outward appearance, you would not at firlt
fight have judged him to be a man of extraordinary
abilities j but there was a quicknefs in his eye, which,
to an accurate obferver, would point out the penetra¬
tion of his mind. He mixed but little with the crowd
of common acquaintance 5 for this he had neither time
nor inclination, as, when his profeffion permitted him,
he was for the molt part employed in his experimental
inquiries. But he had a foul for friendthip j nor could
even his philofophical purfuits withhold him from truly
enjoying the lociety of thole whom he could elteem and
love. Before he adopted any opinion, or a particular
theory, he confidcred it with the greateft attention •, but
when once his fentiments were fixed, he adhered to them,
and defended them with refolution. Not but that he
was ingenuous enough to fuffer himfelf to be convinced
by weighty objections j as he has Ihewn that he was
open to conviction.
His chemical apparatus was neither neat nor con¬
venient ; his laboratory w'as fmall and confined 5 nor
was he particular in regard to the veffels which he em¬
ployed in his experiments, as often the firlt phial which
came to hand was placed in his fand-heat: fo that we
may juitly wonder how fuch difcoveries, and fuch ele¬
gant experiments, could have been made under fuch un¬
favourable circumltances. He underltood none of the
modern languages except the German and Swedifh 5 fo
that he had not the advantage of being benefited by the
early intelligence of difcoveries made by foreigners, but
was forced to wait till the intelligence was conveyed to
him in the flow and uncertain channel of tranllation. The
important fervices which Scheele did to natural philo-
fophy entitled him to univerfal reputation 5 and he ob¬
tained it: his name was well known by all Europe,
and he was member of feveral learned academies and
philofophical focieties.
It was often wiihed that be would quit bis retirement
at Koping, and move in a larger fphere. It was fug-
geited to him, that a place might be procured in Eng¬
land, which might afford him a good income and
more leifure j and, indeed, latterly an offer was made to
him of an annuity of 300I. if he would fettle in this
country. But death, alas ! put an end to this project.
For half a year before this melancholy event, his health
had been declining, and he himfelf was fenfible that he
would not recover. On the ipth of May 1786, he was
confined to his bed •, on the 21ft he bequeathed all of
which he was poffeffed to his wife (who was the widow
®f his predeceffor at Koping, and whom he had lately
married); and on the fame day he departed this life.
So the world loft, in lefs than two years, Bergman and
Scheele, of whom Sweden may juftly boaft two philo-
fophers, who were beloved and lamented by all their Schemer
contemporaries, and whofe memory pofterity will never il
ceafe moft gratefully to revere. , Sehinus.
SCHEINER, Christopher, a German mathemati- V"~*
cian, aftronomer, and Jefuit, eminent for being the firll
who difcovered fpots on the fun, was born at Schwaben
in the territory of Middleheim in 1575. He firft: dif¬
covered fpots on the fun’s dilk in 1611, and made ob-
fervations on thefe phenomena at Rome, until at length
reducing them to order, he publifhed them in one vol.
folio in 1630. He wrote alfo fome fmaller things
relating to mathematics and philofophy j and died in
1690.
SCHELD, a river which rifes on the confines of Pi¬
cardy, and runs north-eaft by Cambray, Valenciennes',
Tournay, Oudenarde, &c. and receiving the Lis at
Ghent, runs eaft by Dendermond, and then north to
Antwerp : below which city it divides into two branch¬
es, one called the Wejler-Scheld, which feparates Flan¬
ders from Zealand, and difcharges itfelf into the fea near
Flulhing \ and the other called the GJler-Scheld, which
runs by Bergen-op-zoom, and afterwards between the
iflands Beveland and Schowen, and a little below falls
in the fea.
SCHEME, a draught or reprefentation of any geo¬
metrical or aftronomical figure, or problem, by lines
fenfible to the eye } or of the celeftial bodies in their
proper places for any moment j otherwife called a dia¬
gram.
SCHEMNITZ, a town of Upper Hungary, with
three caftles. It is famous for mines of filver and other
metals, as alfo for hot baths. Near it is a rock of a
ftiining blue colour mixed with green, and fome fpots of
yellow. E. Long. 19. o. N. Lat. 48. 4c.
SCHERARDIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
tetrandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SCHETLAND. See Shetland.
SCHEUCHZERIA, a genus of plants belonging to
the hexandria clafs j and in the natural method ranking
under the fifth order, Tripelatoidea. See Botany In¬
dex.
SCHIECHS, or Schech, among the Arabs, is a
name applied to their nobles. “ Among the Bedouins,”
fays Niebuhr, “ it belongs to every noble, whether of
the higheft or the loweft order. Their nobles are very
numerous, and compofe in a manner the whole nation 5
the plebeians are invariably a&uated and guided by the
fchiechs, who fuperintend and direft in every tranl-
aftion. The fchiechs, and their fubje&s, are born to
the life of Ihepherds and foldiers. The greater tribes
rear many camels, which they either fell to their neigh¬
bours, or employ them in the carriage of goods, or in
military expeditions. The petty tribes keep llocks of
ffieep. Among thofe tribes which apply to agriculture,
the fchiechs live always in tents, and leave the culture
of their grounds to their fubjefts, whofe dwellings are
wretched huts. Schiechs always ride on horfes or dro¬
medaries, infpefling the conduft of their fubjefts, vifit-
ing their friends, or hunting. Traverfing the defert,
where the horizon is wide as on the ocean, they per¬
ceive travellers at a diftance. As travellers are fcldom
to be met with in thofe wild trafh, they eafily difeover
fuch as pafs that way, and are tempted to pillage them
when they find their own party the ftrongeft.”
SCXIINUSj a genus of plants belonging to the dioecia
clafs ;
S C H [ 541 ] S C H
Schiras clafs j and in the natural method ranking under the 43d
jl order, Dumofce. See Botany Index.
, c 0 a ic,i SCHIRA3, or Schirauz, a large and famous town
of Perfia, capital of Farfiltan, is three miles in length
from eail: to weft, but not fo much in breadth. It is feat-
ed at the north-weft end of a fpacious plain furrounded
with very high hills, under one of which the town Hands.
The houfes are built of bricks dried in the fun \ the
roofs are flat and terraced. There are 15 handfome
mofques, tiled with ftones of a bluifh green colour, and
lined within with black poliflied marble. There are
many large and beautiful gardens, furrounded with walls
fourteen feet high, and four thick. They contain va¬
rious kinds of very fine trees, with fruits almoft of every
kind, befides various beautiful flowers. The wines of
Schiras are not only the beft in Perfia, but, as feme
think, in the whole world. The women are much ad¬
dicted to gallantry, and Schiras is called an earthly pa-
radife by fome. The ruins of the famous Perfepolis are
30 miles to the north-eaft of this place. E. Long. 56. o.
N. Lat. 29. 36.
SCHISM, (from the Greek, a-yjtrpx, clft, Jiffitre),
in its general acceptation fignifies divifion, ox feparation ;
but is chiefly ufed in fpeaking of feparations happening
from diverfity of opinions among people of the fame re¬
ligion and faith.
Thus we fay the fchifm of the ten tribes of Judah and
Benjamin, the fchifm of the Pevfians from the Turks and
other Mahometans, &c.
Among ecclefiaftical authors, the great fchifm of the
Weft is that which happened in the times of Clement
VII. and Urban VI. which divided the church for 40
or 50 years, and was at length ended by the eleftion of
Martin V. at the council of Conftance.
The Romanifts number 34 fchifms in their church.
—They beftow the name Eng/ijh fchifm on the refor¬
mation of religion in this kingdom. Thofe of the church
of England apply the term fchifm to the feparation of
the nonconformifts, viz. the prelbyterians, independents,
and anabaptifts, for a further reformation.
SCPIISTUS, in Mineralogy, a name given to feveral
kinds of ftones, as argillaceous, filiceous, bituminous,
fchiftus, &c. See Mineralogy Index.
SCHMIEDELIA, a genus of plants belonging to
the oftandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SCHOENOBATES, (from the Greek, e-yoivos, a
rope; and fictiva, I walk'), a name which the Greeks
gave to their rope-dancers : by the Romans called funam-
buli. See Rope-dancer and Funambulus.
I he fchcenobates were flaves whofe mailers made mo¬
ney of them, by entertaining the people with their feats
of aCtivity. Mercunalis de arte gymnajlica, lib. hi.
gives us five figures of fchcenobates engraven after ancient
ftones.
SCHOENUS, a genus of plants belonging to the
triandria clafs; and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 3d order, Calamarice. See Botany Index.
SCHOLASTIC, fomething belonging to the fchools.
See School.
SCHOLASTIC Divinity, is that part or fpeefes of divini¬
ty which clears and difeufies queftions by reafon and ar¬
guments ; in which fenfe it Hands, in fome meafure, op-
pofed to poftive divinity, which is founded on the au¬
thority of fathers, councils, &c. The fchool-divinity
is now fallen into contempt 5 and is fcarce regarded any- Scholiaft-
where but in fome of the univerfities, where they are II
ftill by their charters obliged to teach it. S< VmSerg.
SCHOLIAST, or Commentator, a grammarian
who writes fcholia, that is, notes, glofles, &c. upon an¬
cient authors who have written in the learned languages.
See the next article.
SCHOLIUM, a note, annotation, or remark, occa-
fionally made on iome paflage, propofition, or the like.
This term is much ufed in geometry and other parts of
mathematics, where, after demonllrating a propofition,
it is cuftomary to point out how it might be done fome
other way, or to give fome advice or precaution in order
to prevent miftakes, or add fome particular ufe or appli¬
cation thereof.
SCHOMBERG, Frederick-Armand duke of,
a diftinguiflied officer, fprung from an illuftrious family
in Germany, and the fon of Count Schomberg by an
Engliih lady, daughter of Lord Dudley, was born in
1608. He was initiated into the military life under Fre¬
derick-Henry prince of Orange, and aftewards ferved
under his fon William II. of Orange, who highly efteem-
ed him. Fie then repaired to the court of France,
where his reputation w’as fo wTell known, that he ob¬
tained the government of Gravelines, of Furnes, and the
furrounding countries. He was reckoned inferior to no
general in that kingdom except Marefchal Turenne and
the Prince of Conde 5 men of fuch exalted eminence
that it was no difgrace to acknow ledge their fuperiority.
The French court thinking it necefl'ary to diminifh the
power of Spain, fent Schemberg to the affiftance of the
Portuguefe, who were engaged in a w'ar wuth that coun¬
try refpedling the fucceflion to their throne.—Schom-
berg’s military talents gave a turn to the war in favour
of his allies. The court of Spain was obliged to folicit
for peace in 1668, and to acknowledge the houfe of
Braganza as the juft heirs to the throne of Portugal,
For his great fervices he was created Count Mentola in
Portugal 5 and a penfion of 30001. was beftowed upon
him, with the reverfion to his heirs.
In 1673 came over to England to command the
army 5 but the Englith at that time being difgufted
with the French nation, Schomberg was fufpefted of
coming over with a defign to corrupt the army, and
bring it under French difeipline. He therefore found
it neceflary to return to France, which he foon left,
and went to the Netherlands. In the month of June
1676, he forced the prince of Orange to raife the fiege
of Maeftricht *, and it is faid he wras then raifed to the
rank of Marefchal of France. But the French DiElio-
naire Hi/lorique, whofe information on a point of this
nature ought to be authentic, fays, that he was invefted
with this honour the fame year in which he took the
fortrefs of Bellegarde from the Spaniards while ferving
in Portugal.
Upon the revocation of the edifl of Nantes, when
the perfecution commenced againft the Proteftants,
Schomberg, who was of that perfuafion, requelted leave
to retire into his own country. This requeft was refu-
fed j but he was permitted to take refuge in Portugal,
where he had reafon to expedl he wTould be kindly re¬
ceived on account of paft fervices. But the religious
zeal of the Portuguefe, though it did not prevent them
from accepting affiftance from a heretic when their
kingdom
s C H [ 542 ]
Schomberg. kingdom was threatened with fubverfiort, could not per-
S C H
mit them to give him (belter when he came for protec
tion. The inquifition interfered, and obliged the king
to fend him away. He then went to Holland by the
way of England. Having accepted an invitation from
the eleftor of Brandenburg, he vras inverted with the
government of Ducal Pruflia, and appointed comman¬
der in chief of the elector's forces. When the prince
of Orange failed to England to take poflertion of tne
crown which his father-in-law Jame>6 II. had abdicated,
Schomberg obtained permifiion from the eledfor of
Brandenburg to accompany him. He is fuppofed to
have been the author of an ingenious ftratagem which
the prince employed after his arrival in London to dif-
cover the fentiments of the people refpeffing the revo¬
lution. The ftratagem was, to fpread an alarm over the
country that the Irilh were approaching with fire and
fword. When the prince was eftablifhed on the throne
of England, Schomberg was appointed commander in
chief of the forces and mafter of the ordnance. In
April 1689 he was made knight of the garter, and na¬
turalized by a£! of Parliament \ and in May following
wras created a baron, earl, marquis, and duke of the
kingdom of England, by the name and title of baron
Teys, earl of Brentford, marquis of Harwich, and duke
of Schomberg. The Houfe of Commons voted to him
IOO,cool, as a reward for his fervices. Of this he only
received a fmall part } but after his death a penfion of
5000I. a-year was beftowed upon his fon.
In Auguft 1689 he was fent to Ireland to reduce that
kingdom to obedience. When he arrived, he found
himfelf ift the head of an army confifting only of t 2,000
foot and 2000 horfe, while King James commanded an
army three times more numerous. Schomberg thought
it dangerous to engage with fo fuperior a force, and be¬
ing difappointed in his promifed fupplies from England,
iudged it prudent to remain on the defenfive. He there¬
fore ported himfelf at Dundalk, about five or fix miles
diftance from James, who wras encamped at Ardee. For
fix weeks he remained in this pofition, without attempt¬
ing to give battle, while from the wetnefs ot the leaion
he loft nearly the half of his army. Schomberg was
much blamed for not coming to ablion •, but fome ex¬
cellent judges admired his conduft as a difplay of great
military talents. Had he rifked an engagement, and
been defeated, Ireland would have been loft. At the
famous battle of the Boyne, fought on the irt July
1690, which decided the fate ot James, Schomberg
parted the river at the head of his cavalry, defeated eight
fquadrons of the enemy, and broke the Iriftr infantry.
When the French Proteftants loft their commander,
Schomberg wrent to rally and lead them on to charge.
While thus engaged, a party of King James’s guards,
which had been feparated from the reft, parted Schom¬
berg, in attempting to rejoin their own army, ihey
attacked him w'ith great fury, and gave him two wounds
in the head. As the wounds were not dangerous, he
might foon have recovered from them j but the French
Proteftants, perhaps thinking their general was killed,
immediately fired upon the guards, and (hot hi
on the fpot. He was buried in St Patrick’s ca
im dead
St Patrick’s cathedral.
Bithop Burnet fays, Schomberg wTas “ a calm man, Schomberg1;
of great application and conduft, and thought much Scl‘0ij1' ,
better than he fpoke ; of true judgement, of exad pro¬
bity, and of a humble and obliging temper.”
SCHOOL, a public place, wherein the languages,
the arts, or fciences, are taught. I bus we (ay, a gram»
mar fchool, a w’riting fchool, a fchool of natural philo-
fophy, &c.—The word is formed from the fcho/a,
which, according to Du Cange, fignifies difeiphne and
ccrrcBion; he adds, that it was anciently uled, in ge¬
neral, for all places where feveral perfons met together,
either to ftudy, to converfe, or do any other matter.
Accordingly, there were Jcholce palatine?, being the fe¬
veral ports wherein the emperor’s guards were placed j
fckola feutariorum, fchola gcntihum, &c. At length
the term parted alfo to civil magiftrates \ and according¬
ly in the code we meet with fchola char tulariorum, fchola
agendum, &c. \ and even to ecclefiaftics, as fchola can-
torum, fchola facerdotum, &c.
The Hebrews were always very diligent to teach and
ftudy the laws that they had received from Mofes. The
father of the familv ftudied and taught them in his own
family. The Rabbin taught them in the temple, in the
fynagogues, and in the academies. They pretend, that
even before the deluge there were fchools for knowledge
and piety, of which the patriarchs had the dire£Hon.—
They place Adam at their head, then Enoch, and laftly
Noah. Melchifedec, as they fay, kept a fchool in the
city of Kajrath-fepher, otherwife Hebron, in Paleftine.
Abraham, who had been inftrufled by Heber, taught in
Chaldaea and in Egypt. From him the Egyptians learn¬
ed aftronomy and arithmetic. Jacob (ucceeded Abra¬
ham in the office of teaching. 'Ihe feripture fays, he
was “ a plain man dwelling in tents j” which, accord¬
ing to the Chaldee paraphraft, is, “ that he was a per-
ftft man, and a minifter of the houfe ot doftrine.”
All this, indeed, muft be very precarious and uncer¬
tain. It cannot be doubted but that Mofes, Aaron, and
the elders of Ifrael, inftrufted the people in the wilder-
nefs, and that many good Ifraelites were very induftri-
ous to inftruft their families in the tear ot God. But
all this does not prove to us that there were any fuch
fchools as we are now inquiring after. Under Jothua
we fee a kind of academy of the prophets, where the
children of the prophets, that is, their ditciples, lived in
the exercife of a retired and auftere life, in ftudy, in the
meditation and reading of the law of God. J here were
fchools of the prophets at Naioth in Ramah j 1 Sam. xix.
12, 20, &c. See the article Prophet.
Thefe fchools, or focieties of the prophets, were fuc-
ceeded by the fynagogues. See the article SYNAGOGUE.
Charity-SCHOOLS, are thofe fchools which are fet apart
by public contributions or private donations for the in-
ftruflion of poor children, who could not otherwife
enjoy the benefits of education. In no country are thefe
more numerous than in G reat Britain, where charity and
benevolence are charafleriftic of the nation at large.
The following is a fummary view of the number of cha-
rity-fchools in Great Britain and Ireland, according to
the beft information at prefent? 1795.
3
At
S C H
[ 543 ] 3 C H
At London,
In ether parts of South
Britain,
In North Britain by the ac¬
count ImblifLed in i 786,
In Ireland, for teaching to
read and write only,
In ditto, erehled purfuant
to his majctly’s charter,
and encouraged by his
bounty of ifoool. per
annum, for inftrufting,
employing, and wholly
maintaining the child¬
ren,exclufive of theDub-
lin work-houfe fchool,
Schools.
182
1329
J35
168
42
Boys.
4442
19506
5187
2406
T935
Total of fchools, &c. 18j6 1 3347^
Girls.
2870
39'5
2618
600
10003
Sunday SCHOOLS are another fpecies of charity fchools
lately inftituted, and now pretty common in Great Bri¬
tain. The inftitution is evidently of the lirlt importance 5
and if properly encouraged mult have a very favourable
effect on the morals of the people, as it tends not only
to preferve the children of the poor from fpending
Sunday in idlenefs, and of confequence in difTipation and
vice, but enables them to lay in for the conduit and
comfort of their future life a flock of ufeful knowledge
and virtuous principles, which, if negleited in early
life, will feldom be fought for or obtained amidlt the
hurry of bufinefs and the cares and temptations of the
world.
The excellent founder of Sunday-fchools was Mr
Raikcs, a gentleman of Gloucefterfhire, who, together
with Mr Stock, a clergyman in the fame county, and
who, we believe, was equally inftrumental in the bufi¬
nefs with Mr Raikes, (hewed the example, and convin¬
ced many of the utility of the plan. From Gloucef¬
terfhire the inftitution wTas quickly adopted in every
county and almoft every town and parifh of the king¬
dom j and we have only further to remark on a plan fo
generally known, fo much approved, and fo evident¬
ly proper, that we hope men of eminence and weight
will always be found fufficiently numerous and willing
to beftow their time and countenance in promoting it to
the utmoft of their power.
SCHOONER, in fea-languagc, a fmall vefiel with
two mails, wftiofe main-fail and fore-fail are fufpended
from gaffs, reaching from the maft towards the ftern,
and ftretched out below by booms, wrhofe foremoft ends
are hooked to an iron, which clafps the maft fo as to
turn therein as upon an axis, when the after ends are
fwung from one fide of the veffel to the other.
SCHORL, a fpecies of mineral belonging to the fili-
ceous genus. See Mineralogy Index.
SCHO LIA, a genus of plants belonging to the de-
candria clafs 5 and in the natural method ranking under
the 33d order, Lomentacecr. See Botany Index.
SCHREBERA, a genus of plants belonging to the
pentandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SCHREVELIUS, Cornelius, a laborious Dutch Svhrevelius
critic and writer, who has publifhed fome editions of H
the ancient claftics more diftinguithed for their elegance , r\
than accuracy : his Greek Lexicon is efteeroed the belt
of all his works. He died in 1667.
SCHULTENS, Albert, profeffor of Hebrew and
of the eaftern languages at Leyden, and one of the
moft learned men of the 18th century, was born at
Groningen, where he ftudied till the year 1706, and
from thence continued his ftudies at Leyden and U-
trecht. Schultens at length applied himfelf to the ftudy
of Arabic books, both printed and in manufeript; in
which he ^nade great progrefs. A fhort time after
he became* miniiter of Waffenar, and two years after
profeffor of the eaftern tongues at Franeker. At
length he was invited to Leyden, where he taught He¬
brew and the eaftern languages with extraordinary
reputation till his death, which happened in 1750. He
wrote many learned works; the principal of which are,
I. A Commentary on Job, 2 vols qto. 2. A Commen¬
tary on the Proverbs. 3. Vet us et regia via Hebrai-
•zandi. 4. Animadverjiones philologicce et criticce ad va-
ria /oca V"teris Tcfiamenti. 6. An excellent Hebrew
grammar, &c. Schultens difeovered in all his works
found criticifm and much learning. He maintained
againft Goulfet and Drieffen, that in order to have a
perfect knowledge of Hebrew, it is neceffary to join
with it, not only the Chaldee and Syriac, but more par¬
ticularly the Arabic.
SCHURMAN, Anna Maria, a moft extraordinary
German lady. Her natural genius difeovered itfelf at
fix years of age, when (he cut all forts of figures in
paper with her iciffars without a pattern. At eight,
(he learned, in a few days, to draw flowers in a very
agreeable manner. At ten, (lie took but three hours
to learn embroidery. Afterwards (he was taught mu-
fic, vocal and inftrumental •, painting, fculpture, and
engraving ; in all of which fhe fucceeded admirably.
She excelled in miniature-painting, and in cutting por¬
traits upon glafs with a diamond. Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin, were fo familiar to her, that the moft learn¬
ed men were aftoniihed at it. She fpoke French, Ita¬
lian, and Englifh, fluently. Her hand-writing, in al¬
moft all languages, was fo inimitable, that the curi¬
ous preferved fpecimens of it in their cabinets. But
all this extent of learning and uncommon penetra¬
tion could not protect her from falling into the er¬
rors of Labadie, the famous French enthufiaft, who
had been banifhed France for his extravagant tenets
and conduct. To this man fhe entirely attached her-
felf, and accompanied him wherever he went j and
even attended him in his laft illnefs at Altena in Hol-
ftein. Her works, confifting of De vitce humancc ter-
77iino, and Dijfertatio de in genii muliehris ad doBrinam et
me/iores hteras aptitudine, and her Letters to her learned
correfpondents, were printed at Leyden in 1648 ; but
enlarged in the edition of Utrecht, 1662, in 1 2mo, un¬
der the following title : sb. M. Schurman Opufcula He-
hra-a, Grcrca, Latina, Gallica, Profaica, et Metrica. She
publifhed likewife at Altena, in Latin, A Defence of
her attachment to Labadie, while fhe was with him in
1673 ; not worth reading. She was born at Cologne
in 1607, but refided chiefly in Holland, and died in
Friefland in 1678.
. SCHWARTENBURC,-,
Sichwaneii-
burg
JSchweitz.
S C H [ 544 ] S C H
GCIIWARTENBUR.G, a town and caftle of Ger¬
many, and circle of Upper Saxony, in the landgravate
of Thuringia, and capital of a county of the fame name
belonging to a prince of the houfe of Saxony. It is
feated on the river Schwartz, 20 miles fouth-eaft of Er-
ford, and 35 north of Cullembach. E. Long. 11. 27.
N. Lat. 50. 45;
SCHWARTS, Christopher, an eminent hiflory-
painter, born at Ingolifadt in 1550, wTho was diftin-
guiftied by the appellation of the German Raphael.
He learned the firlf principles of the art in his own
country, but finifhed his ftudies at Venice ; when he
not only made the works of Titian his models, but
had the advantage of receiving fome perfonal inifruc-
tions from that illuftrious matter. His performances
were foon in the higheft efteem, as his manner of paint¬
ing was very different from wThat the Germans had
been accullomed to before that time : he was, there¬
fore, invited by the elector of Bavaria to his court,
and appointed his principal painter. He died in 1594;
and his raoft capital works, as well in frefco as in oil,
are in the palace at Munich, and in the churches and
convents.
SCHWARTZEMBERG, a town of Germany, in
the circle of Franconia, and capital of a principality of
the fame name. The caftle is feated on the river Lee,
5 miles north-weft of Nuremberg, and 20 eaft of Wertz-
burg, fuhjeft to its own prince. E. Long. 10. 27. N.
Lat. 49. 43.
SCHWEIDNITZ, a ftrong town of Silefia, and
capital of a province of the fame name, wath a caftle.
Next to Breftaw, it is the handfomeft town of Silefia.
The ftreets are large, the church fine, and the houfes
well built. The fortifications are not very confiderable,
and the royal palace is turned into a convent. Great
part of the city was burnt down in 1716, but it W’as
afterwards elegantly rebuilt and improved. In 1757
it fell into the hands of the Auftrians, but was retaken
by the Pruftians the following year. All the magi-
ftrates are Roman Catholics \ but moft of the inhabitants
are Proteftants, who have a church without the town,
as alfo a public fchool. It is feated on an eminence on
the river Weiftritz, 27 miles fouth-eaft of Lignitz, and
2 2 fouth-weft of Breflaw. E. Long. 16. 54. N. Lat.
50. 46.
SCHWEINFURT, a very ftrong, free, and imperi¬
al town of Franconia in Germany, with a magnificent
palace, where the fenators, w-ho are 12 in number,
meet. The environs are rich in cattle, corn, and wine;
the inhabitants are Proteftants. They carry on an ex-
tenfive trade in v/oollen and linen cloth, goofe-quills,
and feathers. It is feated on the river Maine, 27 miles
-north-eaft of Wurtzburg, and 25 weft of Bamberg.
E. Long. 10. 25. N. Lat. 50. 15. This town was
taken by the French in 1796.
SCHWEITZ, a canton of Switzerland, bounded on
the weft by the lake of the Four Cantons ; on the fouth
by the canton of Uri ; on the eaft by that of Claris,
and on the north by thofe of Zurich and Zug. This
canton, in conjunftion with thofe of Uri and Under-
walden, threw off the Auftrian yoke in 1308, and form¬
ed a perpetual alliance in 1315, which was the grand
foundation of the Helvetic confederacy. The name of
Schweitzerland, or Switzerland, which at firft compre-
4
hended only thofe three cantons, was afterwards extend- S drive it k.
ed to all Helvetia. It derived that name, either from v—
the canton of Schweitz, as being the moft diftinguiftied
by the revolution of 1308, or becaufe the Auftrians call¬
ed all the inhabitants of thefe mountainous parts by the
general denomination of Schweitzers. The government
of Schweitz and Uri was entirely democratical before the
late revolution. They contain about 50,000 inhabi¬
tants, and could furnifh more than 12,000 militia.
The whole country being mountainous, confifts chiefly
of pafture, raifes little corn, and has no wine ; but the
foil, though naturally barren, has been improved by
the natives to a great degree of fertility. Luxury is
fcarcely known here ; and a purity of morals prevails,
which can fcarcely be imagined by the inhabitants of
extenfive and opulent cities. The Roman catholic is
the eftabliftied religion.
A dreadful difafter happened in this canton by the
fall of part of a mountain called Ruffiberg or Rofen-
berg, on the evening of the 2d of September 1806.
Three villages were entirely overwhelmed by it in lefs
than five minutes, and two others wrere very much
damaged. The torrent of earth and ftones difengaged
on this melancholy occafion was even more rapid than
that of lava, and its terrible effe6ls were equally irrefi-
ftible, carrying rocks, trees, houfes, every thing before
it, and burying a fpace of charming country upwards
of three miles fquare. So rapid was the motion of this
dreadful mafs, that it not only covered the adjoining
valley, but afeended to a confiderable height on the fide
of the oppofite mountain. A portion of it rolled into
the lake of Lauwertz, a fifth part of w’hich it is fuppofed
to have filled up. The agitation of the wrater w?as fo
great as to overturn a number of houfes, chapels, mills,
&c. along the fouthern Ihore of the lake, particularly
the mill of Lauwertz, where 15 perfons were killed,
and buried in the ruins of the buildings, although it was
about 60 feet above the level of the lake.
The villages of Goldau and Rothen, confifting of
115 houfes, that of Bufingen, of 126, and that of Huz-
lock, totally difappeared. Of Lauwertz there remain only
ten buildings much damaged, and 25 were deflroyed.
Stein loft two houfes and feveral ftables, which latter
were very numerous in all thefe villages. The total lofs
of property of different kinds, as houfes, cows, horfes,
goats, fheep, &c. fuftained on this occafion, has been
eftimated at 120,000!. fterling. In the villages which
were overwhelmed, not an individual efcaped. More
than 1000 perfons were the viftims of this difafter.
Thirteen travellers were on their way from Arth to
Schweitz, of whom the foremoft nine perilhed, and
the remaining four efcaped, being about 40 paces be¬
hind them.
About 20 years ago General Pfyffer foretold this
cataftrophe, from his particular knowledge of the moun¬
tain. There was a fea of water above Spietzflue, which
for feveral years had undermined the rock, and in a
cavern of great depth beneath the waters were engulph-
ed. The quantity of water which fell during the pre¬
ceding years, tended to haften the approach of this me¬
lancholy event, and the rains of fome wreeks before, de¬
cided the fate of this mountain.
SCHWEITZ, a town of Switzerland, and capital of the
canton of the fame name, is feated near the Waldfttetter
fea,
SCI [ 545 ] SCI
Schvmtz fea, on the flope of a hill, and at the bottom of two
r . I> , high, ll\arp, and rugged rocks, called the Schweitzer
,uiaraiapn}. pjajluen> church is an edifice both large and mag¬
nificent. It is 10 miles fouth-eaft of Lucerne. E. Long.
8. 30. N. Lat. 46. 55.
SCHWENKFELDIA, a genus of plants belonging
to the pentandria clafs; and in the natural method
ranking with thofe that are doubtful. fSee Botany Index.
SCHWENKIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
diandria clafs. See Botany Index.
SCHWINBURG, a town of Denmark, on the fouth
coaft of the ifland of Funen, oppofite to the iflands of
Arroa and Langeland. E.Long. 10.30. N. Lat. 55.10.
SCIACCA, anciently called Thermce Selinuntice, in
Sicily, derives its prefent denomination from the Ara¬
bic word Scheich. It is a very ancient place, being
mentioned in the account of the wars between the
Greeks and Carthaginians, to the latter of whom it
belonged. It is defended by ancient walls and the
caftle of Luna. It ftands upon a very fteep rock,
hanging over the fea, and excavated in every dire&ion
into prodigious magazines, where the corn of the neigh¬
bouring territory is depofited for exportation j there is
no harbour, but a fmall bay formed by a wooden pier,
where lighters lie to load the corn which they carry
out about a mile to fhips to anchor.
The town is irregularly but fubftantially built, and
contains 13,000 inhabitants, though Amico’s Lexicon
Topographicum fays the laft enumeration found only
9484. His accounts do not take in ecclefiaftics, and
feveral denominations of lay perfons.
SCLENA, a genus of filhes belonging to the order
thoracici. See Ichthyology Index.
SCIAGRAPHY, or Sciography, the profile or ver¬
tical fedlion of a building, ufed for Ihewing the infide of it.
Sciagraphy, in dljlronomy, &c. is a term made ufe Jcfiipsp
of by fome authors for the art of finding the hour of the Science,
day or night, by the fliadow of the fun, moon, ftars, &c. v '
SCIATICA, the hip-gout. See Medicine Index.
SCIENCE, in Philofophy, denotes any doctrines de¬
duced from felf-evident principles.
Sciences may be properly divided as follows, 1. The
knowledge of things, their conftitutions, properties,
and operations: this, in a little more enlarged fenfe of
the word, may be called <pvcr<x-/i, or natural philofophy;
the end of which is fpeculative truth. See Philo¬
sophy and Physics.—2. The fkill of rightly apply¬
ing thefe powers, : The molt confulerable un¬
der this head is ethics, which is the feeking out thofe
rules and meafures of human actions that lead to hap-
pinefs, and the means to pradtife them (fee Moral
Philosophy) \ and the next is mechanics, or the appli¬
cation of the powers of natural agents to the ufes of life
(fee Mechanics).—3. The dodtrine of figns, \
the molt ufual of which being words, it is aptly enough
termed logic. See Logic.
This, fays Mr Locke, feems to be the moft general,
as well as natural, divifion of the objedts of our under-
llanding. For a man can employ his thoughts about
nothing but either the contemplation of things themfelves
for the difcovery of truth j or about the things in his
own power, which are his adlions, for the attainment of
his own ends; or the figns the mind makes ufe of both
in the one and the other, and the right ordering of them
for its clearer information. All which three, viz. things
as they are in themfelves knowable, adlions as they de¬
pend on us in order to happinefs, and the right ufe of
figns in order to knowledge, being toto ccelo different,
they feem to be the three great provinces of the intellec¬
tual world, wholly feparate and diitindt one from another.
SCIENCE, AMUSEMENTS OR RECREATIONS OF,
A DESIRE of amufement and relaxation is natural
Nature and to man. The mind is foon fatigued with contem-
mility of plating the moft fublime truths, or the moft refined fpe-
fbientific culations, while thefe are addreffed only to the under¬
recreations. ftanding. In philofophy, as in polite literature, we
muft, to pleafe and fecure attention, fometimes addrefs
ourfelves to the imagination or to the paflions, and thus
combine the agreeable with the ufeful. For want of
this combination, we find that pure mathematics (com¬
prehending arithmetic, geometry, algebra, fluxions, &.C.),
notwithftanding their great and acknowledged utility,
are ftudied but by few; while the more attractive
fciences of experimental philofophy and chemiftry, are
almoft univerfally admired, and feldom fail to draw
crowds ol hearers or fpeftators to the leCtures of their
profeflors. I he numerous ftriking phenomena which
thefe latter fciences prefent to our fenfes, the fplendid
experiments by which their principles may be illuftrat-
ed, and the continual application which they admit, of
thofe principles and experiments to the affairs of com¬
mon life, have a powerful influence on the imagination ;
fix and keep alive the attention *, excite the paffxons of
joy, terror, or furpvife, and gratify that love of the mar¬
vellous which nature lias implanted in the human mind.
Even the more abftrufe (iibjeCls of pure mathematics,
Vql. XVIII. Part II.
efpecially arithmetic and geometry, may be fometimes
enlivened by amufing examples and contrivances; and
are found the more pleafing, in proportion as they are
fufceptible of fuch elucidation.
Thefe experimental contrivances, and ufeful applica¬
tions to the purpofes of common life, conftitute what we
may term the Amufements or Recreations of SCIENCE.
They have very properly been denominated rational re¬
creations, as they ferve to relax and unbend the mind
after long attention to the cares of bufinefs, or to fever-
er ftudies, in a manner more rational, and often more
fatisfaftory, than thofe frivolous purfuits which too often
employ the time, and injure the health of the rifing ge¬
neration.
In the preceding volumes of this work, we have fup- anf,
plied our readers with many examples of fcientifc re-pini 0f this
creation. Thus, the articles Legerdemain and Py- article.
Rotechny may be regarded as entirely of this nature ;
and in the experimental parts of Chemistry, Elec¬
tricity, Galvanism, and Magnetism ; in the ar¬
ticles Acoustics, Hydrodynamics, Mechanics,
Optics, and its corelative divifions, Catoptrics, Di¬
optrics, Perspective, and Microscope; in Pneu¬
matics and Aerostation, we have related a variety
of interefting experiments, and defcribed many ingeni-
3' Z * ’ ous'
(
54<5
Introduc
tion.
AMUSEMENT,? OF SCIENCE.
3
Writers on
icientific
recreations.
4
Popular
works on
experimen¬
tal plulofo-
phy.
• ous contrivances, calculated both for inftru&ion and
^ amufement. It is the objett of the prefent article to
bring thefe under one point of view, and to add a few
of the more curious or ufeful experiments and contriv¬
ances which could not before be conveniently introdu¬
ced. In particular, we propofe to explain fome of ihofe
fcientific deceptions which have excited fo much interelt
and admiration, and to defcribe fevers 1 ufeful philofo-
phical inltruments, which either are of very late inven¬
tion, or have been overlooked in the preceding parts of
the work. We fhall thus be enabled to fuppiy feveral
deficiences (otherwife unavoidable), and ihall render the
prefent article a /ort of general index or table of refer¬
ence to the various fubjedls of fcientific amuiemcnt
which are difperfed through the Encylopaedia.
For greater convenience, and more eafy reference to
preceding articles, we Ihall arrange the fe&ions under
which the various nmufements of Icience may be redu¬
ced, in alphabetical order, according to the feries of the
principal mathematical and philofophical treatifes. Thus
the article will be divided into 13 feftions, comprehend¬
ing the recreations and contrivances that relate to A-
cousrics, Arithmetic, Astronomy, Chemistry,
Electricity, Galvanism, Geography, Geome¬
try, HYDROB7'NAMICS, MAGDETISM, MECHANICS,
Optics, and Pneumatics.
It rnufl not be fuppofed, from the title of this article,
that the fubjefts which we are here to difeufs are puerile
or trifling. They will be fuch as are befl: calculated to
excite the attention, quicken the ingenuity, and improve
the memory of our young readers, and they will be fi-
milar to thofe purfuits which have employed the lighter
hours of fome of the moil diilinguiflied philofophers and
mathematicians. The names of Bacon, of Boyle, of
Newton, of Defaguliers, of Ozanam, of Montucla,
and of Hutton, flamp a value on the recreations of
fcience, and prevent us from confidering them as frivo¬
lous or trifling.
The fubjeft of fcientific recreations muft be regarded
as entirely modern, as, previous to the era of Tord
Bacon, philofophers were much more attached to rigid
demonftration and metaphyfical reafoning, than to ex¬
perimental illuftration. Much may be found on thefe
fubjefts in the works of Lord Bacon and Mr Boyle ;
but the earlieft colleftion of fcientific amufements which
deferves notice, is the work of Ozanam, entitled Rect'e-
ations Mathematiques et Physiques, published in 1692,
in 2 vols 8vo, and afterwards feveral times republished
with improvements and additions, till it was enlarged to
4 vols 8vo. This work was foon translated into molt of
the modern languages, and was given to the English
reader by Hr Hooper, under the title of Rational Re¬
creations, firit published, we believe, in 1774, and again
in 1783, in 4 vols 8vo. The original work of Ozanam
has been lately recompofed and greatly improved by
M. Montucla, and a translation of this improved edition
into Englifh was published ia 1803, in 4 vols 8vo, by
Hr Charles Hutton. In this English edition, the work
is much better adapted than in any former copy, to the
Englilh reader, and is enriched by fome of the latell
improvements in natural philofophy and chemiftry.
It may not be improper to add, to this notice of
works on the amufements of fcience, a lift of the heft
popular treatifes on natural and experimental philofophy
and chemiftry, to which our younger readers may have
recourse for an explanation of the principles ox thefe RecrratScts?
fciences, if they Should find fome of the articles in this in ^ouf-
Encyclopaedia too abftrufe or too mathematical. *‘cs-
To young people who have never read any work on v
thefe Sciences, we may recommend Mr Joyce’s Scientific
Dialogues, Dialogues on Chemiftry, and Dialogues on the
Microfcope, and Mr Trend’s Evening AmufemeiUs.
After attentively perufing thefe, they may enlarge their
information by reading Brewfter’s edition of Fergufon's
Letlures ; Nicholfon’s Introduction to Natural Philo-
Sophy; Gregory’s Economy of Nature ; or Hr Young’s
LeCtures on Natural Philofophy; and Henry’s Epitome
of Chem fry, 8vo edition.
Sect. I. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Acoustics.
In the article Acoustics, Vol. I. p. 159. we have Rec-eMion*
related fix amufing experiments and contrivances, and in Acouf-
explained them on the principles of acouftics. TheSe are, tics,
the cotiverjmg fatue, explained on the principle of the
reflection of Sound : the communicative bufs, and the
oracular head, explained from the reverberation of
found j the Jolarfonata, the automaton harpfchord, and
the ventofe fymphony, explained partly on the princi¬
ples of acoustics, and partly on thole of mechanics.
We have now to explain a deception connected
with the conveyance of Sound, well known to many
of our readers, by the name of the invifbie ladyt
or invifbie girl; and to notice lome curious figures aii'u-
med by End or other light bodies on the Surface of vi¬
brating plates.
Some years ago M. Charles, brother to the well-Jnv
known philofopher of that name, exhibited in London, I ad v, "
and afterwards in moft of the large towns of Great Bri¬
tain and Ireland, the experiment of the invfble girl.
The apparatus by means of which this experiment was
conduced, and the principal circumftances attending the
exhibition, have been deferibed by Mr Nicholfon, in
his Philofophical Journal, from which the following ac¬
count is principally taken.
In the middle of a large lofty room, in an old houfe,
where, from the appearance of the wainfeot, and other
circumftances, there Seemed to be no Situation for pla¬
cing acouflic tubes or refleiftors, was fixed a wooden
railing, about 5 feet bigb, and as many wide, inclofing
a fquare fpace. A perfpeftive view of the apparatus
is given at fig. 1. of Plate CCCCLXX, where A,
A, A, A, reprefent the four upright pofts. Thefe
pofts were united by a crofs rail near the top, BB, and
by two or more Similar rails at the bottom. The frame,
thus conftrufted, flood upon the floor, and from the
top of eaeh of the four upright pillars proceeded a Strong
bended brafs wire a, a, a, a, io that they all met together
at the top c, where they were fecured by a crown and
prince’s feather, or other ornaments. From thefe four
wires was fufpended a hollow copper ball, about a foot
in diameter, by means of flight ribbons, fo as to cut off
all poflible communication with the frame. Round this
ball were placed four trumpets, at right angles to each
other, as reprefented at A, A, A, A, fig. 2. having
their mouths opening externally.
Such was the apparent conftruftion of the apparatus,
and it was pretended that there refided within the half
an invisible lady, capable of giving anfwers to any quef-
tions that were put to her. When a queftion was pro-
pofed,
AMUSEMENTS
Recreations pofcJ, it Was uttered in at the mouth of one of the trum-
in Acout- pets, and an anfwer immediately proceeded from all
v n's the trumpets, fo diltindtly loud as to be heard by an
ear applied to any ol them, and yet fo diftant and fee¬
ble, that it appeared to come from a very diminutive
being. In this confided the whole of the experiment,
except that the lady could converfe in leveral langua¬
ges, fing, defcribe all that happened in the room, and
difplayed a fund of lively wit and accomplhhment that
admirably qualified her to fupport the chara&er (lie had
undertaken.
The principles on which this experiment is confiruft-
ed are fimilar to thofe of the oracular head defcribed un¬
der Acoustics j except that, in the prefent deception,
an artificial echo is produced by means of the trumpets,
and thus the found is completely reverfed, inftead of pro-
j\g 2. ceeding in its original direftion. Fig. 3. reprefents a fec-
tion of the apparatus, and will explain the method by
which the deception is effeiSted. One of the polls A, A,
as well as one-half of the hand-rail connected with it, is
hollowed into a tube, the end of which opens on the infide
of the rail, ©ppofite the centre of the trumpet on that
fide, though the hole is very fmall, and is concealed by
reeds or other mouldings. At the other end the tube
communicates with a long tin pipe pp about half an inch in
diameter, concealed below the floor of the xoomff and
palling up the wall to a large deal cafe, £, almoft fimilar
to an inverted funnel, and large enough to contain the
confederate, and a piano forte, on which tunes may be
occafionally played. A fmall hole clofed with glafs is
left through the funnel and fide-wall of the room, as at
fo that the confederate may have an opportunity of
obferving and commenting on any circumltances which
may take place in the room. Thus, when any quellion
h alked at one of the trumpets, the found is conveyed
through the communicating tabes into the funnel-lhaped
cafe, fo as to be heard by the confederate, who then
gives the anfwer, which in like manner is conveyed
through the tube below the floor to one of the trumpets,
and is heard, either from that, or any of the reft.
On the Figures produced by Light Bodies on Vibrating
Surfaces.
7.
vibration About the year 1787, Dr Chladni of Witlemberg
.^uro. drew the particular attention of philofophers to the na¬
ture of vibration, by inveftigating the curves produced by
the moving points of vibrating furfaces. It is found that
if fand, or a fimilar fubftance, be ftrewed on the furface
of an elaftic plate, fuch as glafs or the fonorous metals,
and if the plate be made to vibrate, the fand will ar¬
range itfelf on particular parts of the furface, (bowing
that thefe points are not in motion. Thefe figures are
often extremely curious, and may be varied according
p. ^ to the ple-afure or addrefs of the experimentalift. Some
iof'11! ' of the more remarkable are reprefented at figs. 5, 6,
20, 11.
To produce thefe figures, nothing Is neceflary but to
know the method of bringing that part of the furface
which we wi(h not to vibrate into a ftate of reft; and of
putting in motion that which we wilh to vibrate : on this
depends the whole expertnefs of producing what are
ealled vibration figures.
Thofe who have never tried thefe experiments may
OF SCIENCE, 547
imagine that to produce fig. 5* it would be neceffary Recie.tticms
to damp, in particular, every point of the part to be kept 111 Acout'
at reft, viz. the two concentric circles and the diameter,
and to put in motion every part intended to vibrate, ^
This, however, is not the cafe ; for we need damp only
the points a and b, and caufe to vibrate one part c, at
the edge of the plate j for the motion is foon communi¬
cated to the other parts which we with to vibrate, and
the required figure will in this manner be produced.
The damping may be beft effected by laying hold of
the place to be damped between the fingers, or by fup-
porting it with only one finger. This will be more
clearly comprehended by turning to fig. 8. where the Fig f.
hand is reprefented in the pofition neceffary to hold the
plate. In order to produce fig. 6. we muft hold the fig. <s»
plate horizontally, placing the thumb above at /?, with
the fecond finger directly below it; and befides this, we
muft fupport the point b on the under fide of the plate.
If the bow of a violin be then rubbed againft the plate
at r, there will be produced on the glafs the figure
which is delineated at fig. 6. When the point to be Fig. 6.
fupported or damped lies too near the centre of the
plate, we may reft it on a cork, not too broad at the
end, brought into contadl with the glafs in fuch a man¬
ner as to lupply the place of the finger. It is conve¬
nient alfo, when we wifh to damp feveral points at the
circumference of the glafs, to place the thumb on the
cork, and to ufe the reft of the fingers for touching the
parts which -we wilh to keep at reft. For example, if
we wufh to produce fig. 7. on an elliptic plate, the larger Fig. ?(
axis of which is to the lefs as 4 to 3, we muft place the
cork under c, the centre of the plate ; put the thumb on
this point, and then damp the two points of the edge p
and as may be feen at fig. 8. and make the plate ts
vibrate by rubbing the violin bow againft it at r. There
is dill another convenient method of damping feveral
points at the edge when large plates are employed.
Fig. 4. reprefents a ftrong fquare piece of metal a b. Fig. 4
a line in circumference, which is fcrewed to the edge of
the table, or made fall in any other manner j and a
notch, about as broad as the edge of the plate, is cut
into one fide of it by a file. We then hold the plate
reding againft this piece of metal, by two or more fin¬
gers when requifite, as at c and </, by which means the
edge of the plate will be damped in three paints d,c,c\
and in this manner, by putting the plate in vibration at
f we can produce fig. 13. In cafes of necefiity, theFig-icn
edge of a table may be ufed, inftead of the piece of me¬
tal ; but it will not anfwer the purpofe fo well.
To produce the vibration at any required place, a
common violin bow, rubbed with rofin, is the moft pro¬
per inftrument to be employed. The hair muft not be
too (lack, becaufe it is fometimes neceflary to prefs
pretty hard on the plate, in order to produce the tone
fooner.
When we wifli to produce any particular figure, we
muft firft form it in idea upon the plate, in order that
wtc may be able to determine where a line at reft, and
where a vibrating part, will occur. Thegreateft reft will
always be where two or more lines interfeft each other,
and fuch places muft in particular be damped. For ex¬
ample, in fig. 9. we muft damp the part «, and ftroke
with the how in p. Fig. 13. may be produced with no pier.
lefs cafe, if we hold the plate at r, and ftroke with the
3 Z 2 bgtf
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Fig. io, ix.
Fig. 5.
* Phil.
Jilag. vol.
iii. p- 38$.
8
Ventrilo-
bow at y. The ftrongeft vibration feems always to be
in that part of the edge which is bounded by a curve j
for example, in figs. 10. and ix. at n. To produce
thefe figures, therefore, we mult rub with the bow at n,
and not at r.
We muft, however, damp not only thofe points
where two lines interfeft each other, but endeavour to
fupport at leait one which is fuited to that figure, and
to no other. For example, when we fupport a and Z>,
fig. 5. and rub with the bow at c, fig. 9. alfo may be
produced, becauie both figures have thefe two points at
reft. To produce fig. 5. we muft fupport with one
finger the part e, and rub with the bow in c; but
fig. 9. cannot be produced in this manner, becaufe it
has not the point e at reft.
One of the greateft difficulties in producing the fi¬
gures, is to determine before-hand the vibrating and
retting points which belong to a certain figure, and to
no other. Hence, when we are not able to damp thofe
points which diftinguith one figure from another, if the
violin bowT be rubbed againft the plate, feveral hollow
tones are heard, without the fand forming itfelf as ex¬
pected. We muft therefore acquire by experience a
readinefs, in being able to fearch out among thefe tones,
that which belongs to the required figure, and to pro¬
duce it on the plate by rubbing the bow againft it.
When w’e have acquired fufficient expertnefs in this re-
fpedt, we can determine before-hand, with tolerable
certainty, the .figures to be produced, and even the
moft difficult. It may be eafily conceived, that we
muft remember what part of the plate, and in what
manner we damped j and we may mark thefe points by
fcratching the plate with a piece of flint.
When the plate has acquired the proper vibration,
endeavour to keep it in that ftate for fome feconds ;
which can be done by rubbing the bow againft it feve¬
ral times. By thefe means the fand will be more accu¬
rately formed.
Any fort of glafs may be employed, provided its fur-
face be fmooth, otherwife the fand will fall into the hol¬
low parts, or be thrown about irregularly. Common
glafs plates, when cut writh a ftone, are very fharp on
the edge, and wTould foon deftroy the hair of a violin
bow j for which reafon the edge muft be fmoothed by a
file, or a piece of freeftone.
We muft endeavour to procure fuch plates as are uni¬
formly thick, and of different fixes; fuch as circular
ones from four to 12 inches in diameter. Sand too fine
rnuft not be employed. The plate muft be equally be-
ftrewed with it, and not too thickly, as the lines will
then be exceedingly fine, and the figures will acquire a
better defined appearance *.
The fubjedt of ventriloquifm, or that peculiar modifi¬
cation of voice by which founds are made to appear as
coming from fitualions at a diftance from the perfon
who utters them, is a deception conneffed with the fub-
jeft of acouftics. This deception w'e have already ex¬
plained under Physiology, N° 251, 254.
Sect. II. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Arithmetic.
The only amufements connecled with this fubjeff, of Arithmeti-
which we have already given an account, are thofe con-cai recrea”
tained under the head ot Mifcellaneous Performances \r\'L^s‘
the 4th fe&ion of the article Legerdemain, the moft
curious of which is the method of difcovering, by calcu¬
lation, what perfon in a {'elect party has put a ring On
his finger, as well as the hat A, the finger, and the/Wwf
on which the ring is placed. We have alfo defcribed
the magic fquares, and magic circles, in vol. xvi. p.354,
et fieq. A mechanical method of performing the prin¬
cipal arithmetical operations has been defcribed under
Abacus.
To perfionn a quefiion in Simple Addition merehj by
knowing the firfi line.
The queftion propofed may confift of five lines of fib Addition
gures, of which the firtt and fecond lines are written by performed
the propofer, the third by the perfqn to whom the que-froma
ftion is propofed, and the fourth and fifth alternately by fln£!c
the propofer and expounder ; but before the fecond line
is written, the expounder is to difcover the fum in the
following manner. To each digit of the firft line he
adds 2, which gives as many digits of the fum as are
contained in the firft line of the queftion, and to thefe
2 is to be prefixed on the left hand. To accommodate
the queftion to this fum, when the propofer has written
the lecond line, the expounder conftrudls the third by
dedufting each digit of this line from 10, lb that his
third line confifts of the remainders. In like manner
the expounder conftrudls the fifth line by remainders
from the digits of the fourth line fet down by the pro¬
pofer, deducting the firft digit on the right hand from
12, and the reft from 1 o. The following example will
illuftrate the method of procedure.
Suppofe it be required to find the fum in a queftion of
which the firft: line is 35726. Adding 2 to each of
thefe digits, and prefixing 2 to the fum, we
have for the fum of the whole queftion 257948. 35726
Let us now luppofe that the fecond line writ- 21354
ten by the propofer is 21354. To conftruft 89756
the third line, the expounder fubtracls 2, I, 13248
3, 5, 4 each from 10 5 and the remainders 97864
8, 9, 7, 5, 6, form the third line. Laftly,   
Suppofe that the propofer’s next line, form- 257948
ing the fourth, Hands thus, 1, 3, 2, 4, 8.
To find the laft line, the expounder dedufts I, 3, 2, 4,
each from 10, and 8 from 12, by which he obtains 9*
7, 8, 6, 4 ; and it is evident that the addition of thefe
five lines produces the fum originally fet down from the
firft line only.
N. B. It is effential to the performance of this quef¬
tion, that none of the digits written by the propofer be
cyphers (a).
Moft
(a). Though it is not our intention in the prefent article, to explain all the experiments and contrivances fo
fully as to leave nothing to the ingenuity of the reader, we may remark, with refpect to the prelent queftion, that
as the obtained fum is derived merely from the firft line of figures, all belowT this muft be fo contrived as to pro¬
duce by their addition a line in which all the digits are 2,s. Accordingly, it will be found that the addition of the
firft
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Arlthmeti- Moil of our readers are well acquainted with the
cal K^crea. qUeftion in multiplication refpefting the price of a horfe
. ' tl'^ns' , from fucceffively doubling a farthing as often as there
are nails in the horfe’s flroes. (See Montucla’s Recrea¬
tions by Hutton, vol.i. or Sandfordand Merton, vol. i.).
The following queftion is of a fimilar nature, but ap¬
pears ftill more furprifing.
ix Si courtier having performedfame very important fer-
vice to his fovereign, the latter wi/hing to confer on him
a fuitahle reward, defred him to ajli whatever he thought
proper, promifong that it Jhould be granted. The cour¬
tier, who was well acquainted with the faience of num¬
bers, requefled on/u that the monarch would give him a
quantity of wheat equal to that which would arife from
one grain doubled 63 times fucccjjively. What was the
value of the reward ?
The origin of this problem is related in fo curious a
manner by Al-Sephadi, an Arabian author, that it de-
ferves to be mentioned. A mathematician named Seffa,
fays he, the fon of Daher, the fubjedl of an Indian
prince, having invented the game of chefs, his lovereign
was highly pleafed with the invention, and wilhing to
cohfer on him fome reward worthy of his magnificence,
defired him to alk whatever he thought proper, affijiring
him that it Ihould be granted. The mathematician,
however, aiked only a grain of wheat for the firft fquare
of the chefs-board, two for the fecond, four for the
third, and fo on to the laft or 64th. The prince at firfi:
was almoft incenfed at this demand, conceiving that it
was ill fuited to his liberality, and ordered his vizir to
comply with Sefla’s requeft ; but the minifter was much
aftonilhed when, having caufed the quantity of corn ne-
ceflary to fulfil the prince’s order to be calculated, he
found that all the grain in the royal granaries,' and that
even of all his fubjecfs, and in all Alia, would not be
fufficient. He therefore informed the prince, who fent
for the mathematician, and candidly acknowledged his
inability to comply with his demand, the ingenuity of
which aftonilhed him ftill more than the game which he
had invented.
To find the amount of this prodigious reward, to pay
which even the treafury of a mighty prince was infuffi-
cient, we fhall proceed moft eafily by way of geometri¬
cal progreflxon, though it might be difcovered by com¬
mon multiplication and addition. It will be found by
calculation, that the 64th term of the double progreftion,
beginning with unity, is 9,223,372,036,854,775,808.
But the fum of all the terras of a double progreffion,
beginning with unity, may be obtained by doubling the
laft term and fubtraffing from it unity. The number,
therefore, of the grains of wheat equal to Sefla’s de¬
mand, will be 18,446,744,073,709,551,615. Now, if
a ftandard Englifh pint contain 9216 grains of wheat,
a gallon will contain 73,728; and, as eight gallons
make one bufiiel, if we divide the above vefult by 8
times 73,728, we {hall have 31,274,997,412,295 for
the number of the buftiels of wheat neceffary to dif-
549
charge the promife of the Indian king ; and if we fup- Aiithmeti-
pofe that one acre of land be capable of producing incal *ecrea“
one year, 30 bufhels of wheat, to produce this quantity L|r__^, .
would require 1,042,499,913,743 acres, which make
more than 8 times the iurface ot the globe; for the dia¬
meter of the earth being fuppoied equal to 7930 miles,
its whole furface, comprehending land and water, will
amount to very little more than 1 26,437,889,177 fquare
acres.
If the price of a buftiel of wheat be eflimated at
1 os. (it is at prefent, Auguft 1809, 12s. 6d. per bufir-
el), the value of the above quantity will amount to
15,637,498,706,147!. 10s.; a fum which, in all proba¬
bility, far furpaffes all the riches on the earth *. * Hutton's
Recrea-
To difcover any Number thought of. tiojis, vol V
Of this problem there are feveral cafes, differing reft a
chiefly in complexity of operation. number
I. Defire the perfon who has thought of a number, thought of.
to triple it, and to take the exa6t halt of that triple if it
be even, or the greater half if it be odd. Then defire
him to triple that half, and aik him how many times
that produft contains 9 ; for the number thought of
wall contain double the number of nines, and one more
if it be odd.
Thus, if 4 has been the number thought of, its triple
will be 12, w?hich can be divided by 2 wfithout a re¬
mainder. The half of 1 2 is 6, and if this be multiplied
by 3, we {hall have 18, w'hich contains 9 twice, the
number will therefore be 4 equal twice 2, the number
of nines in the laft prodilft.
II. Bid the perfon multiply the number thought of
by itfelf; then defire him to add unity to the number
thought of, and to multiply that fum alfo by itfelf; in
the laft place, aflc him to tell the difference of thofc
two products, which will certainly be an odd number,
and the leaft half of it will be the number required.
Let the number thought of be 10, wkich multiplied
by itfelf gives x 00 ; in the next place 1 o increafed by I
is 11, which multiplied by itfelf makes 121, and the
difference of thefe two fquares is 21, the leaft half of
which being 10, is the number thought of.
This operation might be varied in the fecond ftep by
defiring the perfon to multiply the number by itfelf, af¬
ter it has been diminifhed by unity, and then to tell the
difference of the twm fquares, the greater half of which
will be the number thought of.
Thus, in the preceding example, the fq; .re of the
number thought of is 100, and that of the lame num¬
ber, fubtrafting 1, is 81 ; the difference of thefe is 19,
the greater half of which, or 10, is the number thought
of.
III. Defire the perfon to add to the number thought
of its exadt half if it be even, or its greater half if it be
odd, in order to obtain a firft fum ; then bid him add
to this fum its exadl half, or its greater half, according
as
firft right-hand column produces 22, and that of all the reft 20, which, with the addition of the 2 carried, fupplies
the other 2 s in the line. From this it is evident, that though, for more eafy illuftration, we have given a que*
ftion containing only five lines; feven, nine, or any unequal number may be employed, conftru&ing the feventhr,
ninth, See, on fimilar principles.
55°
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Arithraeti- as It Js even or odd, to liave a fecond fum, from which
the perl'on muft fubtraft the double of the number
■ _ ^ thought of. Then defire him to take the half of the
remainder, or its lefs half if it be an odd number, and
continue halving the half till he comes to unity. When
this is done, count how many fubdivifions have been
made, and for the firft divifion retain two, for the fe¬
cond 4, for the third 8, and fo of the reft, in double
proportion. It is here neceffary to obferve, that I muft
be added for each time that the leaft half was taken, be-
caufe, by taking the leaft half, one always remains j
and that I only muft be retained when no fubdivifion
could be made; for thus you will have the number the
halves of the halves of which have been taken $ the
quadruple of that number then will be the number
thought of, in cafe it was not neceffary at the begin¬
ning to take the greater half, wdiich wull happen only
when the number thought of is evenly even, or divi-
fible by 4 ; but if the greater half has been taken at
the firft divifion, 3 muft be fubtra&ed from the above
quadruple, or only 2 if the greater half has been taken
at the fecond divifion, or 5 if it has been taken at each
of the two divifions, and the remainder then will be the
number thought of.
Thus, if the number thought of has been 4 •, by add¬
ing to it its half, w’e ftiall have 6 j and if to this we add
its half, 3, we ftiall have 9 *, if 8, the double of the
number thought of, be fubtra£ted, there will remain 1,
which cannot be halved, becaufe we have arrived at
unity. For this reafon, we muft retain I j and the
quadruple of this, or 4, will be the number thought
I of.
IV. Defire the perfon to take 1 from the number
thought of, and to double the remainder 5 then bid him
take"I from this double, and add to it the number
thought of. Having alked the number arifing from this
addition, add 3 to it, and the third of the fum will be
the number required.
Let the number thought of be £ j if 1 be taken from
It, there will remain 4, the double of which 8, being
diminifhed by I, and the remainder 7 being mcreafed
by 5, the number thought of, the refult will be 12 ; if
to this we add 3, we lhall have 15, the third part of
which, 5, will be the number required.
V. Defire the perfon to add 1 to the triple of the
number thought of, and to multiply the fum by 3 j
then bid him add to this product the number thought
of, and the refult will be a furo, from which if 3 be fub-
trafled. Ire remainder will be double of the number re¬
quired. If 3 therefore be taken from the laft fum, and
if the cipher on the right be cut off from the remainder,
the other figure will indicate the number fought.
Let the number thought of be 6, the triple of which
Is 18, and if unity be added it makes 19 ; the triple of
this laft number is 57, and if 6 be added it makes 63,
from which if 3 be fubtra&ed the remainder will be 60 j
now, if the cipher on the right be cut off, the remain-
qng figure 6 will be the number required.
VI. Among the various methods contrived for difco-
vering numbers thought of, wre have feen none more in¬
genious than the following, which was lately communi¬
cated to us. This is a fort of puzzle, confifting of fix
flips of paper or pafteboard, on which are written num¬
bers as expreffed in the following columns.
A
3
_ 5
7
_ 9
11
"13
*5
~I7
*9
21
“23
25
"27
-29
"31
"33
"35
"37
"39
"41
"43
"45
'47
'49
"51
*53
‘55
57
‘59
61
"63
B
_ 3
" 6
7
10
11
"14
15
■18
19
"22
23
“26
27
"30,
31
"34
35
-38
39
"42
43
-46
47
"5°
51
'54
55
'i8
59
'62
63
4
5
6
. 7
"12^
J3
M
15
"20
21
22
23
"28
29
30
31
■36
37
38
39
"44
45
46
47
"52
53
54
55
"60
61
62
63
D
9
10
11
12
*3
*4
_I5
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
"40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
"5 6
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
16
17
18
J9
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
-31
-48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
S2
33
34
35
3 6
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46.
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
55
56
57
5«
591
667
61
62
-ii
The fix flips being thus prepared, a perfon is to think
of any one of the numbers which they contain, and to
give to the expounder of the queftion thofe flips which
contain the number thought of. To difcover this num¬
ber, the expounder has nothing to do but to add toge¬
ther the numbers at the top of the columns put into his
hand. Their fum will exprefs the number thought of.
Example. Thus, fuppofe we think of the number
14. We find that this number is in three of the flips,
viz. thofe marked B, C, and D, which are therefore
given to the expounder, who on adding together 2, 4,
and 8, obtains 14, the number thought of. .
This trick may be varied in the following manner.
Inftead of giving to the expounder the flips containing
the number thought of, thefc maybe kept back, and
thofe in which the number does not occur be given.
In this cafe the expounder mutt add together, as before,
the numbers at the top of the columns, and fubtraft their
fum from 63 5 the remainder will be the number thought
of. # ,
Example. Taking again the former number 14, the
flips in which this is not contained are thofe marked
A, E, and F. Adding together 1, 16 and 32, the ex¬
pounder has 49, which fubtra&ed from 63, leaves 14,
the number thought of as before.
The flips containing the columns of numbers are
ufually
Atf-dnomi-
cai K(crea¬
tions.
*$
Frond’s
tangible a.
rithmetic.
J4
Aftror>omi-
eal recrea¬
tions.
AMUSEMENTS
tifually marked with letters on the back, and not above
the columns, as we have expreiied them. Ibis renders
the deception more complete, as the expounder of the
queftion knowing before hand the number at the top of
each column, has only to examine the letters at the back
cf the (lips given him, when he performs the problem
without looking at the numbers, and thus renders the
trick more extraordinary.
Towards explaining the principles on which this
puzzle has been cor.ftru&ed, we may remark, I. That
each column may be divided into fets of figures ; thofe
of each column confiding of as many figures as are repre-
fented by the number at the head of the column, one
figure in each fet in the column marked I j two rn that
marked 2; four in 4, &.c. 2. That after each parcel
there is a blank of as many figures as that parcel confifts
of, counting in a regular ferie* xrom the laid number of
the parcel. 3. That the numbers of each parcel are in
arithmetical progreffion, w'hile thofe at the head of the
columns are in geometrical progreflion. 4. That the
firft fets of all the columns taken together in regular
feries, compole the whole feries of numbers in the co¬
lumns from 1 to 63, and are confequently the melt im¬
portant, as any number thought of mult be found in
only one of thefe fets. 5. That the fum of all the terms
of the geometrical progreflion is equal to the laid or
higheft term of the arithmetical progreflion 63, and is
alfo equal to the double of the lad term of the geome¬
trical progreflion diminiflied by unity.
Having premifed thefe remarks, we fliall not proceed
farther than to hint, that, in conftrufting this ingenious
puzzle, the author appears to have employed the pro¬
perties of geometricalprogrejjions, and their relations to
arithmeticalprogrejjions, for which fee the article Series.
To render thefe columns more, portable, they may
each be divided into three or more, and written on fmall
cards, marked at the back with letters. In this form
the firft figure of the firft column muft be employed,
like the firft figure at the head cf the flips, or the bet¬
ter to difguife the contrivance, the figures of each co¬
lumn may be placed in a confufed order, and the letters
alone employed.
Mr William Frend, well known as the author of the
Evening Amufements, has rendered an important fer-
vice to the rifing generation, by the publication of his
Tangible Arithmetic, or the Art of Numbering made
eafy, by means of an arithmetical toy. The toy which
forms the bafis of this method of numbering, is fimilar
to what has been called the Chinefe board, wdiich is ex-
p ained in the fourth volume of Mr Trend’s Evening
Amvfements. This toy is fo conftrufted as to be capable
of exprefling any number as far as t6,666:66g, and is
capable of performing a great variety of arithmetical
operations, merely by moving a few balls. *. he author
gives a variety of fimple inftances and amufing games,
by which the firft four rules of arithmetic may be ex¬
plained and illuftrated. The whole contrivance is very
ingenious, and w'ell deferves the attention of mothers
and all teachers of children.
Sect. III. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Astronomt.
Many fcientific recreations may be derived from
aftronomy, and feme of thefe have already been noticed
OF SCIENCE. 551
in our treatife on that fubje<?t. Among the moft ufeful Aftronomi-
ol the aftronomical amuiements, however, is the method :a‘ 15rcjc3*
of difeevering the feveral ftars that compofe the conftel-. .
lations, and this wx lhall here explain. , ^
Before wre can become acquainted with the liars that Method of
compofe the conftellations, we muft be provided wTith learning ^
accurate celeftial charts, or a good planilphere, ef fuch ^
a fize that ftars of the firft and fecond magnitudes can
be readily diftinguilhed on it. Having placed before
us one of thefe charts, as that containing the north pole,
or that part of the planlfphere which contains the nor¬
thern hemifphere, firft find out the Great Bear, com¬
monly called Charles's wain (Plate CCCCLXXI, fig. Fig, 14,
14.). It may be ealily known, as it forms one of the
moft remarkable groupes in the heavens, confifting of
feveral ftars of the fecond magnitude, four of which are
arranged in fuch a manner as to reprefent an irregular
fquare, and the other three a prolongation in the term
of a very obtufe fealene triangle. Befides, by examin¬
ing the figure of thefe feveu ftars, as exhibited in the
chart, we fliall eaiily diftinguiftr thofe in the heavens
which correfpond to them. When ws have made our-
felves acquainted with thefe feven principal ftars, we
examine on the chart the configuration of the neigh¬
bouring ftars, which belong to the great bear; and
thence learn to diftinguiflr the other lefs conliderable
ftars which compofe that conftellation.
After knowing the Great Bear, we may eafily proceed
to the Lejj'er Bear; for nothing will be neceflary but
to draw, as may be feen in fig. 15. a ftraight line Fig. 15.
through the two anterior ftars of the fquare of the Great
Bear, or the two fartheft diftant from the tail \ this line
will pafs very near the polar ftar, a ftar of the fecond
magnitude, and the only one of that fize in a pretty
large fpace. At a little dillance from it, there are two
other ftars of the fecond and third magnitudes, which,,
with four more of a lefs fize, form a figure fonrewhat
fimilar to that of the Great Bear, but fmaller. This is
rvhat is called the Lejfer Bear ; and we may learn, in the
lame manner as before, to diftinguiflr the ftars which
compofe it.
Now if a ftraight line be drawn through thofe ftars
of the Great Bear, neareft to the tail, and through the
polar ftar, it will conduft us to a very remarkable
group of five ftars arranged nearly in this form M
(fee fig. 16.) Thefe are the conftellation of
Jiopeia, in which a very brilliant new ftar appeared in
1572 ; though foon after it became fainter, and at length
difappeared.
If a line, perpendicular to the above line, be next
drawn through this conftellation, it will ccndu<51:,.on the
one fide, to a very beautiful ftar called Algcnib, which
is in the back of Perfeus; and in the other, to the con¬
ftellation of the Swan (fig. 17.), remarkable by a ftar Fig, 17.
of the firft magnitude. Near Perfeus is the brilliant
ftar of the Goat, called Capella, which is of the'firft mag¬
nitude, and forms part of the conftellation of Auriga.
After this, if a ftraight line be drawm through the
laft two ftars of the tail of the Great Bear, we fhall come
to the neighbourhood of Ar&urus, one of the moft bril¬
liant ftars in the heavens, which forms part of the con-
ftellation of Bootes (fig. 18.)
In this manner we may fucceflively employ the know-
ledge which rve have obtained of the ftars of one con¬
ftellation, to enable us to find out the neighbouring
ones.
552 AMUSEMENTS
Aftronomi- ones. We iliall not enlarge farther on this method ;
cat Recrea- for jj- may be eafily conceived, that we cannot proceed
, tl0ns' Jn ^[5 manner through the whole heavens j but any
perfon of ingenuity may thus in the courfe of a few
nights, learn to know a great part of the heavens, or at
1(5 any rate the principal ftars and conftellations.
Brewfter’s In the article ASTRONOMY we have defcribed the ufual
aftrometer. inftruments lor aicertaining the htuation, ditlances, &c.
of the heavenly bodies. We mult here add an account
of an ingenious inllrument for finding the riling and
fetting of the liars and planets, and their petition in the
heavens. This inftrument is called an q/lrometer, and
was originally invented by M. Jurat. An improved
allrometer has been lately contrived by Dr David Brew-
fter, and is thus defcribed by him in Nicholfon’s Journal
for May 1807, vol. xvi.
“ This altvometer, reprefented in Plate CCCCLXXI.
fig. 19. confilts of four divided circumferences. The in-
nermoft of thefe is moveable round the centre A, and is
divided into 24 hours, wdiich are again fubdivided into
quarters and minutes, when the circle is fufficiently large.
The fecond circumference is compofed of four quadrants
of declination, divided by means of a table of femidiur-
nal arcs, adapted to the latitude of the place. In order
to divide thefe quadrants, move the horary circle, fo
that 12 o’clock noon may be exadtly oppofite to the
index B : then fince the liar is in the equator, and its
declination o, when the femidiurnal arc is VI hours, the
zero of the leales of declination will be oppofite VI. \ I.
and as the declination of a ftar is equal to the colatitude
of the place, when its femidiurnal arc is o, or when it
iuft comes to the fouth point of tne horizon, without
rifing above it, the degree of declination at the other
extremity of the quadrant, or oppofite XII. XII. will
be the fame as the colatitude of the place, which in the
prefent cafe is 390, the latitude of the pla«e being fup-
pofed 510 North. The intermediate degrees of decli¬
nation are then to be laid down from a table of femi¬
diurnal arcs, by placing the degree of declination op¬
pofite to the arc to which it correfponds j thus the io°
of fouth declination mull Hand oppofite Vh 13^ in the
afternoon, and VIh 47^ in the morning, becaufe a de¬
clination of io° fouth gives a femidiurnal arc of Vh 13'.
When the feales of declination are thus completed, the
inftrument is ready for ihewing the rifing and fetting of
the ftars. For this purpofe move the horary circle till
the index B points to the time of the ftar’s fouthing ;
thus, oppofite to the ftar’s declination in the fcale C, if
the declination is fouth, or in the fcale D if it is north,
will be found the time of its rifing above the horizon 5
and the degree of declination on the feales E and F, ac¬
cording as it is louth or north, will point out on the
horary circle the time of the ftar fetting. If the rifing
of the ftar is known from obfervation, bring its declina¬
tion to the time of its rifing on the circle of hours, and
the index B will point out the time at which it paiTed
the meridian •, and its declination on the oppofite fcale
will indicate the time when it defeends below the ho¬
rizon. In the fame way, from the time of the ftar fet¬
ting, we may determine the time when it lifes and comes
to the meridian.
“ The two exterior circles are added to the aftrome¬
ter, for the purpofe of finding the pofition of the ftars
and planets in the heavens. The outermoft of thefe is
divided into 360 equal parts j and the other, which is a
I
OF SCIENCE.
fcale of amplitudes, is fo formed, that the amplitude of Chemical
any of the heavenly bodies may be exaftly oppofite the Reerea-
correfponding degree of declination in the adjacent cir-, tl0ns- ,
cle. The degree of fouth declination, for inftance, in " *
the latitude of 510, correfponds with an amplitude of
I56 20', confequently the 150 of amplitude muft be
nearly oppofite to the 10th degree of declination j fo
that by a table of amplitudes the other points of the
fcale may be eafily determined. The aftrometer is alfo
furnifiled with a moveable index MN, which carries
at its extremities two vertical fights m «, in a. ftraigbt
line with the centre A. The inftrument being thus
completed, let it be required to find the planet Saturn,
when his declination is 150 north, and the time of his
fouthing 30' in the morning. The times of his ril¬
ing and fetting will be found to be 711 15', and ioh 45',
and his amplitude 240 north. Then {hilt the moveable
index till the fide of it which points to the centre is ex¬
aftly above 240 of the exterior circle in the north-eaft:
quadrant, and when the line AB is placed in the meri¬
dian, the two fight holes will be direfted to the point
of the horizon where Saturn will be feen at 7h 15', the
time of his rifing. The fame being done in the north-
weft quadrant, the point of the horizon whert the planet
fets will likewife be determined. In the fame way the
pofition of the fixed ftars, and the other planets, may be
eafily difeovered.
“ If it is required to find the name of any particular
ftar, that is obferved in the heavens, place the aftrometer
due north and fouth, and wrhen the ftar is near the ho¬
rizon, either at its rifing or fetting, ftnft the moveable
index till the two fights point to the ftar. The %ht
of the index will then point cut, on the exterior circle,
the ftar’s amplitude. With this amplitude enter the
third fcale from the centre, and find the declination of
the ftar in the fecond circle. Shift the moveable horary
circle till the time at which the obfervation is made be
oppofite to the ftar’s declination, and the index B will
point to the time at which it paffes the meridian. The
difference betwreen the time of the ftar’s fouthing, and
12 o’clock noon, converted into degrees of the equator,
and added to the right afeenfion of the fun if the ftai
comes to the meridian after the fun, but iubtrafted from
it if the ftar fouths before the fun, will give the right
afeenfion of the ftar. With the right afeenfion and decli¬
nation thus found, enter a table of the right afeenfions and
declination of the principal fixed ftars, and you will dif-
cover the name of the ftar which correfponds with thefe
numbers. The metidian altitudes of the heavenly bo¬
dies may always be found by counting the number of
degrees between their declination and the index B. The
aftrometer may be employed in the folution of various
other problems; but the application of it to other pur-
pofes is left to the ingenuity of the young aftronomer.”
Sect. IV. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
CHEMISTR Y.
T7
The experiments which illuftrate the principles of Chemical
Chemiftry, afford abundant examples of fcientific re- recreations,
creations. We cannot here enter on this extenfive field,
as we have already illuftrated the fubjefl very fully un¬
der the article Chemistry. In the prefent fettion,
therefore, we fhall do little more than enumerate fome
of the more ftriking experiments, referring our readers
lor
Oiemkal for a defcnplion and explanation of them, to the above
^tions3" ar^:t‘e’ £n^ to the principal elementary works on mo-
i. - ---- dern chemiilry, efpecially the Epitome of Chemi/Iry by
Dr Wil liam Henry (8vo edition), to which the follow¬
ing enumeration will chiefly refer.
Among the more curious and interefting experiments
of chemiitry, we may notice the combuftion produced
by wrapping nitrate of copper, flightly moiftened, in a
flieet of tin foil (Henry, p. 15.) ; the reflection of heat
and cold from the furface of concave mirrors (Chemis¬
try, N° 170, or Henry, p. 28.) 3 the artificial produc¬
tion of great degrees of cold, fo as to freeze mercury
and alcohol (Chemistry, 274, or Henry, p. 36.33 the
experiments of Dr Herfchel, fhewing that the fun emits
rays which heat without illuminating; others which il¬
luminate without heating ; and others which neither illu¬
minate nor heat, but produce evident chemical changes
(Chemistry, 172, or Henry, p. 48.33 the combufion
of charcoal, phofphorus, and iron wires, in oxygenous gas,
and more efpecially the combuition of metals in a com¬
bined llream of oxygen and hydrogen gafes (Henry,
p. 60.) 3 the explojion of hydrogenous and oxygenous
gafes, and confequent production of water (Chemistry,
382, and Henry, p. 70.) 3 the decompoftion of water
(Chemistry, 384, or Henry, p. 78.) 3 the effeft of <7/-
hahes and acids in changing the colour of blue vegetable
infufions to green and red (Henry, p. 102.) 3 the com¬
buftion produced by mixing nitric acid with ejfcntial
oils, or other combuftibles (Chemistry, qio, and
Henry, p. 151.) 3 the combuftion produced by throwing
metallic particles into oxygenized muriatic acid gas
(Henry, p. i8i.)3 the deflagration of hyperoxygenized
muriate of potajh, with phofphorus and other combuftibles
(Chemistry, 962, et feq. or Henry, p. 187.) ; the pro¬
duction of phofphor a ted hydrogen gas, by throwing phof-
phuret of Iwie into water (Henry, p. 197.) 3 and the
decompofition of metallic folutions, fo as to procure the
metals in a pure or metallic ftate.
As thefe laft experiments are only incidentally noticed
in the article Chemistry, and in Dr Henry’s Epitome,
V'e fir all here deferibe two of the moft curious inftances
of what have been called metallic vegetations.
The firft of thefe which we fliall notice is called Ar¬
bor Diance, the tree of Diana, or the filver tree, as it is
produced by decompofing a folution of filver, fo that the
iilver is exhibited in the metallic ftate, and in an arbo-
refeent form. .There are two methods of producing the
arbor Diance, one by Homberg, and the other by Beaume.
According to Homberg’s method, an amalgam is to
be formed by rubbing a quarter of an ounce of very
puie mercury, and half an ounce of fine filver reduced
fo leaves or filings, by triturating them together in a
porphyry mortar,^ with an iron peftle. This amalgam
is to be diffolved in four ounces of the pureft nitric acid
o. a moderate ftrength, and the folution is to be diluted
with about 24 ounces of diftilled water. An ounce of
this liquor is to be poured into a glafs, and a fmall piece
01 a fimilar amalgam of mercury and filver, of the con-
fiftence of butter, is to be introduced. Soon after there
may be feen riling from the ball of amalgam a multi¬
tude of fmall finning filaments, which vifibly increafe
in number and fize, and throw out branches, fo as to
form a kind of fhrub.
Beaume’s method is as follows.—Six parts of a folu¬
tion of filver in nitric acid, and four of a folution of
Vox.. XVHI. Part II.
amusements of science.
55.1
Chemical
Recrea¬
tions.
IS
Arbor Di¬
anas.
mercury in the fame acid, both in a ftate of faluration,
are to be mixed together, and a fmall quantity of di¬
ftilled wrater to be added. This mixture is to be poured
into a conical glafs velfel, containing fix parts of an am¬
algam made of feven parts of mercury and one of filver.
At the end of fome hours there will appear on the fur-
face of the amalgam a metallic precipitate in the form
of a vegetation.
1 he other experiment which we have to deferibe is Tree of
that of producing a leaden tree, wdiich, as it may beleaci-
performed on a large fcale, and at a trifling expence, is
preferable to the former. The method of effe&ing this
decompofition which we have found moft effedtual, is
the following.
Difiblve in diftilled or pure rain water a quantity of
acetate of lead (fugar of lead), not fufficient to faturate
it 3 viz. in the proportion of four fcruples of the fait to
the Englifti pint of water. When the folution has be¬
come clear, pour it into a cylindrical veflel, ©r a glafs
wine decanter of confiderable fize, and introduce into it
an irregular piece of pure bright zinc, fufpended by a
firing, or a piece of brafs wire. In the courfe of a few
hours, the zinc will be covered with a dulky grayifh
mafs, having the appearance of mofs, and from this are
gradually (hot out plates or leaves of a brilliant metallic
fubftance. 1 hefe will extend themfelves Towards the
bottom of the veflel, and will form trunks, branches, and
leaves, fo as to referable a leaden tree fufpended by its
roots from a molly hill. In this way we have produced
a vegetation that has nearly filled a cylindrical glafs-jar
ol a toot in height, and four or five inches in diameter.
Sect. V. Recreations and Contrivances
Electricitt.
relating to
The fubjeft of ele&ricity, like that of chemiftry, af-
fords ample room for fcientific recreations. Of thefe Ele<3rifal
we have given a large colleaion in our treatife on ELEC-reCrCatl0ns*
tricity,, and {hall here only enumerate the more ftrik-
ing experiments.
. Thefe are, the phenomena produced by paper when ex¬
cited by caoutchouc or Indian rubber (fee Electricity
Part I. Chap. 3.) 3 the experiments of the dancing-
figures, dancing-halls, illuftrating ele&rical attraftion and
repulfion 3 the elcBrical orrery, and elellrifed cotton,
illuftrating the adion of points 3 the c/ettrifed fpider ;
the magic piaure, eleBrical jack, felf moving wheel,
fpiral tube, luminous conduBor, aurora borealis, eleBri-
fed can and chain, and the thunder-houfe.
Sect. VI. Amufements and Contrivances relating to
Galvanism.
The fubjed of galvanifm, though fo nearly allied to 21
eledricity, is capable of fupplying ftill more extraordi-Galvanic
nary experiments, many of which are often witnelfed amu.fe'
with furprife and admiration. Many of thefe have been ^
related in our treatife of Galvanilm. The moft linking
of thefe are, the mufcular contradions produced in dead
animals, efpecially thofe of Aldini (Galvanism, N°
35.) 3 the combuftion of charcoal (N° 42.) 3 the’ de¬
flagration of metals (N° 43.) 3 and the decompofition
of water (N 44.). The experiments on deflagrating
t ie metais, and on other perfed condudors, fucceed bell
v ith a trough of very large plates of zinc and copper 3
but experiments on animal bodies, and other imperfedcon-
4 A dudors,
554
Geographi¬
cal
Reci ca¬
tions.
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Geographi¬
cal recrea¬
tions.
23
Geographi¬
cal horolo¬
gium.
Jig- 20.
24
Gualtier’s
game of
geography.
25
Edge¬
worth’s
portable
globe.
26
Geometri¬
cal recrea¬
tions.
ducVurs, are moft eSt&ual in proportion to the number
of plates employed.
Sect. VII. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Geogbapht.
Some of the problems on the globes, and the ufe of
the analemma engraved on Plate CCXXXV. conftitute
tne principal recreations and contrivances relating to
geography. Po thefe we (hall add only an eafy me¬
thod of approximating to the third problem on the ter-
rellrial globe, (fee Geography, N0 67.), namely,
having the hour at any place given, to find what hour
it is at other places on the earth.
Fig. 20. confiits of an outer circle graduated at the edge
into 96 equal parts, reprefenting the 24 hours and their
quarters, and is marked with two fets of hours from I. to
XII. each the XII. at the top of the figure reprefent¬
ing noon, and the XII. at the bottom, midnight. The
hours on the right hand are of courfe thofe of the even¬
ing, and thofe on the left are morning hours. About
the centre of this large circle there is moveable a cir¬
cular plate, having the figure of a globe in the middle,
and having the circumference divided into 360 equal
parts, comprehending fo many degrees. The diameter
marked o, 180, reprefents the meridian of London. It has
the names of the principal places on the earth marked
at its edge. Of thefe London is the principal, and is
engraved in capitals. Now, by means of this contri¬
vance, if the time at any one of thefe places be given,
we can find very nearly the time at the other places
marked on the inner circle. Thus, liippofe it is X.
o’clock in the forenoon-at London, to find the hour at
the other places in the inner circle, place the word
London oppofite X. on the left hand ; then we lhall
find that at Rome it is a quarter before XL ; at Berlin
it is about XL ; at Stockholm about 20 minutes after
XL at Si Peterjburgh it is noon •, at Bombay it is
nearly III. in the afternoon •, at Pekin it is nearly VI.
in the evening j at Botany Bay it is about VIII. in the
evening } at New Zealand it is X. at. night •, at Mexico
it is about III. in the morning ; at Philadelphia it is V. j
and at the Leeward IJlands about VI. in the morning.
The Abbe Gualtier has contrived a game, by which
he fhows how geography may be taught to young peo¬
ple by means of a fet of toys. This method appears
to be very ingenious, and is much extolled by thofe
who are acquainted with it. As we have not been able
to procure the apparatus, we cannot deferibe the method,
according to which the game is conducted.
Mr Edgeworth propofes that geography fhould be
taught to young people by means of a large globe made
of fiik, maiked with the proper meridians and parallels,
to be occafionally inflated; and that the places met with
in reading fhould be laid down according to their proper
longitudes and latitudes as they occur. See PraBical
Edi/cationy 8vo, vol. ii. p. 239.
Sect. VIII. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Geo METR T.
From among the numerous problems which have
been contrived by geometricians, we fliall feledd a few of
the moft fimple and curious.
Fig. 2i.
To divide a Re&angular Gnomon into four casual and
Jimilar Gnomons.
Suppofe we have the redlangular figure A, B, C, D,
E,F, fig. 21. (a) ; it is required to divide it into four
equal and fimilar reflangular figures.
On examining this figure, we find that the fides AB
and BC are equal, and that if the fides AF and CD
were produced, they would, by meeting, complete the
fquare, of which the gnomon is evidently a part. The
figure therefore forms three-fourths of a Iquare, and may
be divided into three fquares, AHEF, EHBG, and
DEGC. Each of thefe Iquares may in like manner be
divided into four, as reprefented by the dotted lines.
Thus we have the whole gnomon divided into 1 2 equal
fquares, and it is eafy to fee how from this divifion we
may form four figures, each conftituting three-fourths of a
fquare, and confequently fimilar to the original figure.
From four unequal Triangles, of which three nmjl be
Right-angled, to form a Square.
2*7
As the triangles with which this problem is ufually form a
performed, are generally made mechanically, by cutting fquare of
them from a fquare already formed, we ihall for thetour un'.
more eafy folution, follow the fame method in our fir^equa! tri-
illuftration. The fquare A, B, C, D, fig. 22. is divi-
ded into the four triangles E,F, G, H, of which E, F,
and G, are evidently right-angled triangles, while H is
a fcalene triangle.
If thefe triangles were feparate, it would appear very
difficult to unite them, fo as to form a fquare. This
may be done, however, by reflefling that three of the
angles of the fquare muft be formed by the angles of
the right-angled triangles, fo that thefe muft firft be
placed as in the figure, while the fcalene triangle fills
up the vacant fpace, and by its moft acute angle con¬
tributes with the moft acute angles of the two other
large triangles, to form the remaining right angle of the
fquare.
Thefe triangles may be conftrufled geometrically,
without forming them immediately out of a fquare. For
this purpofe the following proportions may be employ¬
ed. Two of the right-angled triangles muft have one
of the fides about the right angle of the fame length in
both. The other fide about the right angle may be in
one, two-thirds of the firft fide in the lame triangle,
while in the other it may be one-half. In the third
right-angled triangle, one of the fides containing the
right angle muft, in the prefent cafe, be one-third, and
the other one-half of the larger fide containing the right
angle in the two former triangles. Having thefe three
triangles formed, the hypothenufes of which are evident¬
ly determined by the length of the fides containing the
right angles, we may eafily conftrudt the remaining tri¬
angle from the hypothenufes of the three triangles alrea¬
dy formed, according to the 22d propofition of the firft
book of Euclid.
To illuftrate this by numbers, let us fuppofe that the
fide of the fquare to be formed is rz four inches. One
of the triangles, as E, will have its longer fide ~ four
inches, its ffiorter =z three inches, and its hypothenufe
= five inches. The fecond triangle, as F, will have its
longer
(a) We have denominated this figure a gnomon, becaufe it refembles, in its outline, that part of a parallelograna
which is diftinguilhed by the name of gnomon in the fecond definition of the feeond book, of Euclid’s Elements.
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
aS
To form a
fquare of
five equal
fquares.
23-
19
Method of
defcribing
an oval.
Tig. 24.
30
Contriv¬
ances for
facilitating
theftudy
of geo¬
metry.
longer fide four inches, its fliorter = two inches, and
its hypothenufe — fquare root of 20 (4.472135); and
the third triangle, as G, will have its longer fide rr two
inches, its Ihorter rr one inch, and its hypothenufe “
fquare root of 5 (2.236068) : the Tides of the remaining
triangle will be refpedively five inches, 4.472135 inches,
and 2.236068 inches.
To form a Square of five equal Squares.
Divide one fide of each of four of the fquares, as
A, B, C, D, (fig. 23, n° 1, and 2,) into two equal parts,
and from one of the angles adjacent to the oppofite fide
draw a ftraight line to the point of divifion ; then cut
thefe four fquares in the diredlion of that line, by which
means each of them will be divided into a trapezium and
a triangle, as feen fig. 23. n° 1.
Laftly, arrange thefe lour trapeziums and thefe four
triangles around the whole fquare E, as feen fig. 23. n°
2. and you will have a fquare evidently equal to the five
fquares given.
To defcribe an Ellipfis cr Oval geometrically.
The geometrical oval is a curve with two unequal
axes, and having in its greater axis two points lo fitua-
ted, that if lines be drawn to thefe two points, from each
point of the circumference, the fum of thefe two lines
will be always the fame. See Conic Sections.
Let AB (fig. 24.) be the greater axis of the el¬
lipfis to be defcribed ; and let DE, interfering it at
right angles, and dividing it into two equal parts, be
the lefler axis, which is alfo divided into two equal
parts at C ; from the point D as a centre, with a radi¬
us = AC, defcribe an arc of a circle, cutting the greater
axis in F and/; thefe two points are what are called
the foci. Fix in each of thefe a pin, or if you operate
on the ground, a very ftraight peg ; then take a thread
or a chord, if you mean to defcribe the figure on the
ground, having its two ends tied together, and in length
equal to the line AB, plus the dnlance Ff ; place it
round the pins or pegs Ff; then ftretch it as feen at
FG/ and with a pencil, or fharp-pointed inftrument,
make it move round from B, through D, A, and E, till
it return again to B. The curve defcribed by the pencil
on paper, or on the ground, by any {harp inilrument,
during a whole revolution, will be the curve required.
This ellipfis is fometimes called the gardener's oval,
becaufe, when gardeners defcribe that figure, they em¬
ploy this method.
An oval figure approximating to the ellipfe, may be
defcribed at one fweep of the compaffes, by wrapping
the paper on which it is to be defcribed round a cylin-
diical funace. If a circle be defcribed upon the paper
thus placed, affuming any point as a centre, it is evi¬
dent that when the paper is extended on a plain furface,
we fiiall have an oval figure, the fhorter diameter of
which will be in the dire&ion of the axis of the cylinder
on which the oval was defcribed. This figure, how¬
ever, is by no means an accurate oval, though it may
ferve very well as the border of a drawing, or for fimi-
lar purpofes, where great accuracy is not required.
In no fcience are amufing contrivances more requi-
fite to facilitate the progrefs of the young pupil than in
geometry. We are therefore difpofed to regard, with
particular attention, every attempt to illuftrate and ren¬
der popular the elements of this fcience. We may fay
55^
with Mr Edgeworth, that though there is certainly no Geometri-
royal road to geometry, the wray may be rendered eafy cal
and pleafant by timely preparations for the journey. Rte^a*
Without fome previous knowledge of the country, or of' A '
its peculiar language, we can fcarcely expert that our
young traveller Ihould advance with facility or plea-
fure. Young people flrould, from their earlielt years,
be accullomed to what are commonly called the regular
folids, viz. the tetrahedron, or regular four-fided lolid ;
the cube, or regular fix-fided folid ; the oftahedron, or
regular eight-fided folid ; the dodecahedron, or regular
12-fided lolid ; and the icofahedron, or regular 20-lided
folid. Thefe may be formed of card or wood, and Mr
Don, an ingenious mathematician of Briftol, has con-
ftru&ed models of thele and other mathematical figures,
and explained them in an Eflay on Mechanical Geome¬
try. Children ihould alio be accuftomed to the figures
in mathematical diagrams. To thefe fliould be added
their refpeftive names, and the whole language of the
fcience Ihould be rendered as familiar as pofiible *. * See EJgt*
We have lately met with a contrivance for rendering rworifis
familiar to children the terms of geometry by means ^Education
an eafy trick. This contrivance is called Le Petit Eu- chap^xvi. *
did, and confifls of two circular cards which are repre- 31
fen ted at fig. 25. Plate CCCCLXXII, and fig. 26.Le Petit
Plate CCCCLXXIII. Each of thefe circles is divided ^uclf
into eight compartments, marked 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 1§' ' J'
and within each compartment are reprefented feveral
mathematical figures or diagrams. In the centre of the
card reprefented at fig. 25. is the word quejlion, and in
that at fig. 26. the word arifiver. On the latter the
figures are ditlingui'.hed by numbers, referring to their
explanations in the following table.
N&
1.
2.
3-
4-
5
The cone.
Curve line.
Quadrant.
A point.
Dotted cofine.
6. Dotted fecant.
7. Cube.
8. Pyramid.
9. A perpendicular.
10. Acute-angled triangle.
11. Decagon.
12. Hexagon.
13. Square.
14. Right-angled triangle.
15. Sphere.
16. Circular fegment.
1 7. An angle.
18. Dotted length.
19. Parallelopipedon.
20. Dotted radius.
21. A fedlor.
22. Heptagon.
23. The bafe.
Dotted abfciffe.
Ilofceles triangle.
Dotted line lubtending
an angle.
Dotted ordinate.
28. Enneagon, or regular
9-fided figure.
4 A 2
24.
26.
27
N°
29. The foci of an ellipfe.
30. Octagon.
31. Rhomboid.
32. Equilateral triangle.
33. Pentagon.
34. Spindle.
35. A fcalene triangle.
36. Parallelogram.
37. Obtufe-angled triangle.
38. Dotted height.
39. Hyperbola.
40. Dotted conjugate dia¬
meter.
41. Dotted hypothenufe.
42. Dotted parameter.
43. Rhombus.
44. Dotted diameter.
45. Dotted fine.
46. An obtufe angW.
47. Parabola.
48. Cylinder.
49. External angle.
50. Dotted tangent.
51. Straight line.
52. Ellipfis.
53. Dotted diagonal.
54. Circle.
55. Dotted tranfverfe dia¬
meter.
56. Prifm.
57. Dotted
556
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Gcometri-
cal
Recrea'
tions.
jy. Dotted verfed fine.
58. Alternate angles.
59. A femicircle.
60. Dotted chord.
61. A right angle.
N°
62. A fpherical fruftum.
63. Vertical or oppofite an-
gles.
64. An acute angle.
To form a trick with thefe cards, the teacher is to
hold the queftion card, and the pupil the anfwer card.
The teacher is to think of a figure in any one of his
compartments, and to mention to the pupil both the
number of the compartment in the queftion, and that
in the anfwer card, on which the figure is found. The
pupil is then to begin with the firft or outmoft diagram
on the left hand of the compartment in his own card,
where the figure thought on is faid to be contained,
and to count from this down the left-hand row towards
the centre, and thence, if neceffary, from the outmoft
diagram on the right hand of the fame compartment
towards the centre, till his counting reaches the number
of the compartment in the queftion card, where the fi¬
gure was at firft found.
For example, let us fuppofe that the teacher thinks
on a figure in the compartment of his card marked 2,
and that he finds the fame figure in the compartment of
the anfwer card which is marked 6. The learner be¬
ginning to count from the firft figure on the left hand
in his fixth compartment, viz. that marked 48, comes
immediately to the figure marked 30, which is that
thought of by the teacher, and proves to be an oftagon.
Again, if the figure thought on be found in the fixth
compartment of the queftion card, and in the fifth of
the anfwer card, the learner beginning with the figure
marked 15, and palling fucceflively to 22, 24, 57, and
49, comes for his fixth place to 36, the figure thought
of, which is a parallelogram.
The defign of this contrivance is ingenious, but its
execution, at lead in the copy which we have feen, is
extremely faulty. Many of the terms are mifprinted,
fome of them inaccurate, and the explanation fcarcely
intelligible. We have endeavoured to reftify thefe de¬
feats, and truft we have fucceeded.
Sect. IX. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
HrDROD TNAM1CS.
32 . In our treatife on Hydrodynamics, under which
. y head we have included Hydrostatics and Hydrau-
secreauons. . r .. f r , ..
Lies, we have deienbed leveral entertaining experiments
and ufeful contrivances, and explained them according
to hydroftatical principles. Thus, at N° 49 and 50,
we have explained the hydrojlatic paradox, (bowing
that the preflure on the bottoms of veffels filled with
fluids does not depend on the quantity of fluid which
they contain, but on its altitude j at N° 51, we have
illuftrated the upward preflure of fluids by the hydrojla¬
tic bellows ; at N° 54 and ^5, we have explained and
illuftrated the ufe of the fyphon *, at N° 112 and 113,
we have Ihown how7 Capillary attraction and the attrac¬
tion of cohefion may be illuftrated by experiment \ in
Chap. III. of Part III. we have deferibed the various
machines employed for railing wrater, fuch as pumps,
fire engines, Archimedes’s ferew, the Perfian wheel,
Sec. and explained their action \ at N° 355, we have
deferibed Bramah’s hydroftatic prefs, and at N° 356, et
feq. wre have deferibed and explained the clepfydra Hydroftatic
with its varieties. The following amufing experiments K-ecrea-
are derived from Ozanam and Montucla. . ,
To cotiflruB a veJJ'cl which, when Jilled to a certain Tan^Ui's
height with any liquor, Jhall retain the liquor, but Jhall Cllp_ ‘
fuffer the whole to efcape when jilled with the fame
fluid ever fo little above that height.
Let there be a metallic veffel, as ABCD, fig. 27. Fig. 27.
divided into two parts by a partition Ff, having in the
middle a fmall round hole, as at M, to receive a tube
MS, about tw7o lines in diameter, fo that the low:er
orifice M may defeend a little below the partition.
This tube is open at both ends, but is to be covered
with another a little larger, clofed at the top, and hav¬
ing on one fide, at the bottom, an aperture, fo that
when w7ater is poured into the veffel, it may force its
way between the two tubes, and rife to the upper ori¬
fice S, of the inner tube. This mechanifm muft be
concealed by a fmall figure of a man in the attitude of
(looping to drink, which we may call Tantalus. This
figure muft have its lips a little above the orifice S.
If w'ater be poured into this veffel, fo long as it does
not afeend above the orifice S, it will be retained ; but
as foon as it gets above this orifice, fo as to touch the
lips of'i'antalus, it will begin to run off, the tubes a6t-
ing in the manner of a fyphon, and carrying off the
whole of the water into the lower cavity, which ought
to have in its fide, near the partition, a fmall aperture
for allowing the air wdiich it contains to efcape, while
the water fupplies its place.
This machine may be rendered ftill more amufing by
conftrudling the fmall figure of Tantalus in fuch a man¬
ner, that when the water has attained its utmoft height,
it (hall caufe the head of the figure to move, fo that its
lips may approach the fluid, thus reprefenting the gef-
tures of Tantalus endeavouring to catch the w7ater to
quench his thrift.
To conflruB a vejfel which, while flanding upright, retains
the liquor poured into it; but if inclined, as for the pur-
pofe of drinking, immediately fuflers it to efcape.
Let a hole be pierced in the bottom or fide of the
veffel to which you are defirous of giving this property,
and infert in it the longer branch of a fyphon, the other
extremity of which muft reach nearly to the bottom, as
feen fig. 284 then fill the veffel wdth any liquor as far as Fig.
the lower fide of the bent part of the fyphon ; it is evi¬
dent that when inclined, and applied to the mouth, this
movement will caufe the furface of the water to rife
above the bending, and from the nature of the fyphon
the liquor wdll begin to flow off; and if the veffel is
not reftored to its former pofition, will continue doing
fo till it becomes empty.
This artifice might be concealed by means of a dou- Fig. sp.
ble cup, as appears at fig. 29. ; for the fyphon a b c,
placed between the twTo fides, will produce the fame ei-
fedt. If the vefftl be properly prefented to the perfon
whom you are defirous of deceiving, that is to fay, in
fuch a manner as to make him apply his lips to the fide
b, the fummit of the fyphon, the inclination of the li- 4
quor wTill caufe it to rife above that fummit, and it wall
immediately efcape at c. T hofe perfons, however, who
are acquainted with the artifice will apply their lips to
the other fide, and not meet with the fame difappointment.
Method
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Hydroftatic
Recrea¬
tions.
33
Fig- 3°-
34’.
Magnetic
35
The dex¬
trous pain¬
ter.
Fig* 3**
Method of conJiruBing an hydraulic machine, in which a
bird appears to drink up all the water that fpouts up
through a pipe, and falls into a bafon.
Let A B D C, fig. 30, be a veffel, divided into two
parts by an horizontal partition E F j and let the upper
cavity be divided into two parts alfo by a vertical par¬
tition G H. A communication is formed between tire
upper cavity B F, and the rower one E C, by a tube
L M, which proceeds from the lower partition, and de-
fcends almoft to the bottom D C. A limilar commu¬
nication is formed between the lower cavity E C, and
the upper one A G, by the tube I K, which, rifing from
the horizontal partition E F, proceeds nearly to the top
A B. A third tube, terminating at the upper extremi¬
ty in a very fmail aperture, defcends nearly to the par¬
tition E F, and pafies through the centre of a bafon
R S, intended to receive the water which iffaes from it.
Near the edge of this bafon is a bird with its bill im-
merfed in it ; and through the body of the bird paffes a
bent fyphon £) P, the aperture of which, P, is much
lower than the aperture £). Such is the conitruftion
of this machine, the ufe ot which is as follows.
Fill the twro upper cavities with water through two
holes, made for the purpofe in the {ides of the veffel,
and which mull be afterwards {hut. It may be eafily
feen that the w7ater in the cavity A G ought not to rile
above the orifice K of the pipe KI. If the cock adapt¬
ed to the pipe L M be then opened, the water of the
upper cavity H F wall flow7 into the lower cavity, wdiere
it wall comprefs the air, and make it pals through the
pipe K I into the cavity AG; in this cavity it will
comprefs the air which is above it, and the air preffing
upon it, will force it to fpout up through the pipe NO,
from whence it will fall down into the bafon.
But at the fame time that the water flows from the
cavity B G, into the lower one, the air will become ra¬
refied in the upper part of that cavity ; hence, as the
weight of the atmofphere will aft on the water, already
poured into the bafon through the orifice O of the af-
cending pipe NO, the water will flow through the bent
pipe Q^SP, into the fame cavity B G ; and this mo¬
tion, when once eftablifhed, will continue as long as
there is any w ater in the cavity A G.
Sect. X. Recreations and Contrivances relating ta
Magnetism.
The attrafting and repelling powder of the oppofite
poles of a magnet, have furnifhed the writers on feienti-
fic recreations wdth a great variety of entertaining expe¬
riments. In our treatife on Magnetism, w7e have fe-
lefted a few of thefe, viz. the communicating piece of
money (Magnetism, N° 39) ; the magnetic table (N°
40) ; the myjlerious watch (N° 41); the magnetic dial
(N° 42) ; and the divining circles (N° 43). We {hall
here deferibe a few other interefting experiments, and
refer fuch of our readers as wifti for a greater variety of
thefe amufements, to the original work of Ozanam al¬
ready mentioned in N° 3, or the Rational Recreations of
Dr Hooper, and to the 51(1 part of the Encyclopedic
Methodique, containing Amufemens des Sciences, with
the plates on Amufemens de Phyfque, in the 42d part
of the fame work.
The dextrous Painter.
Provide two fail'll boxes, as M and N (fig..31.) four
inches wide, and four inches and a half long. Let the Magnetic
box M be half an inch deep, and N two thirds of .an Kt^a‘
inch. Tljey mult both open with hinges, and {hut with . j
a clafp. Have four fmall pieces of light wood (figs.
32, 33, 34, 35.) of the fame fize with the infide of the Fig. 31, 33*
box M, (fig. 31.) and about one third of an inch thick. 34»35*
In each of thefe let there be a groove, as, A B, E F,
C D, G H ; thefe grooves muff be in the middle, and pa¬
rallel to tw7o of the fides. In each of thefe grooves place
a ffrong artificial magnet, as fig. 36. The poles of
thefe magnets mull be properly difpoled wfith regard to
the figures that are to be painted on the beards ; as :s
exprefl'ed in the plate. Cover the bars with paper to
prevent their being feen ; but take care, in patting it
on, not to w7et the bars, as they will be rutted, and
thus their virtue will be confiderably impaired. When
you have painted fuch fubjefts as you choofe, you may
cover them with a very thin clear glafs. At the centre?
of the box N, place a pivot, (fig. 37*) on which a fna^H
circle of pafteboard O P £) B (fig* 3^0 is to *-urn
free. Under this mutt be a touched needle S. Divide
this circle into four parts, which are to be difpofed w'ith
regard to the poles of the needle, as is exprefied in the
figure. In thefe four divilions paint the fame fubjefts as
are on the four boards, but reduced to a fmaller com-
pafs. Cover the infide of the top of this box with a
paper, M, (fee fig. 31.) in which mutt be an opening Fig. 31.
D, at about half an inch from the centre of the box,
that you may perceive fucceflively, the four fmall pic¬
tures on the patteboard circle jutt mentioned. This
opening is to ferve as the cloth on which the little pain¬
ter is fuppofed to draw one of the piftures. Cover the
top of the box with a thin glafs. Then give the firfl:
box to any perfon, and tell him to place any one of the
fsur piftures in it privately, and when he has clofed it,
to give it to you, then place the other box over it, when-
the moveable circle, with the needle, will turn till it
comes in the fame pofition with the bar in the firft box.'
It will then appear that the little dextrous painter has
already copied the pifture that is enclofed in the firft;
box.
The Cylindric Oracle.
3S
Provide a hollow cylinder about fix inches high, and Oylindric
three wide, as A B (fig. 39.) Its cover C D mutt be oracle,
made to fix on in any pofition. On one fide of this box^S"
or cylinder, let there be a groove, nearly of the fame
length with that fide ; in which place a fmall fleel bar
(fig. 40.) that is Itrongly impregnated, with the north
pole next to the bottom of the cylinder. On the up¬
per fide of the cylinder deferibe a circle, and divide it
into ten equal parts, in which are to be written the
numbers from 1 to 10, as is expreffed in fig. 41. Place
a pivot at the centre of this circle, and have ready a
magnetic needle Then provide a bag in which there
are feveral divifions. In each of thefe divifions put a
number of papers, on which the fame or fimilar quef-
tions are to be written. In the cylinder put feveral dif¬
ferent anfwers to each quettion, and feal them up in the
manner of fmall letters. On each of thefe letters or
anfwers is to be written one of the numbers of the dial
or circle at the top of the box. You are fuppofed to
know7 the number of anfwers to each queftion. Then
offer one of the divifions of the bag, (obferving which
divifion it is) to any perfon, and defire him to draw-one-
of
'■ Gn
37
The en¬
chanted
ewer.
Fig. 42.
&S- 43*
Magnetic of the papers. Next put the top on the cylinder, with
that number which is written on the anfwer direfily
over the bar. Then delire the perfon who drew the
queftion to obferve the number at which the needle
(lands, and to fearch in the box for a paper of the fame
number, which he will find to contain the anfwer.—
I he experiment may be repeated by offering another
divinon of the bag to the fame, or another perfon 5 and
placing the number that correfponds to the anfwer over
the magnetic bar, proceeding as before.
It is eafy to conceive feveral anfwers to the fame
queftion. For example, fuppofe the queftion to be, Is
it proper for me to marry ?
Anf. 1. While you are young, not yet; wdien you are
old, not at all.
2. Marry in hafte, and repent at leifure.
3. No, if you are apt to be out of humour with your-
felf j for then you will have two perfons to quarrel with.
4. 'Ves, if you are fure to get a good hufband (or
wife), for that is the greateft blefling of life. But take
care you are fure.
5. No, if the perfon you would marry is an angel; un-
lefs you would be content to live with the devil.
Fix a common ewer, as A (fig. 42.) of about 12
inches high, upon a fquare ftand B C ; on one fide of
which there muft be a drawer D, of about four inches
fquare, and half an inch deep. In the ewer place a hol¬
low tin cone inverted, as A B (fig. 43.) of about four
inches and a half diameter at top, and two inches at bot¬
tom ; and at the bottom of the ewer there muft likewife
be a hole of two inches diameter.
Upon the ftand, at about an inch diftance from the
bottom of the ewer, and diredlly under the hole, place
a fmall convex mirror H, of fuch convexity that a per-
fon’s vifage, when viewed in it at about 15 inches dif¬
tance, may not appear above 2^ inches long.
Upon the ftand likewife at the point 1, place a pivot
of half an inch high, on which muft be fixed a touched
needle li £), inclofed in a circle of very thin pafieboard
O S (fig. 44.) of five inches diameter. Divide this
pafteboard into four parts, in each of which draw a
fmall circle *, and in three of thefe circles paint a head,
as x, tj, %, the drefs of each of which is to be different;
one, for example, having a turban, another a wig, and
the other a woman’s cap. Let that part which con¬
tains the face in eachpi&ure be cutout, and let the fourth
circle be entirely cut out, as it is expreffed in the figure.
You muft obferve, that, the poles of the needle are to be
Uifpofed in the fame manner as in the figures.
Next provide four fmall frames of wmod or pafte¬
board, N° 1, 2, 3, 4, each of the fame fize with the in-
fide of the drawer. On thefe frames muft be painted
the fame figures as on the circular pafteboard, with this
difference, that there muft be no part of them cut out.
Behind each of thefc pidures place a magnetic bar, in
the fame direction as is expreffed in the figures; and
cover them over with paper, that they may not be vi-
fible. Matters being thus prepared, firft place in the
drawer the frame N° 4, on which there is nothing
painted, i hen pour a fmall quantity of w'ater into the
ewer, and defire the company to look into it, afking
them if they fee their own figures as they are. Then
take out the frame N° 4, and give the three others to
any one, defiring him to choofe in which of thofe dref-
fes he would appear. Then put the frame with the
3
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
rig. 44.
drefs he has chofen in the drawer, and a moment after, Magnetic
the perfon looking into the ewer will fee his own face K-^crea-
furrounded with the drefs of that pi ft u re. For, the , tUiJ!S' .
pafteboard circle (divided, as above Mefcribed, into four
parts, in three of which are painted the fame figures
as on three of the boards, and the fourth left blank)
containing a magnetic needle, and the four boards hav¬
ing each a concealed magnet 5 therefore when one of
them is put in the drawer under the ewer, the circle
will correfpond to the pofition of that magnet, and con-
fequently the perfon looking into the top of the ewer
will fee his own face furrounded with the head drefs of x
the figure in the drawer. This experiment, well per¬
formed, is highly entertaining. As the pafteboard cir¬
cle can contain only three heads, you may have feveral
fuch circles, but muft then have leveral other frames:
and the ewer muft be made to take off from the ftand. 3s
Provide a wooden box, about 13 inches long and 7 i?OXOi
inches wide, as ABCD (fig. 45.). The cover of thisp^ ^ j
box ftiould be as thin as pofiible. Have fix fmall
boxes or tablets, about an inch deep, all of the fame fize
and form, as E, F, G, H, I, K, that they may indiferimi-
nately go into fimilar holes made in the bottom of the
large box. In each of thefe tablets is to be placed a
fmall magnetic bar, with its poles difpofed as exprefied
in the figure. Cover each of thefe tablets with a thin
plate of one of the fix following metals, viz. gold, fil-
ver, copper, iron, pewter, and lead. Have alio a mag¬
netic perfpeftive, at the end of which are to be two
circles, one divided into fix equal parts, and the other
into four (as in fig. 46.), from the centre of which there
muft be drawn an index N, w;hofe point is to be placed
to the north. Therefore, when you are on the fide CD
of the box, and hold the perfpeftive over any one of the
tablets that are placed on the holes E, F, G, fo that the
index drawn on the circle is perpendicular to the fide
AB, the needle in the perfpeftive will have its fouth
pole direfted to the letter that denotes the metal con¬
tained in that tablet. When you hold the perfpeftive
over one of the boxes placed in the holes H, I, K, fo
that the index drawn on the circle is perpendicular to
the fide CD, the fouth pole of the needle will, in like
manner, exprefs the name of the metal inclofed. If the
under fide of any of the tablets Be turned upw-ards, the
needle will be flower in its motion, on account of the
greater diftance of the bar. The gold and filver will
llill have the fame direftion •, but the four other metals
will be expreffed by the letters on the interior circle.
If any one of the metals be taken away, the needle
will not then take any of the above direftions, but na¬
turally point to the north ; and its motion will be much
flower. Therefore- give the box to any one, and leave
him at liberty to difpofe all the tablets in what manner
and with what fide upwards he pleafes, and even to
take any of them aw’ay. Then, by the aid of the per-
fpeftive, you may tell him immediately the name of the
metal on each tablet, and of that which he has taken
away. # 3p
Conftruft a round box, ILNM (fig. 47.)> of eight The mag*
or nine inches diameter, and half an inch deep. On itsmtic pla-
bottom fix a circle of pafteboard, on which draw theUJtam^!I><
central circle A, and the feven furrounding circles ‘r-''
B, C, D, E, F, G, II. Divide the central circle into
feven equal parts by the lines AB, AC, AD, AE, AF,
AG, AH, which muft pafs through the centres of the
other
*
F;g' 4 s-
Magnetic other circles, and divide each of them into two equal
T" Parts* -Fhen divide the circumference of each of thefe
i——- ■ circles into 14 equal parts, as in the figure. Have alfo
another palteboard of the fame figure, and divided in
the fame manner, which muft turn freely in the box by
means of an axis placed on a pivot ", one end of which is
to be in the centre of the circle A (fee fig. 48.). On
each of the feven fmaller circles at the bottom of the
box, place a magnetic bar, two inches long, in the
fame direction with the diameters of thofe circles, and
their poles in the fituation expreffed in the figure. There
muft be an index O (fig. 48.), like that of the hour-
hand of a dial, which is to be fixed on the axis -of the
central circle, and by which the pafteboard circle in
the box may be turned about. There muft alfo be a
needle P, wnrch muft turn freely on the axis, without
moving the circular pafteboard. In each of the feven
divifions of the central circle write a difterent queftion ;
and in another circle, divided into 1 2 parts, write the
names of the 12 months. In each of the feven circles
write two anfwers to each queftion, obferving that there
muft be but feven words in each anfwer, in the follow¬
ing manner. . In the firft divifion of the circle G
0%\47-)> which is oppofite to the firft queftion, write
the firft word or the firft anfwer. In the fecond divifion
cf the next circle, write the fecond word, and fo on to
the hift word, which will be in the feventh divifion of
the feventh circle.
In the eighth divifion of the firft circle, write the
firft word of the fecond anfwer; in the ninth divifion of
the fecond circle, write the fecond word of the fame
anfwer, and fo on to the 14th divifion of the feventh
circle, which muft contain the laft word of that an¬
fwer. The fame muft be done with all the feven quef-
tions, and to each of them muft be aftigned two an¬
fwers, the words of which muft be difperfed through
the feven circles. At the centre of each of thefe circles
place a pivot, and have two magneted needles, the
pointed end of one of which muft be north, and the
other fouth, QR (fig. 48.). Now, the index of the
central circle being directed to any one of the queftions,
if you place one ot the two magnetic needles on each of
the feven leffer circles, they will fix themfelves accord¬
ing to the direction of the bars on the correfpondent
circles at the bottom of the box, and confequentlv point
to the feven words which compofe the anfwer. If you
place one of the other needles on each circle, it will
point to the words that are diametrically oppofite to
thole of the firft anfwer j the north pole being in the
place ot the fouth pole of the other. Therefore, pre¬
lent this planetarium to any perfon, and defire him to
choofe one of the queftions there written ; and then fet
the index of the central circle to that queftion, putting
one of the needles on each of the feven circles, turn it
about •, and when they all fettle, they will point to the
ieven words that compofe the anfwer. The two anfwers
°ne ^aV0Ura^Kan<^ t^ie °^her unfavourable, and
the different needles will ferve to diverfify the anfwers
when the experiment is repeated.
I here may be alio a moveable needle to place againft
the names of the months; and when the party has fixed
upon a queftion, place that needle againft the month in
which he was born, which will give the bufinefs a more
myftenous air. On the centre of the large circle may
be the figure of the fun 5 and on each of the feven fmal-
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
559
rjg, 48.
ler circles one of the charaflers of the principal planets. Magnetic
This experiment, w-ell executed, is one of the moft en- K-ecrea-
tertaining produced by magnetifm. tions.
Provide a box XY (fig-49.)> 18 inches long, nine 40
vftde, and two deep, the top of which is to Hide off and The faga-
on at the end Y. Towards the end X, delcribe a cir- c'ous fwai>‘
cle of fix inches diameter, around which are to be fixed f'l2’.45*
fix Imall vafes of wood or ivory, of an inch and a half
high, and to each of them there muff be a cover. At
the end Y place an egg B, of ivory or fome fuch mate¬
rial, about three inches and a half high, with a cover
that Units by a hinge, and faftens with a fpring. It
muft be fixed on the ftand C, through which, as wrell
as the bottom of the egg, and the par t of the box di-
reftly underneath, there is a hole of one-third of an
inch diameter. In this cavity place an ivory cylinder
F, that can move freely, and which rifes or falls by
means of the fpring R. You muft have a thin copper
bafon A, of fix inches diameter, which is to be placed
on the centre of the circle next X, and confequently in
the middle of the fix vales. Let a proper workman
con ft ru ft the movement expreffed by fig. 50. which is
composed of a quadrant G, that has 16 teeth, and is
moveable about an axis in the ftand H, that has an el¬
bow, by which it is ferewed to the bottom of the box
at L. To the quadrant there muft be joined the ftraight
piece K. The horizontal wheel M has 24 teeth, and
is fupported by the piece S, which is ferewed to the
end of the box next Y. On the axis of this wheel
place a brafs rod OP, five inches long; and at the part
O place a large bar or horfe Ihoe, of arfemicircular form,
and about two inches and a half diameter, rtrongly im¬
pregnated. i he fteel rod V, takes at one end the
teeth of the quadrant G, by the pinion F, and at the
other end the wheel M, by the perpendicular wheel N,
of 30 teeth ; the two ends of this rod are fupported by
the txvo {lands that hold the other pieces. Under the
piece K, that jobs to the quadrant, mull be placed the
ipring R, by which it is railed, and pufties up the cy¬
linder that goes through the ftand C into the ego-. You
muft alfo have fix fmall cafes as Y, Y, Y, Y^Y, Y.
I hefe muft be of the fame circumference with the cylin¬
der in the ftand, and round at their extremities j their
le. gtn muft be difterent, that when they are placed 111
the egg, and the lower end enters the" hole in which
is the cylinder, they may thruil it down more or lefs,
when the top of the egg againft which they prefs, is fa-
ftened down ; and thereby lower the bar that is fixed to
the end of the quadrant, and confequently by means of
t-ie pinion Z and wheels NM turn the horfe ftioe that is
placed upon the axis of the laft wheel. The exaft
length of thefe cafes can be determined by trials only j
but thefe trials may be made with round pieces of wood.
In each of ihefe cafes place a different queftion, written
on a flip of paper and rolled up, and in each of the vafes
put the anfwer to one of the queftions; as you will
knowq by trials, where the magnetic bar or horfe {hoe
will ftop. Laftly, Provide a fmall figure of a fwan, of
cork or enamel, in which fix a touched needle, of’the
largeft fize of thofe commonly ufed in fewing.
Being thus prepared, offer a perfon the fix cafes, and
defire him to choofe any one of them, and conceal the
reft, or give them to different perfons. He is then to
open his cafe, read the queftion to himfelf, and return,
the cafe, after replacing the queftion. You then put
ths-
-560
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Mechanic the cafe in the egg, and placing the fwan in the bafon
^ti ns*1" °n ^le water> Vou te^ t^le company Hie \vill foon difco-
1 ^ ^ ver in which of the vafes the anfvver is contained. The
fame experiment may be repeated with all the cafes.
Sect. XL Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Mechanics.
41
Mechanic In the article Mechanics, we have deferibed fome
•recreations. 0f the lighter experiments by which the principles of
that fcience are illuftrated, and have explained the con-
Itruftion and adlion of feveral ingenious and ufeful ma¬
chines. In particular, we have detcribed the windmill
at N° 428. ; feveral carriages that are capable of mov¬
ing without horfes, at Nos. 455, 456, 457, and 458. ;
a carriage that cannot be overturned, at N° 459. ; At-
svood’s machine for illuftrating the doftrines of accele¬
rated and retarded motion, at N° 460. ) a machine for
illuftrating the theory of the w’edge, at 467. 5 a ma¬
chine for illuftrating ihe effedls of the centrifugal force
in flattening the poles of the earth, at 468. j a machine
for trying the ftrength of materials, at 469.) a machine
in which all the mechanical powers are united, 470.;
Fiddler’s balance at 471.5 an improvement in the
balance, 47 2. 5 a machine for fhewing the compofition
of forces, at 473. ; Smeaton’s machine for experiments
on windmill fails, at 474. Smeaton’s machine for ex¬
periments on rotatory motion, at 475. *, Prony’s con-
denfer of forces, at 476. ; a portable ftone crane for
loading and unloading carts, with feveral other cranes,
at 477, 478, 479, 480, and 4825 Bramah’s jib for
cranes, 31481.*, the common worm-jack, at 483.; a
portable loading and unloading machine at 484.5 Vau-
loue’s pile engine at 485. and Bunce’s pile engine at
486. We have alfo, in the articles Androides and
Automaton, deferibed feveral ingenious contrivances
for producing various animal, motions by means of ma¬
chinery, or what is commonly called clock-work, efpe-
cially M. Vaucanfon’s flute-player, and M. Kempell’s
chefs-player.
In the prefent article we {hall firft prefent our read¬
ers w’ith a few mechanical contrivances that may pro¬
perly be called amufing; {hall give the fubftance of an
ingenious paper on the philofophical ufes of a common
watch 5 and ftiall conclude the fedlion with an account
of Edgeworth’s Panorganon, or univerfal machine for
illuftrating the effefl of the mechanical powers.
42
To fupport a pail of water by a Jlich, only one half of
which, or lefs, rejls on the edge of a table.
fig. 51. Let AB (fig. 51.) be the top of the table, and CD
the flick that is to fupport the bucket. Convey the
handle of the bucket over this flick, in fuch a manner,
that it may reft on it in an inclined pofition, as IH, and
let the middle of the bucket be a little within the edge of
the table. That the whole apparatus may be fixed in this
fituation, place another flick as GFE, with one end, G,
refting againft the fide of the bucket at the bottom,
while its middle F, refts againft the oppofite edge of
the bucket at the top, and its other extremity E, refts
againft the firft flick CD, in which a notch Ihould be
cut to retain it. By thefe means the bucket will re¬
main fixed in that fituation, without inclining to either
fide 5 and if not already full of water, it may be filled
4
with fafety, for its centre of gravity being in the verti¬
cal line pafling through the point H, which meets with
the table, it is evident that the pail is in the fame cir-
cumftances as if it were fufpended from that point of the
table where the vertical line would meet the edge. It
is alfo evident that the flick cannot Hide along the table,
nor move on its edge, without railing the centre of gra¬
vity of the bucket, and of the water which it contains.
'I he heavier it is, therefore, the more {table will be its
pofition.
According to this principle, various other tricks of
the fame kind, which are generally propoled in books
on mechanics, may be performed. For example, pro¬
vide a bent hook DGF, as feen at the oppofite end of
the fame figure, and infert the part, FD, in the pipe of
a key at D, which muft be placed on the edge of a ta¬
ble 5 from the lower part of the hook fufpend a weight
G, and difpofe the w’hole in fuch a manner that the
vertical line GD may be a little w'ithin the edge of the
table. When this arrangement has been made, the
weight will not fall 5 and the cafe will be the fame with
the key, which, had it been placed alone in that fitua¬
tion, would perhaps have fallen 5 and this refolves the
following mechanical problem, propofed in the form of
a paradox : A body having a tendency to fall by its own
weight, how to prevent it from falling, by adding to it a
weight on the fame fide on which it tends to fall.
To conflruB a figure which, without any counterpoife,
fihall always raife itfelf upright, and preferve or re¬
gain that pofition, however it may be dijturbed.
Let a figure, refembling a man, ape, &c. be formed 43
of fome very light fubftance, fuch as the pith of elder,
which is foft, and can eafily be'cut into any required
figure. Then provide a hemifpherical bafe of fome very
heavy fubftance, fuch as lead. The half of a leaden
bullet made very fmooth on the convex part will be
very proper for this purpofe. If novv the figure be ce¬
mented to the plain part of this hemifphere 5 in what¬
ever pofition it may be placed it will rife upright as
foon as it is left to itfelf 5 for the centre of gravity of its
hemifpherical bafe being in the axis, tends to approach
the horizontal plain as much as poflible. This it can¬
not attain till the axis becomes perpendicular to the ho¬
rizon 5 but as the fmall figure, on account of the difpro-
porlion between its weight and that of the bafe, fcarcely
deranges the latter from its place, the natural per¬
pendicularity of the axis is eafily regained in all pofi-
tions. a
According to this principle were conftrufted the
fmall figures called Pruflians, which fome years ago
conftituted one of the amufements of young people.
They were formed into battalions, and being made to
fall down by drawing a rod over them, immediately
ftarted up again as foon as it was removed. On the
fame principle fereens have been conftrufted, fo as to
rife of themfelves when 'they happen to be thrown
down.
To make a body afeend along an inclined plane in confe- 44
quence of its own gravity.
Let a body be conftrudled of wood, ivory, or fome big- £*■
fuch material, confifting of two equal right cones united
by
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE. s6i
Mechanic by their bafes, as EF (fig. 5 2.) ; and let two ftraight,
Reerea- fmooth rulers, as AB, CD, be fo placed as to join
. ^ ' ■ in an angle at the extremities A, C, and diverge to-
Fig. 53. wards B, D, where they muft be a little elevated, fo
that their edges may form a gently inclined plane. If
now the double cone be placed on the inclining edges,
pretty near the angle, it will roll towards the elevated
ends of the rulers, and thus appear to afcend ; for the
parts of the cone that reft on the rulers growing fmaller
as they go over a larger opening, and thus letting down
the larger part of the body, the centre of gravity def-
cends, though the whole body feems to rife along the
inclined plane.
To infure the fuccefs of this experiment, care muft
be taken that the height of the elevated ends of the
rulers be lefs than the radius of the circle forming the
bafe of the cones.
.44 Explanation of the upright P oft ion preferved bij a Top or
Tee-totum while it is revolving.
This is explained on the principle of centrifugal force,
which teaches us that a body cannot move in a circular
direftion without making an effort to fly off from the
centre j fo if it be confined by a firing made faft in that
centre, it will ftretch the firing in proportion as the cir¬
cular motion is more rapid. See Dynamics. It is this
centrifugal force of the parts of the top or tee-totum
that preferves it in an upright pofition. The inftrument
being in motion, all its parts tend to fly off from the
axis, and that wath greater force the more rapid the re¬
volution. Hence it followTS, that thefe parts are like fo
many powers a&ing in a dire&ion perpendicular to the
axis. As, however, they are all equal, and pafs ra¬
pidly round by the rotation, the inftrument muft be in
equilibria on its point of fupport, or the extremity of the
axis on w'hich it turns. The motion is gradually im¬
peded by the fri&ion of the axis againft the furface on
which it moves •, and we find that the inftrument re¬
volves for a longer time, in proportion as this fri&ion is
avoided by rendering very fmooth the furfaces of the
^ axis, and the plane on which it moves.
Philofophi- There are many obfervations and experiments in dif-
cal ufes of ferent departments of fcience, the accuracy of which de-
ssvatch11011 Penc^s greatly> and in fome cafes entirely, on the accu-
' a c • rate meafurement of minute portions of time ; fuch, for
inftance, as the determination of the velocity of found,
the nature of the deicent of falling bodies, the meafure
of the fun’s diameter, the diftance of two contiguous, or
at leaft apparently contiguous, heavenly bodies taken at
{heir paffage over the meridian, and the diftance of
places from the difference of the velocity of light and
found. A pendulum for fwinging feconds has ufually
been employed for thefe and limilar purpofes, and in an
obfervatory is found to be very convenient; but a watch,
by being more portable, is calculated to be more gene¬
ral in its application, and will meafure fmaller portions
of time than any other inftrument that has been invent¬
ed. Befides, it poffeffes this peculiar advantage, that
in all fituations its beats may be counted by the ear, at
the fame time that the object of obfervation is viewed
by the eye, fo that no lofs is incurred, as muft inevi¬
tably happen, when the eye is ufed to view both the
object and pendulum in fucceflicn, ftiould this latter be
ever fo quick. But it will be objected here, that few
Vafc. XVIII. Part II.
watches meafure time accurately, and that, from the Mechanic
different conltruftions of watches, the times correfpond- Kecrea-
ing to their beats vary in a very confiderable degree., tl()ris'
We allow thefe objections to be true, and conceive that
to them the reafon may be attributed, w’hy the beat of
a watch is not generally applied as the meafure of the
loweft denomination of fubdivifions of time. We fliall
therefore endeavour to obviate thefe objections, by Ihew-
ing how any tolerably good watch, whatever be its con-
ftruCtion, may be applied with advantage to many phi-
lofophical purpofes.
We mult, in the firlt place, confider, that the por¬
tions of time which we propofe to meafure by a watch
are fmall,. and thofe to be counted not by a fecond-hand,
as is the cuftom with medical men, but altogether by the
beats j in which cafe, if the watch be not liable to lofe
or gain time confiderably in a day, the error in the rate
°f going will be extremely minute in the time corre-
fponding to any number of beats that the memory can
retain, or that the purpofes to which we propofe the
application to be made will require ; and even if the er¬
ror in the rate of going be confiderable, fo as to amount
to feveral minutes in a day, as it is uniform, it may ea-
fily be allowed for by a correction. Thus, if the error
were five minutes per day, the allowance would be up¬
wards of jig- part. Hence the firft objection, which re¬
lates to the error occafioned by the rate of going of any
wratch, will conftitute no real obftacle to its application
in the afcertaining of fmall portions of time, provided a
hidden change of temperature be avoided at the time of
ufing it 5 for it wall be neceffary that the rate of going
be eftimated when the temperature is the fame, as when
the watch is ufed for philolbphical purpofes ; fo that if
it is ufually worn in the pocket, it may be held in the
hand to the ear, but if it be hanging in a room or in
the open air where the rate of going is afcertained, it
muft be hung near the ear, under fimilar circumftan-
ces, w'here any obfervation is intended to be made
by it.
As to the other objeftion, which applies to the varia¬
tion in the lengths ol the beats of two different watches,
owing to the difference of their conftruClions, though
they indicate hours and minutes alike, it may be very
readily removed. All common w'atches have the fame
number of w’heels and pinions, w'hich are known by the
fame names, and placed, no matter howr varioufly, fo zv
to aft together without interruption j but all watches
have not their correfponding wheels and pinions divided
into the fame number of teeth and fpaces; and from
this circumftance the beats of different w7atches differ
from each other. As the rate of going of a watch is
regulated by the lengthening or Ihortening of a fpring,
without any regard being had to the numbers which
compofe the teeth of the wheels and pinions, a great la¬
titude is allowable in the calculation of thofe numbers j
of which the different makers avail themfelves according
as the numbers on the engines they ufe for cutting the
teeth require j but whatever the numbers may be of
which the wheel-work confiffs, if wre divide double the
produft of ail the wheels, from the centre wheel to the
crown wheel inclufively, by the produft of all the pi¬
nions with which they aft, the quotient will invariably
be the number of beats of the watch in queftion in one
hour ; and again, if we divide this quotient by 3600,
the number of feconds in an hour, this latter quotient
4 B will
562
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Mechanic will be the number of beats in every fecond, which may
*Vioasa~ ke carried to any number of places in decimals, and be
— y~L„ 1 copied upon the watch-paper for infpeclion whenever it
may be wanted.
Wh en any particular watch is cleaned, the workman
may be directed to count, and return in writing, the
numbers of the centre wheel, the third wheel, the ecn-
trate wheel, and the crown (balance) wheel, and alfo
of the three pinions wdrich they actuate, refpedlively,
from which the calculation of the length of a beat is ea-
fily made by the rule juft given, and when once made,
will apply in all inftances wdrere that individual watch
is ufed. It may be remarked here, that no notice is
taken of the wdieels and pinions which conftitute the
dial work, or of the great wheel and pinion with which
it afts j the ufe of the former of thefe is only to make
the hour and minute hands revolve in their refpective
times, and may or may not be the fame in all watches 3
and the ufe of the latter, the great wheel and its pinion,
is to determine, in conjunffion with the number of fpi-
rals on the fufee, the number of hours that the watch
fhall continue to go, at one winding up of the chain
round the barrel of the mainfpring. All thefe wheels
and pinions, therefore, it will be perceived, are unne-
ceffary to be taken into the account in calculating the
beats per hour. The reafon why double the product of
the wheels fpecified is taken in the calculation is, tlut cne
tooth of the crown wheel completely efcapes the pa-
lats at every two beats or vibrations of the balance.
A few examples of the numbers exhibited in the
wheels of fome common watches will render the gene¬
ral rule which we have laid down more intelligible.
We thall take four examples, the firft exprefting the
numbers of a common watch, as given by Mr Emmer-
fon. In this watch the centre wdreel contained ^4 teeth,
its pinion 6 teeth •, the third wheel 48 teeth, its pinion
6 5 the contrate w'heel 48 teeth, and its pinion 6 •, the
crown wheel 15 teeth, befides 2 palats. Now, we have
34X43X48X15X2^:3^32480 for double the pro-
duft of the fpecified wheels, and 6x6x6rr2i6 for
the produdft of the fpecified pinions 5 alfo —
216
17280 are the number of heats in an hour : accordingly
Mr Emerfon fays that this watch makes about 4.75
beats in a fecond. The number of fpirals on the fufee
48
is 7 5 therefore, 7 the number of hours that
the watch wall go at one winding up : likewife the dial
work — X-- = —^-=12 fhews that whilft the firft
10 12 120
driving pinion of 10 goes 12 times round, thelaft wheel
of 36 goes only once •, whence the angular velocity of
two hands carried by their hollow axles are to each
other as 1 2 to 1.
In a fecond example the numbers in the calculation
of beats per fecond will be as follows, 60 X 60 x 60 X
13 X 2—5616000:=: double the produft of the wheels,
and 8 x 8 X 6=r:3 84, the produft of the pinions j then
15616000 „ , , „ ,
  s =■ 14625= the number of beats in an hour.
384
and —^^^=4.0625, the number of beats per fecond.
In a third watch tire numbers require the following
calculation 54X52 X 52 X 13 X 2=3796416, for dou¬
ble the produft of the wheels, and 6x6x6=216, the Me .fame
product of the pinions: therefore -—= 17 C76
216
1 I *7 " '“(S
the beats in an hour, and —=4.882, beats per fe¬
cond.
Ktc<(_a-
tions.
‘ ^ .5 * O'-'/v j 3 / 1 uuu-
ble the product of the wheels, and 6x6x6=216, the
product of the pinions, confequently ^-2—2^5? gives
216 ^
17188 beats in an hour, which, divided by 3600, gives
4 7746 for the beats per fecond.
It remains now to adduce an example or two of the
mode of applying the beats of a watch to philofophical
purpofes.
For one example let us fuppofe with Dr Herfchel,
that the annual paiallax of the fixed ftars may be aicer-
tained by obierving how the angle between two ftars.
very near to each other, varies in oppofite parts of the
year. For the purpofe of determining an angle of this
kind, where an accurate micrometer is wanting, let a
telcieope that has crofs wires be directed to the ftars
when pafling the meridian, in fuch a manner that the
upright wire may be perpendicular to the horizon, and
let it remain unmoved as boon as the former of the two
ftars is juft coming into the field of view \ then fixing
tiie eye to the telelcope and the watch to the ear, re¬
peat the word one along with every beat of the watch
before the ftar is arrived at the perpendicular hair, until
it is in conjunction with it, from which beat go on itvo,
three, four, <&‘c. putting down a finger of either hand
at every twenty till the lecond ftar is feen in the fame
fituation that tire leading ore occupied at the com¬
mencement of the counting 5 then, thefe beats divided
by the beats ner.ftcond, marked on the watch-paper,
will give the cxaCt number of uncorreCted feconds, by
which the following ftar pafies later over the meridian
than the leading one. When thefe feccnds and parts
of a fecond are afeertained, we have the following ana¬
logy for determining the angle, which includes alfo the
correction, namely,—as 2511 56' 4", 098 (the length of
a fideie-al rotation of the earth), plus or minus the daily
error in the rale of going, are to 360° j fo is the num¬
ber of obferved feconds of time, to the quantity of the
horizontal angle required. The watch is here fuppofed
to be regulated to (hew folar time 5 but if it fhould be
regulated exaCtly for fidereal time, inftead of 2511 56'
4" 098, we muft ufe exaCtly 24 hours in the analogy.
As a fecond inftance, let it be required to afeertain
the diftance of the nearer of two eleCfrified clouds from
an obferver when there are fucceflive peals of thunder
to be heard : a little time before the expeCled repetition
of a flafti of lightning place the watch at the ear, and
commence the numbering of the beats at the inftant
the flafti is fecn, as before direfted, and take care to
ceafe with the beginning of the report. Then the beats
converted into feconds, with the pioportional part of the
daily error added or fubtrafted, will give the difference
of time taken up by the motion of the light and found.
If, laftly, we fuppofe light to be inftantaneous at fmall
diftances, the diftance of the nearer cloud will be had
by multiplying the diftance that found is known to pafs
through in a fecond by the number of obferved feconds
obtained from the beats that were counted.
Many
Mechanic
Kecrea-
t’ollfi.
* See Ni-
ehol. Jour.
4to, vol. iii.
46
Mge-
cvorth’s pa-
tforganon.
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
5 6.3
Many more inftances might be pointed out, in which
ihs beat? of a erood watch would be extremely fervice-
able in the practical branches oi plMioiopu. , byt the
occurrence of inch inftances will always point out
the propriety of the application, when it is once known
and praftifed.
We (hill therefore mention only one further advan¬
tage which feems peculiar to this mode of counting a
limited number of feconds by a watch, namely, that it is
free from any error which might arife from the gradua¬
tions of a dial^plate, or unequal divifions in the teeth of
wheels and pinions, where the feconds are counted by a
hand.
In order to introduce this method of meafuving fmall
portions of time accurately', it is defireable that a watch
be conlfrufled fo as to make an exa6! number of beats
per fecond without a fradfion, for then the reduction of
beats into feconds would be more readily made. With
the' view of promoting this obje£I, Mr William Pearfon
has calculated numbers for a watch, which will pro¬
duce the defired effect, and which, as they are equally
practicable with thofe in ufe, rve lhall here infert. By
the method of arrangement already given, the numbers
proper for fuch a w'atch, as will indicate hours, minutes,
and feconds, by three hands, and alfo make juft four
beats per fecond, will Hand thus, viz.
50 great wheel
10—60 centre wheel
8—64 third wheel
8—48 contrate wheel
6—15 crown wheel
2 palats.
Dial work as ufual.
Six fpirals on the fufee—to go 30 hours.
By the preceding general rule for afcertaining the
beats per fecond in any watch, the calculation of thefe
numbers will be thus: 60 X 64 X 48 X 15 X 2=5529600,
and 8 X 8 X 600:3 84 ; then—14400 the beats
3°4
in an hour, and exa6tly, for the beats per fe-
3600
cond; which agreement with the rule is a proof of the
accuracy of the numbers.
Before we conclude this fubjetff, we may caution me¬
dical gentlemen againft an impofition which is praftifed
by fome watchmakers in the fale of watches with lecond
hands. It is no uncommon thing with fome of thefe
workmen to put a fecond hand with a flop and an ap¬
propriate face to a watch, the wheel work of which is
not calculated for indicating feconds. The fecond
watch, the numbers of which are fet down a little
above, was of this kind. In this watch that part of the
train which lay between the axle of the centre wheel
and that of the contrate wheel on which the hands are
placed, viz. — X-g — to only 56.25, inftead of 60, fo
that feconds are deficient in every minnte, a de¬
ficiency which in 16 minutes is equal to a whole revolu¬
tion of the fecond hand *.
For the purpofe of bringing to our affitlance the fenfe
of feeling, in teaching the • e of the mechanic powers,
Mr Edgeworth has confiriuffed the folio- ,ing apparatus,
to which he gives the name of panorganon.
It is compofed of two principal parts, a frame for
containing the moving machinery, and a capfian or Mechanic
windlafs erefled on a J:ll or plrtuk ** f“l>k » few h-e.rc"
inches into the ground. By thefe means, and bv braces r t:onS'
r ; » , i n > rr.T J r •, ' V'”"*”-
01* preps, rne name in icnueicu ItCKUy. JL IIC OlU'.S i;i!I
or tranfom is ftrengthened by braces, and a king-pojl to
make it lighter and cheaper. The capfian coniiits of an
upright (haft, on which are fixed two drums (a!x>ut
either of which a rope may be wound), and two arms or
levers, by which the capftan may be turned round.
There is alfo an iron ferew fixed round the lower part
of the draft, to drew the properties of the ferew as a me¬
chanic power. The rope which goes round the drum,
paffes over one of the pulleys near the lop of the frame,
and below another pulley near the bottom. As two
drums of different fizes are employed, it is neceffary to
have an upright roller, for condufting the rope to the
pulleys in a proper direction, when either of the drums
is ufed. Near the frame, and in the diredffion in which
the rope runs, is made a platform or road of deal boards,
one board in breadth and 20 or 30 feet long, on which
a fmall Hedge loaded with different weights may be
drawn.
Fig. 53 reprefents the principal parts of this appa-Fig.
ratus. FF, the frame j b, b, braces to keep the frame
Heady 5 a, a, a, angular braces, and a king-poll to
ftrengthen the tranfom 5 S, a round taper ihaft, ilreng-
thened above and below the mortices, through which
the levers pafs, with iron hoops; L </, two arms or levers
by which the (haft, &c. are to be moved round ; DD,
the drums, which are of different circumferences ; H,
the roller to condudt the rope; P, the pulley, round
which the rope pafles to the larger drum ; P 2, another
pulley to anfwer to the fmaller drum ; P 3, a pulley-
through which the rope paffes when experiments are
made with levers, &c.; P 4, another pulley through
which the rope paffes when the Hedge is ufed ; R 0, the
road of deal boards for the fledge to move on ; S /, the
Hedge with pieces of hard wood attached to it to guide
it on the road. ^
As this machine is to be moved by the force of menUies of thS
or children, and as this force varies, not only with the',anorga‘
ftrength and weights of each individual, but alfo accord-11011*
ing to the different manner in which that ilrength or
weight is applied, we muff in the firft place eitablifh
one determinate mode of applying human force to the
machine, as well as a method of determining the rela¬
tive force of each individual, whofe ftrength is employed
in fetting it in motion.
I. To ejhmate the force with which a perfon can draw
horizontally by a repe over his Jhoulder.
Hang a common long fcale-beain (without feales or ^
chains) from the top or tranfom of the frame, fo that
one end of it may come within an inch of one fide or
poll of the machine. Tie a rope to the hook of the
fcale-beam, where the chains of the (cale are ufually
hung, and pafs it through the pulley P3, which is
about four feet from the ground ; let the perfon pull
this rope from 1 towards 2, turning his back to the
machine, and pulling the rope over his fhoulder (fig.
58.J. As the pulley maybe either too high or too Fi£'5J-
low to permit the rope to be horizontal, i.be perfon who
pulls it fliculd be placed 10 or 15 feet from the ma¬
chine, which will leffen the angular dire&ion of the
cord, and thus di mini Hi the inaccuracy of the experi-
4 B 2 ment.
5^4 AMUSEMENTS
Mechanic ment. Hang weights to the other end of the fcale-
Recrea- u .*’i < r ,, , . _ n r
ucmn, net uic per ion x'vjiG puns can but juit walk tor-
tions.
ward, pulling fairly without knocking his feet againft
tUi.wr ••'owr'iit will ^llimxle th»* —-*■*-
“‘V_ ^ • o ' _ -  
which the peifon can draw horizontally by a rope over
his (houlder.
Let a child who tries this, walk on the board with
dry Ihoes; let him afterwards chalk his fhoes, and then
try it with his {hoes foaped. He will find that he can
pull with different degrees of force in thefe different
circumlxances. When he makes the following experi¬
ments, however, let his {hoes be always dry, that he
may always exert the fame degree of force.
OF SCIENCE.
accuftom the learners to calculate the relation between Mechanic
the power and the effeiff in different circuipftauses, al- Recre^
ways pointing o.»t ±?- ~^evcr excefs there is in the tions-
power, or in the refinance, is always compenfated ’
by the difference of fpace through which the inferior
paffes.
The experiments which we have mentioned are fuf-
ficiently latisfaflory to a pupil, as to the immediate re¬
lation between the power and the refill ante ; but the
different fpaces through which the power and the refin¬
ance move when one exceeds the other, cannot be ob¬
vious, unlefs they pafs through much larger fpaces than
level's will permit.
49 2. To Jhew the force of the three different kinds of Levers.
i'b' 54, The lever L (fig. 54.) -is paffed through a focket
(fig. 55.) in which it can be Ihifted from one of its ends
towards the other, fo that it may be faftened at any
place by the ferew of the focket. This focket has two
gudgeons, upon which both the focket and the lever
which it contains can turn. The focket and its gud¬
geons can be lifted out of the hole in which it plays
between the rails RR (fig. 54.), and may be put into
other holes at R, R, (fig. 57.)
Hook the cord that comes over the perfon’s fhoulder
to the end I, of the lever L. Loop another rope to
the other end of this lever, and let the perfon pull as
before. Perhaps it ffrould be pointed out that the per¬
fon muff walk in a dire&ion contrary to that in which
he xvalked before, viz., from 1 towards 3. (fig. 53.).
The height to which the weight afeends, and the di-
llance to which the perfon advances, fhould be careful¬
ly marked and meafured 5 and it will be found, that
he can raife the weight to the fame height, advancing
through the fame fpace as in the former experiment.
In this cafe, as both ends of the lever moved through
equal fpaces, the lever only changed the direftion of the
motion, and added no mechanical power to the direft
flrength of the perfon.
3. Shift the lever to its extremity in the focket; the
Tig' middle of the lever will nowr be oppofite to the pulley
(fig. 56.) : hook to it the rope that goes through the
pulley P3, and fallen to the other end of the lever the
rope by which the perfon is to pull. This will be a
lever of the fecond kind, as it is called in books of me¬
chanics •, in ufing which, the reftfance is placed between
. the centre of motion or fulcrum and the moving power.
He will norv raife double the w’eight that he did in ex¬
periment 2. and he will advance through double the
fpace.
4. Shift the lever, and the locket which forms the
axis, (without fhifting the lever from the place in which
it was in the focket in the laft experiment) to the holes
j']a ^.7. that are prepared for it at RR, (fig. 57.). The free
end of the lever E will now be oppofite to the rope,
and to the pulley (over which the rope comes from the
fcale beam). Hook this rope to it, and hook the rope
by which the perfon pulls to the middle of the lever.
The effeft will now be different from what it w'as in the
laft two experiments ; the perfon will advance only half
as far, and will raife only half as much weight as before.
This is called a lever of the third kind.
The experiments upon levers may be varied at plea-
fure, increafing or diminiftring the mechanical advan¬
tage, fo as to balance the power and the refiftance, to
5. To ffew the different fpace through which the power 5°
and refjiance ?nove in different circumjlances.
Place the fledge on the fartheft end of the wooden Fig. 53.
road (fig. 53.) 5 faften a rope to the fledge, and con-
daft it through the loweft pulley P 4, and through the
pulley P 3, fo that the perfon may be enabled to draw
it by the rope puffed over his ftroulder. The {Edge muft
now be loaded, till the perfon can but juft advance with
Ihort fteps fieadily upon the wooden road ; this muft be
done with care, as there will be but juft room for him
befide the rope. He will meet the fledge exa&ly on
the middle of the road, from which he muft ftep afide
to pais the fledge. Let the time of this experiment be
noted. It is obvious that the perfon and the fledge
move with equal velocity, there is therefore no me¬
chanical advantage obtained by the pulleys. The
weight that he can draw will be about half a hundred,
if the weight be about nine ftones j but the exact force
with which the perfon draws is to be known by experi¬
ment firft. z
6. To the lafgeft drum (fig. 53.) faften a cord, and Wheel and
pafs it through the pulley P downwards, and then-axle,
through the pulley P4, to the fledge placed at the end Fig. 53.
of the wooden road w’hich is fartheft from the machine.
Let the perfon, by a rope faftened to the extremity of
one of the arms of the capftan, and paffed over his
{boulder, draw the capftan round; he will wind the
rope round the drum, and draw the fledge upon the
road. To make the fledge advance 24 feet upon its
road, the perfon muft have walked circularly 144 feet,
which is fix times as far, and he will be able to draw
about three hundred weight, wdiich is fix times as
much as in the laft experiment.
It may now be pointed out, that the difference of
fpace, palled through by the power in this experiment,
is exaftly equal to the difference of weight which the
perfon could draw without the capftan.
7. Let the rope -be now attached to the fmaller
drum; the perfon will draw nearly twice as much
weight upon the fledge as before j and will go through
double the fpace.
8. Where there is a number of perfons, let five or fix
of them, whofe pow'er of drawing (eftimated as in ex¬
periment I.) amounts to fix times as much as the force
of the perfon at the capftan, pull at the end of the rope
which was faftened to the fledge ; they will balance the
force of the perfon at the capftan: either they or he, by
a fudden pull may advance* but if they pull fairly, there
will be no advantage on either fide. In this experi¬
ment the rope flrould pafs through the pulley P 3, and
fttould be coiled round the larger drum. And it muft
alfo
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE. 56^
Mechanic alfo be obferved, that in all experiments upon the mo-
Kecrea- tjon 0f bodies, on which there is much fritlion, as where
. ti0J!s' . a fledge is employed, the refults are never lo uniform as
under other circumftances.
The pulley. p. Upon the pulley we fhall fay little, as it is in
every body’s hands, and experiments may be tried upon
it without any particular apparatus. It flrould, however,
be dihinftly inculcated, that the power is not increafed
by a fixed pulley. For this purpofe, a wheel without a
rim, or, to fpeak with more propriety, a number ot
fpokes fixed in a nave ihould be employed (fig. 61.)
Pieces like the heads of crutches fhould be fixed at the
ends of thefc fpokes, to receive a piece of girthweb,
which is ufed inftead of a cord, becaufe a cord would
be unfteady} and a ftrap of iron with a hook to it
fhould play upon the centre, by which it may fome-
times be fufpended, and from which at other times a
weight may be hung.
Let this fkeleton of a pulley be hung by the iron
ftrap from the tranfom of the frame *, fallen a piece of
web to one of the radii, and another to the end of the
oppofite radius. If two perfons of equal weight pull
thefe pieces of girthweb, they will balance each other }
or two equal weights hung to thefe webs, will be in
equilibrio. If a piece of girthweb be put round the
aftermoft radius, two equal weights hung at the ends
of it will remain immoveable } but if either of them be
pulled, or if a fmall additional weight be added to
either, it will defeend, and the web will apply itfelf
fuccefiively to the afeending radii, and will detach it¬
felf from thofe which are defeending. If this move¬
ment be carefully confidered, it wall be perceived that
the web in unfolding itfelf, adls in the fame manner
upon the radii, as two ropes would, if they were hung
to the extremities of the oppofite radii in fucceftion.
The two radii which are oppofite, may be confidered as
a lever of the firft kind, when the centre is in the middle
of the lever ; as each end moves through an equal
fpace, there is no mechanical advantage. But if this
Ikeleton-pulley be employed as a common block or tackle,
its motions and properties will be entirely different.
Fig. 61. 10. Nail a piece of girth-web to a poft, at the di-
ftance of three or four feet from the ground ; faften the
other end of it to one of the radii (fee fig. 6r.). Faften
another piece of web to the oppofite radius, and let a
perfon hold the Ikeleton-pulley fufpended from the web j
hook weights to the ftrap that hangs from the centre.
The end of the radius to which the fixed girth-web is
faftened will remain immoveable 5 but if the perfon pulls
the web which he holds in his hand upwards, he will be
able to lift nearly double the weight which he can raife
from the ground by a fimple rope without the machine,
and he will perceive that his hand moves through twice
as great a fpace as the weight defeends: he has therefore
the mechanical advantage, which he would have by a
lever of the fecond kind. Let a piece of web be put
round the under radii, let one end of it be nailed to the
poft, and the other be held by the perfon, and it will
reprefent the application of a rope to a moveable pulley;
if its motion be carefully confidered, it will appear that
the radii, as they fucceffively apply themfelves to the
web, reprefent a feries of levers of the fecond kind.
Upon the wooden road lay down a piece of girth¬
web ; nail one end of it to the road •, place the pulley
upon the web at the other end of the board, and bring-
ing the web over the radii, let the perfon taking hold Mechanic
of it, draw the loaded fledge fattened to the hook at ^er|'ea-
the centre of the pulley ) he will draw nearly twice as . t‘or15'
much in this manner as he could without the pulley.
Here the web lying in the road fhews more diitindt-
ly, that it is quieicent where the loweft radius touches
it j and if the radii, as they tread upon it, are obferved,
their points will appear at reft, while the centre of the
pulley will proceed as faft as the fledge, and the top of
each radius facceflively will move twice as far as the
centre of the pulley and the edge.
If a perfon holding a flick in his hand, obferves the
relative motions of the top and the middle, and the bot¬
tom of the flick, whilft he inclines it, he will fee that
the bottom of the ftick has only half the motion of the
top. This property of the pulley has been confidered
more at large, becaufe it elucidates the motion of a
wheel rolling upon the ground ^ and it explains a com¬
mon paradox, which appears at firft inexplicable, the
bottom of a rolling wheel never moves upan the road.
This is afferted only of a wheel moving over hard
ground, wdrrch, in fa<ft, may be confidered rather as lay¬
ing down its circumference upon the road, than as mo¬
ving upon it.
11. The inclined Plane and the Wedge. ^
The inclined plane is to be next confidered. When
a heavy body is to be raifed, it is often convenient to
lay a Hoping artificial road of planks, upon which it
may be puihed or drawn. This mechanical powder,
how'ever, is but of little fervice without the afliftance of
W'heels or rollers; we {hall therefore fpeak of it as it is
applied in another manner, under the name of the
wedge, which is in faft a moving inclined plane ; but
if it be required to explain the properties of the inclined
plane by the panorganon, the wmoden road may be
raifed and let to any inclination required, and the fledge
may be drawm upon it as in the foimer experiments.
Let one end of a lever, N (fig. 59.), with a wheel at p;„ -r^
one end of it, be hinged to the poft of the frame, by &
means of a gudgeon driven or ferewed into the poft.
To prevent this lever from deviating fideways, let a flip
of w'ood be connefted with it by a rail, which fhall be
part in the lever, but which may move freely in a hole
in the rail. The other end of this flip muft be faftened
to a ftake driven into the ground at three or four feet
from the lever, at one fide of it, and towards the end
in which the wheel is fixed (fig. 62.), in the fame man¬
ner as the treadle of a common lathe is managed, and
as the treadle of a loom is fometimes guided.
1 2. Under the wheel of this lever place an inclined
plane (fig. 59.) on the wooden road, with rollers under
it, to prevent friftion ; faften a rope to the foremoft end
of the wedge, and pafs it through the pulleys (P 4 and
P 3), as in the fifth experiment j let a perfon draw the
fledge by this rope over his ftioulder, and he will find;
that as it advances it will raife the weight upwards ; the
wedge is 5 feet long, and elevated 1 foot. Now', if the
perpendicular afeent of the weight, and the fpace
through which he advances, be compared, he will find
that the fpace through which he has palled will be ?
times as great as that through which the weight has af-
cended; and that this w'edge has enabled him to raife 5
times as much as he could raife without it, if hisr
ftrength were applied as in experiment 1. without any
mechanical
5 66 AMUSEMENTS
Mechanic mechanical advantage. By making this wedge in two
Reerea- j)arts hinged together, with a graduated piece to keep
,^ them afunder,the wedge may be adjufted to any given oo-
liquity •, and it will always be found, that the mechanical
advantage of the wedge may be afcertained by compa¬
ring its perpendicular elevation with its bafe. It the
bale of the wedge be 2, 3, 4, 5, or any other number of
times greater than its height, it will enable the perfon
to raife refpedtively 2, 3, 4, or 5 times more weight than
he could do in experiment 1. by which his power is efli-
mated.
54 13. The Screw.
The fcrew is an inclined plane wound round a cylin¬
der : the height of all its revolutions round the cylinder
taken together, compared with the fpace through which
the power that turns it paffes, is the meafure of its me¬
chanical advantage. Let the lever ufed in the laft expe¬
riment be turned in fuch a manner as to reach from its
gudgeon to the fhaft of the Panorganon, guided by an
Fig. 60. attendant lever as before (fig. 60.) Let the wheel
reft upon the lowed helix or thread of the fcrew 5 as the
arms of the fhaft are turned round, the wheel -will
afeend, and carry up the weight wdrich is fattened to the
lever. As the fituation of the fcrew prevents the weight
from being fufpended exaflly from the centre of the
fcrew, proper allowance mnft be made for this in elli-
mating the force of the fcrew, or determining the me¬
chanical advantage gained by the lever. Lhis can be
done by meafuring the perpendicular afeent of the
weight, which in all cafes is ufeful, and more expedi¬
tious than meafuring the parts of a machine, and efti-
mating its force by calculation ; becaufe the different
diameiers of ropes, and other fmall cxrcumftances, are
frequently mittaken in efiimates—both methods fhould
be employed and their refults compared. The fpace
palled through bv the moving power, and by that which
it moves, are infallible data for ettimating the powers of
engines.
Two very material fubje&s of experiment yet remain
for the Panorganon *, friftion, and wheels of carriages :
but perhaps we may be thought to have extended this
feftion beyond its juft proportion to the reft of the ar¬
ticle, in which it is not intended to write a treatife upon
fcience, but to point out methods of initiating young
people in the rudiments of knowledge, and of giving
♦ them a diftinf! view of thofe principles on which they
are founded. No preceptor who has had experience will
cavil at the fuperficial knowledge of a boy of 12 or 13
upon thefe fublefts *, he will perceive that the general
view which we wifh to give, mutt tend to form a tafte
for literature and inveftigation. I he fcioli/l has learned
only to talk—we wifh to teach our pupils to think up¬
on the various objeftj connefted with the prefent ar-
ticle.
The Panorganon may be empltoved in afeertaining
the refiftance of air and water •, the force of different
'mufcics ; and in a g«-pat. variety of amufing and uletul
experiments. In academies and private families, it may
, be crefted in the place allotted lor amufement, where it
<v^rih'- will furnifh entertainment for many a vacant hour.
p o.tical When it has lofi its novelty, the fliaft may from time to
Education, bm“ be taken down, and a fvving may be fufpended in
vo!.u.eM>. Us p!ace +>
& VII. L
OF SCIENCE.
Sect. XII. Recreations and Contrivances relating to Recrea-
OrTlCS. tioiif.
In the articles Catoptrics, Dioptrics, Micro- 55
SCOPE and Perspective, we have defcribtd a variety Optical re-
ofoptical recreations, viz. under Catoptrics, Seft. III.aeat‘0“
CATOPTRICAL ILLUSIONS j the appearance of a boundlefs
vijla ; a fortification apparently of iinmenle extent j a
furprifing multiplication of objects j the optical para¬
dox, by which opaque bodies are feemingly rendered
tranfparent ; the magician'1 s mirror ; the perjpeBive mir¬
ror ; the aftion of concave mirrors in inflaming com-
buftible bodies, and the real apparition- Under Diop¬
trics, page 244 of Vol. VII. optical illujions ; the opti¬
cal augmentation, opticalfuhtraBion; the alternate il/u-
fton ; the dioptrical paradox ; the camera obfeura; the
method of (hewing the fpots on the fun’s difk, and mag¬
nifying fmall objefts by means cf the lun’s rays j the dia¬
gonal opera glafs ; the conftruftion and ufes of the ma¬
gic lantern ; the nebulous magic lantern ; method of pro¬
ducing the appearance of a phantom on a pedeftal placed
on the middle of a table ; and the magic theatre. Un¬
der Microscope, befides fully explaining the con ft ruc¬
tion of the feveral kinds of microfcopes, and explaining
their ufes, we have gwen an account of a great variety
of objefts which are feen diftinftly only by means of
thefe inllruments j fuch as the microfcopic animalcula ;
the minute parts of iufeBs; the ftrufture of vegetables,
&c. ; and under Perspective, we have deferibed and
explained the onamorphojis, an inftrument for drawing
in perfpeftive mechanically, and the camera lucida of Dr
Wollafton. Under Optics, Part III. Chap. 1. we
have explained the conftruftion of the principal optical
inftruments, as multiplying glajfes, mirrors, improve¬
ments on the camera obfeura, by Dr Brewfter and Mr
Thomfon j microfcopes, telefcopes, and various kinds of
apparatus for meafuring the intenfity of light. Under
PyrotechNY, N° 150, we have (hown how artificial
fireworks may be imitated by certain optical deceptions.
At prefent we fhall only deferibe one or two addi¬
tional optical recreations, and explain the nature of the
optical deception called Phantefmagona.
Experiment to Jhaw the Blue Colour of Shadows formed
in Day-Light.
Darken a room in daylight, or towards twilight, fo
that only a fmall proportion of light may enter by the
fhutter. Then holding a lighted candle near the open¬
ing of the fhutter, cait the fhadow of an olqeft, fuch as
a fmall ruler, on a white paper. There will in general
be feen two fhadows, the one blue, and the other orange j
the former of which refembles the blue colour of the
fky in dear funfhine, and is of a greater or lefs intenfity
according as the objeft is brought nearer to a focus.
For explanations of the blue colour of the fey, fee
Optics, Part II. Seft. 4.
The Air-drawn Dagger.
An improred variety of the experiment deferibed un* rghelir-
der Catoptrics, N° 14. by the name of the real appa-drawn dag-
rition, is thus deferibed by Montucla. Fig. 62. repre-ger.
fents a different pofition of the mirror and partition 5^
from that deferibed under Catoptrics, and one better
adapted
2
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
S67
Optisal
Recrea¬
tions
Phantafraa-
goria.
f Nichol.
your- 8 vo,
vol. i. 148.
adapted for exliibidng the faed by various objects.
ABC is a thin partition of a room down to the door,
rvith an aperttue for a good convex lens, turned out¬
wards into the room nearly in a horizontal direction,
proper for viewing by the eye of a perfon Handing up¬
right from the floor, or on a (tool. D is a large con¬
cave mirror, iupported at a proper angle, to reHect up¬
wards through the glafs in the partition B, images of
objects at E, prefented towards the mirror below. A
i'trong light from a lamp, &c. being directed on the ob-
]e£t E, and nowhere elfe ; then to the eye of a fpeifta-
Vor at F, in a darkened room, it is truly furprifing and
admirable to what effect the images are reflected up into
the air at G.
Exhibitions of the appearance of fpedtres have fome-
times been formed on the principles of th’s experiment ;
but the molt linking deception of this kind is the/>/tan-
tcifmavoria, which feme winters ago formed one of the
principal public amufements at Paris and London.
This exhibition was contrived by Mr Philiplthal, and
was conducted in a fmall theatre, all the lights of which
were removed, except one hanging lamp, and this could
be drawn up, fo that its flame was perfectly enveloped
in a cylindrical chimney, or opaque {hade. In this
gloomy and wavering light the curtain was drawn up,
and prefented to the fpedlators a fort of cave, with fke-
letons and other figures of terror, painted or moulded in
relievo on the fides or walls. After a fhort interval the
lamp was drawn up into its chimney, and the fpeftators
were in total darknefs, interrupted only by flafhes of
lightning fucceeded by peals of thunder. Thefe pheno¬
mena were followed by the appearance of figures of de¬
parted men, ghofts, fkeletons, tranfmutations, See. Se¬
veral figures of celebrated men were thus exhibited with
various transformations, fuch as the head of Dr Frank¬
lin, fuddenly converted into a fkull, See. Thefe were
fficceeded by phantoms, fkeletons, and various terrific
figures, which were fometimes feen to contract gradu¬
ally in all their dimenfions, till they became extremely
fmall, and then vanifhed •, while at others, inltead of
feeming to recede and then vanifh, they were, to the
furprife and aftonilhment of the fpeStators, made fud¬
denly to advance, and then difappear, by feeming to
fink into the ground f.
The principal part of thefe phenomena was produced
by a modification of the magic lantern, having all its
parts on a large fcale, and placed on that fide of a femi-
tranfparent fereen of taffeta which was oppofite to the
fpe&ators, inftead of the fame fide, as in the ordinary
exhibitions of the magic lantern. To favour the decep¬
tion, the Aiders wrere made perfectly opaque, except in
thofe places that contained the figures to be exhibited,
and in thefe light parts the glafs was covered with a
more or lefs tranfparent tint, according to the effeSf re¬
quired. The figures for thefe purpofes have alfo been
draw*n with water colours on thin paper, and afterwards
varnifhed. To imitate the natural motions of the ob¬
jects renrefented, feveral pieces of glafs placed behind
each other w’ere occafionally employed. By removing
the lantern to different diftances, and at the fame time
altering more or lefs the pofition of the lens, the images
were made to increafe or diminifii, and to become more
or lefs diAindb at the pleafure of the exhibiter ; fo that,
to a perfon unaccuAomed to the effeSl of optical inftru-
ments, the figures appeared actually to advance and re¬
tire. In reality, however, figures exhibited in this way Cpticul
become much brighter as they are rendered fmaller, R^crea-
while in nature the imperftft tranfparency of the air , t ^s- ,
caufes objects to appear fainter when they are remote,
than when they are nearer the obferver. Sometimes, by
throwing a itrong light on an object really opaque, or
on a living peilcn, its image was formed on the curtain,
retaining its natural motions ; but in this cafe the object
muff have been at a confiderable dillance, otherwile the
images of its nearer and remoter parts could never be
fufficiently diiiinft at once, as the refraction mult either
be too great for the remoter, or too Imall for the nearer
parts *, and there mint alfo be a fecond lens placed at a
fufficient diftance from the firft, to allow the formation
of an inverted image between them, and to throw a le-
cond piCture of this image on the fereen in its natural
erect pofition, unlefs the objeCt be of fuch a nature that
it can be inverted without incovenience f. j l^oumr’s
Dr Thomas Young propoles the follawing apparatus Led. on
for an exhibition fimilar to the phantafmagoria. The light -Ysr. Phil.
of the lamp A (fig. 63.) is to be thrown by the mirror B vo1'1-
and the lenfes C and D on the painted Aider at E, and Fig. 63-
the magnifier F forms the image of the fereen at G.
This lens is fixed to a Aider, which may be-drawn out
of the general fupport or box H j and when the box is
drawn back on its w'heels, the rod IK lowers the point
K, and by means of the rod KL adjufts the Aider in
iuch a manner, that the image is always diftincfly paint¬
ed on the fereen G. When the box advances towards
the fereen, in order that the images may be diminifhed
and appear to vanifli, the fupport of the lens F fuffers .
the fereen M to fall and intercept a part of the light.
The rod KN mufi be equal to IK, and the point I muff
be twice the focal length of the lens F, before the cb-
jeCI, L being immediately under the focus of the lens.
The fereen M may have a triangular opening, fb as to
uncover the middle of the lens only, or the light may be f Ibid.
intercepted in any other manner J. pi. xxviii.
Mr Ezekiel Walker has lately conAruCled a new op- 57
tical inftrument, calculated for affording entertainment ^Valk<-'r’s
to thofe who derive pleafure from optical illuiions. This ^ant<l^ma*
inftrument is called pha?itaf?tiafcope, aud is fo contrived,
that a perfon Handing before it fees a door opened, and
a phantom make its appearance, coming towards him,
and increafing in magnitude as it approaches, like thole
in the phantafmagoria. When it has advanced about
3 feet, it appears of the greateft magnitude, and as it
retires, becomes gradually contraCIed in its dimenfions,
till it re-enters the machine, when it totally vanilhes.
This phantom appears in the air like a beautiful paint¬
ing, and has fuch a rich brilliancy of colouring, as to ren¬
der it unneceffary to darken the room. On the contrary,
this aerial picture is feen with rather greater perfedlion
wdien the room is illuminated. Fig. 64. reprefents a fee- FK. 64,
tion of this machine, and will explain the principles of
its conftru£tion.
ABCD, a wooden box, 36 inches by 21, and 22'
deep. EF, a concave mirror, 15 inches diameter, pla¬
ced near the end ED. AC, the other end, is divided
into twm parts at m by an horizontal bar, of which m
is a fe<ftion. Km a door that opens to the left hand.
no a board ■with a circular opening, 10 inches diameter,
covered with plate glafs in that fide next the mirror.
GHI a drawer, opened at the end I, and covered at
tile top G/tz with tin. plate, .It is reprefented in the fi¬
gure .
S68
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
Optical
Recrea¬
tions.
* Phil.
Mag- vol.
xxvii. 97.
58
Pneumatic
recreations,
gure as drawn out 16 inches, fib a moveable ftage, 15
inches by 6, which hides freely upon the bottom ot the
drawer by means of a ftrong brals rod ca. dx a parti¬
tion fixed to the flage ab, which is 15 inches long, and
reaches nearly to the top of the drawer, x a circular
aperture, 3 or 4 inches in diameter, made near the bot¬
tom of the partition, and at equal diftances from each
end of it. x;r?, a fcreen, 74 inches high by 44, covered with
white paper on that fide next the mirror. This fcreen
prevents any light, refie£led from the end of the drawer,
from paffing through the aperture x. tip, part of the
cover, fixed as reprefented in the figure, to prevent the
infide of the machine from being feen by the oblerver.
When this machine is ufed, take a painting on glafs in
tranfparent colours 5 place it againil the aperture x in the
partition on that fide the mirror, and two fhort candles on
the other fide, between xu and dx. The glafs muft be per¬
fectly opaque, except that part upon which the figure is
painted ; then the light which is tranfmitted through the
painting and falls upon the mirror, is retlefted into the
air where the phantom is formed 5 but the phantom is
much more beautiful than the painting, as the colouring
receives a particular delicacy from the glafles.
When the painting is in the place reprefented in the
figure, the phantom appears without the machine aty;
but if the fiage be drawn out to the end of the drawer
GH, the phantom will appear within the machine at r,
and very fmall. A very pleafing effe£t is alfo produced
from a fmall painting on paper, or a coloured print put
into the place of the painting on glafs, with candles on
the other fide, near b.
MrWalkerhas drown how this inftrument may be em¬
ployed to exhibit feveral phenomena in the heavens j as,
for example, the appearance of Jupiter and his fatellites,
and the colour of Mars and the moon.
To reprefent Jupiter and his fatellites as they appear
through a common telefcope, take a piece of paper
Gained very black, about 3 inches fquare, near the mid¬
dle of which cut a hole perfeClly circular, to reprefent
the planet, and 4 fmall holes, in a line with the centre
of the large one, for the fatellites 5 but thefe muft be
cut out with a fmall punch, as it is difficult to make a
circular hole with a lharp-pointed inftrument. After this
paper has been pafted on a piece of glafs, rough-
ground on one fide, draw 3 or 4 lines acrofs the planet
with a black lead pencil to imitate the belts. From this
fimple conivivance the machine produces a very beauti¬
ful effeft. The new moon reprefented in this way is a
ftriking refemblance of the real objeft in the heavens:
comets and fixed ftars may alfo be reprefented by the
lame method.
The colour of Mars and of the moon, at rifing or
fetting, may be imitated by covering the fcreen %a with
paper ftained red, which will refleeft a ruddy tint upon
the objeft placed at x ; and this tint may be increafed
or decreafed by only altering the liluations of the can¬
dles *.
Sect. XIII. Recreations and Contrivances relating to
Pneumatics.
In our treat!fe on Pneumatics, we have related fe¬
veral entertaining experiments, illuftrating the princi¬
ples of that feience, fuch as experiments proving the
fluidity of the air in N° 52 j that of Hero's fountain
59
in N° 54 ; experiments illuftrating the application of Pneumati-
hydroftatics to air, N° 57, etfeq.; a great variety of cal
experiments with the air pump, N° 160 \ the experi¬
ment of the fyplion fountain, N° 178 j and experiments
on the compreffibility and expanfibility of the air, N°
196, &c. We have alfo, in that article, explained the
conftruftion and operation of the principal pneumatical
engines, fuch as fyringes, fyphons, air pumps, bellows,
&c. The conftruftion and ufes of barometers have
been explained under Barometer, and under Hydro¬
dynamics, N° 72. Thole of thermometers under
Chemistry from N® 194. to 203 j and thole of com¬
mon pumps under the article Pump.
As the account of the air-gun referred to Pneuma- Air-gun,
Tics, has been omitted in that article, we muft here
deferibe the conftru&ion and aftion of that ingenious in¬
ftrument.
The common air-gun is made of brafs, and has twopjg. ^
barrels ; the infide barrel A, fig. 63. which is of a fmall
bore, from whence the bullets are exploded ; and a
larger barrel E C D R on the outfide of it. There is a
fyringe S M N P fixed in the butt of the gun, by which
the air is injefted into the cavity between the two bar¬
rels through the valve E P. The ball K is put down
into its place in the fmall barrel, with the ramnser, as
in any other gun. At SL is another valve, which be¬
ing opened by the trigger O, permits the air to come
behind the bullet, fo as to drive it out with great force.
If this valve be opened and fhut fuddenly, one charge
of condenfed air may be fufficient for feveral difeharges
of bullets; but if the whole air be difeharged on a fingle
bullet, it will drive it out with a greater force. The
difeharge is effeefted by means of a lock, placed here
as in other guns : for the trigger being pulled, the cock
will go down and drive the lever O, fig. 65. which
will open the valve, and let in the air upon the bul-
iet E.
The air-gun has received very great improvements Hg*
in its conftrudtion. Eig. 66. is a reprefentation of one
now made by feveral inftrument-makers in the metro¬
polis. For fimplicity and perfedlion it exceeds any
hitherto contrived. A is the gun-barrel, with the
lock, ftock, rammer, and of the fize and weight of
a common fowling piece. Under the lock, at b, is a
fteel tube having a fmall moveable pin in the infide,
which is puftied out when the trigger a is pulled, by
the fpring-work within the lock j to this tube b, is
ferewed a hollow copper ball c, fo as to be perfeftly
air tight. This copper ball is fully charged with con¬
denfed air by the fyringe B, fig. 67. previous to its be-pig. tf7.
ing applied to the tube b of fig. 66. It is evident, that
if a bullet be rammed down in the barrel, the copper
ball ferewed faft at b, and the trigger a be pulled, that
the pin in b will, by the aflion of the fpring-work with¬
in the lock, forcibly ftrike out into the copper ball ;
and thereby puffiing in fuddenly a valve within the
copper ball, let out a portion of the condenfed air, which
will rufti up through the aperture of the lock, and for¬
cibly a<ft againft the bullet, driving it to the diftance of
60 or 70 yards, or farther. If the air be ftrongly con¬
denfed, at every difeharge, only a portion of it efcapes
from the ball •, therefore by re-cocking the piece, ano¬
ther difeharge may be made ; and this repeated 15 or
16 times.
The air in the copper ball is condenfed by means 01
the
Amusements o£ S' C IK N C K .
Plate CCCCLXXI.
on II,
/
Amusements of S CIE X C ?!
Plate C CCC L \ \ 11
Q PE S Ti O N,
!
Plate CCCCLXXUr
Amiijie menjx of B C XP1 XT t'K.
■   ■
—
J Vr,. 3/.
Amiiseiiieitts of SCIENCE.
^ 3, . Ft (/. 3/+.
Plate CCC CLXXIV
^y. 16.
\
V <•/* Poj't
Auxuscmeiils of S' (MK X C’ E.
Plate CCCCLXXV
aaLiiMP
f'sYt'i'sr/ffTzt
// rf>ft/rV/ /f f'ftr/
St".'/
.iVyyvr 7.fi'<rr fS ii'A, ,/
fy.t/u' j]
sT •
fF12$>zin,. kS*ch^o,'
I
Pnf.tmati- tlie fynnge B (fig. 67.), in the following manner.
Pecrea kali c is fcrewed quite clofe in the top of the fy-
tions. r'nge at at the end of the fteel pointed rod ; <7 is a
*—Y~~~/ ^out ring through which paffes the rod k: upon this
rod the feet are commonly placed, then the hands are
to be applied to the twro handles i i, fixed on the fide of
the barrel of the fyringe. Now by moving the barrel
B fteadily up and down on the rod a, the ball c will
, become charged with condenfed air j and it may be
eafily known when the ball is as full as poflible, by the
irrefiftible aftion which the air makes againfl the pifton
while working the fyringe. At the end of the rod k
is ufually a fquare hole, which with the rod ferves as a
key to make the ball c fail on the fcrew b of the gun
and fyringe clofe to the orifice in the ball c. In the
infide is fixed a valve and fpring, which gives way for
the admiffion ei air ; but upon its emifiion comes clofe
up to the orifice, fimtting up the internal air. The
pifton rod works air-tight, by a collar of leather on it on
the barrel B ; it is therefore plain, that when the barrel
is drawn up, the air will rufii in at the hole b. When
the barrel is puflied down, the air contained in it will
have no other way to pafs, from the preSure of the pifton,
but into the ball c at top. Ihe barrel being drawn up,
the operation is repeated, until the condeniation is fo
ftrong as to refill the action of the pifton.
The magazine air-gun was invented by that ingenious
artift L. Colbe. By this contrivance 10 bullets are fo
lodged in a cavity, near the place of difcharge, that
they may be drawn into the Ihooting barrel, and fuc-
ceffively difcharged fo faft as to be nearly of the lame
ufe as fo many different guns.
Fxg. 6$. Fig. 68. reprefents the prefent form of this machine,
where part of the ftock is cut off, to the end of the
injecting fyringe. It has its valve opening into the ca¬
vity between the barrels as before. K K is the fmall
Ihooting barrel, that receives the bullets from the ma¬
gazine E D, which is of a ferpentine form, and clofed
at the end D when the bullets are lodged in it. The
circular part a b c, is the key of a cock, having a cy¬
lindrical hole through it, i k, which is equal to the bore
of the fame barrel, and makes a part of it in the pre¬
fent fituation. When the lock is taken off, the feveral
parts Q, R, r, W, &c. come into view, by which
means the_difcharge is made by pulhing up the pin P/>,
which raii'es and opens a valve V to let in the air a-
gainft the bullet I, from the cavity F F, which valve is
immediately fhut down again by means of a long fpring
of brafs N N. This valve V being a conical piece of
nrafs, ground very true in the part which receives it,
wiH of itfelf be fufficient to confine the air.
to make a difcharge, the trigger Z Z is to be pul-
kd, which throw's up the feer y a, and difengages it
trom the notch n, on w'hich the ftrong fprmg W W
moves the tumbler F, to which the cock is fixed.
Phis, by its end 77, bears down the end v of the tumbling
lever R, w'hich, by the other end m, raifes at the fame
time the flat end of the horizontal lever Q ; and by
this means, of courfe, the pin P which ftands'upon
it, is puftied up, and thus opens the valve V, and dif-
charges the bullet. This is all evident, merely from
the view of the figure.
To bring another bullet to fucceed that marked I,
mftantaneoufly turn the cylindric cavity of the key of
tne cock, w'hich before made part of the barrel K K
- Vol. XVIII. Part II. ■ * ?
AMUSEMENTS OF SCIENCE.
569
Fig.
into the fituation iki fo that the part i may be at K j Pneumati
and hold the gun upon your Ihoulder, with the barrel caI
downwards and the magazine upwards, by which Rfcrea
means that bullet next the cock will fall into it out of
the magazine, but go no farther into this cylindric ca¬
vity than the two little fprings f s which detain it.
The two circles reprefent the cock barrel, wherein the
key formerly mentioned turns upon an axis not repre-
fented here, but vifible in fig. 69. This axis is a fquare Fig. <>9.
piece of fteel, on which comes the fquare hole of the
hammer H, fig. 70. by which the cylindrical cavity men¬
tioned is opened to the magazine. Then opening the
hammer, as in that figure, the bullet is brought into its
proper place near the difcharge valve, and the cylindric
cavity of the key of the cock again makes a part of the
inward barrel K K.
It appears how expeditious a method this is of charg¬
ing and difcharging a gun ; and were the force of con¬
denfed air equal to that of gun-pow'der, fuch an air-gun
would anfw'er the purpofe of feveral guns.
In the air-gun, and all other cafes where the air is
required to be condenfed to a very great degree, it will
be requifite to have the fyringe of a fmall bore, viz.
not exceeding half an inch in diameter, becaufe the pref-
fure againft every fquare inch is about 15 pounds, and
therefore^againft every circular inch about 12 pounds.
If, therefore, the fyringe be one inch in diameter, when
one atmofphere is inje&ed, there will be a refiftar.ee of
12 pounds againft the pifton ; and when 10 are injec¬
ted, there will be a force of 120 pounds to be over¬
come j whereas 10 atmofpheres aft againft the circular
half-inch pifton with only a force equal to 30 pounds ^
or 40 atmofpheres may be inje&ed with fuch a fyringe’
as wrell as 10 writh the other. In fhort, the facility of
working will be inverfely as the fquares of the diameter
of the lyringe.
It is not certain when, or by whom the air-gun w^as
invented. Montucla aferibes the invention to Otto
Guerricke, burgomafter of Magdeburg, fo celebrated
about the middle of the 17th century for his pneumatic
and ele&ncal experiments; but it is certain that air-
guns, or wind-guns, as they were fometimes called
were known long before the time of Guerricke In the
Element d'Artiilerie of David Rivant, preceptor to
.Louis XII1. of France, this inftrument is, we believe
firft noticed in writing; and here the invention is attri¬
buted to one Marin, a burgher of Lifieux, who prefent-
ed an air-gun to Henry IV. The air-gun is now con-
lidered rather as a curious philofophical inftrument
than a ufeful offenfive or defenfive weapon ; and its
ufe in the latter capacity is, we believe, forbidden by law
I he fubjeft of balloons has been fully difeuffed un¬
der the article Aerostation. For the Take of expe-Eafy roe-
nment, fire balloons, or Mongolfiers, of a moderate fize t*10^ con
may be conftruaed, by palling together gores of lawn?,U?Lng
paper n.M.ng at the top and having their other extre-baiw'
mities palled round a light and flender hoop, from which
proceed feveral wires terminating in a kind of bafket
capable of fupporting a fponge dipped in redified fpirit
ot wme. If the gores are properly formed and neatly
joined, the balloon will be fo far air-tight, that the ex¬
panded air within it, caufed by the inflammation of the
Ipint, will inflate the cavity, and enable the balloon to rife
to a confiderable height in the atmofphere. It is obvious
that Inch an experiment can be made only in calm weather
4 C SCILLA*
60
SCI [ 57° ] SCI
SCILLA, the Squill; a genus of plants, belong¬
ing to the hexandria clafs ; and in the natural method
ranking under the 10th order, Coronarice. See Botany
and Materia Medic a Index.
SCILLY, or Sn LEY, a duller of fmall iflands and
rocks, fituated in the Atlantic ocean, and about 10
leagues W. of the Land’s End in Cornwall, in W.
Long. 70. N. Lat. 50°.
ihele illands were firlt called CaJJiterides, or the
Tin I/les, from their being rich in that metal. The
common opinion is, that this is a Greek appellation ;
which in the moil obvious fenfe is true : But as the
Phoenicians were familiar with the metal, and with the
country that produced it, before the Greeks knew
any thing of either, it is very likely they introduced
the names of both from their own language. Strabo
fays thefe iilands were ten in number, lying clofe to¬
gether, of w'hich only one was uninhabited : the peo¬
ple led an erratic life, lived upon the produce of their
cattle, wore an under-garment which reached down to
their ankles, and over that another, both of the fame
colour, which was black, girt round a little below the
breaft with a girdle, and walked with ftaves in their
hands. The riches of thefe iilands were tin and lead,
which, with the fkins of their cattle, they exchanged
with foreign merchants, that is, the Phcenicians from
Cadiz, for earthen ware, fait, and utenfils made of
brafs. An author of as great or greater antiquity,
feems to include a part at leaf! of Cornwall amongft
thefe illands ; or rather he fuggeds, that they were
not perfect illands except at full fea, but that at ebb
the inhabitants palled from one to another upon the
fands, and that they even tranfported their tin in large
fquare blocks upon carriages from one illand to another.
He farther takes notice, that fuch as inhabited about Be-
lerium (the Land’s End) were in their converfation
with ftrangers remarkably civil and courteous. Other
ancient writers ftyle thefe iflands Hefperides, from their
weftern fituation, and OcJinjmriides, afferting that the
land was extremely fertile, as well as full of mines ; and
that the people, though very brave, were entirely ad-
di£!ed to commerce, and boldly palled the feas in their
leather boats.
The Romans were exceedingly defirous of having a
fhare in this commerce, which the Phoenicians as care¬
fully laboured to prevent, by concealing their naviga¬
tion to thefe iflands as much as it w7as in their power.
At length, however, the Romans prevailed ; and Publius
Craffus coming thither, was fo well pleafed with the
induftry and manners of the people, that he taught
them various improvements, as well in working their
mines, which till that time were but (hallow, as in car¬
rying their own merchandife to different markets. There
is no room to doubt that they followed the fate of the
reft of Britain, and particularly of Cornwall, in becom¬
ing fubjedt to the Roman empire. We find them called
in the Itinerary of Antoninus, Sigde/cs; by Sulpitiiw,
Si/lerue ; and by Solinus they are termed Si'ures. All
rve know of them during this period is, that their tin
trade continued, and that lometimes ftate-prifoners were
exiled, or, to ufe the Roman phrafe, relegated hither as
■well as to other iflands.
When the legions were withdrawn, and Britain with
its dependencies left in the power of the natives, there
is no reafon to queflion that thefe iflands fliared the
fame lot with the reft. As to- the appellation which
from this period prevailed, the ordinary wav of wri¬
ting it is Scil/y: in records we commonly find it fpelt
Su'/y, Siiieij, or Sul icy ; but we are told the old Bri-
tith appellation was Sui/ch, or Sylleh, which figni-
fies rocks confecrated to the fun. We have not the
leaft notice of any thing that regards them from the
fifth to the tenth century. It is, however, with much
appearance of truth conjedfured, that feme time within
this fpace they were in a great meafure deftroyed by
an earthquake, attended with a finking of the earth,
by which moll of their lowlands, and of courfe the
greateft part of their improvements, were covered
by the fea, and thofe rich mines of tin which had
rendered them fo famous fwallowed up in the deep.
They have a tradition in Cornwall, that a very exten-
five tract of country called the Lionefs, in the old
Cornilh Lelhojrow, fuppofed to lie between that coun¬
try and Scilly, was loft in that manner ; and there are
many concurrent circumflances which render this pro¬
bable. In reference to thefe iflands, the cafe is ftill
ftronger; for at low ebbs their Hone inclofures are ftill
vifible from almoft all the ifles, and thereby afford an
ocular demonftration that they were formerly of far
greater extent, and that in remoter ages their inhabi¬
tants muft have been very numerous, and at the fame
time very induftrious. This fufficiently proves the
faeft, that by fuch an earthquake they were deftroyed ;
and that it happened at fome period of time within
thofe limits that have been afligned, appears from our
hearing nothing more of their tin trade, and from our
having no notice of it at ail in any of our ancient chro¬
nicles, which, it it had lallen out later, from their
known attention to extraordinary events, muft certainly
have happened.
It is generally luppofed, and with great appearance
of truth, that King Athelftan, after having overcome
a very powerful confederacy formed again it him, and
having reduced Exeter, and driven the Britons be¬
yond the river Tamar, which he made the boundary
of their Cornilh dominions, paffed over into thefe iflands,
(then finely in a better ftate than now, or they would
not have been objects of his vengeance), and reduced
them likewife. Hiftory does not inform us, that the
Danes ever fixed themfelves in thefe iflands; but as
their method of fortifying is very w'ell known, it has
been conjedtured that the Giant’s Caftle in the ille of
St Mary was erefted by them ; and indeed, if we ccn-
fider the convenient fituation of thefe iflands, and the
trade of piracy which that nation carried on, there
feems to be nothing improbable in that conjedfure. It
is more certain that there were churches eredled in thefe
ifles, and that there were in them alfo many monks and
hermits, before the conquefl.
The fertility of the illands is much infilled upon in
all the accounts; and it is exprefsly laid of St Mary’s,
that it bears exceeding good corn, infcmuch that if
men did but call corn where fwine had rooted, it
would come up. There is mention made of a breed of
wild fwine, and the inhabitants had great plenty of
fowl and fifti. But notwithftanding the fertility of the
country, and the many commodities that men had or
might have there, it was neverthelefs but thinly peo¬
pled ; and the reafon afligned is, becaufe they were
liable to be frequently fpoiled by French or Spanilh
pirate&>
SCI [ 571 ] SCI
Scilly. pirates. In Leland’s time, one Mr Davers of Wiltfhire,
and Mr Whittington of Gloucefterflaire, were proprie¬
tors of Scilly, and drew from thence, in rents and com¬
modities, about 40 merles a-ycar.
The inhabitants at that juncture, and long before,
appear to have carried on a fmall trade in dried Ikate
and other tifh to Bretagne, with which they purchafed
fait, canvas, and other neceflaries. This feems to be
the remains of a very old kind ot commerce, lince, for
many ages, the people of that country, thofe of the
S.ciliy illss, and the people of Cornwall, looked upon
themlelves as countrymen, being in truth no other than
remnants of the ancient Britons, who, when driven out
by the Saxons, took refuge in thofe iflands, and in that
part of France which had before been called Armorica,
and from hence ftyled Bretagne, Brittany, or Little
Britain, and the people Bretons. This, in all proba¬
bility, was a great relief to thofe who dwelt in thofe
ifles ; who, during the long civil war between the
houies of York and Lancafter, had their intercourfe
with England fo much interrupted, that if it had not
been for this commerce with their neighbours on the
French coaft, they might have been driven to the lait
diftrefs.
The Sciily or Silley iilands, He due weft from the
Lizard about 17 leagues; weft and by fouth from the
old Land’s End, next Mount’s Bay, at the diftance
of 10 leagues ; and from the weftern Land’s End, they
. lie weft-fouth-weft, at the diftance of fomething more
than nine leagues. There are five of them inhabited ;
and that called Samfon has one family in it. The lar-
* geft of thefe is St Mary’s, which lies in the north lati¬
tude of 49 degrees 55 minutes, and in the longitude of
6 degrees 40 minutes weft from Greenwich. It is two
miles and a half in length, about one and a half in
breadth, and between nine and ten miles in compafs.
On the weft fide there projects an ifthmus. Beyond
this there is a peninfula, which is very high ; and upon
which Hands Star Caftle, built in 1593, with fome
outworks and batteries. On thefe there are upwards
of threefcore pieces of cannon mounted ; and for the
defence of which there is a garrifon of an entire com¬
pany, with a mafter-gunner and fix other gunners. In
the magazine there are arms for 300 ifhnders, who,
when fummoned, are bound to march into the fortrefs.
Underneath the caftle barracks and lines ftands Hugh
Town, very improperly built, as lying fo low as to be
fubjeft to inundations. A mile within land ftands
Church Town, fo denominated from their place of wor-
ihip ; it confifts of a few houfes only, with a court houfe.
About two furlongs eaft of this lies the Old Town,
where there are more houfes, and fome of them very
convenient dwellings. 1 he number of inhabitants in
this ifland is about 600 or 700 ; and it produces to the
lord proprietor 300I. per annum.
, Trefcaw lies dkeftly north from St Mary’s, at the
diftance of two miles. It was formerly ftyled St Ni¬
cholas'’s ijland; and was at leaft as large as St Mary’s,
though at prefent about half the fize. The remains
of the abbey are yet vifible, the fituation well chofen,
with a fine bafon of frefii water before it, half a mile
long and a furlong wide, with an ever-green bank
high enough to. keep out the fea, and ferving at once
to preferve the pond, and fhelter the abbey. In this
pond there are moft excellent eels, and the lands lying
round it are by far the beft in thofe iflands. There are
about half a fcore Hone houfes, with a church, which
are called Dolphin Town; an old caftle built in the
reign of Henry VIII. called Oliver’s Caftle ; and a new
block-houfe, raifed out of the ruins of that caftle, which
is of far greater ufe. This ifland is particularly noted
for producing plenty of the fineft famphire, and the
only tin works that are now vifible are found here.
There are upon it at prefent about 40 families, who are
very induftrious, and fpin more wool than in St Mary’s.
Its annual value is computed at Sol. a year.
A mile to the eaft of Trefcaw, and about two miles
from the moft northern part of St Mary’s, lies the ifle
of St Marini's, not much inferior in fize to that of
Trefcaw. It very plainly appears to, have been for¬
merly extremely well cultivated ; notwithilanding which
it was entirely deferted, till within fomevvhat lefs than
a century ago, that Mr Thomas Ekines, a confider-
able merchant, engaged fome people to fettle there.
He likewife cauled to be erefted a hollow tower twenty
feet in height, with a fpire of as many feet more ;
which being neatly covered with lime, ferves as a day-
mark for direfling ftfips crofting the channel or coming
into Scilly. St Martin’s produces fome corn, affords
the beft pafture in thefe iflands, nourifties a great num¬
ber of (beep, and has upon it 17 families, who pretend
to have the fccret of burning the beft kelp, and are ex¬
tremely attached to their own ifland. As a proof of
tins, it is obfervable, that though fome of the inhabitants
rent lands in St Mary’s, yet they continue to refide
here, going thither only occafionally.
St Agnes, which is alfo called the Light-houfe Ijland,
lies near three miles fouth-weft of St Mary’s ; and is,
though a very little, a very well cultivated ifland, fruit¬
ful in corn and grafs. The only inconvenience to
which the people who live in it are fubjeff, is the want
of good water, as their capital advantage confifts in ha¬
ving feveral good coves or fmall ports, where boats may
lie wi th fafety ; which, however, are not much ufed.
I he light-houfe is the principal ornament and great
fupport of the ifland; it ftands on the moft elevated
ground, and is built with Hone from the foundation to the
lanthorn, which is fifty-one feet high, the gallery four,
the falh-lights eleven feet and a half high,’ three feet
two inches wide, and fixteen in number. The floor of
the lanthorn is of brick, upon which ftands a fubftantial
iron grate, fquare, barred on every fide, with one great
chimney in the canopy-roof, and feveral leffer ones to
let out the fmoke, and a large p“:ir of fmith’s bellows
are fo fixed as to be eafily ufed whenever there is oc-
cafion. Upon the whole, it is a noble and commodious
ftru&ure ; and being plaftered white, is a ufeful day-
maik to all (hips coming from the fouthward. The
keeper of this light-houfe has a falary from the Trinity-
houfe at Deptford of 40I. a-year, with a dwelling-
houfe and ground for a garden. His afllftant has 20I.
a-year. It is fupplied with coals by an annual ftftp ;
and the carriage of thefe coals from the fea-fide to the
light-houfe is looked on as a confiderable benefit to the
poor inhabitants. They have a neat little church, built
by the Godolphin family. There are at prefent 50
houfeholds in the ifland, which yield the proprietor 40L
a-year.
Brehar, or, as pronounced, Bryer ijland, lies north-
weft of St Mary’s, and to the weft of Trefcaw, to
4 C 2 which.
SCI [ 572 ] SCI
Sally, which, when the fea is very low, they fometimes pafs
' v over the fand. It is very mountainous, abounds with
fea and land fowls, excellent famphire, and a great
variety of medicinal herbs. There are at prefent thir¬
teen families, who have a pretty church, and pay 30I.
a-year to the proprietor.
South from hence, and weft from Trefcaw, Hands
the iftand of Samfon, in which there is not above one
family, who fublift chiefly by the making of kelp. To
the weftward of thefe there lie four iflands, which con¬
tain in the whole 360 acres of meadow and arable land.
The eajlern ijles, fo denominated from their pofition
in refneft to St Mary’s, contain 123 acres ; and there
are alfo feven other rocky and fcattered iflands, that
have each a little land of fome ufe j and belides thefe,
innumerable rocks on every fide, among which we muft
reckon Scil/y, now nothing more than a large, ill-fhap-
ed, craggy, inacceflible ifland, lying the fartheft north-
weft of any of them, and confequently the neareft to the
continent.
The air of thefe iflands is equally mild and pure ;
their winters are feldom fubje£l to froft or fnow.
When the former happens, it lafts not long; and the
latter never lies upon the ground. The heat of their
fummers is much abated by fea-breezes. They are in¬
deed frequently incommoded by fea fogs, but thefe are
not unwholefome. Agues are rare, and fevers more fo.
The moft fatal diftemper is the fmallpox 5 yet thofe
who live temperately furvive commonly to a great age,
and are remarkably free from difeafes. The foil is very
good, and produces grain of all forts (except wheat, of
which they had anciently plenty) in large quantities.
They ftill grow a little wheat, but the bread made of it
is unpleafant. They eat, for this reafon, chiefly what
is made of barley •, and of this they have fuch abundance,
that though they ufe it both for bread and beer, they
have more than fuftkes for their own confumption. The
introdudlion of potatoes was an eflential improvement 5
the cultivation of this plant fuccceded fo well, as to yield
every feafon the moft luxuriant crops. Roots of all forts,
pulfe, and falads, grow well; dwarf fruit-trees, goofe-
berries, currants, rafpberries, and every thing of that kind,
under proper fhelter, thrive exceedingly ; but they have
no trees, though formerly they had elder", and Porthelik,
i. e. the harbour of willows, proves they had thefe like-
wife ; and with a little care, no doubt, great improve¬
ments might be made. The ranunculus, anemone, and
xnoft kinds of flowers, are fuccefsfully cultivated in their
gardens. They ha-, r wild fowl of all forts, from the
the fwan to the fnipe } and a particular kind called the
hedge chicken, which is not inferior to the ortolan : alfo
tame fowl, puffins, and rabbits, in great numbers. Their
black cattle are generally fmall, but very well tailed,
though they feed upon ore-weed. Their horfes are
little, but ftrong and lively. They have alfo large
flocks of fine fheep, whofe fleeces are tolerably good
and their fleffi excellent. There are no venomous crea¬
tures in thefe iflands.
We muft now pafs to the fea, which is of more
confequence to thefe ifles than that fmall portion of
land which is diftributed amongft them. St Mary’s
harbour is very fafe and capacious, having that ifland
on the fouththe eaftern iflands, with that of St Mar-
‘in, cn the eaft } Trefcaw, Brehar, and Samfon, to the
north ; St Agnes and feveral fmall iflands to the weft.
Ships ride here in three to five fathom water, with
good anchorage. Into this harbour there are four
inlets, viz. Broad Sound, Smith’s Sound, St Mary’s
Sound, and Crow Sound : fo that hardly any wind can
blow with which a fhip of 150 tons cannot fafely fail
through one or other of them, Crow Sound only ex¬
cepted, where they cannot pafs at low water, but at
high there is from 16 to 24 feet in this palfage. Befides
thefe there are two other harbours} one called New
Grynfey, wffiich lies between Brehar and Trefcaw,
where fhips of 300 tons may ride fecurely. The other
is called Old Grynfey, and lies between Trefcaw, St
Helen’s, and Theon, for fmaller fhips. The former
is guarded by the batteries at Oliver’s Caftle ; the latter
by the Blockhoufe, on the eaftern fide of Trefcaw,
called Dover. Small coafters bound to the northward
have more convenient outlets from thefe little harbours
than from St Mary’s, wffiere, at the weft end of Hugh
Town, there is a fine pier built by the earl of Godol-
phin, 430 feet long, 20 feet wide in the narroweft
part, and 23 feet in height, with j 6 feet of water
at a fpring, and 10 at a neap tide 5 fo that under the
fhelter of this pier, veffels of 150 tons may lie fecurely,
not only clofe to the quay, but all along the ftrand of
the town.
In this harbour, and in all the little coves of the
feveral ifles, prodigious quantities of mackerel may be
caught in their fealbn 5 alfo foal, turbot, and plaife, re¬
markably good in their kind j and ling, which from its
being a thicker fifli, mellower, and better fed, is very
juftly preferred to any caught nearer our own coafts.
Salmon, cod, pollock, are in great plenty, and pilchards
in vaft abundance. To thefe we may add the alga
marina, fucus, or ore-wreed, which ferves to feed both
their fmall and great cattle, manures their lands, is
burned into kelp, is of ufe in phyfic, is fometimes pre-
ferved, fometimes pickled, and is in many other refpedts
very beneficial to the inhabitants, of whom wTe are next
to fpeak.
The people of Scilly in general are robuft, hand-
fome, abtive, hardy, induftrious, generous, and good-
natured ; fpeak the Engliih language wdth great pro¬
priety ; have ftrong natural parts (though for want of
a good fchool they have little4 education), as appears
by their dexterity in the feveral employments to which
they are bred. They cultivate moft of their lands as
wrell as can be expelled under their prefent circum-
ftances. They are bred from their infancy to the ma¬
nagement of their boats, in which they excel; are good
fiftiermen, and excellent pilots. Their women are ad¬
mirable houfewives, fpin their own wool, weave it into
coarfe cloth, and knit ftockings. They have no timber
of their own growth, and not much from England 5
yet they have many joiners and cabinet-makers, who,
out of the fine woods wffiich they obtain from captains
of fhips who put in here, make all kinds of domeftic
furniture in a very neat manner. They are free from the
land-tax, malt-tax, and excife; and being furnilhed wdth
plenty of liquors from the veffels which are driven into
their roads for refrelhment, for neccffary repairs, or
to wait for a fair wand, in return for provifions and
other conveniences *, this, wTith what little fifli they can
cure, makes the beft part of their trade, if we except
their
SCI r 573 ] SCI
Scaly, their kelp, which has been a growing manufafture for
’ V“—■* thefe fourfcore years, and produces at prefent about
500I. per annum.
The right honourable the earl of Godolphin is ftyled
proprietor of Scilly, in virtue of letters-patent granted
to the late earl, then Lord Godolphin, dated the 25th
of July 1698, for the term of 89 years, to be computed
from the end and expiration of a term of 50 years,
granted to Francis Godolphin, Efq. by King Charles I.
that is, from the year 1709 to 1798, when his leafe de¬
termines. In virtue of this royal grant, his lordfhip is
the foie owner of all lands, houfes, and tenements;
claims all the tithes, not only of the fruits of the earth,
but of liih taken at fea and landed upon thofe premifes j
harbour-duties paid by Ihips, and one moiety of the
wrecks, the other belonging to the admiralty. There
is only one eccleliaftical perfon upon the iflands, who
refides at St Mary’s, and vilits the other inhabited
iflands once a-year. But divine fervice is perform¬
ed, and fermons read, every Sunday in the churches
of thofe iflands, by an honeft layman appointed for that
purpofe and there are likewife church-wardens and
overfeers, regularly chofen in every parifli. As to the
civil government, it is adminitlered by what is called
the Court of Twelve; in which the commander in
chief, the proprietor’s agent, and the chaplain, have
their feats in virtue of their offices ; the other nine are
chofen by the people. Thefe decide, or rather com-
promife, all differences; and punilh fmall offences by
fines, whippings, and the ducking-ftool : as to greater
enormities, we may conclude they have not been
hitherto known; fince, except for the foldiers, there is
no prifon in the iflands. But in cafe of capital offences,
the criminals may be tranfported'to the county of Corn¬
wall, and there brought to juftice.
The great importance of thefe iflands arifes from
their advantageous fituation, as looking equally into St
George’s channel, which divides Great Britain from
Ireland, and the Englilh channel, which feparates Bri¬
tain from France. For this reafon, moft ffiips bound
from the fouthward ftrive to make the Scilly iflands, in
order to fleer their courfe with greater certainty. It
is very convenient alfo for veffels to take flicker amongft
them; which prevents their being driven to Milford
Haven, nay fometimes into fome port in Ireland, if the
wind is ftrong at eaft; or, if it blow hard at north-
weft, from being forced back into fome of the Cornifti
harbours, or even on the French coafts. If the wind
ftiould not be very high, yet if unfavourable or unfteady,
as between the channels often happens, it is better to
put into Scilly, than to beat about at fea in bad weather.
Ihe intercourle between thefe two channels is another
motive why ihips come in here, as choofing rather to
wrait in fafety for a wind, than to run the hazard of
being blown out of their courfe ; and therefore a ftrong
gale at eaft feldom fails of bringing thirty or forty veffels,
and frequently a larger number, into Scilly ; not more
to their oivn fatisfaclion than to that of the inhabitants.
Ships homeward-bound from America often touch
there, from the deftre of making the firft land in
their power, and for the fake of refreffiment. Thefe
reafons have an influence on foreign fliips, as well
as our own ; and afford the natives an opportunity of
ftiovving their wonderful dexterity in conducing them
fafely into St Mary’s harbour, and, when the wind
ferves, through their founds. Upon firing a gun and
making a waft, a boat immediately puts off from the
nearell ifland, with feveral pilots on board 5 and having
with amazing activity dropped one of them into every
fliip, till only two men are left in the boat, thefe return
again to land, as the wind and other circumftances
direft, in one of their little coves.
Refpefting a current which often prevails to the W'eft-
ward of Scilly, Mr Rennel has publiftied fome obferva-
tions of much importance. “ It is a circumftance (fays
he) well known to feamen, that fliips, in coming from
the Atlantic, and fleering a courfe for the Britilh chan¬
nel, in a parallel fomewhat to the fouth of the Scilly
iflands, do notwithftanding often find themfelves to the
north of thofe iflands j or, in other words, in the mouth
of St George’s or of the Briftol channel. This extra¬
ordinary error has paffed for the effefts either of bad
fteerage, bad obfervations of latitude, or the indraught
of the Briftol channel: but none of thefe account for it
fatisfaftorily •, becaufe, admitting that at times there
may be an indraught, it cannot be fuppofed to extend
to Scilly y and the cafe has happened in weather the
moft favourable for navigating and for taking obferva¬
tions. The confequences of this deviation from the in¬
tended traft have very often been fatal; particularly in
the lofs of the Nancy packet in our own times, and that
of Sir Cloudefley Shovel and others of his fleet at the
beginning of the prefent century. Numbers of cafes,
equally melancholy, but of Ids celebrity, have occurred •,
and many others, in which the danger has been immi¬
nent, but not fatal, have fcarcely reached the public ear.
All of thefe have been referred to accident ; and there¬
fore no attempt feems to have been made to inveftigate
the caufe of them.
“ I am, hoivever, of opinion, that they may be im¬
puted to a fpecific caufe 5 namely, a current j and I ffiall
therefore endeavour to inveftigate both that and its ef-
feds, that feamen may be apprized of the timesyvhen
they are particularly to expect it in any confiderable
degree of ftrength; for then only it is likely to occafion
mifchief, the current that prevails at ordinary times be¬
ing probably too weak to produce an error in the reck¬
oning, equal to the difference of parallel between the
fouth part of Scilly and the trad in which a commander,
prudent in his meafures, but unfufpicious of a current,
would choofe to fail,”
T he original caufe of this current is the prevalence
of wefterly wfinds in the Atlantic, which impel the wa¬
ters along the north coaft of Spain, and accumulate
them in the bay of Bifcay 5 whence they are projeded
along the coaft of France, in ,a diredion north-weft by
weft to the weft of Scilly and Ireland. The major af-
figns ftrong reafons for the exiftence of this current be¬
tween Ufliant and Ireland, in a chart of the tracks of the
Hedor and Atlas, Eaft India ffiips, in 1778 and 1787.
The following remarks on the effed of this current are
abridged from the author’s work, which is ivell worthy
the perufal of all failors and fliipmafters.
ift, If a ffiip croffes it obliquely, that is in an eaft
by fouth or more foutherly diredion, (he will continue
much longpr in it, and of courfe be more affeded by it,
than if fhe croffed it more diredly. The fame confe-
quence will happen if flic croffes it with light winds.
2dly, A good obfervation of latitude at noon would be
thought a fufficient warrant for running eaftward du-
ring
»
sci r s:
SciUy, ring a long niglil j yet, as it may be poiTible to remain
in the current long enough to be carried from a parallel,
which may be deemed a very fate one, to that of the
rocks of Sciily, it would appear prudent, after experien¬
cing a continuance of flrong wefterly winds in the At¬
lantic, and approaching the Channel with light fouther-
ly winds, either to make Uthant in time of peace, or at
all events to keep in the parallel of 48° 45' at the high-
eft. 3diy, Ships, bound to the weftward, from the mouth
of the Channel, with the wind in the fouth-weft quarter,
ftrould prefer the larboard tack. 4thly, Major Kennel
approves the defign of removing the light-houfe of
Sciily (if it be not already removed) to the fouth-weft
part of the high rocks, jthly, He recommends the
lending a veflel, with time-keepers on board, to examine
the foundings between the parallels of Scilly and Uftiant;
from the meridian oft the Lizard Point as far weft as
the moderate depths extend. A fet of time-keepers,
he obferves, will eifeft more in one fummer, in Ikilful
hands, than all the icience of Dr Halley could do in the
courfe of a long life.
In time of war, the importance of thefe iflands is
ftill more confpicuous; and it is highly probable, that
they afforded the allies a place for affembling their
fleet, when the Britons, Danes, Scots, and Irifti, failed
under the command of x\nlaff, to attack King Athel-
ftan 5 which convinced him of the neceflity of adding
them to his dominions. Upon the like principle, Hen¬
ry VIII. when upon bad terms with his neighbours,
caufed an old fortrefs to be repaired , and f)ueen Eli¬
zabeth, who had more to fear, directed the conftrudtion
of a caftle, which, in part at leaft, ftill remains. But
the moft lingular inltance of the detriment that might
arife from thefe iflands falling into other hands than
our own happened in 1651, when Sir John Grenville
took fhelter in them with the remains of the Cornish
cavaliers. For the depredations committed by his
frigates foon made it evident that Sciily was the
key of the Englifh commerce *, and the clamours of
the merchants thereupon rofe fo high, that the par¬
liament were forced to fend a fleet of fifty fail, with a
great body of land forces on board, under Sir George
Ayfcue and Admiral Blake, who with great difficulty,
and no inconfiderable lofs, made themfelves mafters of
Trefcaw and Brehar •, where they erecled thofe lines
and fortifications near the remains of the old forti-efs
that are called Oliver's Cqftle. But at length, finding
that little was to be done in that way, they chofe to
grant Sir John Grenville a moft honourable capitula¬
tion, as the fureft means to recover places of fuch con-
fequence; with which the parliament were very little
fatisfied, till Mr Blake gave them his reafon *, wffiich
appeared to be fo well founded, that they direfted the
articles he had concluded to be pundtually carried into
execution.
SCIO, or Chio, a celebrated ifiand of the Archipe¬
lago (fee Chio). It is 32 miles long and 15 broad, and
is a mountainous but very pleafant country. The prin¬
cipal mountain, called anciently Pelinreus, prefents to
view a long lofty range of bare rock, reflefting the fun ;
but the recefles at its feet are diligently cultivated, and
reward the hufbandman by their rich produce. The
Hopes are clothed with vines. The groves of lemon,
orange, and citron trees, regularly planted, at once
perfume the air with the odour of their bloffoms, and
3
4 ] SCI
delight the eye with their golden fruit. Myrtles and S:io,
jafmine are interi'perfed, with olive and palm trees, and Scioppins.
cyprefles. Amid thefe the tall minarets rite, and white v
houfes glitter, dazzling the beholder. The inhabitants
export a large quantity of pleafant wine to the neigh¬
bouring illands, but their principal trade is in filks.
They have alfo a fmall commerce in wool, cheefe, figs,
and maftich. The women are better bred than in other
parts of the Levant; and though the drefs is odd, yet it
is very neat. The partridges are tame, being fent every
day into the fields to get their living, and in the even¬
ing are called back with a whiftle. The town called
Scio is large, pleafant, and the belt built of any in the
Levant, the houfes being beautiful and commodious,
fome of which are terraffed, and others covered with
tiles. The ftreets are paved with flint-ftones 5 and the
Venetians, while they had it in their poffefiion, made a
great many alterations for the better. The caftle is an
old citadel built by the Genoefe, in which the Turks
have a garrifon of 1400 men. The harbour of Scio is
the rendezvous of all {hipping that goes to or comes
from Conftantinople, and will hold a fleet of fourfeore
veflels. They reckon there are 10,coo Turks, 100,000
Greeks, and 10,000 Latins, on this ifland. The Turks
took it from the Venetians in 1695. Scio is a bifhop’s
fee, and is feated on the fea-fide, 47 miles weft of Smyr¬
na, and 210 fouth-weft of Conftantinople.
There are but few remains of antiquity in this place.
“ The moft curious of them (fays Dr Chandler) is that
which has been named without reafon the School of Ho¬
mer. It is on the coaft at fome diftance from the^city
northward, and appears to have been an open temple ot
Cybele, formed on the top of a rock. The fhape is oval,
and in the centre is the image of the goddefs, the head
and an arm wanting. She is reprefented, as ufual, fit¬
ting. The chair has a lion carved on each fide, and on
the back. The area is bounded by a low rim or feat,
and about five yards over. The whole is hewn out of
the mountain, is rude, indiftinft, and probably of the
moft remote antiquity. From the flope higher up is a
fine view of the rich vale of Scio, and of the channel,
with its ftiining iflands, beyond which are the mountains
on the mainland of Afia.”
SCIOPPIUS, Caspar, a learned German writer of
the 17th century, was born at Neumark in the Upper
Palatinate on the 27th of May 1576. He ftudied at the
univerfity with fo much fuccels, that at the age of 16
he became an author j and publiflied books, fays Fer¬
rari, which deferve to be admired by old men. His
difpofitions did not correfpond with his genius. Natu¬
rally paflionate and malevolent, he affaulted without
mercy the characters of eminent men. He abjured the
fyftem of the Proteftants, and became a Roman catho¬
lic about the year 1599; but his charadter remained
the fame. He poffelled all thofe qualities which fitted
him for making a diftinguiftied figure in the literary
world; imagination, memory, profound learning, and
invincible impudence. He was familar with the terms
of reproach in moft of the languages. He was entirely
ignorant of the manners of the world. He neither fhow-
ed refpeCt to his fuperiors, nor did he behave with de¬
cency to his equals. He \vas pofleffed with a frenzy
of an uncommon kind : he was indeed a perfeft fire¬
brand, fcattering around him, as if for his amutement,
the moft atrocious calumnies. Jofeph Scaliger, above
t
S C I
Scioppiu', all others, was the object of his fatire.
* man, having drawn up the hiftory of his own family,
and deduced its genealogy from princes, was feverely
attacked by Scioppius, who ridiculed his high preten-
lions. Scaliger in his turn wrote a book entitled The
Life and Parentage of Gafpar Scioppius, in which he
informs us, that the father of Scioppius had been fuc-
ceffively a grave-digger, a journeyman ftationer, a haw¬
ker, a foldier, a miller, and a brewer of beer. We are
told that his wife was long kept as a miftrefs, and at
length forfaken by a debauched man w:hom Ihe follow¬
ed to Hungary, and obliged to return to her hufband j
that then he treated her hardily, and condemned her to
the lowed offices of fervitude. His daughter, too, it is
faid, was as diforderly as her mother: that after the
dight of her hufband, who was going to be burned for
fome infamous crimes, die became a common prortitute
and at length grew fo fcandalous, that die was com¬
mitted to prifon. Thefe fevere accufations againft the
family of Scioppius indamed him with more eagernefs to
attack his antagonid anew. He collefted all the ca¬
lumnies that had been thvowm out againd Scaliger, and
formed them into a huge volume, as if he had intended
to crufii him at once. He treated with great contempt
the king ot England, James I. in his Ecclefiq/ticus, &c.
and in his Collynum Regiutn Britannic Regigraviter ex
oculis labor anti munere miffum ; that is, “ An Eye falve
for his Britannic Majedy.” In one of his w?orks he had
the audacity to abufe Henry IV. of France in a mod:
fcurrilous mariner, on which account his book wras burn¬
ed at Pi iris. He was hung in effigy in a farce which was
reprefented before the king of England, but he gloried
in his didionour. Provoked with his infolence to their
* fovereign, the fervants of the Englidi ambadador a haul-
ted him at Madrid, and correded him feverely : but
he boaded of the wounds he had received. He pub-
lidied more than thirty defamatory libels againft the
Jefuits; and, what is very furprifing, in the very place
where he declaims with mod: virulence againft that fo-
ciety, he fubferibes his own name with expreffions of
piety. I Gafpar Scioftpiur, alrcad!/ on the brink of the
grave, and readi/ to appear before the tribunal of Jcfus
Chrift to give an account of my works. Towards the end
of his life he employed himfelf in ftudying the Apoca-
lyfe, and affirmed that he had found the key to that
myfterious book. He fent fome of his expofitions to
Cardinal Mazarine, but the cardinal did not find it con¬
venient to read them.
_ Ferrari tells us, that during the lad: fourteen years of
Ids life he drut himfelf up in a fmall apartment, where
he devoted hirnfelf folely to dudy. The fame w’riter
acquaints us, that he could repeat the Scriptures almoft
entirely by heart} but his good qualities were eciipfed
by his vices. For his love of dander, and the furious
allaults which he made upon the moft eminent men, he
was called the Cerberus of literature. He accufes even
Cicero of barbarifms and improprieties. He died on
ihe ipth November 1649, ai; a£e 74? at Padua,
the only retreat which remained to him from the multi¬
tude of enemies whom he had created. Four hundred
books are aferibed to him, which are faid to difeover
great genius and learning. The chief of thefe are,
I. Vmefmilium Libri iv. 1596, in 8vo. 2. Commenta-
nus de arte critica, 1661, in 8vo. 3 De fua ad Catho-
licc-s migraiione, 1660, in 8vo. 4. Notationes Critica; in
[ 575 1 . ..sc,1
That learned Plnedrum, in Priapela, Patavii, 1664, ^vo. 5. Suf-
peBarum leSiionum Libri v. 1664, in 8vo. 6. Ciaffcum
belli facri, 1619, in 4to. 7. Collyrinm regium, 1611, (
in 8vo. 8. Grammatica Philofophica, 1644, in 8vo.
9. Relatio ad Reges et Principes de Stratagematibus
Socielatis Jefu, 1641, in 12mo. This lad mentioned
was publiffied under the name of Alphonfo de Vargas.
He was at firft well difpofed to the Jeluitsj but thefe
fathers on one occafion oppofed him. He prefented a
petition to the diet of Ratifbon in 1630, in order to
obtain a penfion } but the Jefuits, who were the con-
feffors both of the emperor and the eiedlors, had influ¬
ence to prevent the petition from being granted. From
that moment Scioppius turned his whole artillery againft
the Jefuits.
SCIOPTIC, or Scioptric BALL, a fphere or globe
of wood, with a circular perforation, where a lens is
placed. It is fo fitted, that, like the eye of an animal,
it may be turned round every way, to be ufed in making
experiments of the darkened room.
SCIPIO, Publius Cornelius, a renowned Roman
general, furnamed Africanus, lor his conquefts in that
country. His other fignal military exploits were, his
taking the city of New Carthage in a lingle day ; his
complete vi&ory over Hannibal, the famous Carthagi¬
nian general; the defeat of Syphax king of Numidia,
and of Antiochus in Afia. He was as eminent for his
chaftity, and his generous behaviour to his prifoners, as
for his valour, He died 180 B. C. aged about 51.
Scipio, Lucius Cornelius, his brother, furnamed Afa-
ticus, for his complete victory over Antiochus at the
battle of Magnefia, in which Antiochus loft 50,000 in¬
fantry and 4000 cavalry. A triumph, and the furname
Gt A/iaticus, were the rewards of his valour. Yet his
ungrateful countrymen accufed him, as well as his bro¬
ther, of peculation } for which he was fined : but the
public tale of his effefts pioved the falfehood of the
charge } for they did not produce the amount of the
fine. He flouriffied about 190 B. C.
Scipio, Publius Ernilianus, was the fon of Paulus
Emilias} but being adopted by Scipio Africanus, he
was called Scipio Africanus junior. He ftiowed himfelf
worthy of adoption, following the footfteps of Scipio
Atricanus, whom he equalled in military fame and pub¬
lic virtues. His chief victories were the conquelt of
Carthage and Numantia ; yet thefe fignal fervices to
his country could not protefl him from an untimely
fate. He was ftrangled in his bed by order of the
Decemviri, who dreaded his popularity, 129 B. C. aged
•S6k
SCIh’O, an ifland of the Archipelago, to the weft
of Mytilene, to the north eaft of Negropont, and to the
fouth-eaft of Sciati. It is 15 miles in length, and eight
in breadth. It is a mountainous country, but has no
mines. The vines make the beauty of the ifland, and
wine is excellent } nor do the natives want wood.
There is but one village } and that is built on a rock,
which runs up like a fugar-loaf, and is 10 miles from
the harbour of St George. The inhabitants are all
Greeks, the cadi being the only Turk among them.
SCTROCHO, or Sirocco, a name generally given
in Italy to every unfavourable wind. In the fouth-weft
it is applied to the hot fuffocating blafts from Africa,.
and in the north-eaft it means the cold bleak winds from,-
the Alps.
SCIRFUS,
Scioppius
. li
Sciroctio.
£ .'irptfs
II
Scone.
SCO [576
SCIRPU3, a genus of plants belonging to tbe trian-
dria clafs j and in the natural method ranking under the
third order, Calamarice. See Botany Index.
SCIRRHUS, in Surgery and Medicine, a hard tu¬
mor of any part of the body, void of pain, ariling, as
is fuppofed, from the infpiffation and induration of the
fluids contained in a gland, though it may alfo appear
in any other part of the body, efpecially in the fat; be¬
ing one of the ways in which an inflammation terminates.
Thefe tumors are exceedingly apt to degenerate into
cancers.
SCITAMINEiE, one of the natural orders of plants.
See Botany Index.
SCIURUS, the SQUIRREL •, a genus of quadrupeds
belonging to the order of glires. See Mammalia
Index.
Sciurus, a genus of plants belonging to the diandria
clafs ; and in the natural method ranking with thofe
that are doubtful. See Botany Index.
SCL AVON!A, a country of Europe, between the
rivers Save, the Drave, and the Danube. It is divided
into fix counties, viz. Pofegra, Zabrab, Creis, Waraf-
den, Zreim, and Walpon, and belongs to the houfe of
Aultria. It was formerly called a kingdom ; and is very
narrow, not being above 75 miles in breadth ; but it is
300 in length, from the frontiers of Auftria to Bel¬
grade. The eaftern part is called Ratzia, and the in¬
habitants Ratzians. Thefe from a particular notion,
are of the Greek church. The language of Sclavonia
is the mother of four others, namely, thofe of Hungary,
Bohemia, Poland, and Ruflia.
SCLERANTHUS, a genus of plants belonging to
the dodecandria clafs; and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 22d order, Caryophijllece. See Botany
Index.
SCLERIA, a genus of plants belonging to the mo-
noecia clafs; and in the natural method ranking under
the 4th order, Gramma. See Botany Index.
SCLEROTICS, medicines which are fuppofed to
have the property of hardening and confolidating the
flefh of the parts to which they are applied •, as purflain,
houfe-leek, flea-wort, garden nightfhade, &c.
SCO LOP AX, a genus of birds belonging to the or¬
der of grallae. See Ornithology Index.
SCOLOPENDRA, a genus of infefts belonging to
the order of aptera. See Entomology Index.
SCOLYMUS, a genus of plants belonging to the
fyngenefia clafs; and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 49th order, Compojitcv. See Botany Index.
SCOMBER, the Mackerel, a genus of filhes be¬
longing to the order of thoracici. See Ichthyology
Index.
SCONCES, fmall forts, built for the defence of
fome pafs, river, or other place. Some fconces are
made regular, of four, five, or fix baftions j others are
of finaller dimenfions, fit for paffes or rivers; and others
for the field.
SCONE, a village of Scotland, now chiefly remark¬
able for being the place where the kings were anciently
crowned. W. Long. 3- JO* Lat. $6. 28. Here
was once an abbey of great antiquity, which was burnt
the reformers at Dundee. Kenneth II. upon his
]
SCO
old palace was begun by the earl
Scone
by   
conqueft of the Pitts in the ninth century, having made
Scone his principal refidence, delivered his laws, called
the Macalpine laws, from a tumulus, named the Mote
4
Hill of Scone. Th
of Gowrie ; but was completed by Sir David Murray
of Gofpatric, the favourite of King James VI. to whom .J(
that monarch had granted it; and the newr poffeffor in
gratitude to his benefaftor put up the king’s arms in
feveral parts of the houfe. It was built around two
courts. The dining room was large and handfome; and
had an ancient and magnificent chimney-piece, and the
king’s arms, with this motto :
Nobis luce indicia miferunt centum fex proavi.
Beneath were the Murray arms. In the drawflng room
was fome good old tapeftry, with an excellent figure of
Mercury. In a finall bed-chamber was a medley ferip-
ture-piece in needle-wmrk, with a border of animals,
faid to be the work of Queen Mary during her confine¬
ment in Loch Leven caflle. The gallery was about
155 feet long, the top arched, divided into compart¬
ments filled with paintings in water-colours. The pieces
reprefented wrere various kinds of huntings j that of
Nimrod, and King James and his train, appear in every
piece. But the whole of this building we believe has
been demoliflied, and a moft magnificent pile erefted in
its place by the earl of Mansfield, who is hereditary
keeper. Till the deftruttion of the abbey, the kings
of Scotland were crowned here, fitting in the famous
wooden chair which Edward I. tranfported to Well-
minfter abbey, to the great mortification of the Scots,
who looked upon it as a kind of palladium. Charles II.
before the battle of Worcefter, was crowned in the
chapel at Scone. The old pretender refided for fome time
at Scone in 1715 j and his fon paid it a vifit in 1745.
SCOPARIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
tetrandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 40th order, Rerfonatce. See Botany Index.
SCOPER or Scupper Holes, in a (hip, are holes
made through the fides, clofe to the deck, to carry off
the w-ater that comes from the pumps.
SCOPOLIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
gynandria clafs *, and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the nth clafs, Sarmentacece. See Botany Index.
SCORBUTUS, the Scurvy. See Medicine,
N° 8.
SCORDIUM, or Water-germander. See Teu-
crium, Botany Index.
SCORIA, or Dross, among metallurgifts, is the re¬
crement of metals in fufion •, or, more determinatcly
fpeaking, is that mafs which is produced by melting
metals and ores: when cold, it is brittle, and not dif-
foluble in water, being properly a kind of glafs.
SCORIFICATION, in Metallurgy, is the art of re¬
ducing a body, either entirely or in part, into fcoria.
SCORPiENA, a genus of fiflies belonging to the
order thoracici. See Ichthyology Index.
SCORPIO, a genus of infetts belonging to the order
of aptera. See Entomology Index.
Scorpio, Scorpion, in AJlronomy, the eighth fign of
the zodiac denoted by the charafter rq,. See Astro¬
nomy.
Scorpion Fly. See Panorpa, Entomology In¬
dex.
SCORPIURUS, Caterpillars, a genus of plants
belonging to the diadelphia clafs j and in the natural
method ranking under the order, Papilionacete.
See Botany Index.
SCORZONERA,
SCO [ 577 J SCO
gcerzonera SCORZONERA, Viper-grass, a genus of plants
Scotiles ke^ong'mg to the fyngenefia clafs; and in the natural
. method ranking under the 49th order, Compojitce. See
Botany Index.
SCOT, a cultomary contribution laid upon all fub-
jefls, according to their abilities. Whoever were affef-
led in any fum, though not in equal proportions, were
laid to pay fcot and lot.
Scot, Michael, of Balwirie, a learned Scottith author
of the 13 th century. This lingular man made the tour
of France and Germany $ and was received with fome
diftin£Hon at the court of the emperor Frederic II. Fla¬
ying travelled enough to gratify his curiolity or his
vanity, he returned to Scotland, and gave himfelf up to
ftudy and contemplation. He was Ikilled in languages ;
and, confidering the age in which he lived, was no mean
proficient in philofophy, mathematics, and medicine.
He tranllated into Latin, from the Arabic, the hiftory
of animals by the celebrated phyfician Avicenna. He
publilhed the whole works of Ariftotle, with notes, and
affe&ed much to reafon on the principles of that great
philofopher. He wrote a book concerning The Secrets
of Nature, in which he treats of generation, phyfiogno-
my, and the figns by which we judge of the tempera¬
ments of men and women. We have alfo a traft of his
On the Nature of the Sun and Moon. He there fpeaks
of the grand operation, as it is termed by alchymifts,
and is exceedingly folicitous about the projeElcdpowder,
or the pki/ofopher's Jlone. He likewife publilhed what
he calls Menfa Phi/ofophica, a treatife replete with aftro-
3ogy and chiromancy. He was much admired in his
xlay, and was even fufpefted of magic ; and had Roger
Bacon and Cornelius Agrippa for his panegyrifts,
Scot, Reginald, a judicious writer in the 16th cen¬
tury, was the younger fon of Sir John Scot of Scot’s-
hall, near Smeethe in Kent. He ftudied at Hart-hall
in the univerfity of Oxford ; after which he retired to
Smeethe, where he lived a ftudious life, and died in
I599- He publilhed. The perfedl Platform of a Hop~
Garden ; and a book intitled, I'he Difcovery of Witch¬
craft ; in which he ftiowed that all the relations con¬
cerning magicians and witches are chimerical. This
work was not only cenlured by King James I. in his
Dcemonology, but by feveral eminent divines $ and all
the copies ot it that could be found were burnt.
SCOTAL, or Scotale, is where any officer of a
foreft keeps an ale-houfe within the foreff, by colour
of his office, making people come to his houfe, and there
fpend their money for fear of his difpleafure. We find
it mentioned in the charter of the fbreft, cap. 8. “ Nul-
lus forreftarius facial Scotallas, vel garbas colligat, vel
aliquam colleaam facial,” &c. Manwood, 216.—The
word is compounded of fcot and ale, and by tranfpolition
of the words is otherwife called alefiot.
SCO 1 ALES, were meetings formerly held in Eng¬
land for the purpofe of drinking ale, of which the ex¬
pence was paid by joint contribution. Thus the tenants
of South Mailing in Sufiex, which belonged to the arch-
bilhop of Canterbury, were, at the keeping of a court,
to entertain the lord or his bailiff with a drinking, or
an ale j and the Hated quotas towards the charge were,
that a man ffiould pay threepence halfpenny for himfelf
and his wife, and a widow and cottager & penny half¬
penny. In the manor of Ferring, in the fame county,
and under the fame jurifdi&ion, it was the cuftom for
Vol. XVIII. Part It
the tenants named to make a fcotale of fixteenpence
halfpenny, and to allow out of each fixpence a penny
halfpenny for the bailiff.
Common fcotales in taverns, at which the clergy
were not to be prefent, are noticed in feveral ecclefiafti-
cal canons. They were not to be publifhed in the
church by the clergy or the laity j and a meeting of
more than ten perlons of the lame pariffi or vicinage
was a fcotale that was generally prohibited. There
were alfo common drinkings, which were denominated
leet-ale, bride-ale, clerk ale, church-ale. To a leet-ale
probably all the refidents in a manorial diflri6f were
contributors 5 and the expence of a bride-ale was de¬
frayed by the relations and friends of a happy pair, who
were not in circumffances to bear the charges of a wed-
ing dinner. This cuftom prevails occafionally in fome
diltricts of Scotland even at this day, under the denomi¬
nation of a penny bride-ale, and was very common about
half a century ago. The clerk'’s-die. was in the Eafter
holidays, and was the method taken to enable clerks of
parifties to colledf their dues more readily.
Mr Warton, in his hiftory of Engliffi Poetry, has in-
ferted the following extradl from an old indenture, which
clearly {hews the defign of a church-Ac. “ The pari-
ffiioners of Elvefton and Okebrook, in Derby-{hire, agree
jointly to brew four ales, and every ale of one quarter
ot malt, betwixt this and the feaft of St John the Bap-
tift next coming j and that every inhabitant of the faid
town of Okebrook fhall be at the feveral ales. Every
hufband and his wife {hall pay twopence, every cottager
one penny 5 and all the inhabitants of Elvefton ftiall
have and receive all the profits and advantages coming
of the faid ales, to the ufe and behoof of the faid church
of Elve/lon.'1'1
The give-ales were the legacies of individuals, and
from that circumftance entirely gratuitous. They feem
to have been very numerous, and were generally left to
the poor; though, from the largenefs of the quantity of
ale enjoined to be brewed, it mult have been fometimes
intended that others were to partake of them. Thefe
bequefts were likewife made to the altar of a faint, with
directions for finging maffes at the obit, or anniverfary
of the teftator. The give-ales were fometimes difpenfed
in the church, and frequently in the church yard, by
which means Godde’s b.oufe was made a tavern of glut¬
tons. Such certainly would be Chalk-church, if in it
was kept the give-ale of William May of that pariffi j
for he ordered his wife “ to make in bread fix buffiels
of wheat, and in drink 10 buffiels of mault, and in
cheefe 2cd. to give to poor people, for the health of his
foull ; and he ordered that, after the deceafe of his wife,
his executors and feoffees, ffiould continue the cuftem
for evermore.”
SCO PER. See Anas, Ornithology Index.
Nova SCOTIA, or New Scotland, one of the
Britiffi fettlements in North America, fituated between
43° and 49° north latitude, and between 6o° and 67°
weft longitude, is bounded by the river Sf Laurence on
the north ; by the gulf of St Laurence and the Atlan¬
tic ocean on the eaftby the fame ocean on the fouth ;
and by Canada and New England on the weft.—In the
year 1784, this province was divided into two govern¬
ments. I he province and government now ftyled New
Brunfwick, is bounded on the vveftward of the mouth of
the river St Croix, by the faid river to its fource, and
4 T) by
Scotales
II
Nova Sco¬
tia.
SCO [ 57S ] SCO
ny a line drawn due north from thence to the fouthern
boundary of the province of Quebec; to the northward
by the fsid boundary as far as the weftern extremity of
the bay de Chaleurs} to the eaftward by the faid bay to
the gulf of St Laurence to the bay called Bay Verte,
to the fouth by a line in the centre of the bay of Fun-
dy, fiom the river St Croix aforefaid, to the mouth of
the Mufquat river, by the faid river to its fource, and
from thence by a due eaft line acrofs the iithmus into
the Bay Verte, to join the eaftern lot above defcribed,
including all iflands within fix leagues of the coatf.
The chief rivers are, the river of St Laurence, which
forms the northern boundary. The rivers Ritgouche
and Nipifiguit run from weft to eait, and fall into the
bay of St Laurence. The rivers of St John, Paffa-
magandi, Penobfcot, and St Croix, which run from
north to fouth, fall into Fundy bay, or the fea a little
to the eaftward of it.
The feas adjoining to it are, the Atlantic ocean,
Fundy bay, and the gulf of St Laurence. The lefler
bays are, Chenigto and Green Bay upon the ifthmus
which joins the north part of Nova Scotia to the fouth ;
and the bay of Chnleurs on the north eaft ; the bay of
Chedibuffo on the fouth eaft ; the Bay of the Iflands,
the ports of Bart, Chebuflo, Profper, St Margaret, La
Heve, Port Maltois, Port Ryfignal, Port Vert, and
Port Joly, on the fouth ; Port La Tour on the fouth-
eaft; Port St Mary, Annapolis, and Minas on the fouth
fide of Fundy bay, and Port Rofeway, now the molt
populous of all.—The chief capes are, Cape Portage,
Ecoumenac, Tourmentin, Cape Port, and Epis, on the
eart ; Cape Fogerie and Cape Canceau on the fouth¬
eaft ; Cape Blanco, Cape Vert, Cape Theodore, Cape
Dore, Cape La Pleve, and Cape Negro, on the fouth j
Cape Sable and Cape Fourche on the fouth-weft.—'['he
lakes are very numerous, but have not yet received par¬
ticular names.
The face of the country, when viewed at a diftance,
prefents a pleafingly variegated appearance of hills and
valleys, with fcarcely any thing like mountains to inter¬
rupt the profpeft, efpecially near the fea. A nearer
approach difcovers thofe fublime and beautiful fcenes
which are fo far fuperior to the gaudy embelliftmients
of art. Immenfe forefts, formed of the tailed: trees, the
growth of ages, and reaching almoft to the clouds, every¬
where cover and adorn the land : their leaves falling in
autumn, add continually to that cruft of mofs, vegetables,
and decaying wood, that has for many centuries been
accumulating *, whilft the rays of the fun, unable to
pierce the thick Ihade which everywhere covers the
ground, leaves it in a perpetual ftate of damp and rot-
tennefs} a circumftance which contributes, in no fmall
degree, to increafe the (harpnefs of the air in winter.
The clouds, flying over the higher grounds, which
are covered in every direSlion wuth one vaft foreft, and
arrefted by the attra&ion of the woods, fill the country
with water. Every rock has a fpring, and every fpring
c&ufes a fwamp or morafs, of greater or lefs extent in
proportion to its caufe : hence it is, that travelling be¬
comes almoft impra&icable in fummer, and is feldom at¬
tempted, but in the fall of the year, when winter begins
to fet in, and the ground is already frozen.
The land throughout the peninfula is in no part
mountainous, but frequently rifes into hills of gradual
afcent, everywhere clothed with wood. From thefe
arite innumerable fprings and rivulets, which not only No
fertilize and adorn the country, but have formed, in
the niidft oi it, a large lake or piece of frelh water, t”“"
which is of various depths, and of which, however, little
more is known, than that it has upon its borders very
large tradls of meadow-land highly improveable. That
part of the province which is beyond the bay of Fundy,
and extends to the river St Laurence, rifes alio gradual¬
ly as we advance Irom the lea quite to Canada j but is,
however, hardly anywhere mountainous. Its lands are
for the molt part very rich, particularly at a diftance
from the lea ; and its woods abound with the hardeft
and loflieft trees.
Though this country, like Canada, is fubjedf to long
and fevere winters, lucceeded by fudden and violent
heats, often much greater than what are felt in the fame
latitudes in Europe, yet it cannot be accounted an un¬
healthy climate. The air in general in winter is very
fliarp, frofty, and dry 5 the dry fercue and unclouded,
by which every kind of exercife adapted to the feafon
is rendered pleafant and agreeable. The fogs are fre¬
quent near the fea, but feldom fpread thcmfelves to any
diftance in land.
The winter commonly breaks up with heavy rains,
and the inhabitants experience hardly any of the de¬
lights of the Ipring, which in England is accounted the
moll agreeable fcaibn ot the year. From a lifelefs and
dreary appearance, and the gloomy fccues of winter
wrapped around the vegetable world, the country throws
off its forbidding attire, and in a few days exhibits a grand
and pleafant profpcbl j the vegetation being inconceiv¬
ably rapid, naiure pall'es liidder.ly from one extreme to
another, in a manner utterly unknown to countries ac-,
cuftomed to a gradual progreffion of leafons. And,
ftrange as it appears, it is an acknowledged faft, a fact
which furnilhes a certain proof of the purity of the aT,
that thefe Hidden changes leldom, if ever, affedft the
health of ftrangers or Europeans.
In this country agriculture has yet made but Ifnall
progrefs. Nova Scotia is almoft a continued foreft,
producing every kind of wood which grows in the
neighbouring provinces of New England. Four fifths
of all the lands in the province are covered w ith pines,
which are valuable not only for fumilking mails, fpars,
lumber for the fugar plantations, and timber for build¬
ing, but for yielding tar, pitch, and turpentine, com¬
modities which are all procured from this ufeful tree,
and with which the mother-country may in a few years
eafily be fupplied.
The various fpecies of birch, beech, and maple,
and feveral forts of fpruce, are found in all parts in
great abundance ; as alfo numerous herbs and plants,
either not common to, or not known in, England. A-
mongft thefe none is more plentiful than farfaparilla,
and a plant whofe root refembles rhubarb in colour,
tafte, and effedte \ likewife the Indian or mountain tea,
and maiden-hair, an herb much in repute for the fame
purpofe, w ith lliruhs producing ftrawberries, rafpberries,
and man - other pleafant fruits, with which the woods
in fummer are well ftored : Of thefe wild productions
the cherries are bell, though fmaller than ours, and
growing in bunches fomewhat refembling grapes. The
laffafras tree grows plentifully in common with others;
but amongft them none is more ufeful to the inhabitants
than a fpecies of maple, diftinguifhed by the name of
the
SCO [ 579 ] SCO
Nov;i Sco- the fugar tree, as affording a confiderable quantity of
t| tia' that valuable ingredient. See Sugar.
Amongft ^he natural produiffions of Nova Scotia, it
is neceiiary to enumerate their iron-ore, which is fup-
pofed equally good with that found in any part of Ame¬
rica.
Limeftone is likewife found in many places •, it is
extremely good, and is now much uied for building :
independent of which, it gives the farmers and landhold¬
ers a great advantage for improving the ground, as it
is found by experience to be one of the malt approved
things in the world for that purpofe.
Several of the ufeful and moft common European
fruits have been planted in many places ; fo that the
province now produces great quantities of apples, fome
pears, and a few plums, which are all good of their
kind, efpecially the former. The fmaller fruits, fuch
as currants, goofeberries, &c. grow to as great perfec¬
tion as in Europe ; and the fame may be faid of all the
common and ufeful kinds of garden plants. Among
thefe their potatoes have the preference, as being the
mod ferviceable in a country abounding with fiili ; and
indeed they are not to be exceeded in goodnefs by any
in the world. The maize, or Indian corn, is a native
of much warmer climates •, and, though planted here,
never arrives at more than two-thirds of its natural big-
nefs j a defecf which arifes as well from the fhortnefs of
the fummer as the gravelly nature of the foil. Tobacco
may likewife be cultivated with eafe in Nova Scotia, as
k is already everywhere in Canada, from Lake Cham¬
plain to the ille of Orleans, for the purpofe of internal
confumption.
This country is not deficient in the animal produc¬
tions of the neighbouring provinces, particularly deer,
beavers, and otters. Wild fowl, and all manner of game,
and many kinds of European fowls and quadrupeds,
have from time to time been brought into it and thrive
well. At the clofe of IMarch the fiih begin to fpawn,
when they enter the rivers in fuch fhoals as are incre¬
dible. Herrings come up in April, and the fturgeon
and ialmon in May. But the motl valuable appendage
of New Scotland is the Cape Sable coaft, along which
is one continued range of cod-fifliing banks and excel¬
lent harbours. This fifliery employs a great number of
men, in fome feafons not lefs than 10,000, when x 20,000
quintals are caught, of which 40,000 may be export¬
ed. Ihefe, at the lowed; price, mull bring into the
colony 26,0001. flerling, either in cafh or in commodi¬
ties neceffary to the inhabitants. But this eftimation,
it muff be obferved, refers to a diftant period, as that
trade has now greatly increafed.
Notwithflanding the comparatively uninviting ap-
peaiance of this country, it was here that lome of the
firft European fettlements were made. The firft grant
of lands in it was given by James I. to his fecretary Sir
\\ illiam Alexander, from 'whom it had the name of
So-va Scotia or Scotland. Since that period it has
frequently changed proprietors, fometimes in the pof-
feffion of the French, and fomelimes in that of the Emr-
lifh. 8
In 1604, the French firft fettled in Nova Scotia, to
which they gave the name of Acadia. Inftead of fix¬
ing towards the eaft of the peninfula, where they would
have had larger Teas, an eafy navigation, and plenty of
eod, they chofe a fmall bay, afterwards called French
Bay, which had none of thefe advantages. It has been Nova Scs-
faid, that they were invited by the beauty of Port Royal, tl?i-
where a thoufand (hips may ride in fafety from every v
wind, where there is an excellent bottom, and at all
times four or five fathoms of water, and eighteen at the
entrance. It is more probable that the founders of this
colony were led to choofe this fituadon, from its vicinity
to the countries abounding in iurs, of which the ex-
clufive trade had been granted to them. This conjec¬
ture is confirmed by the following circumftance : that
both the firlt monopolizers, and thofe w7ho fucceeded
them, took the utmoft pains to divert the attention of
their countrymen, whom an unfettled difpofidon, or ne-
ceflity, brought into thefe regions, from the clearin g of
the woods, the breeding of cattle, filhing, and every
kind of culture : choofing rather to engage the induftry
of thefe adventurers in hunting or in trading with the
favages.
This colony was yet in its infancy when the fettle-
ment, which has fince become fo famous under the name
of New Eng/and, was firft eftabliihed in its neighbour¬
hood. The rapid fuccefs of the plantations in this new
colony did not much attraft the notice of the French.
This kind of profperity did not excite any jealoufy be¬
tween the two nations. But when they began to fuf-
peift: that there was likely to be a competition for the
beaver trade and furs, they endeavoured to fecure to
themfelves the foie property of it, and w’ere unfortunate
enough to fucceed.
At their firft arrival in Acadia, they had found the
peninfula, as wreli as the forelts of the neighbouring
continent, peopled with fmall favage nations, who went
under the general name of Abenakies. Though equally
fond of war as other favage nations, they were mote
fociable in their manners. The miffionaries eafily in-
finuating themfelves among them, had fo far inculca¬
ted their tenets as to make enthufiafts of them. At
the fame time that they taught them their religion, they
infpired them with that hatred which they themlelves
entertained for the Englifh name. This fundamental
article of their new worftiip, being that which made the
ftrongeft impreflion on their fenfes, and the only ons
that favoured their paftion for war, they adopted it with
ah the rage that was natural to them. They not only
refufed to make any kind of exchange with the Eng-
lilh, but aifo frequently difturbed and ravaged the fron¬
tiers of that nation.
This produced perpetual hofhlities between the New
Englanders and the French fettlers in Acadia, till that
province was, at the peace of Utrecht, for ever ceded
to the Englifh, who feemed not for a long time to dif-
cover the value of their new acquifition. They refto-
red to it its ancient name of Nova Scotia ; and having
built a flight fortification at Port-Royal, which they
called Annapolis in honour of Queen Anne, they con¬
tented themlelves with putting a very fmali garrifon in¬
to it. In procefs of time, however, the importance of
Nova Scotia to the commerce of Great Britain began
to be perceived j and at the peace of 1749, the mini-
ftry offered particular advantages to all perfons who
chofe to go over and fettle in Acadia. Every loldier,
fajlor, and workman, was to have 50 acres of land for
himfelf, and ten for every perfon he carried over in his
family. All non-commifliened officers wrere allowed 80
for themfelves, and 15 for their wives and children j
4 D 2 enfigns
SCO C 580 ] SCO
Nova Sco- enfigns 200 ; lieutenants 300 j captains 400 ; and all
t!a officers of a higher rank 600 5 together with 30 for
Scotifts eacfl °f their dependents. The land rvas to be tax free
y—for the firft ten years, and never to pay above one livre
* About is. two foIs fix deniers * for fifty acres. Befide this, the
Sterling. government engaged to advance or reimburfe the ex-
pences of pafiage, to build houfes, to furniffi all the ne-
ceffary inftruments for fiffiery or agriculture, and to de¬
fray the expences of fubfilfence for the firft year. Ihefe
encouragements determined 374° perfons, in the month
of May 1749, to go to America, in hopes of bettering
their fortune.
Thus encouraged, the province of Nova Scotia be¬
gan to flouriffi, though in 1769 it fent out only 14 vef-
fels and 148 boats, which together amounted to 7324
tons, and received 22 veffels and 1 20 boats, which to¬
gether made up 7006 tons. They conftru&ed three
Hoops, which did not exceed no tons burden. Their
exportation for Great Britain and for the other parts
of the globe did not amount to more than 729,850
f About livres 12 fols 9 deniers f. Continuing, however, true
to its allegiance when the other colonies threw off the
Sterling. dominion of Great Britain, it has now become a place
* of great confequence both to the mother-country and
the Weft Indies. Its {hipping and feamen have rapidly
increafed, as well as its produce, which affords the plea-
fing profpedl of being able to fupply itielf with all the
neceffaries of life. It now fupphes Britain with timber
and fiffi to the amount of 50,000!. yearly ; and receives
from hence linen and woollen cloths to the value of
about 30,000!. The number of perfons who have aban¬
doned "their habitations in the more fouthern provinces,
and fettled either there or in Canada, cannot be eftima-
ted, by the moft moderate calculation, at Ids than
80,000 and it is without doubt the moft convenient in
point of fituation of any province in America for a ma¬
ritime power of Europe to be poffefled of.
Scotia, in Architecture, a {emicircular cavity or
channel between the tores in the bales of columns.
SCOTISTS, a fed of fchool-divines and philofo-
phers, thus called from their founder J. Duns Scot us, a
Scottiffi cordelier, who maintained the immaculate con¬
ception of the virgin, or that {he was born without ori¬
ginal fin, in oppofition to Thomas Aquinas and the
Thomifts.
As to philofophy, the Scotifts were, like the Tho¬
mifts, Peripatetics (fee Peripatetics) j only diftin-
guifiied by this, that in each being, as many different
qualities as it had, fo many different formalities did they
diftinguilh •, all diftinft from the body itfelf, and making
as it were fo many different entities ; only thefe were
paetaphyfical, and as it were fuperadded to the being.
The Scotifls and Thomifts likewife difagreed about the Scotifts
nature of the divine co-operation with the human will, ^
the meafure of divine grace that is neceffary to falvation, , rot‘‘ln ,
and other abftrufe and minute queftions, which it is
needlefs to enumerate. 1
SCOTLAND, the modern name of that part of the Extent and
ifiand of Britain which lies to the north of the Solway boundaries,
frith and the river Tweed. It is bounded on the north
by that part of the Atlantic called the Northern ocean j
on the eaft by the German ocean or North fea ; on the
weft by the Atlantic ocean, and partly by the Irith fea;
and on the fouth by England, the boundary on this fide
being formed by the river Tweed, the Cheviot hills,
and an ideal line drawn fouth-weft down to the Solway
frith. Excluding the iftands, the continental part of
Scotland extends from the Mull of Galloway in the
55th to Cape Wrath in the 58^ degree of north lati¬
tude, and from i° 35' to 6* 20' weft from the meridian
of Greenwich, counting from Buchannefs on the eaft to
Ardnamurchan on the weft. If we include the iftands
of Shetland and the Hebrides, we {hall find this part of
the Britifh empire extending northward to 63°, and
weftward to the ifle of St Kilda to 8° 18'weft longi¬
tude. The continental part of Scotland is generally
eftimated at 260 miles in length, and about 160 at its
greateft breadth, and its fuperficial contents have been
computed at 27,793 fquare miles. . %
Scotland has been divided into Highlands and Low- Djv;(ionJ.
lands 5 but the boundaries of thefe are arbitrary and un¬
determined. A move natural divifion appears to be that
into northern, middle, and fouthern parts. The north¬
ern part is bounded to the fouth by a range of lakes, ex¬
tending from the Murray frith to the ifland of Mull, in
a fouth-weft diretftion, and comprehends the counties of
Orkney, Caithnefs, Sutherland, Rofs, Cromarty, and
Invernefs. The fouthern divifion extends northward to
the friths of Forth and Clyde, and the canal by which
they are united, and comprehends the counties of Lin¬
lithgow, Edinburgh, Haddington, Berwick, Renfrew,
Ayr, Wigton, Lanark, Peebles, Selkirk, Roxburgh,
Dumfries, and Kircudbright. In the midland, divifion
are included the counties of Argyle, Lute, Naim, Mo¬
ray, Banff, Aberdeen, Mearns, Angus or Forfar,
Perth, Fife, Kinrofs, Clackmannan, Stirling, and Dum¬
barton.
In the following table we have brought together lome
of the moft important circumftances refpe&ing the topo¬
graphy and ftatiftics of thefe counties, viz. the county
town, their extent in fquare acres, their population, ac¬
cording to the lateft accounts, and the number of mili¬
tia which each county is obliged to raife, according to
lail militia a£L
Hate CCCCLXXVir
lufihrty
‘[unshsm'
Mamlandl
Peuflmiti Tjy
Dun*/ Hrii&
'r/Z/sirid«J 'fi/>rru>.r
izsby Head
Surribupcf Dead,
Wr\rhifr«Miv*i
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t.p AT tYh 3fES
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rT^* rk//*rv/c
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ad/a vHills
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SKivh iSS/uLs j S
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sHead
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yT'/Of
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Drunutzifir
© H. 1
lit boss
air
fi’/i/iT/jitti
4k : 5^2
\1<I{\N>
^ J/swiil'
7d/£/
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Jla/l/f,
utzueb
U/t/l of {a/ilil
Saiuyul
Sand a A
■mzefhspbrryJliAi v
JVTr_M- r\R T E .s5^
oen/i
\ S H\I R E
JLorIVni al»MU
P^- i/'V/ti
' Celtnonetl
wmitaoi
Morpetb
Shoibck
Hallanln
ucwajt
amkioiiT^
pmnfciiA #;Ay
Jiui/nt
tdrnarztr
»tu/tvien
Y ' : V J
iJVir d atvU’ieL/Hnuuay/'
ee rlucs Weunri) S Tr
Wlw’lo vm 'itL/lnwt>rlhiL ,
R I Ji K
: - yAi/^
7 J.L‘ii(/i/uds a,’ U'ett rbcm e Greenwich 30
Head
jE=!='^
W/D&VbSOn SttUd'.
Scotland.
Table of the
counties.
SCO
[ 581 ]
SCO
Counties.
County Towns.
Square Acres.
Population.
Militia.
Orkney and Shetland
Caithnefs
Sutherland
Rofs
Cromarty
Invernefs
Argyle
Bute
Nairn
Murray
Banff
Aberdeen
Mearns
Angus
Perth
Fife
Kinrofs
Clackmannan
Stirling
Dumbarton
Linlithgow
Edinburgh
Haddington
Berwick
Renfrew
Ayr
Wigton
Lanark
Peebles
Selkiik
Roxburgh
Dumfries
Kircudbright
Kirkwall
Wick
Dornoch
Dingwall
Cromarty
Invernefs
Inverary
Roth fay
Nairn
Elgin
Banff
Aberdeen
Bervie
Forfar
Perth
Cupar
Kinrofs
Culrofs
Stirling.
Dumbarton
Linlithgow
Edinburgh
Haddington
Dunfe
Renfrew
Ayr
Wigton
Lanark
Peebles
Selkirk
Jedburgh
Dumfries
Kirkcudbright
492,800 E.
2,148,000 E.
561,200 E.
61,440 E.
2,944,000 E.
2,432,000 E.
238,080 E.
153.600 E.
537.600 E.
649.600 E.
718,816 E.
243>444 E-
593,920 E.
4,068,640 E.
322,560 E.
43,920 E.
25,600 E.
4Co,c6o E.
159>356 E.
57,008 S.
230.400 E.
224,000 E.
3261.400 E.
322,560 E.
1,152,000 E.
238,721 S.
556,800 E.
153.600 E.
128,000 E.
472,320 E.
1,088,000,E.
440,081 S.
46.824
22,609
23>ir7
53>525
3.052
74,292
75,700
11,791
8,257
26,705
35,807
123,071
26,349
99,127
126,366
93,743
6,725
10,858
50.825
20,710
i7»844
122,954
29,986
30,206
78,056
84,306
22,918
147,796
8,717
5,070
33,712
54,597
29,211
1,604,826
121
100
270
16
384
364
61
43
138
r79
640
136
511
653
484
35
56
I6j
107
94
645
J54
*55
404
436
ll9
751
45
25
178
284
I51
8902
Scotland.
For a topographical account of the feveral counties,
the reader is referred to their names in the order of the
alphabet.
Face of the Scotland is in general extremely mountainous, efpe-
country. cially on the northern and wellern tides, whence thefe
parts have been denominated the Highlands. Even the
eaftern and fouthern parts of the country have very lit¬
tle of that uniform llatnefs which diftinguiihes fome
parts of England, but are agreeably diverfiiied with hill
and dale. Numerous rivers interfeiR the country •, and
feveral romantic lakes are found at the foot of the moft
remarkable mountains. There is in general little wood,
except in the northern parts, wdiere there are flill' im-
menfe foreffs. Nothing can appear more wild and fa-
vage to the eye of a ilranger than the Highlands of
Scotland. Here the whole country feems compofed of
blue rocks and dufky mountains heaped upon each other,
with their Tides embrowned wjth heath, and their fum-
mits covered with fnow, which lies unthawed for the
greater part of the year, or pours down their jagged
fides in a thoufand torrents and roaring catarafts, fall¬
ing into gloomy vales or glens, fome of which are
fo deep and narrow, as to be altogether impenetrable
by the rays of the fun. Yet even thefe mountains are
in fome places Hoped into agreeable green hills fit for
pafiure, and interfperfed with pleafant ftraths or valleys
capable of cultivation ) and there are feveral extenfive
difiridds of loiv fertile ground, though in other parts the
interftices of the mountains are rendered nearly impaffa-
ble by bogs and morafles. The entrance into the High¬
lands from the fouth-eaft near Dunkeld, is peculiarly
imprefiive, there being here a confiderable tratd of plain,,
extending to what may be called the gates of the moun¬
tains.
The
Hote.— I he writers on Scottilh topography have noted the extent of the feveral counties, fometimes in Englilh,
and fometimes in Scotch acres. We have therefore affixed to the numbers exprefling the acres of each county, E
or S, according as they are Englifh or Scotch. The reader may reduce them to either ftandard by reeollefting
that the Scotch acre exceeds the Englilh nearly in the proportion of five to four.
Soil.
6
Mountain?
1
Bays and
.gulfs.
8
B-ivers,
9
Lakes,
io
Forefts.
ir
Climate
and fea-
foas.
SCO [58
The foil of Scotland, which, confidering the little
variety of the country, is extremely various, will be
bell; underflood by examining that of the feveral coun¬
ties, as deferibed under their refpedlive heads. In fome
parts, as the carle of Gowrie in Perthfhire, and mod of
the counties of Haddington and Berwick, the foil vies
in fertility writh the richefl parts of England, or even
Ireland, while in the more mountainous trafts of Rofs-
fhire, Sutherland, and Argyle, the country is very lit¬
tle adapted to tillage, and is therefore almclt wholly
devoted to pafturing large flocks of fheep and herds of
black cattle.
The principal mountains of Scotland are thofe of the
Grampians, extending from Loch Lomond to Stone¬
haven, and forming the fouthern boundary of the High¬
lands ; the Leadhills, partly in Dumfries-fhiie and partly
in Lanarkthire ; the Cheviot hills, forming the princi¬
pal part of the fouthern boundary, and the Ochil hills,
north of the river Forth. The higheft individual moun¬
tains are thofe of Ben Nevis, Cairngorum, Ben Lawers,
Ben More, Ben Lomond, Schehallien, Mount Battock,
and Cruachan. The fituation and dire&ion of the moun¬
tainous chains, and the minerals which they contain,have
been deferibed under Geology, N° 140.
The moft remarkable inlets of the fea on the Scottifh
coaft are, the friths of Forth, Tay, Solway, Murray,
Cromarty, Dornoch, and Clyde, and the bays of Wig-
ton and Glenluce. Many of what are called lochs, £re
properly large gulfs or inlets of the fea, efpecially Loch
Fine, Loch Shin, Loch Broom, and Loch Linnhe.
The chief rivers of Scotland are the Forth, that di¬
vides Stirling and Fife from the Lothians ) the Tay, di¬
viding Perth-fhire and Angus-ftiire from Fife-thire ; the
Tweed, forming the boundary between Scotland and
England to the eaft ; the Clyde, pafling through great
part of Lanark-fliire, and fepnraling this county from
thofe of Renfrew and Dumbarton 5 the Dee and the
Don, paiTing through Aberdeen-thire •, the Spey, fepa-
rating the counties of Banff and Murray •, the Nith,
paffing through Dumfries-fliire, and the Eden in the
county of Fife. See each under their refpe£tive
names.
The lakes or lochs of Scotland, are chiefly thofe of
Lomond in Dumbarton-fliire, Awe, in. Argyle-fliire,
Tay, Katrine, and Erne, in Perth-fhire ; Loch Nefs
in Invernefs-fliire ; and the claflical lake of Leven in
Kinrofs fliire. See Leven, LoMOND, Tay, &c.
We have faid that Scotland is in general bare of
wood, though there are numerous traces of its having
formerly abounded in forefts. The moft remarkable of
thefe was Fttrick foreft in the county of Selkirk $ the
foreft of Margin the weft of Aberdeen fliire, where ftill
remains a coniiderable traft of woodland, called Aber-
nethy foreft ; the fereft of Sletadale to the north of
Dun-Robin in the county of Sutherland 5 thofe of Dir-
rymore and Dirrymena, to the north and fouth of
Loch Shin, and the foreft of Athol in the county of
Perth.
The climate of Scotland is, if pofl'ible, ftill more in-
conflant than that of England, and though in general
extremely healthy to the robult mountaineer, it is by no
means genial to the valetudinarian. The eaftern coaft
is expofed to the keennefs of the eaft wind during the
greater part of the year, while the weftern fliores, from
their vicinity to the Atlantic, are deluged with almoft
2
]
c o
perpetual rain. The winter in this country is remark- Scotland,
able, rather for the abundance of fnow which fails ati—
that fealon, than for the intenfity of froft ; while in
hammer the heat of the fun is reflected with great
violence in the narrow vales between the mountains, fo
as lometimes to occatlon the appearance of glittering
particles that feem to fwim before the eye. i he bare-
nefs of wood adds to the effects of hidden alternations of
the weather, though it contributes to diminifh the natu-
ral humidity of the air. The fpring is in general very
late and inclement, fo as not unfrequently to deltroy
the faireft profpefts of the farmer and the gardener. The
harVefts are alfo late, and we have feen corn either un¬
cut, or {landing in {heaves on the field, in the latter end
of November. t2
The zoology of Scotland, as diftinguilhed from that Animalj.
of England, offers little remarkable to the eye of the
naturalift. In the northern counties, and in Galloway
to the fouth, there is a breed of fmall horfes, like the
Wellh ponies, called Jhe/ties, which are extremely
hardy, but obftinate and fkittilh. The cattle in Gal¬
loway are often without horns •, a circumftance which is
faid to add to the quantity and quality of the milk
which they produce. One of the chief primitive breeds
of cattle in this country are the kylies, fo called from
the province of Kyle. Thefe are of a middle fize, and
have fliort {harp horns pointing upwards. The Scotch
fheep are fmaller and ihorter than thofe of England,
but their flefh is much more delicate; and the fleeces of
the Shetland fheep are remarkable for the finenefs of
their wool. Goats are not nearly fo common in the
Highlands of Scotland as in moft other mountainous
trails, and fwine are very little cultivated, pork not be¬
ing a favourite food among the inhabitants of North
Britain. There feems to be no breed of dogs peculiar to
this country *, but the colies or fhepherds dogs are remark¬
able for their fagacity, and are often entrufted with the
guardianfhip of flocks and herds during their mailer’s
abfence. There are fcarcely any wild quadrupeds pe¬
culiar to Scotland. The wolf, indeed, continued here
to a much later period than in England, and the wild
cat is occafionally obferved. Small herds of roes alfo
are ftill found in fome of the northern diftrifls, and feals
and porpoifes frequent the fea coafts.
Of the native birds the black cock and the groufe are
the moft; remarkable. Eagles are often feen on the
rocky cliffs, and elegant falcons in the remaining fo¬
refts. The fhores and iflands prefent numerous fea
fowl, and the ifle of Bafs is proverbially the haunt ©f
the folan goofe. The golden-crefled wren is fometimes
feen in the moft northern parts of the country, but the
nightingale has never yet been feen north of the
Tweed.
The fliores of Scotland are abundantly fupplied with
fifti, efpecially herrings, haddocks, turbots, and lobfters;
and the mouths of the great rivers, efpecially the Tweed
and the Tay, furnifli an inexhauftible fupply of the
fineft falmon. Oyfters are plentiful, but they are not
fo delicate as thofe on the coaft of Effex. Mackerel,
whitings, and fmelts, are uncommon, and fprats are
fcarcely known. The lakes and ftreams abound in
trout, perch, and other frefli-water fifti. I he whale
fometimes appears on the northern coaft, and the balk¬
ing (hark on the weftern inlets. *3
The vegetable prodnflions of Scotland confidered in"^e§etat^e3'
general,
SCO [ 583 ] SCO
Scotland, general, differ Utile from thofe of England ; and tliofe
,_l v of the whole iiland may be feen by referring to the ar¬
ticle Botany, where each Britjlh fpecies is marked
with an aiterilk. We may remark, that the warm
moilt regions of Cornwall, Devoniliire, and Dcrfet j the
range of chalk hills that forms the greater part of the
banks of the Thames ; the dry Tandy trails of Norfolk,
Suffolk, and Cambridge j and the fens of Lincolnshire,
contain many plants that are either unknown, or very
rarely met with in North Britain 5 while on the other
hand, the fnowy fummits of the Grampians, the exten-
five forefts of Badenoch and Braemar, and the bleak
unlheltered rocks of the Hebudes, poffefs many hardy
vegetables not to be found in the fouthern parts of the
iiland. South Britain contains a greater number of
fpecies peculiar to itfelf j but thofe that are fimilarly
circumitanced in this northern diviilon, are of more fre¬
quent occurrence. To the Engiiih botaniff, Scotland
will have more the air of a foreign country, than Eng¬
land to a Scottifh botaniff. The refearches of the for¬
mer will be continually iolicited and repaid amid the
grand romantic feenery of the Highlands, by the ap¬
pearance of plants either altogether new to him, or
which he has been accuftomed to conflder as the rare
reward of minute inveftigation. In traverfing the natu¬
ral foreffs of birch and pine, though his attention wull
be firft attrafted by the trees themfelves in every rtage
of growth, from the limber fapling to the bare and
weather-beaten trunks that have endured the dorms of
500 or 600 winters ; the new forms of the humbler ve¬
getables will foon divide his attention, and will each at-
traft a {hare of his regard. It would be an unintereft-
ing talk both to us and our readers, to enumerate the
plants more peculiar to Scotland. Thefe may be found
in Lightfoot’s Flora Scotica, and many of them in Mr
Pinkerton’s G‘ogrophy.
Scotland is by no means remarkable for abundance of
fruit. Goofeberries, flraw'berries, and rafpberrits, do
indeed npen nearly as well as in England *, and apples,
pears, and fome fpecies of wall-fruit, as Orleans plums
and apricots, are not uncommon \ but peaches, nefta-
rines, and grapes, are fcarcely feen in the open air; and
in the beft gardens w’e have not obferved the walnut,
the mulberry, or the fig. Even the currants, which
are very abundant, fcarcely ever attain that degree of
ripenefs which can fit them for ufe as a deffert, but are
employed almoff entirely for jellies and wines. The
chief fruit diftri&s are thofe on the banks of the Clyde.
*4 . ^ew countries poffefs a greater flore of fubterraneous
Minerals, riches than Scotland 5 moft of the metals, and fome of
the moff valuable minerals, being very common. Even
gold itfelf has been found in the Leadhills, in the bands
of Elvan, a rivulet which joins the Clyde, and in the
Ochill hills ; and a conilderable quantity of iilver is an¬
nually obtained from the lead mines of Leadhills and
Wardockhead. Copper is rare ; but has been met with
near^ Alva in the Ochills j at Colvend in Galloway,
and fome other places. The raoft remarkable lead-
mines are thofe of Leadhills and Wanlockhead, Stron-
tian and Iflay ; but traces of this metal have been found
in other parts. Iron is a moft abundant mineral pro-
duftion, but that called the Carron ore is beft known.
Cobalt is found at Alva ; calamine (an impure oxide
of zinc) at Wanlockhead j plumbago or graphite in
Ayrshire \ and antimony in Dumfries-{hire.
Among the other minerals, coal is to be regarded as Scotland,
the moft abundant and inoft valuable. We have al-
ready remarked, under Geology, that one of the two
chiet beds of coal found in this ifiand, is that which runs
from the valley traveifed by the Tay and the Forth,
weft ward to the coaft of Ayrihire. The Lothians and
Fife-lhire particularly abound with coal; and it is not
lei's abundant in the vicinity of Glafgow, and in feveral
places of the counties of Ayr and Renfrew.
Scotland may be called the quarry of Britain, as
hence is derived moft of the ftone that is carried to the
fouth for building and paving. Abundance of freeftone
and limeftone is found in molt parts of the country; and
the beauty and durability of the houfes in the New
d own of Edinburgh Bear ample teftimony to the value
of the quarries in that neighbourhood. Beautiful gra¬
nite is found in Ben Nevis, and fine ftatuavy marble in
Afynt, and in Blairgowrie in Perthlhire. A black mar¬
ble freckled with white occurs at Fort William ; jafper
is found' in various parts ; fullers earth occurs near
Campbeltown, and coniiderable quantities of talc in the
mountains of Findhorn. The beautiful quart* of Caim-
g or urn is well known, and numerous pebbles of agates
and onyxes are frequently collected on the ealtern
coaft.
The mineral waters of Scotland are numerous; but Mineral
the principal are thole of Moffat, Peterhead, St Ber-waters,
nard’s well near Edinburgh, and Pitcaithly. At Mof¬
fat arc two fprings, one a fulphureous, and the other
from Hartfell a chalybeate water. The water at St
Bernard’s well is itrongly impregnated with ful-
phur.
Many fingular natural curiofities are to be found in v I<5,
Scotland. Among thefe the beautiful falls of the Clyde, riofitlel ^
the infulated rock of the Bafs ; the feenery about Loch
Lomond, and the iiles of Staffa, Eigg, and Cannay, are
chiefly deferving of notice. In the ifle of Arran is an
immenfe vaulted cavern, hollowed in the lolid rock ; and
near Colvend in Durafriesfliire, and on the eaftern coaft
of Fife, are feveral remarkable caves. Nofs head pre-
fents a lingular quarry of fkte, marked with metallic
figures; and at Glamma in the heights of Glenelchraig,
is a cafcade, which, viewed amidft the conftant darkneis
of hills and woods, is truly fublitne.
In tne parifli of Gaurie in Banffshire are three re¬
markable natural curiofities; a perpendicular rock of
very great extent full of Ihells, which are poffeffed by
myriads of birds; a cave, or rather den, called HelFs
lurn or chimney, 50 feet deep, 60 long, and 40 broad,
haring a fubterraneous pafl'age to the fea, about 240
feet long, through which the waves are driven with
great violence in ftormy weather, fb as to occalion
fmoke to rife from the den ; and another fubterraneous
paflage through a peninfula from fea to fea, nearly 450
feet long, and fo narrow that.a man can with difficulty
creep through it. At one end of this paffage is a cave
about 20 feet bigb, 30 broad, and 150 long, fupported
by immenfe columns of rock.
There are three principal groups of Scottiffi iflands; Scottilk
thefe of Shetland and Orkney, to the north of the Pent- ‘haudN
land frith, and that of the Hebudes, Hebrides, or
Weftern Lies, in the weftern Atlantic. An ample ac¬
count of thefe will be found under the articles He¬
brides, Orkney, and Shetland ; and under the
names of the principal individual iflands. The ifles
or
Scotland.
18
Names of
North Bri
tain.
*9
Aborigines
Scotland
^ Caletie-
nia, vol. i.
P- 33-
20
Names and
iituatkms
of the Abo¬
riginal
tribes.
SCO [584
of Bate and Arran, which are didinfl from the He.
brides, have alfo been defcribtd under their refpeftive
names.
The name Scotland, as applied to North Britain, is
comparatively of recent date. By the later Roman
writers, Scotia was applied to Ireland, as the country
which had been colonized by the Scoti, and the names
of Hiberni and Scoti are, after the 4th century of the
Chriftian era, indifcriminately applied to the inhabi¬
tants of Ireland. When North Britain firft became
known to the Romans under Agricola, it was by them
denominated Caledonia, from its abounding in forefts,
and the natives w7ere called Caledonii. Thefe names
continued in ule till the expiration of the Roman power
in Britain, when this part of the illand was generally
known by the name of Provincia Piciorum, and the in¬
habitants were divided into Picli-Caledonii, and Pi&i.
It is not till the nth century that we find Scotia or
Scotland appropriated to North Britain.
With refpedl to the origin of this name there is much
difpute, but it is generally agreed that the term Scots
was applied to the inhabitants of North Britain by their
neighbours, by way of reproach.
Few points have been difputed with more keennefs
• and more afperity than the original population of Scot¬
land. The Irifh and the Scotch have ftrenuoufly con-
tefted the claim of their country to be the Rock from
wdiich the other was colonized. There feems no doubt
that both Britain and Ireland were originally peopled
by the Celtic tribes, w’ho had long before occupied the
weft of Europe, and advanced from the Ihores of Gaul,
probably acrofs the ftraits of Dover, to take pofleflion
of the fouthern part of Britain. Thence it appears they
extended themfelves northwards, till they had peopled
the whole ifland, wdien, from a fpirit of enterprife, or
to find more room and better pafture for their herds,
they crofted the channel to the weft of Britain, and
planted a colony in Ireland. This feems to be their
moft natural route, and numerous authorities have been
lately adduced to prove, not only that the whole of
Britain and Ireland were peopled by Celtic tribes, but
that the colonization of Ireland was fubfequent to that
of Scotland. “ This region (North Britain) during the
firft century,” fays Mr Chalmers “ is a fmall but ge¬
nuine mirror of Gaul during the fame age. North
Britain wras inhabited by one and twenty clans of
Gaelic people, whofe polity, like that of their Gaelic
progenitors, did not admit of very ftrong ties of poli¬
tical union. They profeffed the fame religious tenets
as the Gauls, and performed the fame facred rites 5 their
ftone monuments were the fame, as wTe know from re¬
mains. Their principles of action, their modes of life,
their ufages of burial, were equally Gaelic •, and above
all, their expreflive language, wrhich ftill exitts for the
examination of thofe wrho delight in fuch lore, was the
pureft Celtic
The names and pofition of the 21 tribes wThich occu¬
pied North Britain in the fiift century, have been mi¬
nutely inveftigated by Mr Chalmers, and we fhall here
briefly ftate the refult of his inveftigalions. The firft
tribe which he mentions is that of the Ottadini, who
pofteffed the country which ftretches from the river
Tyne northward along the coaft of the German fea and
the frith of Forth. On the weft of thefe lay the Go-
]
SCO
deni, occupying the weftern part of Northumberland, Scotland,
that fmall portion of Cumberland which lies to the y——.
north of the river Irthing ; the weft of Roxburghfliire,
the whole of Selkirk and Tweeddale, part of Mid Lo¬
thian, and nearly the whole of Weft Lothian, or Lin¬
lithgow. To the fouth-weft of the Gadeni lay the Sel-
govce, inhabiting Annandale, Nithfdale, and EIkdale in
Dumfries-flrire 5 the eaftern part of Galloway as far as
the river Dee, which formed their weftern boundary ;
while to the fouth they extended to the Solway frith.
The Novantes inhabited the weftern and middle parts
of Gallow ay, from the Dee on the caft to the Irifii fea
on the weft. The Damnii occupied the whole extent of
country from the ridge of hills lying between Galloway
and Ayrlhire on the fouth, to the river Earn on the
north, comprehending all Strathcluyd, the counties of
Ayr, Renfrew, and Stirling, with a fmall part of Dum¬
barton and Perth. The Horejiii inhabited the country
lying between the Forth and Tay, including the {hires
of Fife, Clackmannan, and Kinrofs, with the eaftern
part of Strathern, and the country lying weftward of
the Tay, as far as the river Brand. The Venricones pof-
feffed the country between the Tay and the Carron,
comprehending a great part of Perth-fhire, the whole of
Angus, and part of Kincardine-lhire. The Taixali in¬
habited the northern part of the Mearns, and the whole
of Aberdeen-fhire, to the Doveran a diftridl which in¬
cluded the promontory of Kinnaird’s-head, to which the
Romans gave the name of Taixalorum promontorium.
The Vacanagi occupied the country on the fouth fide of
the Murray frith, from the Doveran on the eaft, to the
Nefs on the weft ; an exient comprehending the {hires
of Banff, Elgin, Nairn, the eaft part of Invernefs, with
Braemar in Aberdeen-lhire. The Albani, afterwards
called Damnii Albani, inhabited the interior diftrifts,
between the lower ridge of the Grampians on the fouth,
and the chain of mountains forming the fouthern limit
of Invernefs-fhire on the north, including Braidalban,
Athol, a fmall part of Lochaber, with Appin and
Glenorchy in Upper-Lorn The Attacotti inhabited the
whole country from Loch Fine on the wTeft, to the eaft-
ward of the river Leven and Loch Lomond, compre¬
hending the whole of Cowal in Argyle-fhire, and the
greater part of Dumbarton-lhire. The proper Caledonii
poffeffed the whole of the interior country, from the
ridge of mountains which feparates Invernefs from Perth
on the fouth, to the range of hills that forms the foreft
of Balnagavan on the north, comprehending all the
middle parts of Invernefs and of Rofs. The Cant<e in¬
habited the eaft of Rofs-lhire from the aeftuary of Varrar
on the fouth, to the frith of Dornoch on the north,
having the frith of Cromarty in the centre, and a ridge
of hills on the weft. The fouth-eaftern coaft of Suther¬
land w as inhabited by the Logi, whofe country extended
from the frith of Dornoch on the fouth-weft to the river
Ua on the eaft. The Carnabii inhabited the fouth of
Caithnefs from the 11a river j the fmall tribe of the Ca-
teni inhabited the north-wreft corner of Caithnefs, and
the Mertce occupied the interior of Sutherland. The
Carnonacte inhabited the north and weft coaft of Suther¬
land, while the Creones occupied the w7eft coaft of Rofs-
ftiire, the Cerones the weftern coaft of Invernefs, and
the Epidii the fouth-weft of Argyle-fhire, from Loch
Linnhe to the frith of Clyde,
Ail
1
SCO r 585 1 SCO
i.ScotUml-. A11 tllefe Celtic tribes» 5n tbelr laws» religion, man- ferent names, or under the fame names with the defigna- Scotland.
ners and cuttoms, appear to have refembled the Britons tion of I, II, III, &c. This is rendered the more pro-v—'
Druidical ot the r°uth- Their bfe was equally Ample, their man- bable by confidering that both Fergus I. and Fergus II
antiquities ners were equally favage, and their religion, like that are faid to have been of Irilh extraftion, and to have
m Scotland, of the South^ Britons, was certainly Druidical. See come over from Ireland to affitt the inhabitants of North
. England, I^ 4, and the article Druids. Ihe fa<?t Britain againft their more powerful neighbours. Under
cr Druids having exifted in North Britain, fo ftrenuous- the perfuafion that nothing authentic can be recorded in
ly denied by fome writers, is, in the opinion of Mr the Scottilh hiffory before the arrival of the Romans in
Chalmers, completely afcertained by numerous remains Britain, we (hall commence the hiftorical part of this ar-
of places of Druidical worlhip. Thefe he has been at tide from the period when Agricola full penetrated north
much pains to inveftigate, and has defcribed leveral re- of the Tweed.
markable circles of Hones and rocking Hones, refem-
bling in almoH every particular thofe in South Britain,
which are on all hands allowed to be Druidical. Some
remarkable remains of this kind occur in the pariili of
Kirkmichael in Perthlhire, where there is an immenfe
rocking Hone Handing on a flat-topped eminence in the
vicinity of a large body of Druidical remains. Oppo-
fite to the manfe of Dron, in the fame county, there is
another large rocking Hone, ten feet long and feven
broad ; and in the parifh of Abernethy, near Balvaird,
there is a third which attrafted the notice of Buchanan.
In the Hewartry of Kircudbright is a Hone of a fimilar
defcription, called Logan Jlone, which from its lize ap-
pears to be eight or ten tons in weight, and is fo nicely
nia^vol°i ba^ance^ on two or three protuberances, that the pref-
p. 76. ’ fare of the finger produces a rocking motion from the
12 one fide to the other *.
Robert fun’s It has been remarked by Dr Robertfon, that the hi-
the Scot-1 ^°ry ScotIand may properly be divided into four pe-
tifli hiftory. rj'ods- reaches from the origin of the monar¬
chy to the reign of Kenneth II. 5 the fecond, from Ken-
• neth’s conquefi of the Pi&s to the death of Alexander
III. 5 the third extends to the death of James V. the
lafi, from thence to the acceflion of James VI. to the
crown of England. Tn the opinion of the fame hiflo-
rian, the firfl period, extending from the earliefl ac¬
counts to the year 843 of the Chrifiian era, is the re¬
gion of pure fable and conjecture, and ought to be to¬
tally neglected, or abandoned to the indufiry and credu¬
lity of antiquaries; that in the fecond period from 843
to 1286, truth begins to dawn with a light feeble at
firH, but gradually increafing, and thaT the events
which then happened may be flightly touched, but me¬
rit no particular or laborious enquiry •, that in the third
period, from 1286 to 1542, the hifiory of Scotland,
chiefly by means of records preferved in England, be¬
comes more authentic, as not only events are related,
but their caufes and effedls are explained ; and here
every Scotchman fliould begin, not only to read, but to
23 fludy the hiftory of his country.
tic°traces11* It: Tuft be allowed that the tranfa&ions re-
®fScottifli pordeQ_by Buchanan and Boece, as having taken place
hiftory pre- Scotland before the ChriHian era, are either purely fa¬
mous to the bulous, or are fubftantiated by no authentic documents;
Clmftian and we cannot but contemplate with the fmile of incre¬
dulity, the long and minute lift of Scottilh monarchs from
Fergus I. to Fergus II. fo pompoufly difplayed by thefe
hiftorians. That the names of 39 princes fliould be hand¬
ed down with correftnefs by uncertain tradition, for a
period of 690 years ) that the duration of their reigns
and the date of their acceflion fhould be fo exactly afcer¬
tained, is furely a circumftance of the higheft improba¬
bility ; and we are compelled to believe that the earlier
v, riters of Scottilli hiftory, like the Cbinefe annalifts, have
Hcfcribed the tranfaclions of the fame monarch under dif-
\ ol, XVIII. Part II.
It is to the luminous pages of Tacitus that we muft
look for the firft rational and authentic documents of
Scottilh hiftory.
1 ne invafion of Agricola happened during the domi-Invader, of
nion of a chief, called by the Roman hiftorians Ga/gacus.Scot]nm'
Agricola having completed the conqueft of the fouthern by, Agn*
part, and in a great meafure civilized the inhabitants, LU^ni 8o<
formed a fimilar plan with regard to Scotland. It is
probable, that at this time the Caledonians had become
formidable by the acceffion of numbers from the fouth j
for though the Romans had civilized the greateft part,
it cannot be doubted that many of thofe favage warriors,
difdaining the pleafures of a peaceable life, would re ¬
tire to the northward, where the martial difpofition of
the Caledonians would better fuit their inclination.
The utmoft efforts of valour, however, were not proof
againft the difeipline of the Roman troops, and the ex¬
perience of their commander. In the third year A<m-
cola had penetrated as far as the river Tau, (probably
the Sokvaij Firth, and not the Tay) ; but the particulars
of his progrefs are not recorded. The following year
he built a line of forts between the friths of Forth and
Clyde, to exclude the Caledonians from the fouthern,
parts of the ifland 5 and the year after, he fubdued thofe
parts which lay to the fouth and weft of his forts, name¬
ly, the diftrifts of Galloway, Cantyre, and Argyle.
Agricola ftill purfued the fame prudent meafures by
which he had already fecured the poirdTion of fuch a
large trad of country, that is, advancing but {lowly,
and building forts as he advanced, in order to keep the
people in obedience. The Caledonians, though com¬
manded by their king Galgacus, who is faid to have
been well acquainted with the manner of fighting and
difeipline of the Romans, were yet obliged to retreat ;
but at laft, finding that the enemy made fach progrefs
as endangered the fubjugation of the whole country^ he
refolved to cut off their communication with the fouth-
ern parts, and likewife to prevent all pofiibility of a re¬
treat by fea. Agricola, though folicited by fome of his
officers, refufed to retreat 3 but divided his troops into
three bodies, having a communication with each other.
Upon this, Galgacus refolved to attack the weakeft of
the three, which confifted only of the ninth legion, and
lay at that time, as is faid, at a place called Lochore,
about two miles from Loch-Leven in Fife. The attack
was made in the night : and as the Romans were both
unprepared and inferior in number, the Caledonians pe¬
netrated into the heart of their camp, and were makim-
a great {laughter, when Agricola detached fome lighN
armed troops to their affiftance 3 by whom the Caledo¬
nians in their turn were routed, and forced to fly to the
marfhes and inacceflible places, where the enemy could
not follow them.
_ This engagement has been magnified by the Roman
hiftorians into a victory, though it can fcarcely be ad-
4 fa mitted
s c
muted as fuch from
d'he Romans, however, certainly advanced very contider-
ably, and the Caledonians as conftantly retreated, till
they came to the foot ot the Grampian mountains, where
the latter refolved to make their laid ftand. In the
eighth year of the war, Agricola advanced to the foot
£(. ot the mountains, where he found the enemy ready to
Great'vic- receive him. Tacitus has given us a fpeech of Galga-
Tory gained cus, undoubtedly fabricated for him, in which he lets
by the Ro- forth the afprving difpofitio'n of the Romans, and encou¬
rages his countrymen to defend thcmfelvcs vigoroufly,
as knowing that every thing valuable was at flake. A
defperale engagement accordingly enfued. In the be¬
ginning, the Britons had the advantage, by the dexte¬
rous management of their bucklers : but Agricola hav¬
ing ordered three Tungrian and two Batavian cohorts,
armed with fliort fwords, and embofled bucklers termi¬
nating in a point, to attack the Caledonians, who were
armed with long fwords, the latter foon found thefe
^weapons ufelcfs in a clofe encounter ; and as their buck¬
lers covered only a fmail part of their bodies, they were
eafily cut in pieces by their adverfaries. The moft for¬
ward of their cavalry and charioteers fell back upon
their infantry, and difbrdered the centre : but, the Bri¬
tons endeavouring to out-flank their enemies, the Ro-
ipan general oppofed them with his horfe ; and the Ca¬
ledonians were at laft routed with great daughter, and
forced to fly into the woods, whither the Romans pur-
fued with fo little caution, that nupibers of them were
cut off. Agricola, however, having ordered his troops
to proceed more regularly, prevented the Caledonians
from attacking and cutting off his men in feparate par¬
ties, as they had expe&ed ; fo that this viftory proved
the greatel! firoke to the Caledonians that they had hi¬
therto received. This battle is fuppofed by fome to
have been fought in Strathern, half a mile louth from
the kirk of Comrie 5 but others imagine the place to
have been near Fortingal-Camp, a place fomewhat far-
• ther on the other fide of the Tay.
Great as this vidlory was, it ftems not to have been
productive of any folid or lading advantage to the Ro¬
mans •, fince we find that Agricola, infiead of putting
an end to the war by the immediate conqueit of aii
Caledonia, retreated into the country of the Horcftii.
Here he received hoftages from part of the Caledonians j
and ordered part of his fleet to fail round Britain, that
they might difeover whether it was an ifland or a conti¬
nent. The R.omans had no fooner left that part of the
country, than the Caledonians demolifhed all the forts
they had railed : and Agricola being foon after recalled
by Domitian, the further progrefs of the Roman arms
was flopped ; Galgacus proving fuperior to any of the
fuccefibrs of that general.
From the time of Agricola to that of Adrian, we
know little of the affairs of Scotland, excepting that
during this interval the Caledonians mull have entirely
driven the Romans out of their country, and reconquer¬
ed all that tracl which lay between Agricola’s chain of
forts and Carlifle on the weft, and Newcafile or Tin-
mouth-Bar on the call •, which Adrian, on vifiting Bri¬
tain, thought proper to fix as the northern boundary of
the Roman dominions. Here he built a wall of turf
Wall built the mouth of the 1 ine and the Solway frith,
fcy Adrian, with a view to fhut out the barbarians 5 which, however,
An. iso. $4 not anfwer the purpofe, nor indeed could it be
SCO
thought to do fo, as it was only built of turf, and guard- Scotland,
cd by not more than 18,000 men, who could not be fup-—v"—-*
pofed a fufficient force to defend fuch an extent of forti¬
fication.
In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the proprietor Bol-*-'ovtrn'
lius Urbicus drove the Caledonians far to the north-mert
ward, and repaired the chain of forts built by Agricola,^^ Ur*
which lay between the Carron on the frith of Forth and An. j-j?.
.Dunglafs on the Clyde. Thefe were joined together
by turf walls, and foimed a much better defence than
the wall of Adrian. After the death of Antoninus,
however, Commodus having recalled Calpurnius Agrico¬
la, an able commander, who had kept the Caledonians
in awe, a more dangerous war broke out than had ever-
been experienced by the Romans in that quarter. The
Caledonians having paffed the wall, put all the Romans
they could meet with to the fword : but they were loon
repulfed by Ulpius Marcellus, a general of confummate
abilities, whom Commodus lent into the itland.— In a
ftiort time the tyrant alfo recalled this able commander.
After his departule, the Roman difeipline in Britain
fuffered a total relaxation ; the foidiery grew mutinous,
and great diforders e.nfued : but thefe were happily
removed by the arrival of Clodius Albinas, a peifon
ot great Ikill and experience in military affairs. His
prelence for fome time reftrained the Caledonians within
proper bounds: but a civil war breaking out between
him and Severus, Albums crafted over to the continent
with the greateft part of the Roman forces in Britain ;
and meeting his antagoniil at Lyons, a dreadful battle
enfued, in which Albinus was utterly defeated, and his
army cut in pieces. See Rome, N° 375.
The abfence of the Roman forces gave encourage- y\'An 0f
ment to the Caledonians to renew their depredations, veins with
which they did with fuch fuccefs, that the emperor be-A10 Caledo-
came apprehenfive of lofing the whole ifland ; on whichmans’
he determined to go in perfon and quell thefe trouble- An’ 2°S’
fome enemies. The army colle£led by him on this
occafion was far mere numerous than any the Romans
had ever fent into Britain ; and being commanded by
fuch an able general as Severus, it may eafily be fup¬
pofed that the Caledonians muft have been reduced to
great difficulties. The particulars of this important
expedition are very imperfedlly related; but we are
affuied that Severus loft a vaft number of men, it is faid
not fewer than 50,000, in his march through Scotland.
Notwithflanding this, however, he is faid to have pene¬
trated to the moft northern extremity of the ifland, and
obliged the enemy to yield up their arms. On his re¬
turn, he built a much flronger fortification to fecure
the frontiers ngainft the enemy than had ever been done
before, and which in fome places coincided with Adrian’s
wall, but extended farther at each end. But in the
mean time, the Caledonians, provoked by the brutality
of the emperor’s fon Caracalla, whom he had left regent
in his abfence, again took up arms; on which Severus
himfelf took the field, with a defign, as appears, to ex¬
tirpate the whole nation p for he gave orders to his fol-
diers “ not to fpare even the child in the mother’s bel¬
ly.” The event of the furious order is unknown : but
in all probability the death of the emperor, which
happened foon after, put a flop to the execution of this
revenge and it is certain that his fon Caracalla, who fuc-
ceeded Severus, ratified the peace with the Caledonians*
After the treaty of Caracalla in 211, perpetual hofti-
lities
° _ . I. S8<5
the teftimonies of other hiftorians.
SCO
Scotland
49
Tranf.ic-
tioiss from
Piets.
30
31
from Ire¬
land.
Jia. 503.
lilies dccurred between the Romans and Caledonians;
afliited by the Pi<Rs. The inroads of thefe northern
tribes were repelled by the Roman legions under Con-
ftantius, and after his death in 306, they appear to have
zn 10445. remained quiet till 343, when a frefh inroad of the Piets
is ("aid to have been repelled by Conitans. In the year
360, the Scotch are hrft mentioned by Roman writers.
They were, as we have faid, an Irilh people of Caledo¬
nian extraction, and at this time invaded Scotland, and
joined with the Piets againft the Romans and their tri¬
butaries. In 364 they made a Very formidable attack,
on the Roman provincials, and in 367 had advanced as
far as Augufta, or London, where they were met by
Theodofius, and were compelled to retire. From this
time to 446, when the Romans finally quitted the Bri-
tifh ifland, nothing remarkable occurs in the hiftory of
Scotland.
Of the Pifls, who now begin to make a figure in
Scottifh hiitory, we have given an account under the
article Picts, and fhall here remark only that the name
Pi£H does not properly belong to a new or diftinCI tribe
of the inhabitants of North Britain, but was applied
about this time to a part of the Caledonians^ who inha¬
bited a confiderable trad of country north of the friths
of Forth and Clyde •, and that the dominion of their
kings, of whom a long lift is given by Mr Chalmers,
extended from the year 451 to 842, when it finally ter¬
minated.
Appearance In the middle of the fecond century, one of thofe
«f a colony turbulent tribes which long involved Ireland in conteft
and dilTenfion, pofi’eifed themfelves of the north-eaft cor¬
ner of Ireland, under the conduCt of Cairbre-Riada;
and from the name of their leader gave to this diftrict
the denomination of Dal-Riada, or the portion of Ri-
ada. The fixth century had fcarcely commenced, when
the progrefs of population and the fpirit of enterprife
induced a number of the inhabitants of Dal-Riada to
emigrate to the oppofite coaft of North Britain, led
by three chiefs Loarn, Fergus, and Angus, the three
fons of Ere, the defeendant of Cairbre-Riada, who
then ruled over the Dalriadan tribe. They landed in
the country of the Epidii, in the fouth-weft of Argyle-
Ihire, about the year 503. Thefe colonies, who to the
time of Bede, w'er.e denominated Dalriadini, brought
with them their language, religion, manners and cuf-
toms, which differed in ibrae refpefts from thofe of the
Celtic tribes which had long occupied the north of Bri¬
tain.
In tne records of time there fcarcely occurs a period
bf hiftory fo perplexed and confufed as that afforded by
the annals of the Scoto-Irifh tribes, from their lettlement
5°3 to their ultimate afcendency in 843. The want
of cotemporaneous writings left an ample field for the
confiidts ol national emulation. Ignorance and inge-
nuity, fophiftry and fyftem, contributed by various ef¬
forts to darken what was already lufticiently obfeure.
”1 here remain, however, in the lifter iflands, various docu¬
ments of fubfequent compilation, which throw confiderable
light on the obfeure tranfaftions of the Scoto-Irifii tribes,
and enable us to unravel the entangled genealogies of
their kings. Thefe confift chiefly of the Irifh annals of
Tlgernoch and of Ulfter, with the ufeful abfervations on
them of OFlaherty and OConnor ; of feveral brief
chronicles and hiftorical documents firft brought to light
by Innes j and of a Gaelic poem, containing a genealo*
t 587 1
Sco
gical account of the Scoto-Irifh kings. From thefe Scotland,
documents Mr Chalmers has conftrufted an elaboratev-’**"'
genealogical and chronological table of thofe kings,
from Fergus to Kenneth Macalpin, from which we fhall
extradl the two moft important columns, fhewing the
date of acceftion, and the duration of the reigns of the
feveral monarchs.
10.
11.
‘S'
14.
‘S'
16.
n-
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
2s-
24.
25-
26.
27.
28.
29.
Fergus the fon of Ere,
Domangart the fon of Fergus,
Comgal, Ion of Domangart,
Gauran, fon of Domangart,
Conal, fon of Comgal,
Aidan, fon of Gauran,
Eoeha-bui, the fon of Aidan,
Kenneth-cear, fon of Eocha bui,
Ferchar, fon of Eogan, firft of
Loam’s race,
Donal-breac, fon of Eocha-bui,
Conal II. grandfon of Conal I.
Dungal reigned feme years with Co¬
nal,
Donal Duin, fon of Conal,
Maolduin, fon of Conal,
Ferchar-Fada, grandfon of Ferchar I.
Eocha-Rineval, Ion of Domangax t,
Ainbhceulach, Ton of Ferchar-Fada,
Selvach, fon of Ferchar-Fada, reign¬
ed over Loarn from 706 to 729,
.Duncha-beg over Kintire till 720,
Eocha III. ion of Eocha rinwal ovet
Kintyre and Argail from 7 20 to
729, and over Loarn from 729 to
733>
Muredach, fon of Ainbhcealacb,
Eogan, fon of Muredach,
Aodh-Fin, fon of Eocha III.
Fergus, fon of Aodh-Fin,
Selvach II. fon of Fogan,
Eocha-AnneUne IV. fon of Aodh-
Fin,
Dungal, fon of Selvach II.
Alpin, fon of Eocha-annuine IV.
Keneth, fon of Alpin,
Vccel-
fion
5°3
506
511
535
557
57‘
605
621
621
637
642
652
665
681
702
70c
706
733
736
739
769
772
796
826
833
s36
•iefi
3
5
24
2 2
H
34
16
16
5
‘3
16
21
3
1
27
3
3
30
3
24
30
7
3
7
We {hall not attempt to follow IVfr Chalmers through
the detail of events which he has narrated as taking
place during the reigns of the Scoto-Irifli kings. What¬
ever light he may have thrown on this obfeure part of
Scottifli hiftory, it mutt ftill remain uninterefting, ex¬
cept to the antiquary, and the minute hiltorian. It is
of more importance to the general reader, to be inform¬
ed of the manners and cuftoms, the polity and the laws
of the tribes that occupied the chief part of North Bri¬
tain at the acceftion of Kenneth II. from whofe reign,
as we have already remarked, the Scottifti hiftory be¬
gins k^dawn. . 33
W e have faid that the Dalriadiman colonifts brought Laws and
with them from Ireland, and eftablilhed in their new fet-cuftoms.°f
tlements, their peculiar laws and cuftoms. According Scoto Iri^1
to thefe laws, the fucceflion both of the kings and chief-
4 E z\ taiqs
? tribes.
SCO [588] SCO
Scotian;!.
tains was fo regulated, that the perfon in the family who
feemed belt qualified, from abilities or experience, to
exercife the chief authority, whether a Ion or a brother,
was fixed on by the tribe for the fucceflion to the va¬
cant throne or chietlainlhip. Much of the dignity of
the monarch was fupported by the voluntary contribu¬
tions of his vaffal princes and chiefs, paid in cattle,
clothes, and utenfils £ and the monarch was compelled
to purchafe the fervice and affiftance of thefe chiefs by
fimilar prefents ; in confideration of which they enter¬
tained the fovereign in his journeys, and ferved him in
his w'ars during a limited period. A fimiiar polity ap¬
pears to have pervaded all ranks among the Scoto-Irifh
people, from the king to the prince, and from the prince
to the chieftain. The toparch governed his diftrift as
the monarch governed his kingdom } and the chieftains
ruled their territories and their fortified villages, on the
fame principles of mutual dependence, of the higher
on the lorver, and of the fubordinate on the fuperior
ranks. Such brittle ties w’ere eafily broken ; and du¬
ring thefe rude times, when the voice of law w'as but
faintly heard, the performance of thofe reciprocal duties
could be enforced only by the dread of aflaiTination, and
the breach of them punilhed only by the fword.
The Scoto-Irifh w-omen, of whatever rank, feem not
to have been entitled to the flighteft poffeflion of land,
under the Brehon law. To them were affigned a cer¬
tain number of their father’s cattle as their marriage-
portion. The herds of the Scoto-Iriih were fo fre¬
quently wfithin their contemplation, and during a rude
date of fociety fupplied fo many comforts to their pof-
fefibrs, that the native terms wdrich fignify pofleflion, or
a field, alfo convey the idea of a herd or drove. Yet
fuch is the copioufnefs of the Irifh language, that it has
a great variety of terms which convey the notion of a
law 5 but wre may infer from thefe law-terms, with their
feveral modifications, that the people of whom we are
fpeaking had little of pofitive ftatute, or written law j
their whole body of jurifprudence confiding almod en¬
tirely of traditionary cuftoms, and local ufages. Ac¬
cording to Cox, it was no written law, but only the
wall of the brehon or lord. And it is obfervable that
thefe brehons held their offices by defcent and inheri¬
tance, and of courfe were not qualified for the pods to
which he fucceeded. The brehon or judge, when he
adminidered judice, ufed to fit on a turf or heap of
dones, or on the top of a hillock, without covering,
and without clerks, or any of the ufual formalities of a
court of judicature. Some remains of this date of
laws and manners may be traced in fome parts of Scot¬
land to the prefcnt period. Every baron had his mote-
hill, whence he didributed juflice to his vaffals, either
in perfon, or by his baron bailie. Under the brehon
fydem all crimes were commutable ; theft, rape, and
even murder, wrere punldred by a fine.
It was an ancient cudomof thefe tribes, that every head
of every fept, and the chief of every clan, drould be an-
fwerable for each of their fept or kindred, when charged
with any crime } and it is remarkable that both in Ire¬
land and Scotland this ancient cudom was adopted into
the datute book. The proteftion of bees was a great
head of the brehon law. The Scoto-Irifh territories
were fully peopled by this indudrious race, and their
honey fupplied abundance of mead, the favourite beve-
jage of the ancient Britons. In vain do the Iridr anti¬
quaries give us fplendid pidlures of the learning, opu- Scotland,
lence, and refinement, of the ancient Irifh ; the laws 1
of every people are the trued hidories of their domedic
affairs. While we fee that the wealth of thefe tribes
confided of their bees and their cattle, we may certainly
infer, that they had only advanced from the fird to the
fecond dage of fociety, from hunters to feeders of docks.
In this unrefined date the Scoto-Irifh long continued, as
is evident from their rent-rolls.
It is apparent that more of wretchednefs than of com¬
fort prevailed among the Dahiadinian didrifts in every
rank of fociety. Their bed houfes were built of wattles \
and buildings of lime and done were late works of
more intelligent times. The cloathing even of the
monks was the fkins of beads, though there is no doubt
that they obtained from abroad, by means ox traffic, both
woollen and linen duffs. Venifon and fifli, the dedr of
feals, and milk, condituted the food of the people 5 but
the monks of Iona, who lived by their labour, and per¬
haps the chiefs, had fome provifion of corn. The mod
unbounded hofpitality was enjoined by law, as well as
by manners, as a capital virtue. Manufaftures and
trades exercifed as a profeffion were unknown. E-
very family had its own carpenter, weaver, and fhoe-
maker, however unlkilful and inadequate to the ufes of
civilization thefe homely workmen might appear.
The Scoto-Iriih tribes were not deditute of diipplng,
which confided partly of canoes, and partly of a more
Ikilfully condrufted kind of veffels called currachs.
Thefe were formed by covering a keel of wood and a
frame of wicker-work, writh fkins of cattle and of deer,
and by experience thefe rude boats were improved into
roomy veffels, that ferved either for tranfports or for
war.
Of the various cudoms of the Scoto-Iridi, that of
fq/lerage has been regarded as a fubjeft for particular
fpeculation. By this lingular cudom, children were mu¬
tually given from different families to be nurfed by dran-
gers. The lower orders confidered this trud as an ho¬
nour, rather than a fervice, for which an adequate re¬
ward was either given or accepted. The attachment ot
thofe who wTere thus educated is faid to have been indif-
foluble ; for, according to Camden, there is no love in
the world comparable to that of foder-brethren in Ire- * Chal-
land. From this praftice arofe a conneftion of family,
and a union of tribes, which often prompted and fome- ^ ’
times prevented evil feuds *. 33
The Dalriadinian tribe which colonized the fouth- State of r£-
wed of Scotland, in the beginning of the dxth century, %l0^n
profeffed the Chridian religion, which had been intro- |.enturt
duced into Ireland in the middle of the preceding cen¬
tury. They did not, however, introduce into Scotland
a new religion, for there is reaion to believe that the
benign inlluence of Chrillianity had been felt in thofe
parts of North Britain which were inaccelfible to the
Roman power fo early as the beginning of the third
century 5 and the Romanized Britons of Valencia, call¬
ed by Bede the fouthern Pifts, had been converted from
the fuperditions of Druidifm at the commencement of
the fifth century. This reformation is attributed to St
Ninian, a native of the country of the Novantes, born
of noble parentage, about the year 360. (See Ninia).
St Ninian died on the 16th September 432 ; on which
day a feftival in honour of his name was celebrated in
Britain for many ages. About the middle cf the fixth
century.
SCO
[ 589 ]
SCO
Scotland.
34
Wars be¬
tween the
Scots and
Pifts.
35
The Scots
defeated,
and their
icing killed.
century, appeared Kentigern, a ChrifUan bithop, who
fixed his refidence at Alcluyd, in the kingdom ot Cum¬
bria. He contributed much towards improving the ftate
of religion in North Britain, where he continued his
inftruftions with little interruption till the year 601.
Cotemporary with Kentigern was the celebrated Co-
lumba, who converted the northern Pi£ts, and has al¬
ways been held in the higheft veneration as one of the
principal faints in the North Britifh calendar. He elta-
blifhed the feat of his ecclefiaftical academy in the fmall
ifland of Hy, or Iona, which had been conferred on him
either by Connal, king of the Scoto-Irith, or Bridei,
the Pi cl ilh fovereign. Here he fettled with his i2difci-
ples, and laboured for two years with their own hands
in erecting huts, and building a church. In the courfe
of a few years Columba had converted Bridei, king of
the Pidls, and moil of his fubjeffs, and had ellablilhed
monafteries in feveral parts of the Caledonian territories.
(See Columba).
Before entering on the reign of Kenneth, it may be
proper to take a fhort view of that of his father and prede-
ceffbr, Alpin, as in his reign commenced thofe bloody
conflifls between the Scots and Pidls which finally ter¬
minated in the fubjugation or expulfion of the latter.
At the acceffion of Alpin, the dominion of the Scots
comprehended the Weftern iflands, together with the
diftriels of Argyle, Knapdale, Kyle, Kintyre, Locha-
ber, and a part of Breadalbane ; while the Pi£ls pofleffed
all the reft of Scotland, and part of Northumberland ;
fo that the Pi£ls feem to have been by much the more
powerful people of the two. The Scots, however, ap¬
pear to have been fuperior in military fkill ; for Al¬
pin, the fucceffor of Dongal, having engaged the Pi£l-
ifh army near Forfar, after an obftinate engagement
defeated them, and killed their king, though not with¬
out the lofs of a great number of his own men. The
Pifts .chofe Brudus, the fon of their former king, to
fucceed him ; but foon after depofed and put him to
death, on account of his ftupidity and indolence. His
brother Kenneth (hared the fame fate on account of
his cowardice 5 till at laft another Brudus, a brave and
fpirited prince, afeended the throne. Having raifed a
powerful army, he began with offering terms of peace
to the Scots j which, however, Aipin rejected, and in¬
filled on a total furrender of his crown. Brudus on
this endeavoured to procure the affiffance of Edwin
king ol Northumberland. Edwin accepted the money
offered by Brudus •, but pretending to be engaged in
other wars, refufed the affiftance which he at firff promi-
led. Brudus, not difmayed by this difappointment,
marched refolutely againft his enemies •, and the two ar¬
mies came to an engagement near Dundee. The fupe¬
rior (kill of the Scots in military affairs was about to
have decided the viftory in their favour, when Brudus
thought of the following ftratagem to preferve his army
from deftruflion. He caufed all the attendants, and
even the women who attended his army, to afl'emble and
(how themfelves at a diftance as a powerful reinforce¬
ment coming to the Picls. This ftruck the Scots with
inch a panic, that all the efforts of Alpin could not re¬
cover them, and they v/ere defeated with great (laugh¬
ter. Alpin himfelf was taken prifoner, and foon after
beheaded by order of the conqueror. This execution
happened at a pk.ee now called Pit-a/py, but in former
times Bas-alpin, which in the Gaelic language fignifies Scotland;
the death of Alpin. His head was afterwards (tuck upon ’——J
a pole, and expofed on a wall. 36
Alpin was fucceeded by his fon Kenneth II. who ^‘g11
being a brave and enterprifing prince, refolved to lake ^enneth
a mod fevere revenge for his father’s death. The
Scots, however, were fo difpirited by their late defeat,
that they were exceedingly averfe to any renewal of
the war j while, on the other hand, the Pifts were fo
much elated, that they made a law by which it be¬
came death for any man to propofe peace with the
Scots, whom they refolved to exterminate ; and fome
of the nobility were expelled the council on account of
their oppofftion to this law. The confequencc of this
was, that civil diffenfions took place among them, and
a bloody battle wTas fought between the oppofite par¬
ties, before the Scots had thought of making any far¬
ther refiftance.
By thefe diftraftions Brudus, who had in vain en¬
deavoured to appeafe them, was fo much affeded, that
he died of grief, and was fucceeded by his brother
Druiken.—The new prince alfo failed in his endea¬
vours to accommodate the civil differences j fo that the
Scots, by gaining relpite, at laft began to recover from
their confternation 5 and fome of them having ventured
into the Pi£li(h tereitories, carried off Alpin’s head
from the capital of their dominions, fuppofed to have
been Abernethy. In the mean time, Kenneth found
means to gain over the nobility to his fide by the fol¬
lowing ftratagem ; which, however ridiculous, is not
incredible, if we confider the barbarifm and fuperftition
of that age. Having invited them to an entertainment, 37
the king introduced into the hall where they dept a per-Stratagem
ftm clothed in a robe made of the Ikins of fifties, which of K-ennetfi
made fuch a luminous appearance in the dark, that het0 rtncw’
was miftaken for an angel or fome fupernatural meflen-
ger. To add to the terror of thofe who faw him, he
denounced, through a (peaking trumpet, the mod ter¬
rible judgements, if war was not immediately declared
againft the Pifts, the murderers of the late king. In
confequence of this celeftial admonition, war w^as imme¬
diately renewed with great vigour. The Pifts were not
deficient in their preparations, and had now procured
fome affiffance from England. The firft battle was
fought near Stirling j where the Pidfs, being deferted
by their Engliih auxiliaries, were utterly defeated.
Drulken efcaped by the fwiftnefs of his horfe, and a few
days after made application to Kenneth for a ceffation of
hoftilities 5 but as the Scotthh monarch demanded a fur-
render of all the Pidlifti dominions, the treaty was in-
ftantly broken off. Kenneth purfued his good fortune,
and conquered the counties of Merns, Angus, and Fife;
but as he marched againft Stirling, he received intelli¬
gence that thefe counties had again revolted, and cut off
ail the garrifons which he had left, and that Drufken
was at the head of a confiderable army in thefe parts.
On this Kenneth haftened to oppofe him, and a negoci-
ation again took place. The refult was equally unfa¬
vourable with the reft. Kenneth infifted on an abfolute
furrendcr of the counties of Fife, Mearns, and Angus ;
and as this was refufed, both parties prepared for a de-
cifive battle. The engagement was very bloody and
defperate, the Pifts fighting like men in defpair. Druf¬
ken renewed the battle feven times} but at laft was en¬
tire war.
SCO [ 590 ] SCO
, Scotland, tirei'y defeated and killed, and the e6unties in difpute
—|:)ecarne immediate property of the conqueror.
Kenneth did not fail to improve his vidtory, by re¬
ducing the reft of the Pidlifh territories j in which he is
laid to have behaved with the greateft cruelty, and even
to have totally exterminated the inhabitants. The ca¬
pital, called Camelon, (fuppofed to have been Aberne-
thy), held out four months •, but was at lalt taken by
furprife, and every living creature deftroyed. This was
followed by the reduction of the Maiden Caftle, now
that of Edinburgh; which was abandoned by the gar-
ritbn, who fled to Northumberland.
I After the reduction of thefe important places, the
reft of the country made no great refiftance, and Ken¬
neth became matter of all the kingdom of Scotland in
the prefent extent of the wo*d ; fo that he is juftly to
be efteemed the true founder of the Scottifti monarchy.
Eeiides this war with the Picls, Kenneth is laid to
have'been fyccefsful againft the Saxons, though of thefe
wars we have very little account. Having reigned 16
years in peace alter his fiibjugation of the Pi£ts, and
compofed a code of laws for the good of his people,
Kenneth died of a ftilula, at Fort Teviot, near Duplin
in Perthlhire. Before his time the feat of the Scots go¬
vernment had been in Argylelhire ", but he removed it
to Scone, by transferring thither the famous black ftone,
fuppofed to be the palladium of Scotland, and which
was afterwards carried off by Edward I. of England,
^3 and lodged in Weflminfter abbey.
©onald II. Kenneth wTas fucceeded by his brother Donald, who
An. is reprefented as a man of the vvorft charafter ", lo that
the remaining Pi£ts who had fled out of Scotland were
encouraged to apply to the Saxons for affiftance, pro-
miiing to make Scotland tributary to the Saxon power
after it Ihould be conquered. This propoial was ac¬
cepted ; and the confederates invaded Scotland with a
powerful army, and took the town of Berwick 5 how¬
ever, they were foon after defeated by Donald, who
fook their Ihips and proviftons. This capture proved
their ruin ; for fome of the {hips being laden with
wine, the Scots indulged themfelves fo much with that
liquor, that they became incapable of defending them¬
felves ", in confequence of which the confederates, rally-
39 ing their troops, attacked them in that ttate of intoxi-
The Scots cation. The Scots tvere defeated with exceflive
tkfearcd^hyfighter. Twenty thoufand of the common foldiers
lay dead on the fpot", the king and his principal nobi¬
lity wrere taken prifoners, and all the country from the
Tweed to the Forth became the properly of the con¬
querors. Still, however, the confederates found them¬
felves unable to purfue their viclory farther ; and a
peace was concluded, on condition that the Saxons
fnould become matters of all the conquered country.
Thus the Forth and Clyde became the fouthern boun¬
daries of the Scottilh dominions. It was agreed that
the Forth Ihould from that time forward be called the
Scots fea; and it was made capital for any Scotfman to
fet his foot on Englifh ground. They were to ereft
ho forts near the Englifh confines; to pay an annual
tribute of a thoufand pounds, and to give up 60 of the
Tons of their chief nobility as hoftages. A mint was
erected by the Saxon prince name OJbreth, at Stirl¬
ing ; and a crofs railed on the bridge at that place,
wuh the following infeription, implying that this place
Was the boundary between Scotland and England ;
3
Anglos a Scotis fepnrat crux iflci remotis : . l
Arma hie JIant Bruti, Jlant Scotifub hoc cruce tuli.
After the conclufion of this treaty, fo humiliating to
the Scots, the Piils, finding that their intereft had
been entirely negledled, fled to Norway, while thole
who remained in England were mafifacred. Donald
Ihared the common fate of unfortunate princes, being
dethroned and Unit up in prifon, where he at latt put
an end to his own life in the year 858.—In jullice to
this unhappy monarch, however, it mutt be obferved,
that the character of Donald, and indeed the whole ac¬
count of thefe tranfaftions, relts on the credit of a Angle
author, namely Boece •, and that other writers reprefent
Donald as a hero$ and fuccefsful in his wars: but the
obfeurity in which the whole of this period of Scottilh
hittory is involved, renders it impoflible to determine any
thing fatisfadlory concerning tjgele matters. ^
Donald was fucceeded by his nephew Conftantine, Rei^n of
the ion of Kenneth Mac Alpin, in whole reign Scot-Cariftantir’e*
land was firtt invaded by the Danes, who proved fuch An‘ 8<s-5’
formidable enemies to the Englilh. This invafion is
faid to have been occafloned by fome exiled Picls who
fled to Denmark, where they prevailed upon the king
of that country to fend his two brothers, Hungar and ^
Hubba, to recover the Picftifh dominions from Con- scots fje_
ftantine. Thefe princes landed on the coaft of Fife, feated by
where they committed the moll horrid barbarities, not1*16-Danes‘
fparing even the ecclefiaftics who had taken refuge in
the ille of May at the mouth of the Forth. Conftan¬
tine defeated one of the Daniih armies commanded by
Hubba, near the water of Leven 5 but was himfelf
defeated and taken prifoner by Hungar, who caufed
him to be beheaded at a place fince called the DeviBs
Cave, in the year 874.
This unfortunate aClioh coft the Scots 10,coo men :
but the Danes feem not to have purchafed their viftory
very eafily, as they were obliged immediately afterwards
to abandon their conquett, and retire to their own
country. However, the many Daniih monuments that
are ilill to be feen in Fife, leave no room to doubt that
many bloody feenes have been afted here between the
Scots and Danes befides that above mentioned. ^
Conftantine rvas fucceeded by his brother Eth, fur-Eth.
named the Swift-footed, from his agility. Concerning An. S8i.
him we find nothing memorable ; indeed the accounts
are fo confuted and ccntradiflory, that it is impoflible
to form any decifive opinion concerning the tranfaftions
of this reign* All agree, however, that it was but
ftiort", and that he was fucceeded by Gregory the fon
of Dongal, contemporary with Alfred of England, and
that both princes detervedly acquired the name of Great.
The Danes at their departure had left the Pi6ts in pof-£Xp}ousof
teflion of Fife. Againft them Gregory immediately Gregory
marched, and quickly drove them into the north of the Great.
England, where their confederates were already mafters An' SS3'
of Northurriberland and York. In t^eir way thither
they threw a garrifon into the town of Berwick ) but
this was prefently reduced by Gregory, who put to the
fword all the Danes, but fpared the lives of the Pi61s.
From Berwick, Gregory purfued the Danes into Nor¬
thumberland, where he defeated them •, and paffed the
winter in Berwick. He then marched againft: the
Cumbrians, wT*o being moftly Pitfts were in alliance
with the Danes. He eafily overcame them, and obli-
SCO [ 59
Scotland, gt(J them to yield up all the lands they had formerly
poiTeffed belonging to the Scots, at the fame time that
he agreed to protect them from the power of the Danes.
In a fhort time, however, Conftanline the king of the
Cumbrians violated the convention he had made, and
invaded Annandale ; but was defeated and killed by
Gregory near Lochtnaben. After this victory Gregory
entirely reduced the counties of Cumberland and Weft-
xnoreland, which, it is faid, were ceded to him by Al¬
fred the Great ; and indeed the fituation of Alfred’s
affairs at this time renders fuch a ceflion by no means
improbable.
We next find Gregory engaged in a war with
the Irilh, to fupport Donach, an Irifh prince, againft
two rebellious noblemen. The Iriih were the firft ag-
greifors, and invaded Galloway ; but being repulfcd
with great lofs, Gregory went over to Ireland in per-
fon, where the two chieftains, who had been enemies to
each other before, now joined their forces in order to
oppofe the common enemy. The firft engagement
proved fatal to one of their chiefs named Brian, who
was killed with a great number of his followers. After
this victory Gregory reduced Dundalk and Drogheda.
On I ris way to Dublin be was oppofed by a chieftain
named Corneil, who firmed the fate of Ids confederate,
being alfo killed, and his army entirely defeated. Gre¬
gory then became guardian to the young prince whom
he came te afiift, appointed a regency, and obliged them
to fwear that they would never admit into the country
cither a Dane or an Englifliman without his confent.
Having then placed garrifons in the firongeft fortrefies,
he returned to Scotland, where he built the city of
Aberdeen; and died in the year 892, at his callie of
Dundore in the Garioch.
Gregory was fucceeded by Donald III. the fon of
Conftantine, who imitated the virtues of his predecef-
fbr. The Scots hiftorians unanimoufly agree that Nor¬
thumberland was at that time in the hands of their
countrymen ; while the Englifh as unanimoufly affirm
that it was fubjed to the Danes, who paid homage to
Alfred. Be this as it will, however, Donald continued
to live on good terms with the Englifn monarch, and
fent. him a body of forces, who proved of confiderable
advantage to him in his wars with the Danes. The
reign of Donald was but fhort; for having marched
againft fome robbers (probably Danes) who had in¬
vaded and ravaged the counties of Murray and ftofs,
he died at lorres foon after, having defeated -end fub-
dued there in the year 903. He was fucceeden by Con¬
ftantine III. the fon of Elh the Swift-footed, con¬
cerning whom the moft remarkable particular which
we find related is his entering into an alliance with the
Danes againft the Englifh, The occafion of this con-
tine III rn- federacy is faid to have been, that the Engliffi monarch,
alliance Edn’ard the E;der> finding the Scots in poffeffion of the
northern counties of England, made fuch extravagant
demands on Conftantine as obliged him to form an alli¬
ance with tne Danes in order to preferve liis dominions
in fecurity. However, the league fubfifted only for two
years, afier which the Danes found it more for their
advantage to refume their ancient friendfhip with the
Engliffi.
As foon as Conftantine had concluded the treaty
'with the Danes, he appointed the prefumptive heir to
the Scoftifh crown, Malcolm, or, according to fome,
44
Dona>ci III.
/in. S93.
45
Con ft ai 1-
alliance
with the
Danes
againft
.England.
An. £104.
1 } s c o
Eugene the fon of the late king Donald, prince of the Scotland,
fouthern counties, on condition of his defending them
againft the attacks of the Englifh. The young prince
had foon an opportunity of exerting his valour : but
not behaving with the requifite caution, lie had the
misfortune to be defeated, with the lol's of almoif ail his
army, he himfelf being carried wounded out of the
field ; and in confequence of this difaller, Conftantine
was obliged to do homage to Edward for the pofTeffions
he had to the fouthward of the Scots boundary.
In the beginning of the reign of Athelftan the fon
of Edward the Elder, the northern Danes were encou¬
raged by fome confpiracies formed againft; that mo¬
narch to throw off the yoke: and their fuccels was
fuch, that Athelftan thought proper to enter into a
treaty with Sithric the Daniffi chief, and to give him
Ins daughter in marriage. Sithric, however, dfd not
long furvive his nuptials ; and his fon Guthred, endea¬
vouring to throw off the Englifh yoke, was defeated,
and obliged to fly into Scotland. This produced a
feries of hoftilities between the Scots and Engliffi,
which in the year 938 brought on a general engage¬
ment. At this time the Scots, Irilh, Cumbrians, and
Danes, were confederated againft the Engliffi. The
Scots were commanded by their king Conftantine, the
Iriih by Anlaf the brother of Guthred the Daniffi.
ptince, the Cumbrians by their own fovereign, and the
D anes by Froda. The generals of Athelftan were Ed¬
mund his brother, and Turketil Ins favourite. The Eng¬
lifh attacked the entrenchments of the confederates,
where the chief refiiiance which they encountered was 4$
from the Scots. Conftantine was in the utmoft danger Is utterly
of being killed or taken prifoner, but was refeued by ^e^eate^ h?
the bravery of bis foldiers: however, after a moft ob-tiie
ftinate engagement, the confederates were defeated with
fuch {laughter, that the flain are faid to have been m-
nutneralle. The confequence of this victory was, that
the Scots were deprived of all their poffeflions to the
fouthward of the Forth; and Conftantine, quite dif-
fpirited with his misfortune, refigned the crown to Mal¬
colm, and retired to the monaftery of the Cuklees at
St Andrew’s, where he died five years after, in 943. 47
The diftreffes which the Engliffi fuftained in their Malcolm
fubftquent wars with the Danes gave the Scots an 0p. MaccJonalcI»
portunity of retrieving their affairs; and in the year
944, we find Malcolm, the fucceffor of Conftantine, in-
veiled with the fovereignty of Northumberland, on con¬
dition of his holding it as fief of the crown of England,
and a,Tiffing in defence of the northern border. Soon ■
after the conclufion of this treaty Malcolm died, and 4S
was fucceeded by his fon Indulfus. In his reign the New inva-
Danes became extremely formidable by. their invaftons, 5.0ns °* t*ie
which they now renewed with greater fury than ever, be- derTnduT
ing exafperated by the fiiendfhip fubfitling between thefus.
Scots and Engliffi monarchs. Their firft defeent wTas
upon Eaft Lothian, where they were foon expelled, but
croffed over to Fife. Here they w’ere a fecond time de¬
feated, and driven out; and fo well had Indulfus taken
cafe to guard the coafts, that they could not find an
opportunity of landing ; till having feemed to fteer to¬
wards their own country, the Scots were thrown off their
guard, and the Danes on a fudden made good their '
landing at Cullen, in Banffshire. Here Indulfus foon
eame up with them, attacked their camp, and drove
them, towards their fiiips, but .was killed, in an ambuf-
cadey .,
SCO
Scotland.
49
Kenneth
III. a wife
and valiant
prince.
An. 970.
cade, into which he fell during the purfuit.
fucceeded by Duffus, to whom hiftorians give an excel¬
lent chara&er; but, after a reign of five years, he was
murdered, in the year 965. He was fucceeded by Culen
the fon of Indulfus, who had been nominated prince of
Cumberland in his father’s lifetime, as heir-apparent to
the throne. He is reprefented as a very degenerate
prince ; and is faid to have given himfelf up to the grof-
feft fenfuality. The people in the mean time were
fleeced, in order to fupport the extravagance and luxury
of their prince. In confequence of this, an afi'embly
of the flates was convened at Scone for the relettling
of the government; but on his way thither Culen was
affaflinated, near the village of Methven, by Rochard,
thane or (heriff of Fife, whofe daughter the king had
debauched.
The provocations which Culen had given to his no¬
bility feem to have rendered them totally untra£lable
and licentious; and gave occafion to a remarkable re¬
volution in the reign of Kenneth III. who fucceeded
Culen. This prince, being a man of great refolution,
began with relieving the common people from the op-
preffions of the nobility, which were now intolerable •,
and this plan he purfued with fo much fuccefs, that, ha¬
ving nothing to fear from the great barons, he ordered
them to appear before him at Lanark •, but the greatefi:
part, confcious of their demerits, did not attend. The
king fo well diflembled his dilpleafure, that thofe who
came were quite charmed with his affability, and the
noble entertainment he gave them *, in confequence of
which, when an affembly wras called next year, the
guilty were encouraged to appear as W’ell as the inno¬
cent. No fooner had this affembly met, however, than
the place of meeting was befet with armed men. The
king then informed them that none had any thing to
apprehend excepting fuch as had been notorious of¬
fenders ; and thefe he ordered to be immediately taken
into cuftody, telling them, that their fubmitting to
public juftice muff be the price of their liberty. They
■were obliged to accept the king’s offer, and the crimi¬
nals were accordingly punilhed according to their de-
lerts.
About this time Edgar, king of England, finding
himfelf prelied by the Danes, found means to unite the
king of Scotland and the prince of Cumberland wdth
himfelf in a treaty againfl: the Danes ; which gave oc¬
cafion to a report that Kenneth had become tributary
to the king of England. This, however, is utterly
denied by all the Scots hiftorians; who affirm that Ken¬
neth cultivated a good correfpondence with Edgar, as
well becaufe he expe&ed afliftance in defending his
coafts, as becaufe he intended entirely to alter the motle
of fucceffion to the throne. About this time the Danes
made a dreadful invafion. Their oiaginal intention
feems to have been to land on fome part of the Englifh
coafts •, but finding thefe too well guarded, they landed
at Montrofe in Scotland, committing every where the
inoft dreadful ravages. Kenneth was then at Stirling,
and quite unprepared 5 however, having colledled a
handful of troops, he cut off many of the enemy as they
v'ere ftraggling up and down, but could not prevent
them from befieging Perth. Neverthelefs, as the king’s
/ army conftantly increafed, he refolved to give the enemy
battle. The fcene of this action was at Loncarty, near
Perth. The king is faid to have offered ten pounds in
4
5°
Defeats the
r 592 i sco
He was filver, or the value of it in land, for the head of every S: cflafld.
Dane which fhould be brought him } and an immunity ——v—’**
from all taxes to the foldiers who ferved in his army,
provided they fliould be viftorious : but, notwithftand-
ing the utmoft efforts of the Scots, their enemies fought Danes,
fo defperately, that Kenneth’s army muft have been to¬
tally defeated, had not the fugitives been flopped by a
yeoman and his two fons of the name oi Hay, who Rife of the
were coming up to the battle, aimed wdth fuch rultic family of
weapons as their condition in life afforded. Buchanan^101”
and Boece inform us, that thefe countrymen were
ploughing in a field hard by the fcene of adlion, and
perceiving that their countrymen fled, they looled their
oxen, and made ufe of the yokes as weapons, with which.
they firft obliged their countrymen to ftand, and then
annoyed their enemies. The fight was now renewed
with fuch fury on the part of the Scots, that the Danes
were utterly defeated 5 and, after the battle, the king
rewarded Hay with the barony of Errol in the Carfe of
Cowrie, ennobled his family, and gave them an armorial
bearing alluding to the ruftic weapons with w'hich they
had atchieved this glorious exploit. 52
In the year 994, Kenneth was murdered at the in-K-enrieth
ftigation of a lady named Fcne/Ia, whofe fon he hadmJ^ere ’
caufed to be put to death. The murder was perpetra- ^
ted in Fenella’s caftle, where {he had perfuaded the king
to pay her a vifit. His attendants waited long near the
place 5 but being at length tired out, they broke open
the doors, and found their king murdered : on w:hich
they laid the caftle in allies 5 but Fenella efcaped by a
poftern. The throne was then feized by an ufurper
named Conjiantinc; who, being killed in battle after a
reign of a year and a half, was fucceeded by Grime,
the grandfon of King Duffus 5 and he again was de¬
feated and killed by Malcolm the fon of Kenneth, the 53
lav/ful heir of the Scottifh throne. After this viftory, Malcolm 1L
however, Malcolm did not immediately affume the fo- An' 1003‘
vereignty ; but afked the crown from the nobles in con¬
fequence of a law paffed in the reign of Kenneth, by
which the fucceflion to the throne of Scotland became
hereditary. This they immediately granted, and Mal¬
colm was accordingly crowmed king. He joined him¬
felf in ftrift alliance with the king of England; and
proved fo fuccefsful againft the Danes in England, that
Sweyn their king refolved to directi his whole force
againfl; him by an inVafion of Scotland. His firft at¬
tempt, however, proved unfuccefsful j all his foldiers
being cut in pieces, except fome few who efcaped to
their {hips, while the lofs of the Scots amounted to no
more than 30 men. But in the mean time, Duncan,
prince of Cumberland, having neglefted to pay his ho¬
mage to the king of England, the latter invaded that
country in conjunctiion with the Danes. Malcolm took
the field againft them, and defeated both ; but while
he was thus employed in the fouth, a new army of
Danes landed in the north at the mouth of the river ^
Spey. Malcolm advanced againft them with an army The Scots
much inferior in number 5 and his men, neglectiing every defeated by
thing but the blind impulfes of fury, were almoft alL e aues'
cut to pieces 5 Malcolm himfelf being defperately
wounded.
By this victiory the Danes were fo much elated, that
they fent for their wives and children, intending to fet¬
tle in this country. The caftle of Nairn, at that time
thought almofl impregnable, fell into their hands ; and
the
SCO
[ 593 ]
SCO
Scotland.
SS
But defeat
them in a
fecond
Battle.
5<S
The Danes
again de¬
feated.
57
Rife of the
family of
Keith.
the towns of Elgin and Forres were abandoned both by
their garrifons and inhabitants. The Scots were every¬
where treated as a conquered people, and employed in
the moil; fervile offices by the haughty conquerors;
who, to render the caftle of Nairn, as they thought,
abfolutely impregnable, cut through the fmall ifthmus
which joined it to the land. All this time, however,
Malcolm was railing forces in the fouthern counties j
and having at laft got an army together, he came up
with the Danes at Murdoch, near Balveny, which ap¬
pears at this day to have been a ftrong Daniffi fortifica¬
tion. Here he attacked the enemy *, but having the
misfortune to lofe three of his general officers, he was
again obliged to retreat. However, the Daniffi gene¬
ral happening to be killed in the purfuit, the Scots were
encouraged to renew the fight wdth fuch vigour, that
they at laft obtained a complete viftory j but fuffered fo
much, that they were unable to derive from it all the
advantages which might otherwife have accrued.
On the news of this ill fuccefs, Sweyn ordered two
fleets, one from England, and another from Norway, to
make a defeent upon Scotland, under the command of
Camus, one of his moft renowned generals. The Danes
attempted to land at the mouth of the Forth •, but find¬
ing every place there well fortified, they were obliged
to move farther northward, and effefted their purpofe
at Redhead in the county of Angus. The caftle of
Brechin was firft befieged } but meeting with a flout
reliftance there, they laid the towm and church in affies.
From thence they advanced to the village of Panbride,
and encamped at a place called Karboddo. Malcolm in
the mean time was at hand with his army, and encamped
at a place called Barr, in the neighbourhood of which
both parties prepared to decide the fate of Scotland ; for
as Moray and the northern provinces were already in
the pofleffion of the Danes, it wTas evident that a viftory
at this time muft put them in pofleffion of the whole.
The engagement was defperate, and fo bloody, that
the rivulet which proceeds from Loch Tay is faid to
have had its water dyed with the blood of the flain;
but at laft the Danes gave way and fled. There was
at that time in the army of Malcolm, a young man of
the name of Keith. He purfued Camus j and having
overtaken him, engaged and killed him ; but another
Scots officer coming up at the fame time, difputed with
Keith the glory of the aftion. While the difpute lafted,
Malcolm came up } who fuffered them to decide it by
Angle combat. In this fecond combat Keith proved al-
fo viftorious, and killed his antagonift. The dying
perfon confeffed the juftice of Keith’s claim ; and Mal¬
colm dipping his finger in his blood marked the ffiield
of Keith with three ftrokes, pronouncing the words
Veritas vincit, “ Truth overcomes,” which has ever
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
fince been the armorial bearing and motto of the family Scotland,
of Keith (B). ' v—'
Sweyn, not yet difeouraged, fent his fon Canute, af* Another
terwards king of England, and one of the greateft war- jnvafion,
riours of that age, into Scotland, with an army more
powerful than any that had yet appeared. Canute
landed in Buchan j and, as the Scots were much weak¬
ened by fuch a long continued war, Malcolm thought
proper to aft on the defenfive. But the Scots, who
nowT thought themfelves invincible, demanded to be led
on to a general engagement. Malcolm complied with
their defire, and a battle enfued ; in which though
neither party had much reafon to boaft of viftory, the
Danes were fo much reduced, that they willingly con- 59
eluded a peace on the following terms, viz. That the Peace con.
Danes ffiould immediately depart from Scotland ; that
as long as Malcolm and Sweyn lived, neither of them
ffiould wage war with the other, or help each other’s
enemies } and that the field in which the battle was
fought ffiould be fet apart and confecrated for the burial
of the dead. Thefe ftipulations were punftually fulfilled
by Malcolm, who built in the neighbourhood a chapel
dedicated to Olaus, the tutelar faint of thefe northern
nations.
After performing all thefe glorious exploits, and be¬
coming the fecond legiflator in the Scottilh nation, Mal¬
colm is faid to have ftained the latter part of his reign
with avarice and oppreffion 5 in confequence of which he 6b
was murdered at the age of 80 years, after he had reign-Malcolm
ed above 30. This affaffination was perpetrated while a^a®nat,e^'
he wras on his wray to Glammis. His own domeftics are
faid to have been privy to the murder, and to have fled
along with the confpirators j but in palling the lake of
Forfar on the ice, it gave way with them, and they
were all drowned. This account is confirmed by the
fculptures upon fome ftones erefted near the fpot; one of
wffiich is Hi\\\ caMzdi Malcolm's graveJlone; and all of
them exhibit fome rude reprefentations of the murder and
the fate of the affaffins.
Malcolm was fucceeded, in the year 1034, by his Duncan 1.
grandfon Duncan I. but he is faid to have had another An. 1034.
grandfon, the famous Macbeth; though fome are of
opinion that Macbeth was not the grandfon of Mai- ^
colm, but of Fenella who murdered Kenneth III. The
firft years of Duncan’s reign were paffed in tranquillity,
but domeftic broils foon took place on the following
occafion. We are told by fome hiftorians that Banquo,
a nobleman of great eminence, afted then in the capa¬
city of fteward to Duncan, by collefting his rents •, but
being very rigid in the execution of his office, he was
way-laid, robbed, and almoft murdered. Of this out¬
rage Banquo complained as foon as he recovered of his
woimds and could appear at court. The robbers were
4 F fummoned
(b) Mr Gordon, in his Itinerarium Septentrionale, obferves, that in all probability the Scots gained two victo¬
ries over the Danes on the piefent occafion ; one near the place called Karboddo, already mentioned ; and the
other at Aberlemno, four miles from Brechin. At both places there are monuments with rude fculptures, erefted
moft probably in memory of a viftory. That at Karboddo is called Camus's crofs ; near which, fomewhat more
than a century ago, a large fepuichre, fuppofed to be that of Camus, was difeovered. It confifted of four great
ftones; and had in it a huge Ikeleton, fuppofed to be that of the Daniffi prince.' The fatal ftroke feemed to have
been given him on the back part of the head ; a confiderable portion of the Ikull being cut awav, probably bv the
ftroke of the fword. ' 6 ^ J '
-Stotl and.
6i
\ new in-
■vafion by
the Danes;
who are
defeated.
64
Duncan
murdered
by Mac.
be tin
SCO [ 594 ]
fummoned to furrender tliemfelves to judice but indead Bathgowanatl
of obeying, they killed the melTenger. Macbeth repre-
fented this in fuch ftrong terms, that he was font with an
army to reduce the infurgents, who had already deitroy-
ed many of the king’s friends. This commiflion he per¬
formed with 1'uch fuccefs, that the rebel chief put an end
to his own life j after which Macbeth fent his head to
the king, and then proceeded with the utmoll feverity
againit the infurgents.
This infurre&ion was fcarcely quelled, rvhen the
Danes landed again in Fife ; and Duncan put himfelf
at the head of an army, having the thanes Macbeth
and Banquo ferving under him. The Danes rvere com¬
manded by Sweyn king of Norway, and eldelt fon of
Canute. He proceeded with all the barbarity natural
to his nation, putting to death men, women, and chil¬
dren, who fell in his way. A battle was fought between
the two nations near Culrofs, in which the Scots were
defeated: but the Danes purchafed their victory fo
dearly, that they could not improve it j and Duncan re¬
treated to Perth, while Macbeth was fent to raife more
forces. In the mean time Sweyn laid fiege to Perth,
which was defended by Duncan and Banquo. The
Danes were fo much dnlrelTed for wrant of provifions,
that they at latt confented to treat for peace, provided
the prefling neceflities of the army were relieved. The
Scots hiftorians inform us, that this treaty was fet on
foot in order to amufe SwTeyn, and gain time for the
llratagem which Duncan was preparing. This was no
other than a barbarous contrivance of infuflng intoxicat¬
ing herbs into the liquors that were fent along with the
other provifions to the Danifin camp. Thefe foporifics
had the intended effeft ", and while the Danes were un¬
der their influence, Macbeth and Banquo broke iato then-
camp, where they put all to the fword, and it was with
difficulty that fome of Sweyn’s attendants carried him on
board ; and we are told that his wras the only fliip of all
the fleet that returned to Norway. It was not long,
however, before a frefli body of Danes landed at King-
horn in the county of Fife : but they were entirely de¬
feated by Macbeth and Banquo. Such of the Danes as
efcaped fled to their ffiips; but before they departed they
obtrdned leave to bury their dead in Inchcolm, a fmall
ifland lying in the Forth, where one of their monuments
is ftill to be feen.
Thus ended the formidable invafions of the Danes j
after which Duncan applied himfelf to the adminiftra-
tion of juftice, and to reform the manners of his fub-
je£!s.
While he was thus exerting himfelf for the good of
his fubje&s, his general, Macbeth, wffio had been fo
much diftinguiffied in the Daniffi wars, was plotting the
affaffination of the king, and the ufurpation of the
throne. To thefe purpofes, it appears, Macbeth was
inftigated by his wife, the lady Gruoch, daughter of
Kenfieth IV. who, as we have feen, was flain by Mal¬
colm II. the grandfather of Duncan. This lady had
been married to Gilconsgain, the maormor of Murray,
and after his death had efpoufed Macbeth, the maormor
of Rofs. This account of Lady Macbeth ffiew^s that it
was a fpirit of revenge for the murder of her grandfa¬
ther, which prompted her to inftigate her hufband to
the affaflination of Duncan. This affafllnation took
place in 1039, not near Invernefs, as related by Shake-
fpeare and the hiftorians whom he has copied, but at
SCO
near LIgin, within the territory of Gru- Scatlari
och. Duncan left two infant ions, Malcolm and Do-
nald, of whom the former, on the death of his father,
fled to Cumberland, and the latter found an afylum in
the Wetiern Hands. Macbeth having t hus gratified his
wife’s revenge, and his own ambition, took pofkflion of
the vacant throne. 65
During the greater part of the reign of the ufurper, Reign of
Malcolm, the true heir to the crown of Scotland, kejjtMacbeth*
within his principality of Cumberland, without anyAn-
thoughts of afcending his father’s throne. Macbeth
for tome time governed with moderation, but at laft be¬
came a tyrant.
Among the numerous fables with which the ftory of
Macbeth lias been decked, muft be ranked the murder
of Banquo, and the eicape of his ton Fleance, tiie fup-
poted primogenitor of the houfe of Stewait. Hitiory
know-s nothing of Banquo the thane of Lochaber, nor
of Fleance his ton. None of the ancient chronicles nor
Irith annals, nor even Fordoun, recognize the names ot
Banquo and Fleance, though the latter be made by ge-
nealogifts the root and father of many kings. Nor is a
thane of Lochaber known in Scottifli hitiory, becaufe
the Scottifli kings had never any demeines within that
impervious di ft rift *. * Ch aimer's
Macduff, the thane of Fife, was the moft powerful Caledonia,,
pevfon in Scotland j for which reaton, Macbeth deter-vo1- '•
mined todeflroy him. On this Macduft fled to France
and Macbeth cruelly put to death his wife, and children 66
who were yet infants, and fequeftered his eliate. Mac- Macbeth
duff vowed revenge, and encouraged Malcolm to at-‘'nvtnov,t»
tempt to dethrone the tyrant. Macbeth oppoled them
with his whole force ; but being defeated in a pitch¬
ed battle, he took refuge in the moft insect ffible pla¬
ces of the Highlands, where lie defended himtelf
for two years 9 but in the mean time Malcolm was
acknowledged king of Scotland, and crowned at
Scone. -
The war between Macbeth and the new king conti-aK(-
nued for two years after the coronation of the latter;
but at laft he was killed in a tally by Macduff, at Lum-
phanan, on the 5th of Deer. 1056. However the public
tranquillity did not end with his life. His folioweis
elefted one of his kinfmen named Lit lit: ch, furnamed the
Idiot, to iucceed him •, but he not being able to with-
ftand Malcolm, withdrew to the north, where being
purfued, be was killed at Effey in Strathbogie, after a
reign of four months. gg
Malcolm being now eflablithed on the throne, be- Malcolm
gan with rewarding Macduff for his great fervices j and HI- efta-
conferred upon his family four extraordinary privileges :
I. That they ffiouid place the king in his chair of ftate*j^one°tU
at the coronation. 2. That they ffiouid lead the vanAn. IC5^.
of all the royal armies. 3. That they fliould have a
regality within themfelves: and, 4. That if any of
Macduff’s family fhould happen to kill a nobleman un-
premeditately, he fliould pay 24 marks of filver, and, if
a plebeian, 12. The king’s next care was to reinftate
in their fathers pofleffions all the children who had been
difinherited by the late tyrant j which he did in a con¬
vention of his nobles held at Forfar. In the time of
William the conqueror, wre find Malcolm engaged in a
dangerous war with England, the occafion of w hich was
as follows. On the death of Edward the Confeffbr,
Harold feiz-ed the throne of England, to the prejudice
of
69
Entertains
Edgar,
Englifli
piince.
SCO [
Sc ’tiand. of Edgar Atheling the true heir to the crown. How-
‘ ever, he created him earl of Oxford, and treated him
with great refpeft ; but on the defeat and death of
Harold, William difcovered fome jealoufy of Edgar.
Soon after, William having occafion to pay a vifit to his
dominions in Normandy, he appointed Edgar Atheling
to attend him, along with fome other noblemen whom
he fufpefted to be in his intereft ; but on his return to
England, he found the people fo much difaffefted to
his government, that he proceeded with great feverity,
which obliged great numbers of his fubjedds to take re¬
fuge in Cumberland and the fouthern parts of Malcolm’s
dominions. Edgar had two lifters, Margaret and Chrif-
tina : thefe, with his two chief friends, Gofpatric and
Martefwin, foon made him fenfible how precarious his
life was under fuch a jealous tyrant, and perfuaded him
to make preparations for flying into Hungary or fome
foreign country. Edgar accordingly fet fail with his
mother Agatha, his two lifters, and a great train of
Anglo-Saxon noblemen *, but by ftrefs of weather was
forced into the frith of Forth, where the illuftrious exiles
landed at the place lince that time called the Queen's
Ferry. Malcolm no fooner heard of their landing than
he paid them a vifit in perfon •, and at this vilit he fell
in love with the Princefs Margaret. In confequence
of this, the chief of Edgar’s party repaired to the
court of Scotland. William foon made a formal demand
of Edgar j and on Malcolm’s refufal, declared war
again ft; him.
William was the molt formidable enemy whom the
-Scots had ever encountered, as having not only the whole
force of England, but of Normandy, at his command.
However, as he had tyrannized molt unmercifully over
his Englilh fubjedls, they were much more inclined to
aftift his enemies than their own prince j and he even
found himfelf obliged to give up the county of Northum¬
berland to Gofpatric, who had followed Edgar, upon
condition of his making war on the Scots. This noble¬
man accordingly invaded Cumberland •, in return for
which Malcolm ravaged Northumberland in a dreadful
manner, carrying oft' an immenfe booty, and inviting at
the fame time the Irifh and Danes to join him.
By this time William had taken from Gofpatric the
earldom of Northumberland, and given it to Robert
Cummin one of his Norman barons 5 but the Northum¬
brians having joined Gofpatric, and received the Danes
as their countrymen, murdered Cummin and all his
followers at Durham, "where they had been guilty of
great cruelties. After this they laid fiege to the forts
built by William in Aorkfhire \ but not being able to
reduce them, the Engliftr, Scots, and Danes, united
their forces, took the city of York, and put to the fword
three thonfand Normans who were there in garrifon *,
and this fuccefs was followed by many incurfions and
ravages, in which the Danes and Northumbrians ac¬
quired great booty. It foon appeared, hoxvever, that
thefe allies had the intereft of Edgar no more at heart
than the Irifh \ and that all the dependence of this for¬
lorn prince was upon Malcolm, and the few Englifhmen
who had followed his fortune: for the booty was no
fooner ehtained, than the Danes retired to their (hips,
and the Northumbrians to their habitations, as if they
had been in perfeft fafety. But in the mean time Wil¬
liam, having raifed a confiderable army, advanced
northwards. He firfl: in Aided a fevere revenge upon
70
War be¬
tween Scot
land and
England.
71
England.
invaded.
595 ] SCO
the Northumbrians; then he reduced the city of York, Scotland,
and put to death all the inhabitants •, and perceiving » 1 *
that danger was ftill threatened by the Danes, he brib¬
ed thenj with a fum of money to depart to their own
country.
Malcolm was now left alone to encounter this for¬
midable adverfary \ and, finding himfelf unable to op-
pofe fo great a force, withdrew to his own dominions,
where he remained for fome time on the defenfive, but
not without making great preparations for once more 75
invading England. His (econd invafion took place in ^ ftcond
the year 1071, while William was employed in quelling invallon*
an infurredtion in Wales. He is faid at this time to
have behaved with the greateft cruelty. He invaded
England by Cumberland \ ravaged Teefdale ; and at a
place called Hundreds-ke/d, he maflacred fome Englilh
noblemen, with all their followers. Thence he mar¬
ched to Cleveland in the north riding of Yorklhire j
which he alfo ravaged with the utmoft cruelty, fending
back the booty with part of his army to Scotland : af¬
ter which, he pillaged the biftropric of Durham, where
he is faid not to have fpared the moft facred edifices,
but to have burnt them to the ground. In the mean
time Gofpatric, to whom William had again ceded
Northumberland, attempted to make a diverfion in his
favour, by invading Cumberland : but being utterly de¬
feated by Malcolm, he was obliged to {hut himfelf up in
Bamborough caftle; while Malcolm returned in triumph
with his army to Scotland, where he married the prin-
cefs Margaret. 73
The next year William, having greatly augmented William
his army, invaded Scotland in his turn. The parti- t,"G Ct,n."
culars of the war are unknown ; but it certainly ended va(ies Scot-
much to the difadvantage of the Scots, as Malcolm land,
agreed to pay him homage. The Englifti hiftorians
contend that this homage was for the whole of his
dominions 5 but the Scots with more reafon affirm,
that it was qply for thofe he poflefled in England.
On the conclufion of the peace, a crofs was ere£led at
Stanmore in Richmondlhire, with the arms of both
kings, to ferve as a boundary between the poffefficns
of William and the feudal dominions of Malcolm. Part
of this monument, called Re-crofs, or rather Roy-crofs,
or The crofs of the kings, was entire in the days of Cam¬
den.
This peace between Malcolm Canmore and William
produced the greateft alteration in the manners of the
Scots. What contributed chiefly to this was the ex¬
cellent difpofttion of Queen Margaret; who was, for
that age, a pattern of piety and politenefs: and next Refonua-
to this was the number of foreigners who had fettledt,on let on
in Scotland ; among whom were fome Frenchmen, who j_oot 'f
laid the foundation of that friendlhip with the Scots ru4n of
which lafted for ages. Malcolm himfelf, alfo, though Scotismii.
by his ravages in England he feems naturally to have
been a barbarian, was far from being averfe to a refor¬
mation, and even fet the example himfelf. During her
hufband’s abfence in England Queen Margaret had
chofen for her confeflbr one Turgot, whom Are alfo
made her affiftant in her intended reformation. She
began with new-modelling her own court; into which
flie introduced the offices, furniture, and manner of liv¬
ing, common among the more polite nations of Europe.
She difmifled from her fervice all thofe who were noted
for immorality and impiety; and charged Turgot, on
4 F a pai&
SCO [ 596 ] SCO
Scotland, pain of her clifpleafure, to give his real fentiments on
' the ftale of the kingdom, after the beft inquiry he could
make. By him (he was informed, that fadlion reigned
among the nobles, rapine among the commons, and in¬
continence among all degrees of men. Above all, he
complained that the kingdom was dellitute of a learned
clergy, capable of reforming the people by their exam¬
ple and doftrine. All this the queen reprefented to
her hufband, and prevailed upon him to fet about the
work of reformation immediately. In this, however,
he met with confiderable oppofition. The Scots, ac-
cuftomed to opprefs their inferiors, thought all reflric-
tions of their powrer fo many Heps towards their flavery.
The introduction of foreign offices and titles confirmed
them in this opinion j and fuch a dangerous infurreftion
happened in Moray and fome of the northern counties,
that Malcolm was obliged to march againft the rebels
in perfon. He lound them, indeed, very formidable }
but they were fo much intimidated by his refolution,
that they intreated the clergy who were among them
to intercede with the king in their favour. Malcolm
received their fubmiffion, but refufed to grant an uncon¬
ditional pardon. He gave all the common people in¬
deed leave to return to their habitations, but obliged
the higher ranks to furrender themfelves to his pleafure.
Many of the moll guilty were put to death, or con¬
demned to perpetual imprifonment; while others had
their eftates confifcated. This feverity checked the re¬
bellious fpirit of the Scots, and Malcolm returned to
his plans of reformation. Still, however, he found
himfelf oppofed even in thofe abufes, which were moll
obvious and glaring. He durft not entirely abolilh that
infamous pradliceof the landlord claiming the firft night
with his tenant’s bride; though, by the queen’s influ¬
ence, the privilege was changed into the payment of a
piece of money by the bridegroom, and was afterwards
knowm by the name of mercheta multerum, or “ the wo¬
man’s merk.” In thofe days the Scots had not the prac¬
tice of faying grace after meals, till it was introduced by
Margaret, who gave a glafs of wine, or other liquor, to
thofe wffio remained at the royal table and heard the
thankfgiving 5 which expedient gave rife to the term of
the grace-drinh. Befides this, the terms of the duration
of Lent and Eafler w'ere fixed ; the king and queen be¬
llowed large alms on the poor, and the latter waffied the
feet of fix of their number ; many churches, monafte-
ries, &c. were erected, and the clerical revenues aug¬
mented. Notw'ithftanding thefe reformations, however,
fome hiftorians have complained, that, along with the
manners of the Engliffi and French, their luxuries were
alfo introduced. Till this reign the Scots had been re¬
markable for their fobriety and the fimplicity of their
diet •, which was now converted into excefs and riot,
and fometimes ended fatally by quarrels and bloodffied.
We are told, at the fame time, that even in thofe days,
the nobility ate only twro meals a-day, and were ferved
with no more than two diffies at each meal.
England In the year 1079, Malcolm again invaded England;
again in. but upon wffiat provocation, or with what fuccefs, is
vaded. no{. we]q known. But in 1088, after the death of the
An. 1079. £;onqUerorj }ie again efpoufed the caufe of Edgar A-
theling, who had been reduced to implore his affilfance
a fecond time, when William Rufus afcended the throne
of England. At the time of Edgar’s arrival, Malcolm
was at the head of a brave and well difciplined army,
wuth which he penetrated a great way into the country Scotland,
of the enemy ; and, as is laid, returned to Scotland with ——y——*
an immenfe booty. William refolved to revenge the
injury, and prepared great armaments both by fea and
land for the invafion of Scotland. His fuccefs, how¬
ever, wras not anfvverable to the greatnefs of his prepara¬
tions. His fleet was dallied to pieces by ftorms, and al-
molt all on board of it periffied. Malcolm had alfo
laid wade the country through which his antagonid was
to pafs, fo edeftualiy that William lod a great part of
his troops by fatigue and famine ; and, when he arrived
in Scotland, found himfelf in a fituation very little able
to redd Malcolm, who was advancing againd him with
a powerful army. In this didrefs, Rufus had recourfe 6
to Robert de Mowbray earl of Northumberland, who The Eng-
difluaded him from hazarding a battle, but advifed lith army
him to open a negociation by means of Edgar and,nSreat
the other Engliih noblemen who refided with Mal-^an*>er‘
colm. Edgar undertook the negociation, on condition
of his being redored to his edates in England ; but met
with more difficulty than he imagined. Malcolm had
never yet recognized the right of William Rufus to
the throne of England, and therefore refufed to treat
with him as a fovereign prince; but offered to enter in¬
to a negociation with his brother Robert. The two
princes accordingly met; and Malcolm, having ffiown
Robert the difpodtion of his army, offered to cut off his
brother William, and to pay to him the homage he had
been accudomed to pay to the Conqueror for his Eng-
lidi dominions. But Robert generoudy anfwered, that
he had refigned to Rufus his right of primogeniture in
England ; and that he had even become one of Wil¬
liam’s fubjefts, thereby accepting of an Engliffi edate.
An interview with William then followed ; in which it peac^c01T,
was agreed that the king of England diould redore to duded.
Malcolm all his fouthern poffeffions, for which he
diould pay the fame homage he had been accudomed
to do to the Conqueror; that he diould redore to Mal¬
colm 12 difputed manors, and give him likewife 12
merks of gold yearly, befides redoring Edgar to all his
Englidi edates.
This treaty was concluded in Lothian, according to
the Englidi hidorians ; but at Leeds in Yorkdiire, ac¬
cording to the Scots. However, the Engliffi monarch
looked upon the terms to be fo very dilhonourable, that
he refolved not to fulfil them. Soon after his departure,
Edgar and Robert began to prefs him to fulfil his en¬
gagements ; but receiving only evafive anfwers, they
paffed over into Normandy. After their departure,
William applied himfelf to the fortification of his north¬
ern boundaries, efpecially Carlifle, which had been de-
droyed by the Danes 200 years before.— A.s this place
lay within the feodal dominions of Malcolm, he com¬
plained of William’s proceeding, as a breach of the late
treaty ; and foon after repaired to the Englidi court at
Glouceder, that he might have a perfonal interview with
the king of England, and obtain redrefs. On his arri- Hoftilkies
val, William refufed him admittance to his prefence, recomrnenj
without paying him homage. Malcolm offered this in ced.
the fame manner as had been done by his predecedbrs,
that is, on the confines of the two kingdoms ; but this
being rejedled by William, Malcolm returned to Scot¬
land, and prepared again for w'ar.
The fird ©f Malcolm’s military operations now pro¬
ved fatal to him; but the circumdances of his death are
varioufiy
Bane.
An. 105)3
SCO [ 5
Scotland, varioufly related. It is generally believed that while
profecuting the fiege of Alnwick in Northumberland,
Malcolm was hirprifed by Earl Moubray, by whom’ it was de-
killed at fended, and {lain, together with his eldeft fon Edward,
the fiege on the 19th November, 1093. Queen Margaret, who
ot Alnwick was at ^3^ time lying ill in the caftle of Edinburgh,
ca g'o died four days after her hufband.
The throne After the death of Malcolm Canmore, the throne
ufurped by was ufurped by his brother Donald Bane ; who, not-
Donald withftanding the great virtues and glorious atchieve-
ments of the late king, had been at the head of a ftrong
party during the whole of his brother’s reign. The
ufurper, giving way to the barbarous prejudices of him-
felf and his countrymen, expelled from the kingdom all
the foreigners whom Malcolm had introduced, and
obliged them to take refuge in England. Edgar him-
felf had long refided at the Engliflr court, where he was
in high reputation •, and, by his interelt there, found
means to refcue his nephew, young Edgar, the king of
Scotland’s eldeft furviving fon, out of the hands of the
ufurper Donald'Bane. The favour ■which he ftiowed him,
however, produced an accufation againft himlelf, as if he
defigned to adopt young Edgar as his fon, and fet him up
as a pretender to the Englilh throne. This accufation was
preferred by an Englilhman whofe name was Orgar;
but, as no legal proofs of the guilt could be obtained,
,the cuftom of the times rendered a {ingle combat be¬
tween the parties unavoidable. Orgar was one of the
ftrongeft and moft active men in the kingdom; but the
age and infirmities of Edgar allowed him to be defended
by another. For a long time none could be found whd
would enter the lifts, with this champion ; but at laft
one Godwin of Winchefter, whofe family had been un¬
der obligations to Edgar or his anceftors, offered to
defend his caufe. Orgar was overcome and killed 1
and, when dying, confeffed the falfehood of his accufa¬
tion. The conqueror obtained all the lands of his ad-
verfary, and William lued ever afterwards on terms of
the ftriCteft friend (hip with Edgar.
This combat, trifling as it may feem to us, produced
very confiderable effects. The party of Edgar and his
brother’s (who had likewife taken refuge at the Eng¬
lilh court) revived in Scotland, to fuch a degree, that
Donald was obliged to call in the Danes and Nor¬
wegians to his affiftance. In order to engage them
more effectually to his intereft, the ufurper yielded up
81
A frngle
combat.
82
Donald
yields up
and shet^to t^em t^e Orkney and Shetland iflands; but when
land iflands kis new allies came to his affiftance, they behaved in
to the fuch a manner as to become more intolerable to the
Danes. Scots than ever the Engliff had been. The difcon-
tent was greatly increafed when it was found that Wil¬
liam defigned to place on the throne of Scotland a na¬
tural fon of the late Malcolm, named Duncan, who had
ferved in the Englilh armies with great reputation.
Donald attempted to maintain himfelf on the throne
by the affiftance of his Norwegian allies; but, being
abandoned by the Scots, he was obliged to fly to the
ifies, in order to raife more forces •, and in the mean
time Duncan was crowned at Scone with the ufual fo-
lemnity.
The Scots were now greatly diftreffed by two ufur-
pers who contended for the kingdom, each of them
fupported by a foreign army. One of them, however,
was foon difpatched. Malpedir, thane of Mearns, fur-
prifed Duncan in the caftle of Monteith, and killed
97 ? SCO
him; after which he replaced Donald on the throne. ScothTtul.
The affeftion of the Scots, however, was by this time —\r~-J
entirely alienated from Donald, and a manifeft intention
of calling in young Edgar was Ihown. To prevent
this, Donald offered the young prince all that part of
Scotland which lay to the fouthward of the Forth ;
but the terms were rejefted, and the meffengers who
brought them were put to death as traitors. The king
of England alfo, dreading the neighbourhood of the
Norwegians, interpofed in young Edgar’s favour, and
gave Atheling the command of an army in order to g-
reftore his nephew. Donald prepared to oppofe his ene- Donald de¬
mies with all the forces he could raife ; but was defert- P0^ by
ed by the Scots and obliged to fly : his enemies purfued Edgar*
him fo clofely, that he was foon taken j and being
brought before Edgar, he ordered his eyes to be put
out, condemning him at the fame time to perpetual ba-
nifhment, in which he died fome time after.
With Donald Bane may *be faid to have terminated
the line of Scoto-Irilh kings, which had filled the throne
of Scotland from the invafion of Fergus in 506, to the
year 1097, the date of Donald Bane’s defeat, compre¬
hending a period of 591 years. Edgar the new mo¬
narch was of Saxon defcent, and as in his perfon a new
dynafty commenced, it may be proper to take a brief
furvey of the ftate of Scotland on his acceffion, or at the
clofe of the eleventh century.
We have feen that from the time of Kenneth II. the State of
Pidls were either expelled from Scotland, ot had been Scotland at
gradually incorporated with the Scoto-Irilh tribes. At^e of
the period of which we are now treating, Scotland was^."ntur., ‘
fubdivided into 13 diftrifts, viz. thofe oi Lothian, Gal¬
loway, Strathcluid, Fife, Strathern, Athol, Angus,
Moern or Mearns, the extenfive diftridl between the
Dee and the Spey, comprehending Aberdeen and Banff',
and the diftridts of Murray, Argyle, Rofs, and Suther¬
land. Moft of th.efe dittridfs poffeffed within them-
felves, an independent authority, exercifed by the
thane. The clans of the diftindt diftridts poffeffed
rights which the regal power could fcarcely controul:
they were governed by their own cuftoms, and the king
could neither appoint nor difplace their chieftains. The
notion of a body politic having an acknowledged autho¬
rity to make laws, which every individual and every
diftridt were bound to obey, was fcarcely known. The
kings and the maormors were fo independent of each
other in their refpedlive ftations, that the power of the
fuperior over his vaffal was but little felt, though it was-
acknowledged, and was often refilled, becaufe it could
not eafily be enforced. The fame law which diredled
the fucceflion of the kings, operated equally, and with
fimilar effedls, in the fucceffion of every chieftain. The
cuftom called taniftry, already explained in N° 32, was
the common law of North Britain throughout the Scoto-
Irifh period. The Brehons continued to be judges
throughout every diftridt of Scotland, and were regu¬
lated in their judicial proceedings, by the common
cuftoms of the country, and the ufual manners of the
times.
• 5
One of the moft lingular cuftoms introduced by the Manners
Scoto-Irifli colonifts, and which prevailed for many fuc- and cuf.
ceeding ages, was the ufe of flug-horns, or war-cries. tonv''
Each clan had its appropriate Hug-horn. Thus, that
of the Mackenzies was Tulloch-ard, or the high hill j
that of the Grants, Craig-clachie, rock of alarm. Often
they
SCO [ 598 ] SCO
Scotland, they were firaply the name of the clan, as A Home, A
L" v Home, for the family of Hume j A Douglas, A Douglas,
for that of Douglas. At this time the nobility ufed no
armorial bearings, which we are afl'ured were net adopt¬
ed before the reign of William the Lion, on whofe
efcutcheon the lion rampant firft appeared as a national
badge. Neither feals nor coins appear to have been in
g(j ufe, but all commerce confided in barter.
Reign of Edgar was Ion of Malcolm Carimore by Margaret,
Edgar. an Anglo-Saxon princefs, and was fiill very young when
An. 1097. hg afeended the Scottifh throne. The education which
he had received from his mother, the experience which
he had acquired under the Englifh government in Nor¬
thumberland, the eftablifhment of his authority over
North Britain by the power of that government, all
induced him to imitate the Englilh rather than the
Scottifh cuftoms, during his feeble adminiftration.
He had fcarcely afeended the throne of his father
whfcn Magnus, the enterprifing king of Norway, ap¬
peared in the furrounding feas, in order to compel the
fubmiffion of his fubjedls in the Orkneys and Hebudes,
and to plunder or overawe the inhabitants of the neigh¬
bouring (bores of England, of Man, and of Ireland.
Had Magnus attempted a defeent on the coaft of Scot¬
land, he rvould probably have met with little oppofition
from Edgar, in whom the appearance of the Norwegian
prince appears to have excited confiderable apprehen-
fion. From this, however, he tvas relieved by the
death of Magnus, in 1103. Three years before had
died William Rufus, whom Edgar confidered as a bene-
faftor 5 and in the fame year, his filler Matilda bad
been married to Henry I. Thus, both from prudence
and policy, Edgar avoided all difputes with England,
and either his interelt or his weaknefs prevented him
from interfering with the then embroiled (late of the
European continent. He paid confiderable attention
to the internal regulation of his kingdom, efpecially in
eccleiiafiical matters, ile conferred on the monks of
St Cuthbert at Durham, many churches and lands near
Berwick; and he bellowed the church of Portmoak in
Kdnrofs, on the Culdees, and that of Gellold on the
monks of Dunfermling. It does not appear, however,
that in this religious age he founded any remarkable re¬
ligious houfe. He died at Dun-Edin without iffue, on
the 8th of January 1 to6, having reigned nine years. He
has been charaflerifed as an amiable man, who formed
himfelf in the model of Edward the Confeffor, of Eng¬
land. From the filence of hillory we may infer that his
reign was barren of events •, and from the feeblenefs of
his charafler, we may conclude that his authority svas
fcarcely recogmfed within the larged portion of his
kingdom.
Alexan- Edgar was fucceeded by his brother Alexander I.
der I. furnamed the Fierce from the impetuofity of his temper.
An. 1107. Qn his accedion to the throne, however, the Scots were
fo ignorant of his true charafler, on account of his ap¬
pearance of piety and devotion, that the northern parts
of the kingdom were foon filled with ravages and blood-
died, by reafon of the wars of the chieftains with each
other. Alexander immediately raifed an army, and
marching into Moray and Rofs-fivire, attacked the in-
8,9 furgents feparately $ and having fubdued them all, he
Admiru- pul; great numbers of them to death. He then prepared
iters julticc ^ recJUcc the exorbitant power of the nobles, and to de-
t,l< * liver the people from the opprefiion under which they
2
groaned. A remarkable inflance of this appeared on his Seefiand.
return from the expedition juil new mentioned. In palf- v ~ V
big through the Mearns, he met with a widow, who
complained that her huiband and fon had been put to
death by the young earl their fuperior. Alexander im¬
mediately alighted from his horle, and fwore that he
would not remount him till he had inquired into the juf-
tice of the complaint ; and, finding it to be true, the of¬
fender was hanged on the fpot. Thefe vigorous pro¬
ceedings prevented all attempts at open rebellion ; but
produced many confpiracies among the profligate part of
his private lubje<£ls, wTho had been accurtomed to live
under a more remits government. The moll remarkable Narrowly
of thefe took place while the king was engaged in build-elc.aPes
big the caftle of Baledgar, fo called in memory of his11 ^la ins‘
brother Edgar, who had laid the foundation Hone. It
was fituated in the Carfe of Gowrie, which, we are told,
had formerly belonged to Donald Bane, but afterwards
came to the crown, either by donation or forfeiture.
The confpirators bribed one of the kingjs chamberlains
to introduce them at night into the royal bed-chamber :
but Alexander, alarmed at the noife, drew his fword,
and killed fix of them } after which, by the help of a
knight named Alexander Cart on, he efcaped the danger,
by flying into Fife. The confpirators chiefly refided
in the Meams, to which Alexander once more repaired
at the head of an army •, but the rebels retreated north¬
wards, and eroded the Spey. The king purfued them
acrofs that river, defeated them, and brought to juilice
all that fell into his hands. In this battle, Carron
dillinguHhed himfelf fo eminently, that he obtained
the name of Skrimgcour or Shritrrzeour; which indeed
is no other than the Englifh word JkirmiJher or Jig It ter.
The next remarkable tranfadficn of Alexander’s reign, jjis exploits
as recorded by the Englifh hiftorians, was his journey in Enghmd.
into England, where he paid a vifit to Henry I. whom
he found engaged in a war with the Welfh. Alexander,
in virtue of the fealty which he had fworn for his Eng¬
lifh poffeflions, readily agreed to lead an army into
Wales. There he defeated one ef the chieftains, and
reduced him to great ftraits •, but could not prevent him
from efcaping to Griffith prince of North Wales, with
whom he was clofely allied. Henry alfo marched
againft the enemy, but with much worfe fuccefs than
Alexander. Alexander died in 1124, after a reign of
feventeen years; and was buried at Dunfermline. 5I
This prince, dying a bachelor, was fuccecded by his Wars of
younger brother David j who interfered in the affairs K'rg Da-
of England, and took part with the emprefs Maud in ^
the civil war which (lie carried on with Stephen. In An.
1136, David met his antagonifl at Durham •, but as nei¬
ther party chofe to hazard an engagement, a negociation
took place, and a treaty was concluded. This, however,
was obferved but for a fliort time •, for, in the follow¬
ing year, David again invaded England, on feme frivo¬
lous pretence. He defeated Stephen at Roxburgh ;
and forced him to retreat precipitately, after lofing one
half of his army. Next year he renewed his invafion ;
and, though he himfelf was a man of great mildnefs and
humanity, he fuffered his troops to commit fuch out¬
rages, as firmly united the Englifli in oppofition to him.
His grand-nephew William cut in pieces the vanguard
of the Englifh army at Clithero ; after which he rava¬
ged the country with fuch cruelty, that the inhabitants
became exafperated beyond meafure againfl him. . New
aiTociatlons
SCO [ 599 ] SCO
Scotland.
92
Battle of
the Stand¬
ard.
An* 11 j3.
93
■The Scots
entirely
defeated.
94
Malcolm
IV.
An. 1153.
. ?5
William I.
engages in
a war with
Henry II.
ef England.
An, 1165.
affectations were entered into againft the Scots ; and
the Englifh army receiving great reinforcements from
the fouthward, advanced to Northallerton, where the
famous llandard was produced. The body of this ftan-
dard was a kind of box which moved upon wheels,
from which arofe the maft of a Ihip furmounted by
a filver crofs, and round it were hung the banners of St
Peter, St John de Beverly, and St Wilfred. Standards
of this kind were common at that time on the conti¬
nent of Europe 3 and fo great confidence had the Eng-
lith in this ftandard, that they now' thought themfelves
invincible. They had, however, a much more folid
ground of confidence, as being much better armed than
their amagoniits. The armies met at a place called
Culton Moor. The fivft line of the Scots army was
compofed of the inhabitants of Galloway, Carrie, Kyle,
Cunningham, and Renfrew. The fecond line confided
of the Lothian men, by which rve are to underhand the
king’s fubje&s in England as well as the fouth of Scot¬
land, together wdth the Englilh and Normans of Maud’s
party. The third line was formed of the clans under
their different chieftains 3 but who were fubjeef to no
regalar command, and were always impatient to return
to their own country when they had acquired any booty.
The Englilh foldiers having ranged themfelves round
their ftandard, difmounted from their horfes, in order to
avoid the long lances which the firft line of the Scots
army carried. Their front-line was intermixed with
archers 3 and a body of cavalry, ready for purfuit, hover¬
ed at fome diftance. The Scots, belides their lances,
made ufe of targets 3 but, when the Englilh clofed with
them, they were foon difordered and driven back upon
the centre, where JDavid commanded in perfon. His fon
made a gallant refiftance, but was at laft forced to yield :
the Izft line feems never to have been engaged. David,
feeing the vi&ory decided againft him, ordered fome of
his men to fave themfelves by throwing away their badges,
which it feems Maud’s party had worn, and mingling
with the Englilh 3 after which he himfelf, with his
fhattered forces, retreated towards Carlhle. The Eng¬
lilh hillorians fay, that in this battle the Scots were to¬
tally defeated, with the lofs of 10,000 men ; but this
feems not to be the cafe, as the Englilh did not purl’ue,
and the Scots were in a condition for carrying on the
war next year. However, there were now no great ex¬
ploits performed on either fide 3 and a peace was con¬
cluded, by which Henry prince of Scotland was put in
poffeffion of Huntingdon and Northumberland, and
took an oath of fealty to Stephen. David continued
faithful to his niece the emprefs as long as he lived 3
and died at Carlille in the year 1153, after a glorious
reign of rather more than 29 years.
David was fucceeded by his grandfon Malcolm IV.
fumamed the Maiden, on account of his continence.
He appears to have been a weak and fuperllitious
prince, and died of a depreflion of fpirits in the year
1165. He was fucceeded by his brother William I.
who immediately entered into a war with Henry II. of
England, on account of the earldom of Northumber¬
land, which had been given up by Malcolm 3 but Hen¬
ry, finding his affairs in a very embarraffed fituation,
confented to yield up this county, on William’s paying
him homage, rather than continue the miferies of war.
In 1172, he attempted to avail himfelf of the unnatural
war which Henry’s fons carried on againfl their iaidler,
and invaded England. He divided his army into three Scot’and.
columns: the firft of which laid fiege to Carlille ; (he v ”
fecond the king in perfon led into Northumberland 3
and the king’s brother, David, advanced with the third
into Leicelterfhiie. William reduced the caftles of
Burgh, Appleby, Warkworth, and Garby 3 and then
joined that divifion of his army which was befieging
Carlifle. The place was already reduced to fuch ftraits,
that the governor had agreed to furrender it by a cer¬
tain day, provided it was not relieved before that time :
on which the king, leaving fome troops to continue the
fiege, invefted a caftle with fome of the forces he had
under his command, at the fame time fending a ftrong
reinforcement to his brother David j by winch means
he himfelf was left with a very fmall army, when he re¬
ceived intelligence that a ftrong body of Englifh under
Robert de Btutevijle and his fon were advancing to fur-
prifie him.—William, fenfible of his inability to refill
them, retired to Alnwick, to which he inftantly laid
fiege 3 but in the mean time aided in fuch a cardefs
and unthinking manner, that his enemies aflually ef¬
fected their deligns. Having dreffed a party of their
foldiers in Scots habits, they took the king himfelf pri-
foner, and carried him, with his feet tied under the
belly of a horfe, to Richmond Caftle. He was then He is taken
conveyed in chains before Henry to Northampton, and prifoner by
ordered to be tranfported to the caftle of Fakiie in t,ie
Normandy, where he was fliut up with other Hate pri- an^
foners. Soon after this an accommodation took place homage for
between Henry and his fons, and the prifoners on both his king-
fides were fet at liberty, William only excepted, who cl°m.
bore his confinement with great impatience. Of this
Henry took the advantage, to make him pay homage
for the whole kingdom of Scotland, and acknowledge
that he held it only as a feu of the crown of England 3
and, as a fecurity, he was obliged to deliver into the
hands of Henry all the principal forts in Scotland, viz.
the caftles of Roxburgh, Berwick, Jedburgh, Edinburgh,
and Stirling 3 William at the fame time agreeing to pay
the Englifh gamfons which were put into thefe caftles.
David, the king’s brother, with 20 barons, who were
prefent at the figning of this fhameful convention, were,
put into tire hands of Henry as hoftages for William’s
good faith 3 after which the king was fet at liberty, and
returned to Scotland.
The affairs of Scotland were now in the greateft con-
fufion. The people of Galloway, at the head of whom
were two chiefs called Othrecl and Gilbert, had taken
the opportunity of afferting their independency on the
crown of Scotland j and, having expelled all the Scots
officers out of the country, they demolifhed all the forts
which William had erebled in their country, and put to
death all the foreigners. But in the mean time a quar¬
rel enfuing between the two chiefs, Othred was mur¬
dered by Gilbert, who immediately applied to Henrv
for proteflion.
Henry, in cider to give all poftibie fan cl ion to the
convention betwixt him and William, fummoned him
to meet him and his Ion at York. William obeyed the
fummons, and along with him appeared all the great
nobility and landholders 5 who confirmed the conven¬
tion of Falaife, fwore fealty to Henry, and put them¬
felves and their country under his protection. In the
mean time, Gilbert, who was at the head of the rebels
in Galloway, had offered to place himlclf sad his people
under
SCO [ 600 ] SCO
neral, Gil-
chrift.
Scotland, under the proteftion of the king of England, and to
1 pay to Henry 2000 merks of filver yearly, with 500
cows and as many hogs, by way of tribute : Henry,
however, that he might oblige his new feudatory Wil¬
liam, refufed to have any concern in the affair. On
this, William ordered his general Gilchrift to march
againft him 5 which he did with fuch fuccefs, that Gil¬
bert was entirely defeated, and Galloway again reduced
under the dominion of Scotland. Very foon after this
^ vidtory, Gilchrilt fell under the king’s difpleafure on
Adventures the following occafion. He had married Matilda, filter
ofWil- to William $ and on fufpicion, or proof, of her inconti-
ham s ge- nencej pUt her to death at a village called Maynes, near
Dundee. The king being highly difpleafed at fuch a
grofs affront to himfelf, fummoned GilchrMt to take his
trial for the murder : but as the general did not choofe
to make his appearance, his eftates wTere confifcated, his
caftles demolilhed, and he himfelf fent into exile. He
took refuge in England j but as it had been agreed in
the convention between William and Henry that the
one Ihould not harbour the traitorous fubjedts of the
other, Gilchrift w^as forced to return to Scotland with
his two fons. There they were expofed to all the mife-
ries of indigence, and the perpetual fear of being difco-
vered, fo that they were obliged to Ikulk from place to
place. William, on his return from an expedition
againft an ufurper whom he had defeated, happened to
obferve three ftrangers, who, though difguifed like nif¬
ties, appeared by their noble mien to be above the vul¬
gar rank. William, who firft difeovered them, was
confirmed in this apprehenfion, by feeing them flrike
out of the high road, and endeavour to avoid notice.
He ordered them to be feized and brought before him.
The oldeft, who was Gilchrift himfelf, fell upon his
knees before him, and gave fuch a detail of his misfor¬
tunes as drew tears from the eyes of all prefent j and
. the king reftored him to his former honours and eftates.
the family From the family of this Gilchrift that of the Ogilvies is
of Ogilvy. faid to be defeended.
The Scots continued to be in fubjeftion to the Eng-
lilh till the acceffion of Richard I. This monarch be¬
ing a man of romantic valour, zealoufly undertook an
expedition into the Holy Land againft the Turks, in
conformity with the fuperftition of the times. That he
might fecure the quiet of his dominions in his abfence,
he determined to make the king of Scotland his friend}
WilUam re an<^ ^or PurP°^e’ thought nothing could be more
leafe'd from* acceptable than releafing him and his fubje&s from that
his homage fubieftion which even the Englifh themfelves confidered
by Richaidas forced and unjuft. However, he determined not to
I- lofe this opportunity of fupplying himfelf with a fum
An. 1189. 0f money? which could not but be abfolutely neceffary
in fuch an expenfive and dangerous undertaking. He
therefore made William pay him 10,000 merks for this
releafe : after which he entered into a convention ftill
extant ; in which he acknowledges, that “ all the con¬
ventions and afts of fubmiflion from William to the
crown of England had been extorted from him by un¬
precedented writings and durefle.” This tranfadtion
happened in the year 1189.
The generofity of Richard met with a grateful return
from William 5 for when Richard wras imprifoned by the
emperor of Germany in his return from the Holy Land,
the king of Scotland fent an army to aflift the regency
againft his rebellious brother John, who had wickedly
98
ufurped the throne of England. For this Richard ac- Scotland,
knowledged his obligation in the higheft degree j but
William afterwards made this an excufe for fuch high
demands as could not be complied with. Neverthelefs,
the two monarchs continued in friendfhip as long as
Richard lived. Some differences happened wdth King
John about the poffeflion of Northumberland and other
northern counties: but thefe were all finally adjufted to
the mutual fatisfaftion of both parties 5 and William
continued a faithful ally of the Englifh monarch till his
death, wdiich happened in the year 1214, after a reign
of 49 years. • ica
William was fucceeded by his fon Alexander II. a Alexan-
youth of 16. He renewed his claim to Northumber-der II-
land and the other northern counties of England ; but n’ I214*
John, fuppofing that he had now thoroughly fubdued
the Englifh, not only refufed to confider the demands
of Alexander, but made preparations for invading Scot¬
land. John had given all the country between Scotland
and the river Tees to Hugh de Baliol and another no- I0I
bleman, upon condition of their defending it againft: the War with
Scots. Alexander invaded Northumberland, which he John, king
eafily red^rced, while John invaded Scotland. Alexan-£n§*an^“
der retired to Melros, in order to defend his own coun¬
try j upon which John burnt the towns of Wark, Aln¬
wick, and Morpeth, and took the ftrong caftles of Rox¬
burgh and Berwick. He next plundered the abbey of
Coldingham, reduced Dunbar and Haddington, rava¬
ging the country as he paffed along. His next opera¬
tion was direfted againft Edinburgh 5 but being oppofed
by Alexander at the head of an army, he precipitately
retreated. Alexander did not fail to purfue ; and John,
to cover his retreat, burnt the towns of Berwick and
Coldingham. In this retreat the king of England him¬
felf fet his men an example of barbarity, by felting fire
every morning to the houfe in which he had lodged the
preceding night. In fhort, fuch defolation did John
fpread all around him, that Alexander found it impof-
fible to continue his purfuit *, for which reafon he march¬
ed weft ward, and invaded England by the way of Car-
lifle. This place he took and fortified •, after which he
marched fouth as far as Richmond, receiving homage
from all the great barons as he paffed. At Rich¬
mond he was again flopped by John’s ravages, and
obliged to return through Weftmoreland to his own do¬
minions.
When the Englifti barons found it neceffary to put
themfelves under the prote&ion of Louis, fon to the
king of France, this prince, among other afts of fove-
reignty, fummoned Alexander to do him homage 5 but
the latter being then engaged in the fiege of Carlifle,
which had fallen into the hands of King John, he
could not immediately attend. In a (liort time Alex¬
ander found himfelf obliged to abandon his enterprife :
after which he laid fiege to Barnard caftle ; but being
baffled here alfo, marched fouthwards through the whole
kingdom of England, and met Louis at London or
Dover, where the prince confirmed to him the rights
to Northumberland, Cumberland, and Weftmoreland.
He continued a faithful ally to Louis and the barons in
their wars with John 5 and, in 1216, brought a frelh
army to their afliftance, when their affairs were almoft
defperate.
As long as Louis continued in England, Alexander
proved faithful to his intereft j but, in 1217, he was on
fuch
SCO
r 601 ]
SCO
Scotland.
ioi
Alexander
nr.
An. 1249.
TOJ
marries the
daughter o
Henry III.
of Engla'd
An. 1250.
T04
Is confined
Vi ith Ins
queen by
his rebelli
qus fubjeels
fuch good terms with Henry as to demand his eldeft
fitter, the princefs Joan, in marriage. His requeft was
granted, and in 1221 he elpoufed that prince's. As
long as the queen of Scotland lived, a perfect harmony
fubfitted between the Scots and Engliih : but in 1239
Queen Joan died without children ; and Alexander foon
after married Mary, the daughter of Egelrand de Coucy,
a young and beautiful French lady, by whom, in 1241,
he had a fon named Alexander. From this time a cool-
nefs took place between the two courts, and many dif¬
ferences arofe j but no hottilities commenced on either
fide during the lifetime of Alexander, who died in
1249 ^ 35lh year of his reign.
Immediately on the death of his father, Alexander III.
took polleffion of the throne. He is the firfl: of the
Scots kings of whofe coronation we have any particular
account. We are told, that the ceremony was perform¬
ed by the bifhop of St Andrew’s, who girded the king
with a military belt, probably as an emblem of his tem¬
poral jurifdiftion. He then explained in Latin, and af¬
terwards in Gaelic, the laws and oaths relating to the
king \ who received them all with great appearance of
joy, as he alfo did the benediftion and ceremony of co¬
ronation from the fame prelate. After the ceremony
was performed, a Highlander, probably one of thofe
who went under the denomination of Sannachies, repeat¬
ed on his knees before the throne, in his own language,
the genealogy of Alexander and his anceftors, up to the
firft king of Scotland.
In 1250, the king, though no more than ten years
: of age, was married to the daughter of Henry, who
now thought it a proper opportunity to oblige him to
do homage for the whole kingdom of Scotland. But
Alexander, notwithttanding his youth, replied with great
fenfe and modefty, that his bufinefs in England was ma¬
trimony ; that he had come thither under Henry’s pro-
te£!ion and invitation *, and that he was not prepared to
anfwer fuch a diiiicult queflion.
Henry feems to have been encouraged to this attempt
by the diftrafted ftate of the Scots affairs at that time j
for. during the minority of the king, the nobility threw
all into confufion by their mutual diffenfions. The fa¬
mily of Cummin were now become exceedingly power¬
ful ; and Alexander II. is blamed by Buchanan for al¬
lowing them to obtain fuch an exorbitant degree of
power, by which they were enabled almoft to ihake the
foundation of government. Notwithftanding the king’s
refufal to fuhmit to the homage required of him, they
imagined that Henry’s influence was now too great ;
and fearing bad confequences to themfelves, they with¬
drew from York, leaving Henry in full poffefiion of his
fon -in-law’s perfom Henry, however, to fliow that he
deferved all the confidence which could be repofed in
him, publicly declared, that he dropped all claim of fu-
periority over the crown of Scotland, and that he would
ever afterwards adl as the father and guardian of his fon-
in-law 5 confirming his affurances by a charter. Yet
when Alexander returned to Scotland, he found there
had been a Arong party made againfi; his Englifh con¬
nexions. They now exclaimed, that Scotland was no
bitter than a province of England ; and having gained
almott all the nobility over to their fide, they kept the
king and queen as two ftate-prifoners' in the cattle of
Edinburgh. Henry had fecret intelligence of thefe pro¬
ceedings ; and his queen privately fent a phyfician whom
-Vol. XVIII. Part II.
the could truff, to Inquire into her daughter’s fituation. Scotland.
Having found means of being admitted into the young
queen’s prefence, the gave him a molt lamentable ac¬
count of her fituation. She faid, that the place of their
confinement was very unwholefome, in confequence of
which their health was in imminent danger } and that
they had no concern in the affairs of government. Hi-
ftorians do not inform us by what means they were re¬
duced to this difmal fimation 5 only in general, that the
Cummins ufurped the whole power of the ftate. Henry
fcarcely knew how to aX. If he proceeded at once to
violent meafures, he was afraid of the lives of his daugh¬
ter and fon-in-law j and, on the other hand, by a more
cautious conduX, he left them expofed to the wicked
attempts of thofe who kept them in thraldom, fome of
whom, he well knew, had defigns on the crown itfelf.
By advice of the Scots royalifts, among whom were the They are fet
earls of Dunbar, Fife, Stratherne, Garrick, and Robert at liberty
de Bruce, Henry affembled his military tenants at York, hy Henry,
whence he himfelf advanced to Newcaftle, where he
publifhed a manifefto, difclaiming all defigns againft
the peace or independence of Scotland } declaring, that
the forces which had been colleXed at York were de-
figned to maintain both ; and that all he intended was
to have an interview with the king and queen upon the
borders. From Newcaftle he proceeded to Wark, where
he privately diipatched the earl of Glocefter, with his
favourite John Manfel, and a train of trufty followers,
to gain admiftion into the caftie of Edinburgh, then held
by John Baliol and Robert de Rofs, noblemen of great
influence both in England and Scotland. The earl and
Manfel gained admittance into the caftie in difguife, on
pretence of their being tenants to Baliol and Rofs} and
their followers obtained accefs on the fame account,
without any fufpicion, till they were fufficiently nume¬
rous to have maltered the garrifon, had they met with
any refiftance. The queen immediately informed them
of the thraldom and tyranny in which ftie had been
kept. The Englilh, being mafters of the caftie, order- .
ed a bed to be prepared that very night for the king
and queen j and Henry, hearing of the fuccefs of his
party, fent a fafe conduX for the royal pair to meet
him at Alnwick. Robert de Rofs was fummoned by
Henry to anfwer for his conduX 5 but throwing himfelf
on the king’s mercy, he was punifhed only by the fe-
queftration of his eftate, as was John Baliol by a heavy
fine, which the king of England referved entirely for
his own ufe.
Alexander and his queen were attended to Alnwick
by the heads of their party ; and when they arrived, it
was agreed that Henry fhould aX as his fon-in-law’s
guardian j in confequence of which, feveral regulations
were made in order to fupprefs the exorbitant power of
the Cummins. That ambitious family,' however, were r
all this time privately ftrengthening their party in Scot- Alexander
land, though they appeared fatisfied with the arrange-carried off
ments which had been made. This rendered Alexan- by rebels,
der fecure ; fo that, being off his guard, he was fur-but re!ie*
prifed when afleep in the caftie of Kinrofs by the earl of
Menteith, who carried him to Stirling. The Cummins
were joined in this treafon by Sir Hugh de Abernethy,
Sir David Eochore, and Sir Hugh de Barclay 5 and, in
the mean time, the whole nation was thrown into the
utmoft confuflon. The great feal was forcibly taken
from Robert Stuterville, fubftitute to the chancellor the
4 G bilhop
biihop of Dunkeld
CO [ 602 ] SCO
tlie eflales of tlie royalifts were the daughter of Alexander, and Eric the fen and heir Scotland.
An. 1203.
107
Defeats the
Norwe¬
gians.
plundered ; and even the churches were not fpared.
The king at laft was delivered by the death of the earl
of Menteith.
Alexander being thus reflored to the exercife of regal
authority, afted with great wifdom and moderation.
He pardoned the Cummins and their adherents, upon
their fubmitting to his authority •, after which, he ap¬
plied hirrdclf to the regulation of his other affairs : but
a fform was now ready to break upon him from another
quarter. We have already feen, that the ufurper Do¬
nald Bane, brother to Malcom Canmore, had engaged
to deliver up the 2ties of Orkney and Shetland to the
king of Norway, for aflifting him in making good his
prelenfions to the crown of Scotland. Haco, the king
of Norway at this time, alleged, that thefe engagements
extended to the delivering up the iflands of Bute, Ar¬
ran, and others in the frith of Clyde, as belonging to
the Ebudae or Weftern itles ; and as Alexander did not
think proper to comply with thefe demands, the Nor¬
wegian monarch appeared with a fleet of 160 fail, hav¬
ing on board 20,0C0 troops, who landed and took the
cattle of Ayr. Alexander immediately difpatched am-
baffadors to enter into a treaty with Haco; but the lat¬
ter, fluthed with fuccefs, would liflen to no terms. He
made himfelf matter of the ifles of Bute and Arran ^
after which he paffed over to Cunningham. Alexander
prepared to oppofe him, divided his army into three bo¬
dies. The fix'd: was commanded by Alexander high
fteward of Scotland (the great grandfather of Ro¬
bert II.), and confided of the Argyle, Athol, Lenox,
and Galloway men. The fecond was corapofed of the
inhabitants of Lothian, Fife, Merfe, Berwick, and Stir¬
ling, under the command ol Patrick earl of Dunbar.
The king himfelf led the centre, which confided of the
inhabitants of Perth-diire, Angus, Mearns, and the
northern counties.-—Haco, who was an excellent gene¬
ral, difpofed his men in order of battle, and the engage¬
ment began at Largs in Ayrdiire. Both parties fought
with great refolution ; but at lad the Norwegians were
defeated with dreadful daughter, not fewer than 16,000
of them being killed on the fpot. The remainder efca.
ped to their (hips ; which were fo completely wrecked
the day after, that Haco could fcarcely find a veffcl to
carry him with a few friends to Orkney, where he foon
after died of grief.
Jn cor.fequence of this viclory, the king of the ifland
of Man fubmitted to Alexander ; and his example was
followed by feveral other princes of the illands belong¬
ing to the Norwegians. Haco’s fon, a wife and learned
prince, foon after arrived in Scotland with frefh rein¬
forcements, and propofed a treaty : but Alexander, in-
Read of liftening to an accommodation, lent the earls of
Buchan and Murray, with Allen the chamberlain, and
a conuderable body of men, to the Weftern iflands,
where they put to the fword fome of the inhabitants,
and hanged their chiefs for having encouraged the Nor-
rvegian invafion. In the mean time, Magnus returned
to Norway 3 w'here a treaty was at laft concluded be¬
tween him and Alexander. By this Magnus renounced
•all right to the coritefted iflands 3 Alexander at the
fame time confenting to pay him 1000 merks of filver
in two years, and 100 yearly ever after, as an equiva¬
lent for thefe iflands. To cement the friendfliip more
firmly, a marriage was concluded between Margaret
of Magnus, who was alfo a child 3 and, fome years af¬
ter, when the parties were of proper age, the marriage
was ccnfummated. lcS
In 1264, Alexander fent a confiderable body of Scot- Alexander
lifti forces under the command of John Cummin, .johnaflifts the
Baliol, and Robert Bruce, to affift the kin? Erko-tcmsot
England.
An. 1164.
109
Deligns of
land againft his rebellious barons. Thefe leaders were
taken prifoners in the battle of Lewis, where Henry was
defeated, but regained their liberty in the following
year at the decifive battle of Evefham, by which the
Englifli civil war was fuccefsfully terminated on the
part of Henry by the young Prince Edward.
From this time to the acceflion of Edward I. of Eng¬
land, w’e find nothing remarkable in the hiftory cf Scot¬
land. That prince, however, proved a more cruel ene¬
my to this country than it had ever experienced. Alex¬
ander was prefent at the coronation of Edward, who
was then newly arrived from the Holy Land, where he
had been on a crufade. Soon after this Alexander paid
him homage for his Englifli eftates 3 particularly for the
lands and lordfhip of Penrith and others, which Henry
had given him along with his daughter. He proved an
excellent ally to Edward in his wars againft the
French 3 and the latter paffed a charter, by which he
acknowledged that the fervices of the king of Scotland
in thofe wars were not in confequence of his holding-
lands in England, but as an ally to his crown. Even
at this time, howTever, Edward had formed a defign on
the liberties of that kingdom 3 for in the charter juft
mentioned, he inferted a falvo, acknowledging the fu-
pericrity, by which he referved his right to the homagej
of the kingdom cf Scotland, when It ftiould be claimed againft the
by him or his heirs. The bifhop of Norwich fuggeftedllberUc:S
this falvo : and this wras the reafon why Alexanderlbcot “'t"
would not perform the homage in perfon, but left it to
be performed by Robert Bruce earl of Garrick 3 Alexan¬
der Handing by, and exprefsiy declaring, that it wTas
only paid for the lands he held in England.—No a efts
of hoftility, however, took place during tlie lifetime
of Alexander, who was killed on the 16th of March
1285, in the 43th year of his age, by his horfe mill¬
ing dowm the black rock near Kinghorn as he was
riding.
Both before and after the death of Alexander, theAn. rzS^..
great fubjetfts of Scotland feemed to have been fenfible no
of Edward’s ambitious defigns. On the marriage of-\CCf:^'u,ni0
Margaret with Eric prince of Norway, the ftates of' 0
Scotland paffed an aft: obliging themfelves to receive
her and her heirs as queen and fovereigns cf Scotland.
Edward at that time was in no condition to oppofe
this meafure, in which the Scots were unanimous 3 and
therefore conten ted himfelf w ith forming faftions among
the leading men of the country. Under pretence of
refuming the crofs, he renewed his intrigues at the court
of Rome, and demanded leave from the pope to colieft
the tenths in Scotland 3 but his holinefs replied, that he
could make nofuch grant without theconfent of the go¬
vernment of Scotland. On the death of Margaret queen
of Norway, her daughter, in confequence of the aft
above mentioned, w-as recognized by the ftates as quern
of Scotland. As the was then but twro years oid, they
came to a refoluticn of excluding from all (Fare in the
government, not only Edward I. but their queen’s fa¬
ther 3 and they accordingly eftablifhed a regency from
among
Sfotla'.rf.
in
Treaty of
marriage
between
the young
queen of
Scotland
and the
prince of
Wales.
SCO [ 603 ] SCO
among tlieir o’wn number, confifting of the fix following
J noblemen j viz. Robert Wilhart hilltop of Glafgow, Sir
James Cummin of Badenoch, fenior, James lord high
Reward of Scotland, who were to have the fuperinten-
dency of all that part of Scotland which lay to the
fouth of the Forth •, William Frafer bifhop ol St An¬
drews, Duncan earl of File, and Alexander
Cummin earl of Buchan, who were to have the direc¬
tion of all affairs to the north of the lame river.—With
thefe arrangements Eric was exceedingly dil^leafed,
confideriing himfelf as the only rightful guardian of his
own child. Fie therefore cultivated a good underftand-
ing with Edward, from whom he had received conli-
derable pecuniary favours ; and perceiving that the Rates
of Scotland were unanimous in excluding all foreigners
from the management of their affairs, he embraced the
views of the king of England, and named cornmiflion-
ers to treat with thofe of Edward upon the Scots aftairs.
Thefe negociations terminated in a treaty of marriage
between the queen of Scotland and Edward prince of
Wales, young as they both were. This alarmed the
Rates of Scotland, who refolved not to fuffer their queen
to be difpofed of without their confent. It was there¬
fore agreed by the commiffioners on both fides, to ac¬
quaint them with the refult of their conferences, and to
denfand that a deputation ftiould be fent to London for
fettling the regency of Scotland, or, in other words, for
putting the fovereign powrer into the hands of the two
kings. As the two parties, however, were within the
prohibited degrees of confanguinity, being firtl coufins,
a difpenfation was applied for to Pope Boniface, who
granted it on condition that the peers of Scotland con-
fented to the match.
Though the Scots nobility Were very inimical to this
match, they could not refufe their confent to it when
propofed by the father and grand-uncle of their young
queen. They therefore appointed the bllhops of St An¬
drew’s and GlafgoW, with Robert Bruce lord of Annan-
dale, and John Cummin, to attend as their deputies, but
with a charge to preferve all the liberties and honours
of the realm of Scotland ; to which Edward agreed.
Thefe deputies met at SalifLury with thofe of England
and Norway 5 and it was at laR agreed, 1. 'that the
young queen ftiould be fent from Norway (free of all
marriage-engagements) into England or Scotland. 2.
That if the queen came to England, (he fhould be at li¬
berty-to repair to Scotland as loon as the diftraclions of
that kingdom ftiould be fettled : that (he ftiould, on her
arrival in her own dominions, be free of all matrimonial
contracts j but that the Scots ftiould engage not to dif-
pofe of her in marriage without her father or Edward’s
confent. 3. The Scots deputies promifed to give fuch
fecurity as the Norwegian commiflioners might require,
that the tranquillity of the nation ftiould be fettled be¬
fore her arrival. 4. That the commiflioners of Scot¬
land and Norway, joined with commiflioners from Eng¬
land, fliould remove Inch regents and officers of ftate
in Scotland, as might be fufpefled of difaffe&ion, and
place others in their Read. If the Scots and Norwe¬
gian commiflioners fliould difagree on that or any other
head relating to the government of Scotland, the deci-
lion was to be left to the arbitration of Englifti com-
xniffioners.
The party of Edward was now fo ftrongin Scotland,
that no oppofition was made to the late agreement, in a
parliament held at Brechin to deliberate upon the fettle- Scotland,
meat of the kingdom. It is uncertain whether he com-
municated in form to the Scotlifti parliament the pope’s
difpenfation for the marriage : but moll probably he did
not; as, in a letter written to him by the Rates of Scot¬
land, they mention this as a matter they heard by re¬
port. On the whole, however, they highly approved
of the marriage, upon certain condition’s to which Ed¬
ward was previoufly to agree *, but the latter, without
waiting to perform any conditions, immediately fent for
the young queen from Norway. This exceedingly dif-
pleafed Eric, who was by no means inclined to put his
daughter into the hands of a prince whofe fincerity he
lul’pefted, and therefore delayed the departure of the
young queen till he fliould hear farther from Scotland.
Edward, alarmed at this, had again recourfe to negoci-
ation •, and ten articles were at laft drawn up, in which
the Scots took all imaginable precautions for the fafety
and independence of their country. Thefe articles were
ratified by Edward on the 28th of Auguft 1289 ; yet,
even after the marriage was fully fettled, he loR no time
in procuring -as Rrong a party as poflible. At the head
ol thefe were the archbiftiop of St Andrew’s and John
Baliol. That prelate, while he was in England, was
highly careffed by Edward, from whom he had great
expectations of preferment ; and Baliol, having great
eftates in England, confidered Edward as his fove¬
reign. The biihop, on his return to Scotland, aCted as
a fpy for Edward, and carried on with him a fecret cor-
refpondence, informing him of all public tranfaClions.
It appears from this correfpondenee, that the Scots were
far from being unanimous as to the marriage. Bruce
earl of Annandale fufpected, for fome reafon or other,
tiiat the young queen was dead j and, foon after Mi¬
chaelmas 1290, afll-mbled a body of forces, and was
joined by the earls of Mar and Athol. Intelligence of
thefe commotions was carried to Edward by Baliol ; and
the archbiftiop of St Andrew’s advifed Edward, if the
report of the queen’s dea’th fhould prove true, to march
a body of troops towards Scotland, in order to fecure
luch a fucceflbr as he might think proper.
Edward, in the mean time, contented to allow am-
baffadors to be fent from Scotland to bring over the
young queen, previous to which, he appointed the bi¬
fhop of Durham to be lieutenant in Scotland for the
-queen and her future hufband ; and all the officers there,
both civil and military, obliged themfelves to furrender
their employments and fortreffes to the king and queen
(that is, to Edward) immediately on their arrival in
Scotland. But while the moft magnificent preparations
were making for the reception of the queen, intelligence JI3
of her death was received ; but it is not certainly known Death of
whether this event happened before the arrival of the queeiir'
ambalTadors in Norway, or after her departure from that An’ I290,
country, probably the latter.
The Scot* were thrown into the utmoft confterna-
tion by the news of the queen’s death 5 while, on the
other hand, Edward was as well prepared as if he had
known what was to happen. The Hate of Scotland
at this time, indeed, was to the laft degree deplorable. , II5,
The aft of fucceflion, eftablifhed by the late king, had 0f "ompeti-
no further operation, being determined by the death of tors for the
the queen ; and fince the crown was hereditary, there cr°wn.
was no precedent by which it could be fettled. The
Scot«f in general, however, turned their eyes on
4 G 2 Rm
Scotland.
SCO [ 604 ] SCO
the pofterily ©f David earl of Huntingdon, brother to
the two kings Malcolm the Maiden and his fucceffor
William, both of whom died without lawful iffue. The
earl had three daughters. Margaret, the eldeft, was
married to Allan lord of Galloway •, the only iffue of
which marriage was Derverguill wife to John Baliol,
who had a fon of the fame name, a competitor for the
crown. The fecond daughter, Ifabella, was married
to Robert Bruce j and their fon Robert was likewife a
candidate. The third daughter, Ada, had been mar¬
ried to Henry Haftings, an Englifli nobleman, and pre-
deceffor to the prefent earl of Huntingdon. John
Haftings, the fon of this marriage, was a third compe¬
titor } but as his claim was confeffedly the worft of the
ihree$ he put in only for a third of the kingdom, on the
principle that his mother was joint-heir writh her two
fillers (c). Several other claimants now ftarted up. Flo¬
rence earl of Holland pretended to the crown of Scot¬
land in right of his great grandmother Ada, the eldeft;
lawful fifter of William, formerly king j as did Robert
de Pynkcny, in the right of his great-grandmother
Margery, fecond filter of the fame King William. Pa¬
trick Gallightly was the fon of Henry Gallight-
ly, a baftard of William ; William de Rofs was de-
fcended of Ifabel •, Patrick earl of March, of Ilda or
Ada } and William de Vefci, of Margery ; all three
natural daughters of King William. Roger de Mande-
ville, defcended from Aufrie, another natural daughter
of William, alfo put in his claim j but the right of Ni¬
colas de Soulis, if baftardy could give a right, was bet¬
ter than thofe of the former. His grandmother Mar¬
gery, the wife of Allan le Hulflier, was a natural daugh¬
ter of Alexander II and confequently fifter to Alexan¬
der III. John Cummin lord of Badenoch derived his
claim from a more remote fource, viz. Donald Bane,
who ufurped the crown about 200 years before this
time } but he was walling to refign his pretenfions in fa-
\’our of John Baliol. The laft indeed had the befl:
right; and, had the fucceffion been regulated as it is in
all hereditary kingdoms at this day, he would undoubt¬
edly have fucceeded. Bruce and Haftings, how'ever,
pleaded that they were preferable, not only to John Ba¬
liol the grandchild of Margaret, but alfo to Derver-
go'ill her daughter and his mother, for the following Scotland,
reafon. Derverguili and they were equally related to '™”~>— J
their grandfather Earl David : She was indeed the
daughter of his eldeft daughter ; but ibe was a w’oman,
they were men ; and, laid they, the male in the fame
degree ought to fucceed to fovereignties, in their own
nature impartible, preferable to the female.
Notwuthftanding this number of candidates, how¬
ever, it was foon perceived, that the claims of all might
be cut off excepting thofe of two, viz. Baliol and Bruce,
of whom the former had the preference with refpefl to
hereditary right, and the latter as to popularity. Baliol
had ftrongly attached himfelf to Edward’s party ; and
this being by far the moft powerful in Scotland, gave
him a decided fuperiority over Bruce. The event w^as,
that Edward was appointed to decide between the two
competitors. It foon appeared, however, that Edward
had no intention of adjudging the crown to any perfon
but himfelf} for, in an affembly held at Norham on the
10th of May 1291, Brabanzon the chief jufticeof Eng¬
land informed the members, “ That his mafter was
come thither in confideration of the ftate of the realm
of Scotland, which w7as then without a king, to meet 114
them, ^ direB/overeigti that kingdom, to do juftice EfUvai-d (ic-
to the claimants of his crown, and to eftablifh a folid
tranquillity among his people j that it was not his inten- rejgn 0f
tion to retard juftice, nor to ufurp the right of any one, Scotland,
or to infringe the liberties of the kingdom of Scotland,
but to render to every one his due. And to the end this
might be done with the more eafe, he required the af-
fent of the ftates ex abundantand that they ftiould owm
him as direB fovereign of the kingdom } offering, on
that condition, to make ufe of their counfels to do what
juftice demanded.” The deputies were aftoniftied at
this declaration, and replied, that they were by no means
prepared to decide on Edward’s claim of fuperiority \
but that Edw'ard ought previoufly to judge the caufe
between the two competitors, and require homage from
him whom he (hould choofe to be king. Edwrard
treated this excufe as trifling, and gave them till next
day to confider of his demand. Accordingly, on that
day, the affembly w-as held in Norham church, wdiere
the deputies from Scotland infifted upon giving no an-
fwer
(c) The pedigree of the three principal competitors will be fully underftood from the following fcheme.
David I. King of Scots.
Henry Prince of Scotland.
 I 
David Earl of Huntingdon, fecond fon.
3. A da “Henry de Haftings. 2. Ifabella—Robert Bruce. J. Margarets Allan of Gaikway.
Henry de Haftings.
\
John Baliol=Derver^uill.
John de Hastings,
competitor.
Robert Bruce,
competitor.
John Balioe.
competitor.
SCO [6c
Scotland.
tI5 .
The candi¬
dates fign
an adent
An. i zp t.
fvver to Edward’s demands, which could be decided
only by the whole community 5 reprefenting, at the
fame time, that numbers of the noblemen and prelates
were abfent, and that they muft have time to know
their fenfe of the affair. In confequence of this, Ed¬
ward gave them a delay of three weeks 3 which interval
be employed in multiplying claimants to the crown
of Scotland, and in flattering all with hopes, if they
would acknowledge his fuperiority. But when the af-
fembly met, according to appointment, on the 2d of
June following, they found the place of meeting fur-
rounded by a numerous army of Englilh. Edward
had employed the biihop of Durham to draw up the
hiflorical evidence of his right to the crown of Scot¬
land 3 which has lince been publilhed. In this paper
mention is made of the fealty and homage performed
by the kings of Scotland to the Anglo-Saxon kings
of England 3 but no fufficient evidence is brought of
any fuch homage being adlually performed. As to the
homage paid by the kings of Scotland from the time
of William the Conqueror to that of the difpute be¬
tween Bruce and Baliol, the Scots never denied it 3
but they contended, and indeed with jultice, that it
was paid for the lands which they held from the
crown of England 3 and they alleged, that it was as
far removed from any relation to a fealty or homage
performed for the crown of Scotland, as the homage
paid by the Englifh monarchs to the crown of France
was removed from all relation to the crown of Eng¬
land. With regard to the homage paid by William
king of Scotland to Henry II. of England, it was not
denied that he performed it for the whole kingdom of
Scotland : but they pleaded, that it was void of itfelf,
becaufe it was extorted when William was a prifoner
to Henry 3 and they produced Richard I.’s charters,
which pronounced it to have been compullive and ini¬
quitous.
But, however urgent thefe reafons of the Scots might
be, Edward was by no means difpofed to examine into
their merits. Inftead of this, he clofeted the feveral
pretenders to the crown 3 and having found them all ready
to comply with his meafures, he drew up the following
charter of recognition to be figned by them all.
“To all who fhall hear this prefent letter.
“ We Florence earl of Holland, Robert de Bruce
lord of Annandale, John Baliol lord of Galloway, John
Haftings lord of Abergavenny, John Cummin lord of
Badenoch, Patrick de Dunbar earl of March, John
Vefci for his father Nicholas Soulis, and William de
Rofs, greeting in the Lord : ,
“ Whereas we intend to purfue our right to the
kingdom o* Scotland 3 and to declare, challenge, and
aver the fame before him that hath molt power, ju-
rifdiction, and reafon to try it 3 and the noble prince
Edward, by the grace of God king of England, &c.
having informed us, by good and fufficient reafons, that
to him belongs the fovereign feigniory of the fame :
We therefore proraife, that we will hold firm and liable
his a6t ; and that he ffiall enjoy the realm to whom it
fhali be adjudged before him. In witnefs whereof, wre
have fet our feals to this ivriting, made and granted at
Norham, the Tuefday after the Afcenfion, in the year
of Grace 1291.”
Edward th?n declared, by the mouth of his chan¬
cellor, that although, in the difpute which had arifen
Scotlandi'
116
Edward de-
5 1 s c 0
between the feveral claimants, touching the fucceffion
to the kingdom of Scotland, he abled in quality of fo¬
vereign, in order to render jullice to whomfoever it was
due 3 yet he did not thereby mean to exclude himfelf
from the hereditary right which ini his own perfon
he might have to that crown, and which right he in¬
tended to affert and improve when he ffiould think
proper: and the king himfelf repeated this proteflation
in French. The candidates were then feverally called
upon by the Englilh chancellor, to declare whether
they were willing to acknowledge Edward’s claim ot
fuperiority over the crown of Scotland, and to fubmit
to his award in difpofing of the fame 3 which being an-
fwered in the affirmative, they were then admitted to
prove their rights. But this was mere matter of form ;
for all the force of England was then alfembled on the
borders in order to fupport the claims of Edward, and
nothing now remained but to furnilh him with a fuffi¬
cient pretext for making ufe of it. He obferved, that
the Scots were not fo unanimous as they ought to be in
recognifing his fuperiority, and that the fubmiffion,
which had been figned by the candidates, was not fuffi- ^‘^5^
cient to carry it into execution. For this reafon he de-0f all
manded that all the forts in Scotland fhould be put into the fortified
his poffeffion, that he might refign them to the fuccefs- places in
tul candidate.
Though nothing could be more fhameful than a tame
compliance with this laft demand, the regency of Scot¬
land without hefitation yielded alfo to it 3 for which 117
they gave the following reafons. “ That whereas they 15
(the flates of Scotland), had, with one anent, already jj^T ^
granted that King Edward, as fuperior lord of Scot- ftates.
land, fhould give lentence as to their ieveral rights and
titles to the crown of Scotland, &c. but as the faid king
of England cannot put his judgement in full execution
to anfwer effeftually without the poffeffion or leifm of
the faid country and its caftles 3 we will, grant, and af~
fent, that he, as foveieign lord thereof, to perform the
things aforefaid, ffiall have feifin of all the lands and
callles in Scotland, until right be done to the demand¬
ants, and to the guardians and community of the king¬
dom of Scotland, to reftore both it and its caftles, with
all the royalties, dignities, franchifes, cuftoms, rights,
laws, ufages, and pofieffions, with their appurtenances^
in the fame ftate and condition in which they were when
he received them 3 faving to the king of England the
homage of him that ftiall be king 3 fo as they may be
reitored within two months after the day on which the
rights (hall be determined and affirmed 3 and that the
profits of the nation which ftiall be received in the mean
time (hall be kept in the hands of the chamberlain of
Scotland that now is, and one to be joined with him by
the king of England 3 fo that the charge oi the govern¬
ment, caftles, and officers of the realm, may be dedu&ed.
In witnefs whereof, &c.”
For thefe reafons, as it is faid, the regency put into
the hands of Edward all the forts in the country. Gil¬
bert de Umfreville alone, who had the command of the
caftles of Dundee and Forfar, refufed to deliver them up,
until he fhould be indemnified by the ftates, and by Ed¬
ward himfelf, from all penalties of treafon of which he
might afterwards be in danger.
But though Edward had thus obtained poffeffion of
the whole power of the nation, he did not think propers
to determine every thing by his own authority. Inftead
of
SCO l 606 ] SCO
fsJotland. ot this, he appointed commiftioners, at)d protnited to
1 v grant letters-patent declaring that fentence (Irould be
n3 pafled in Scotland. It had been all along forefeen that
Co nun if- jj-jg great tlifpute WOuld be between Bruce and Baliol }
pointed To ant^ though the plea of Cummin was judged frivolous,
determine y£t he was a man of too much influence to be negledt-
thepreten- ed, and he agreed tacitly to refign it in favour of Ba¬
llons of the flab Edward accordingly made him the compliment
candidates. 0f j0jnjng with Baliol in nominating 40 commif-
floners. Bruce was to name 40 more 5 and the names
of the 80 were to be given in to Edward in three days
after which the hing was to add to them 24 of his own
chooling. The place and time of meeting were left at
their own option. They unanimoufly pitched upon
Berwick for the place of meeting ; but as they could
not agree about the time, Edward appointed the fecond
of Augufl: following. Soon after this, the regents re-
flgned their commifllons to Edward ; but he returned
them, with powers to aft in his name ; and he nominat¬
ed the biihop of Cailhnefs to be chancellor of Scotland ;
joining in the commiflion with him Walter de He-
•>0
mondeiham an Engliihinan* and one of his own fecreta*
vies. Still, however, he met with great difficulties. Many
of his own great men, particularly the earl of Gloucef-
ter, were by no means fond of increaflng the power of
the Englilh monarch by the acquifition of Scotland 5
and therefore threw fuch obftacles in his wTay, that he
was again obliged to have recourfe to negotiation and
intrigue, and at laft to delay the meeting until the fe¬
cond of June in 1292 : but during this interval, that he
might the better reconcile the Scots to the lofs of their
liberty, he propofed an union of the two kingdoms $
and for this he itTued a writ by virtue of his foperio-
rity.
.An The commiflioners having met on the fecond of June
1292, ambaffadors for Norway prefented them'elves in
the affembly, demanding that their mailer (hould be
admitted into the number of the claimants, as father and
next heir to the late queen. This demand too was
admitted by Edward, after the ambaffadors had ac¬
knowledged his fuperiority over Scotland j after which
he propofed that the claims of Bruce and Baliol {hould
be previoufly examined, but without prejudice to thofe
of the other competitors. This being agreed to, he
ordered the commiflioners to examine by what laws
they ought to proceed in forming their report. The
difeuflion of this queltion was attended with fuch dif¬
ficulty, and the opinions on it were fo various, that
Edward once more adjourned the affembly to the I 2th
of Oftober following ; at which time he required the
members to give their opinions on the two following
points : 1. By -what laws and cuftoms they ought to
proceed to judgement; and, fuppofing there could be
no law or precedent found in the two kingdoms, in what
manner ? 2. Whether the kingdom of Scotland ought
to be taken in the fame viewT as all other fiefs, and to
be awarded in tho fame manner as earldoms and ba¬
ronies ? The commiflioners replied, that Edward ought
to give jufiice conformable to the ufage of the two
kingdoms : but that if no certain laws or precedents
could be found, he might, by the advice of his great
men, en ft a new lawn In anfwer to the fecond queflion
they laid, that the fucceflion to the kingdom might be
awarded in the fame manner as that to other eftates and
great baronies. Upon this, Edward ordered Bruce
3
and Baliol to be called before him ; and both of them Scotland,
urged their refpeftive pleas, and anlwers, to the follow-
ing purpofe.
Bruce pleaded, 1. That Alexander II. defpairing of up
heirs of his own body, had declared that he held him to Pleas of
be the true heir, and offered to prove by the teftimony Bruce and
of perfons (till alive, that lie declared this with the ad"^-
vice and in the prefence of the good men of his king¬
dom. Alexander III. alfo had declared to thofe with
whom he was intimate, that, failing iffue of his own
body, Bruce was his right heir. The people of Scot¬
land alfo had taken an oath for maintaining the fuccei-
fion of the neareft in blood to Alexander III- who
ought of right to inherit, failing Margaret the Maiden
of Norway and her iffue.—Baliol anfwered, that nothing
could be concluded from the acknowledgement of Alex¬
ander II. for that he left heirs of his body ; but made
no anfwer to what was faid of the fentiments of Alexan¬
der III. and of the oath made by the Scottifh nation to
maintain the fucceflion of the next of blood*
2. Bruce pleaded, that the right of reigning ought
to be decided according to the natural law, by which
kings reign *, and not according to any law or ufage
in force between fubjeft: and fubjeft : That by tlie
law of nature, the neaieil collateral in blood has a right
to the crown j but that the contlitutions which prevail
among vaffals, bind not the lord, much lefs the fo-
vereign : That although in private inheritances, which
are divifible, the el deli female heir has a certain pre¬
rogative, it is not fo in a kingdom that is indivifible j
there the neareii heir of blood is preferable whenever
the fuccefllcn opens.—To this Baliol replied, that the
claimants were in the court of their lord paramount j.
and that he ought to give judgement in this cafe, as in
the cafe of any other tenements, depending on his
crown, that is, by the common law and ufage of his
kingdom, and no other. That by the laws and ufages
of England, the eldelt female heir is preferred in the
fucceflion to all inheritances^ indivifible as well as divi¬
fible.
3. It was urged by Bruce, that the manner of ilic-
ceffion to the kingdom of Scotland in former times, was
in favour of his claim ; for that the brother, as being
neareft in degree, was wont to be preferred to the fon of
the decealed king. Thus, when Kenneth Macalpin
died, his brother Donald was preferred to his fon Con-
ftantine, and this wTas confirmed by feveral other au¬
thentic inftances in the hirtory of Scotland.—Baliol
anfWered, that if the brother was preferred to the foil
of the king, the example militated againft Bruce for
that the fon, not the brother, was the neareft in degree.
He admitted, that after the death of Malcolm III. his
brother ufurped the throne *, but he contended, that the
fon of Malcolm complained to his liege lord the king ot
England, who difpoffeffed the ufurper, and placed the
fon of Malcolm on the throne ; that after the death of
that fon the brother of Malcolm III. again ufurped the
throne •, but the king of England again difpoffeffed him,
and railed Edgar, the fecond fon of Malcolm, to the ib-
vereignty.
4. Bruce pleaded, that there are examples in other
countries, particularly in Spain and Savoy, where th«
fon of the fecond daughter excluded the grandfon of
the eideft daughter. Baliol anfwered, that examples
from foreign countries are of no importance; for that
according
Seotlervl.
120
Judgement
given in fa¬
vour of Ba-
liol.
121
Vv'ilO IS
rrowned at
Scone,
30th Nov.
I 24)2.
122
Haughty
behaviour
of Edward.
SCO [
according to the laws of England and Scotland, where
kings reign by fucceflion in the direct line, and earls and
barons fucceed in like manner, the iffue of the younger
filler, although nearer in degree, excludes not the iffue
oi the eldeit filer, although more remote ; but the fuc-
ceffion continues in the direft line.
5. Bruce pleaded, that a female ought not to reign,
as being incapable of governing : That at the death
of Alexander III. the mother of Baliol was alive 5 and
as fire could not reign, the kingdom devolved upon him,
as being the neaieil male heir of the blood royal. But
to this Baliol replied, that Bruce’s argument was in-
coniitlent with his claim : for that if a female ought
not to reign, Ifabella the mother of Bruce ought not,
nor muff Bruce himfelf claim through her. Befrdes,
Bruce himfelf had fworn fealty to a female, the maiden
of Norway.
The arguments being thus (fated on both Tides, Ed¬
ward demanded an ani.ver from the council as to the
merits of the competitors. He alio put the following
quefhon to them : By the laws and ufages of both
kingdoms, does the iffue of the eldeif filler, though more
remote in one degree, exclude the iffue of the fecond
filler, though nearer in one degree ? or ought the near¬
er in one degree, iffuing from the fecond filter, to ex¬
clude the more remote in one degree iffuing from the
eldctl filler ? To this it was anfwered unanimoufly,
That by the laws and ufages of both kingdoms, in
every heritable fucceffion, the more remote in one de¬
gree lineally defeended from the eldefl filler, was pre¬
ferable to the nearer in degree iffuing from the fecond
filler. In confequence of this, Bruce was excluded
from the fuccellion 3 on which he entered a claim for
one third of the kingdom : but being baffled in this al¬
io, the kingdom of Scotland being determined an indi-
vifible fee, Edward ordered John Baliol to have feifin
of Scotland ; with this caveat, however, “ That this
judgement (hould not impair his claim to the nroperty
of Scotland.”
After fo many difgraceful and humiliating concef-
fions on the part of the Scots, John Baliol was crown¬
ed king at Scone on the 30th November 12923 and
finifiied the ceremony by doing homage to the king of
England. All his fubmifflons, however, could not
fatisfy Edward, as long as the leaf! fiiadow of indepen¬
dence remained to Scotland. A citizen of Berwick
appealed from a ientence of the Scots judges appointed
by Edward, in order to carry his caufe into England.
But this was oppofed by Baliol, who pleaded a promife
made by the Engl!fir monarch, that he fliould “ ob-
(erve the laws and ufages of Scotland, and not with¬
draw7 any caufes from Scotland into his Englifh courts.”
Edward replied, that it belonged to him to hear the
complaints made againfl his own miniliers 3 and con¬
cluded wuth afferting his right, not only to try Scots
caufes in England, but to fummon the king of Scot¬
land, if neccffary, to appear before him in perfon. Ba¬
liol had not fpirit to rend ; and therefore figned a
mod difgraceful inftmment, by which he declared, that
all the obligations which Edward had come under were
already fulfilled, and therefore that he dilcharged them
all.
Edward now thought proper to give Baliol fome
marks of his favour, the moll remarkable of which was
giving him feifin of the Hie of Man 3 but it loon ap-
Scotland.
607 j SC O
peared that he intended to exercife his rights of fupe-
riority in the moll provoking manner. The firft in- u--"y*'—'’
fiance was in the cafe of Malcolm earl of Fife. This
nobleman had two fons, Colban his heir, and another
who is ccnflantly mentioned in hiilory by the family-
name of Macduff.—It is faid, that Malcolm put Mac¬
duff in poffeffion of the lands of Reres and Crey. Mal¬
colm died in ] 266 3 Colban his Ion, in 1270 ; Dun¬
can the fon of Colban, in 1288. To this lait earl, his
fon Duncan, an infant, iucceeded. During the non¬
age of this Duncan, grand-nephew of Macduff, Wil¬
liam archbilhopol St Andrew’s, guardian of the earldom,
difpoffefled Macduff. Fie complained to Edward 3 who
having ordered his caufe to be tried, reffored him again
to pcffeffion. Matters were in this ffale when Baliol
held his firft parliament at Scone, 10th February 1293.
1 here Macduff was cited to anfwtr for having taken
poffeffion of the lands of Reres and Crey, which were
in poffefflon of the king fince the death of the laft earl
of life. As his defences did not fatisfy the court, he
was condemned to imprifonment 3 but an action was re-
ferved to him againft Duncan, when he ftiould come of
age, and againft his heirs. In ail this defence, it is
fuvprifing that Macduff fhould have omitted his flrong-
eft argument, viz. that the regents, by Edward’s au¬
thority, had put him in poffeffion, and that Baliol had
ratified all things under Edward’s authority. How¬
ever, as foon as he was fet at liberty, he petitioned Ba-
hol for a rehearing 3 but this being refufed, he appealed
to Edward, who ordered Baliol to appear before him in-
perfon on the 25th of March 1293 •' as Ealiol didHefum-
not obey this order, he fummoned him again to ap.monsBa-
Pear °n the 14th of October. In the mean time the li^rt^p“
Engliffi parliament drew up certain J}an ding orders in him,
calcs of appeal from tne king of Scots 3 all of which An. 1203.
were harfh and captious. One of thefe regulations pro¬
vided, (1 that no excufe of abfence {hould be received
eitner from the appellant, or the king ot Scotland re-
fpondent 3 but that the parties might have counfel if
they required it.” ' ^
Though Baliol had not the courage to withftand the who be-
fecond fummons of Edward, he behaved with confider-haves'vith
able refolution at the trial. The caufe of Macduff be-re!bIutio.I,
ing brought on, Edward afked Baliol what he had toat hlS tnaL
offer in his own defence 3 to which he replied, “ I am
King of Scotland. To the complaint of Macduff, or
to ought elfe refpefling my kingdom, I dare not make
anfwer without the advice of my people.”—Edward
affefted furprife at this refufal, after the fubmiflions
which Baliol had already made him 3 but the latter -
ileadily replied, “ In matters refpeefring my kingdom, I
neither dare nor can anfwer in this place, without the
advice of my peop’e.” Edward then defired him to
a!E a farther adjournment, that he might ad vile-with the
nation. But Baliol, perceiving that his doing fo would
imply an acquiefcence in Edward’s right of requiring
his perfonal attendance on the Englifh courts, replied,
“ That he would neither afk a longer day, nor confent
to an adjournment.”—It was then refolved by the par-p
liament of England, that the king of Scotland had of-Jenc^'
fered no defence 3 that he had made evafive and difire- '
fpe (fitful an fivers : and that he was guilty of manifeft
contempt of the dourt, and of open difbbedience. To
rccompence Macduff for his imprifonment, he was or¬
dered damages from the king of Scots,, tc be taxed by
SCO
[ 608 ]
SCO
Scotland.
•Edward’s
demands
on Scot¬
land.
1*7
The Scots
enter into
an alliance
with
France.
An. 1294.
tlie court 'y and it was alfo determined that Edward
(hould inquire, according to the ulages of the country,
whether Macduff recovered the tenements in queition
by the judgement of the king’s court, and whether he
was diipoffeffed by the king of Scots. It was alfo re-
folved, that the three principal caftles of Scotland, with
the towns in which they tvere lituated, and the royal
jurifdiffion over them, thould be taken into the cuflody
ot the king, and there remain until the king of Scots
fhould make fatisfadfion for his contempt and difobedi-
ence. But, before this judgement was publicly intimat¬
ed, Baliol addreffed Edward in the following swords:
“ My lord, I am your liege-man for the kingdom of
Scotland , that, whereof you have lately treated, re-
fpedts my people no lefs than myfelf: I therefore pray
you to delay it until I have confulted my people, left I
be furprifed through -want of advice : They who are
now with me, neither will nor dare advife me in abfence
of the reft of my kingdom. After I have advifed with
them, I will in your firft parliament after Eafter report
the refult, and do to you what I ought.”
In confequence of this addrefs, Edward, with confent
of Macduff, flopped all proceedings till the day after
the feaft of Trinity 1294. But before this term Ed¬
ward was obliged to fufpend all proceedings againft the
Scots, in coniequence of a war which broke out with
France. In a parliament held this year by Edward,
the king of Scotland appeared, ana confented to lurren-
der the whole revenues of his Englifh eftates for three
years to aflift Edward againft his enemy. He was alfo
requejled and ordered by Edward to extend an embargo
laid upon the Englifti veffels all over Scotland j and this
embargo to endure until the king of England’s further
pleafure fhould be known. He alfo requefted Baliol to
fend fome troops for an expedition into Gafcony, and
required the prefence and aid of feveral of the Scottifh
barons for the fame purpofe. The Scots, however,
eluded the commands of Edward, by pretending that
they could not bring any confxderable force into the
field •, and, unable to bear his tyranny any longer, they
negociated an alliance with Philip king of France. Ha¬
ving affembled a parliament at Scone, they prevailed
upon Baiiol to difmifs all the Englifhmen whom he
maintained at his court. They then appointed a com¬
mittee of twelve, four biftiops, four earls, and four barons,
by whofe advice every thing was to be regulated ; and,
if we may credit the Englifti hiftorians, they watched
the conduct of Baliol himfelf, and detained him in a kind
of honourable captivity. They could not, however, pre¬
vent him from delivering up the cattles of Berwick,
Roxburgh, and .ledburgh, to the bifhop of Carlille ; in
whofe cuftody they were to remain during the war be¬
tween England and France, as a pledge of his allegiance.
Notwithftanding this, Baliol concluded the alliance with
Philip } by which it was ftipulated, that the latter {hould
give in marriage the eldeft daughter of the count of
Anjou to Baliol’s fon ; and it was alio provided, that
Baliol fhould not marry again without the confent of
Philip. The king of Scotland engaged to aftift Philip
in his wars at his own expence, and with his whole
power, efpecially if Edward invaded France ) and Philip
on his part engaged to aflift Scotland, in cafe of an
Englifh invafion, either by making a diverflon, or by
fending fuccours to the Scotch.
Elated with the hopes of afliftance from Fiance, the
4
Scots invaded Cumberland with a mighty army, and Scotland,
laid liege to Carlifle. The men abandoned the place;
but the women mounted the walls, and drove the af-
failants from the attack. Another incurfion into North¬
umberland proved almoft as difgraceful. Their whole England
exploits confifted in burning a nunnery at Lumiey, andwu‘lcut
a monaftery at Corebridge, though dedicated to theirlucce^*
patron St Andrew 5 but having attempted to ftonn the
caftle of Harbottle, they were repulfed with lofs. In
the mean time Edward, with an army equal in number
to that of the Scots, but much fuperior in reipehl
of difcipline, invaded the eaftern coaft of Scotland.
Berwick had either not been delivered according to
promife, or had been refumed by the Scots, and was now 129
defended by a numerous garrifon. Edward affaulted itBenvick
by fea and land. The fliips which began the attack
were all either burnt or difabled 5 but Edward having tants
led on his army in perfon, took the place by ftorm, andfacred by
cruelly butcheied the inhabitants, to the number of Edward.
8coo, without diftinftion of fex or age. In this town
there was a building called the Red holly poffeffed by cer¬
tain Flemings, by the tenure of defending it at all times
againft the king of England. Thirty of theie main¬
tained their ground for a whole day againft the Englifh
army ; but at night the building being fet on fire, all
of them periihed in the flames The fame day the caftle
capitulated ; the garrilon, confifting of 2000 men, march¬
ed out with all the honours of war, atler having fworn
never to bear arms againft England.
In the mean time, Baliol, by the advice of his parlia- Balid’s re-
ment, folemnly and openly renounced his allegiance tonunciation
Edward, fending him the following declaration :— of his alle-
“ To the magnificent prince, Edward, by the grace
of God, king of England } John, by the fame grace, 0
king of Scotland.
“ Whereas you, and others of your kingdom, you
not being ignorant, or having caufe of ignorance, by
your violent power, have notorioufly and frequently
done grievous and intolerable injuries, contempts, grie¬
vances, and ftrsnge damages againft us, the liberties of
our kingdom, and againft God and juftice ; citing us,
at your pleafure, upon every flight fuggeftion, out of
our kingdom j unduly vexing us ; feizing our caftles,
lands, and poffeflions, in your kingdom ; unjuftly, and
for no fault of ours, taking the goods of our fubjedls, as
well by fea as land, and carrying them into your king¬
dom killing our merchants, and others of our king¬
dom -y carrying away our fubjedts and imprifoning them :
For the reformation of which things, we fent our mef-
fengers to you, which remain not only unredreffed, but
there is every day an addition of world things to them j
for now you are come with a great army upon the bor¬
ders, for the difinheriting us, and the inhabitants of our
kingdom ; and, proceeding, have inhumanly committed
flaughter, burnings, and violent invafions, as well by iea
as land : We not being able to fuftain the faid injuries,
grievances, and damages any longer, nor to remain in
your fealty or homage, extorted by your violent oppref-
fion, reftore them to you, for ourfelf, and all the inha¬
bitants of our kingdom, as well for the lands we hold
of you in your kingdom, as for your pretended govern¬
ment over us.”
Edward was prefented with this renunciation by the
hands of the intrepid Elenry abbot of Aberbrothwick j
and as it was favourable to his political views, he re¬
ceived
SCO
[ 609 ]
SCO
Scotland, ceived it ratlier with contempt than anger. “ The foolifh
 \r*—J traitor,” laid he to the abbot, “ fince he will not come
to us, we will go to him.” The abbot had been per-
fuaded by his enemies, of whom he had many in Scot¬
land, to prefent this letter, in hopes that Edward would
have put him to death j but he had addrels enough to
efcape without receiving any other anfwer.
Though this fcheme of renunciation had been con¬
certed fome time before, the declaration was not fent
to Edward till after the taking of Berwick. The fate
of Scotland, after it, however, was foon decided. The
earl of March had fided with Edward, but the countefs
betrayed his caille of Dunbar into the hands of the
Scots. Edward fent a chofen body of troops to recover
The Scots the place. The whole force of Scotland oppofed them
defeated at on heights above Dunbar-, but leaving their ad-
JJunbar. vantageous poll, and pouring down on their enemies in
confufion, they were difperfed and defeated.
The caltle of Dunbar furrendered at difcretion } that
of Roxburgh followed the fame example ; the caftle of
Edinburgh furrendered after a fhort fege j and Stirling
was abandoned. The Scots, in the mean time, were
guilty of the greateft extravagances. During the fliort
interval between the lofs of Berwick and the defeat at
Dunbar, an order was made for expelling all the Englifh
eccleliaftics who held benefices in England 5 all the
partizans of England, and all neutrals, were declared
An. 1296. traitors, and their eftates confifcated. But the great
132 fuccefies of Edward foon put an end to thefe impotent
Baliol tub- afts Df fury. Baliol was obliged to implore the mercy
-vardt0 ^ie conclueror- Divefted of his royal ornaments,
and bearing a white rod in his hand, he performed a
moft humiliating penance 5 confefling that by evil and
falfe counfel, and through his owm fimplicity, he had
grievoufly offended his liege lord. He recapitulated
his various tranfgreffions, in concluding an alliance
with France while at enmity with England ; in con-
trafting his fon with the niece of the French king ; in
renouncing his fealty j in attacking the Engliffi terri¬
tories, and in refilling Edward. He acknowdedged
the juftice of the Englilh invafion and conqueft j and
therefore he, of his own free confent, refigned Scotland,
its people, and their homage, to his liege-lord Edward,
2d July 1296.
The king of England purfued his couquefis, the Scotland
barons everywhere crowding in to fwear fealty to him,—v—■~-
and renounce their allegiance to France. His jour-s
ney ended at Elgin, from whence he returned fouth-(^dued.
ward ; and, as an evidence of his having made an abfio-
lute conqueft of Scotland, he carried oft" from Scone
the wooden chair in which the kings were ufually
crowned. This chair had for its bottom the fatal Hone
regarded as the national palladium (d). Some of the
charters belonging to the abbey were carried off, and
the feals torn from others.
On the 28th of Auguft 1296, Edward held a par¬
liament at Berwick, where he received the fealty of
the clergy and laity of Scotland. It is faid, that while
the Englilh monarch was employed in the conqueft of
Scotland, he had promifed the lovereignty to Robert;
Bruce, lord of Annandale, in order to lecure his fideli¬
ty } but being put in mind of his promife, he anfwer-
ed, “ Have I no other bufinefs but to conquer king¬
doms for you ?” Bruce filently retired, and paffed his
days in obfeurity. Among thofe who profeffed their
allegiance at this parliament was Robert Bruce the
younger, earl of Garrick. After this, Edward took
the molt effeftual methods of fecuring his new conqueft.
He ordered the eftates of the clergy to be reftored ; and
having received the fealty of the widows of many of the
Scottilh barons, he put them in poffeflion of their join¬
ture-lands, and even made a decent provifion for the
wives of many of his prifoners. Yet, though in every
thing he behaved with great moderation towards the
Scots, he committed the government of certain diftri&s,
and of the chief caftles in the fouth of Scotland, to his
Englilh fubjetfts, of whofe fidelity and vigilance he
thought himfelf affured. In order to conciliate the af-
feftions of the clergy, he granted to the Seottilh bilhops,
for ever, the privilege of bequeathing their effefts by
will, in the fame manner as that privilege was enjoyed
by the archbilhops and bilhops of England. la honour
of the “ glorious confeffor St Cuthbert,” he gave to
the monks of Durham an annual penfion of 40 pounds,
payable out of the revenues of Scotland, by the tenure
of maintaining, before the Ihrine of the faint, two wax-
tapers of 20 pounds weight each, and of diftributing
twice a-year one penny each to 3000 indigent perfons.
At
(d) “ This ftone is thus deferibed by W. Hemingford, tom. i. p. 37. “ Apud monafterium de Scone pofitus
erat lapis pergrandis in ecclefia Dei, juxta magnum altare, concavus quidem ad rnodum rotunda cathedra cotifedius^
in quo futuri reges loco quafi coronationis ponebantur ex more. Rege itaque novo in lapide pofito, milfarum fo-
lemnia incepta peraguntur, et prseterquam in elevatione facri dominici corporis, Temper lapidatus, manfit.” And
again, tom. i. p. 100. “ In redeundo per Scone, prcecepit tolli et Londoniis cariari, lapidem ilium, in quo, ut fupra
di£tum eft, reges Scotorum folebant poni loco coronationis fuas, et hoc in fignu?n regtii conquejli et rejignati?' Wal-
fingham mentions the ufe to which Edward put this ftone : “ Ad Weftmonafterium tranftulit ilium, jubens inde fieri
celebrantium cathedram facerdotum.” This account of the fatal Jlone is here tranferibed, that it may be compared
with the appearance of the ftone that now bears its name at Weftminfter.
Fardun has preferved the ancient rhymes concerning it j lib. xi. c. 25.
“ Hie rex fic totam Scotiam fecit fibi notam,
Qui fine menfura tulit inde jocalia plura,
Et pariter lapidem, Scotorum quem fore fedem
Regum decrevit fatum ; quod fic inolevit,
Ni fallot fatumy Scoti quocunque locatum
Invenient lapidemy regnare tenentur ,,
4 H
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
J34
New di-
fturbancts.
SCO ■ [ 6
Scotland. At laft, having fettled every thing, as he thought, in
" tranquillity, he departed for England, with all the tri¬
umph of a conqueror.
The tranquillity eftablilhed by Edward was, how¬
ever, of fhort duration. The government of Scotland
at that time required many qualities which Edward’s
vicegerents did not poffefs. Warenne, earl oi Surrey,
who had been appointed governor, took up his abode in
England, on pretence ol recovering his health. Cref-
fingham, the treafurer, was a voluptuous, proud, and
felrilh ecclefiaftic j while Ormefby the judiciary was
hated for his feverity. Under thefe officers the admi-
nillration of Edward became more and more feeble ;
j bands of robbers infefted the highways, and the Englifh
Sir william government was univerfally delpifed. At this critical
Wallace, moment arofe Sir William Wallace, the hero fo much
An. i-zpj. celebrated Jn Scottilb fables, by which indeed his real
exploits are fo much obfeured, that it is difficult to give
an authentic relation of them. The molt probable ac¬
count is, that he was the younger fon ot a gentleman
(Wallace of Ellerflie) in Keuhewffiire (e). Having
been outlawed for fome offence, he affociated with a
few companions, of fortunes equally defperate with his
own. Wallace himfelf was endowed with great Urength
and courage, and an aftive and ambitious fpirit ; and
by his affability, eloquence, and wi dom, he maintained
an authority over the rude and undifciplined multitudes
who flocked to his ftandard. In May 1297, he began
to infeft the Engliffi quarters j and being iuccefsful in
his predatory incurfions, his party became more numer¬
ous, and he was joined by Sir William Douglas. With
their united forces, thefe two allies attempted to furprife
Ormefby the jafticiary, while he held his courts at
Scone j but he faved himfelf by a precipitate flight.
After this the Scots roved over the whole country, af-
faulted caftles, and maflacred the Englith. Their party
was joined by many perfons of rank j among whom
10 ] SCO
wefre Robert Willi art biffiop of Glafgow, the Reward of Scotland.
Scotland (e), and his brother Alexander de Lindfay, ■—'-v—
Sir Richard Lundin, and Sir Andrew Moray of Roth-
well. Young Bruce would have been a vaft acceffion
to the party ) for he poffeffed all Garrick and Annan-
dale, fo that his territories reached from the frith of
Clyde to Solway. But the wardens of the wellern
marches of England fufpected his fidelity, and iummon-
ed him to Carlillc. He obeyed, and made oath on the
confecrated hoi!, and on the iword ot Becket, ta be
faithful and vigilant in the caule of Edward 5 and to
prove his lincerity, he invaded with lire and Iword the
eilate of Sir William Douglas, and carried off his wife
and children. However, he inllantly repented of what
he had done : “ I trull (laid he), that the pope will ab-
folve me from an extorted oath on which he aban¬
doned Edward, and joined the Scottilh army.
All this time Edward was in France, not in the lead
fufpedting an infurreclion among people whom he ima¬
gined he had thoroughly fubdued. As foon as he re¬
ceived the intelligence, he ordered the earl of Surrey to
fupprefs the rebels j but he declining the command of
the army himfelf on account of his health, refigned it ^
to his nephew, Lord Henry Percy. A great army, p) f]'cn';;1)n3
fome fay not fewer than 40,000 men, was now affem-0f the Scots,
bled, with which Percy marched again!! the Scots. He
found them encamped at Irvine, with a lake in their
front, and their Ranks fecured by intrenchments, fo
that they could not be attacked without the utmoit
danger. The Scots, however, ruined every thing by
their diffenfions. Wallace was envied on account ol his
accompliffiments, which had railed his reputation above
the other officers, whole birth and circumflances were
higher than his. His companions accordingly became
jealous, and began to fugged, that an oppolition to the
Englifh could only be produ&ive of farther national de-
ftruftkon. Sir Richard Lundin, an officer of great rank,
formed
(e) The defeent of Sir William Wallace has fcarcely been carried with accuracy beyond bis father, Wallace of
Ellerilie. It has been fuppofed that the family of Wallace or Walleys, came originally from Wales j but accord¬
ing to Mr Chalmers, they were an Anglo-Norman family, originally denominated Walenie, of whom Richard
Walenfc, who appears as a witnefs to the charters of Walter, the fon of Alan, the firft of tne Stewarts, acquired
lands in Kyle, in Ayrfhire, where he fettled. This Richard was fucceeded by his fon Richard, who was cotem¬
porary with Alan, the fon of Walter the Stewart. Another branch of the family of \\ alenle lettied in Renfrew-
jfhire, under the kindly influence of the Stewarts} and of this branch Henry W alenfe, probably a younger fon of
the firlt Richard, held fome lands in Renfrewihire under Walter the Stewart in the early part or the 13th century.
From this Henry wras defeended Malcolm Waleys of Ellerily, the father of Sir William Wallace, the champion of
Scottiffi independence.
We find that the family of Wallace w’as patronifed by that of Stewart, which now began to make a diftinguiffi-
ed figure in Scottiffi hiflory. The genealogy of this illuftrious houfe has been much difputed, and is involved in
great obfeurity. Mr Chalmers feems to have thrown confiderable light on the origin of the Stew-arts, and has
traced them farther back than the generality of hiflorians. According to this writer, Walter the fon of Alan,
who is generally confidered as the firft of the Stew arts, came from Shrop-lhire in England, and his father Alan was
the fon of Flaald, and the younger brother of William, fon of Alan, the progenitor of the famous houle ol litz-
i^lan, earls of Arundel. Alan the fon of Flaald married the daughter of Waiine, the famous Iheriff of Shrop-
fhire, foon after the Norman conqueft, in which both thefe families bore a part in the fuite of William ; and of
this marriage was born William, the undoubted heir both of Alan and of Warine. Now7, Richard Fitz-Alan, earl
of Arundel, who in 1335 claimed the poll of fteward of Scotland by hereditary right, and fold this title and claim
to Edward III. for 1000 merks, had not, according to Mr Chalmers, any right to the ftewardlhip of Scotland ;
but Walter, the younger brother of William, the fon of Alan, the progenitor of Richard Fitz-Alan the claimant,
was the firft purchafer of this hereditary office. Robert the Stewart, who was born of Margery, the daughter of
Robert Bruce in 1316, and became king ol Scots in 1370, was then in pofteflion cf the hereditary office of Stewart
by lineal defeent.
Scotland.
*37
Moft of
them fub-
mit to the
Englifli.
I.3S
Wallace
ftill holds
out.
SCO [6
formed a party againft Wallace, atid went over to Ed¬
ward with all his followers. Other leaders entered in¬
to a negociation with the Englifli. Bruce, the lleward
and his brother Alexander de Lindefay, and Sir Wil¬
liam Douglas, acknowledged their offences, and made
fubmiflions to Edward for themfelves and their adhe¬
rents.
This fcandalous treaty feems to have been negociated
by the bilhop of Glafgow, and their recantation is re¬
corded in the following words.—Be it known to all
men : Whereas we, with the commons of our country,
did rife in arms againft our lord Edward, and againft
his peace, in his territories of Scotland and Galloway,
did burn, flay, and commit divers robberies ; we there¬
fore, in our own name, atrd in the name of all our ad¬
herents, agree to make every reparation and atonement
that fhall be required by our fovereign lord ; referving
always what is contained in a writing which we have
procured from Sir Henry Percy and Sir Robert Clif¬
ford, commanders of the Englilh forces } at Irvine,
9th July 1297.” To this inftrument was fubjoined,
“ Efcrit a Sire Willaume ; the meaning of which Lord
Hailes fuppofes to be, that the barons had notified to
Sir William Wallace their having made terms of accom¬
modation for themfelves and their party.
Edward accepted the fubmiftkm of the Scottifh ba¬
rons who had been in arms, and granted liberty to thofe
whom he had made prifoners in the courfe of the former
year, on condition that they ftiould ferve him in his wars
againft France. The inconflancy of Bruce, however,
was fo great, that acknorvledgments of fubmiftion or
oaths of fealty were not thought fufticiently binding on
him ; for which reafon the bilhop of Glafgow, the Stew¬
ard, and Alexander de Lindefay, became fureties for
his loyalty and good behaviour, until he ftiould deliver
his daughter Margery as an hoftage.
Wallace alone refufed to be concerned in thefe (hame-
ful fubmiftions; and, with a few refolute followers, re-
folved to fubmit to every calamity rather than give up
the liberty of his country. The barons had undertaken
to procure his fubmiftion as well as their own •, but find¬
ing that to be impoftible, the bilhop of Glafgow and Sir
William Douglas voluntarily furrendcred themfelves pri¬
foners to the Englifh. Edward, however, aferibed this
voluntary furrender, not to any honourable motive, but
to treachery. He afferted, that Wilhart repaired to
the caftle of Ptoxburgh under pretence of yielding him-
felf up, but with the concealed purpofe of forming a
confpiracy in order to betray that caftle to the Scots;
and in proof of this, Edward appealed to intercepted
letters of Wifhart. On the other hand, Wallace, af-
cribing the bilhop’s conduft to traiterous pufillanimity,
plundered his hoafe, and carried off his family captives.
Immediately after the defeftion of the barons at
Irvine, W allace with his band of determined followers
attacked the rear of the Englilh army, and plundered
their baggage *, But was obliged to retire, with the
lofs of 1000 men. He then found himfelf deferted by
almoft all the men of eminence and property. His ar¬
my, however, increafed confiderably by the acceflion of
numbers of inferior rank, and he again began to aft on
the offenfive. While he employed himfelf in befieging
the caftle of Dundee, he was informed that the Eng¬
lifh army approached Stirling. Wallace, having char¬
ged the citizens of Dundee, under pain of death, to
I J SCO
continue the blockade of the caftle, haftened with alt Scotland,
his troops to guard the important p tfiage of the Forth j'*~r ' *
and encamped behind a rifing ground in the neighbour¬
hood of the abbey of Cambulkenneth. Brian Fitz-Al¬
lan had been appointed governor of Scotland by Ed¬
ward j but W7arenne, who waited the arrival of his fuc-
ceffor, remained with the army. Imagining that Wal¬
lace might be induced by fair means to lay down his
arms, he difpatched two friars to the Scottifti camp,
with terms of capitulation. “ Return,” laid Wallace,
“ and tell your mafters, that we came not here to treat
but to affert our right, and to fet Scotland free. Let j
them advance, they will find us prepared.” The Eng- Gives the
lifh, provoked at this anfwer, demanded impatiently to Er,^i^1 a
be led on to battle. Sir Richard Lundin remonftrated
againft the abfurdity of making a numerous army pafs stiriln,r
by a long narrow bridge in preience of the enemy. He j2th Sep-
told them, that the Scots would attack them before tenrber
they could form on the plain to the north of the bridge, I297*’
and thus certainly defeat them : at the fame time Ire of¬
fered to fhow them a ford, which having croffed with
500 horfe, and a chofen detachment of infantry, he pro-
pofed to come round upon the rear of the enemy, and
by this diverfion facilitate the operations of the main
body. This propofal being rejefted, the Englilh army
began to pafs over 5 which was no fooner perceived by
Wallace, than he ruftred down upon them, and broke
them in a moment. Creftingham the treafurer was
killed, and many thoufands were {lain on the field, or
drowned in their flight. The lofs of the Scots would
have been inconfiderable, had it not been for that of Sir
Andrew Moray, the intimate friend and companion of
Wallace, who was mortally wounded in the engage¬
ment.
The viftory at Stirling was followed by the furren¬
der of Dundee caftle, and other places of ftrength in
Scotland •, at the fame time the Scots took poffeftion of
Berwick, which the Englifh had evacuated. But as a
famine now took place in Scotland from bad feafons and
the miferies of war, Wallace marched with his whole
army into England, that he might in fome meafure re¬
lieve the neceflities of his countrymen by plundering the
enemy. This expedition lafted three weeks, during
which time the whole traft of country from Cocker-
mouth and Carlifle to the gates of Newcaftle was laid
wafte with all the fury of revenge and rapacity ; though
Wallace endeavoured, as far as poflible, to reprefs the
licentioufnefs of his foldiers.
In 1298, Wallace affumed the title of “ Governor An. 1298.
of Scotland, in name of King John, and by confent
of the Scottifti nation ;” but in what manner this office
was obtained, is now in a great meafure unknown. In
a parliament which he convoked at Perth, he was con¬
firmed in his authority 5 and under this title he con¬
ferred the conftabulary of Dundee on Alexander fur-
named Skrim^eour and his heirs. This grant is faid to
have been made with the confent and approbation of the 14a
Scottifh nobility, 29th March 1298. From this period, Jealoui'y
however, we may date the very great jealoufy which between
took place between Wallace and the nobles who pre-
tended to be of his party. His elevation wounded their Aarons,
pride j his great fervices reproached their inaftivity in
the public caufe ; and thus the counfels of Scotland were
perplexed with diftruft and envy, when almoft its very
exiftcnce depended on unanimity.
4H 2
In
SCO [ 61
Scotland. In June 1298, Edward, who had all this time been
' in Flanders, returned to England and fummoned the
Scottiih barons, under pain of rebellion, to attend him
in parliament; and, on their difobeying his fummons,
lie advanced with his army towards Scotland. His
main force, commanded by himfelf, aflembled at Ber¬
wick j but a body of troops, under the earl of Pem¬
broke, having landed in the north of Fife, were de-
141 feated with great lofs by Wallace, on the 12th of June.
Scotland The fame month Edward invaded Scotland by the way
vaded'by ea^ern borders. No place refilled him except
Edward. cadle of Dirleton. After a refolute defence, it fur-
rendered to Anthony Beck, biilrop of Durham.
Meanwhile the Scots were aflembling all their ftrength
in the interior of the country. FewT barons of eminence
repaired to the national ftandard. They whofe names
are recorded, were John Comyn of Badenoch, the
younger j Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, brother to The
Steward; Sir John Graham of Abercorn ; and Mac¬
duff, the grand-uncle of the young earl of Fife.—Ro¬
bert Bruce again acceded to the Scottiih party ; and
with his followers guarded the important caltle of Ayr,
which kept the communication open with Galloway,
Argylelhire, and the illes.
The aim of Edward was to penetrate into the weft,
and there to terminate the war. He- appointed a fleet,
with provifions, to proceed to the frith of Clyde, and
await his arrival in thofe parts. This precaution was
abfolutely neceffary for the fubfiftence of his numerous
army in a country impoveriftied and wafte.
Waiting for accounts of the arrival of his fleet, he
eftablifhed his head-quarters at Templelifton, between
Edinburgh and Linlithgow.
A dangerous infurreftion arofe in his camp. He
had beftowed a donation of wine among his foldiers ,
they became intoxicated j a national quarrel enfued.—
In this tumult the Welfti flew 18 Englilh ecclefialtics.
The Engliftr horfemen rode in among the Wellh, and
revenged this outrage with great flaughter. The Welfti
in difguft feparated themfelves from the army. It was
reported to Edward, that they had mutinied, and gone
over to the Scots : “ I care not,” faid Edward, dif-
fembling the danger j “ let my enemies go and join my
enemies j I truft that in one day I ftiall chaftife them all.”
Edward was now placed in moft critical circumftan-.
ces. As the fleet with provifions had been detained by
contrary winds, he could not venture to advance, nei¬
ther could he fubfift any longer in his prefent quarters.
To retreat would have fullied the glory of his arms, and
expofed him to the obloquy and murmurs of a difcon-
tented people. Yet he fubmitted to this hard neceflity.
Abandoning every profpeff of ambition and revenge, he
commanded his army to return to the eaftern borders.
At that moment intelligence arrived that the Scots
had advanced to Falkirk.
Edw'ard inftantly marched againft them. His army
lay that night in the fields. While Edward flept on
the ground, his war-horfe ftruck him and broke two of
his ribs. The alarm arofe, that the king was wounded.
They who knew not the caufe, repeated the cry, “ The
2 ] SCO
king is wounded j there is treafon in the camp j the ene- Scotland,
my is upon us.” Edward mounted on horleback, and ' J
by his prefence difpelled the panic. With a fortitude 142
of fpirit fuperior to pain, he led on his troops. AtTheb^d6
break of day, the Scottifti army was defcried, forming ^
on a itony field at the fide of a fmall eminence in the12^s l‘^
neighbourhood of Falkirk.
Wallace ranged his infantry in four bodies of a cir¬
cular form. The archers, commanded by Sir John
Stewart, were placed in the intervals. The horfe,
amounting to no more than a thoufand, were at fome
diftance in the rear. On the front of the Scots lay a
morals. Having drawn up his troops in this order,
Wallace pleafantly faid, “ Now I have brought you to
the ring, dance according to your fkill.”
Edward placed his chief confidence in the numerous
and formidable body of horfemen whom he had felecfed
for the Scottiih expedition, Thefe he ranged in three
lines. The firft was led by Bigot Earl Marlhal, and
the earls of Hereford and Lincoln j the fecond by the
bilhop of Durham, having under him Sir Ralph Baffet
of Drayton j the third, intended for a referve, was led
by the king himfelf. No mention is made of the dif-
pofition of his infantry : it is probable that they were
drawn up behind, to fupport the cavalry, and to annoy
the Scots with their arrows and other miflile weapons.
Bigot, at the head of the firft line, rulhed on to the
charge. He was checked by the morafs, which in his
impetuofity he had overlooked. This obliged him to
incline to the folid ground on his left, towards the right
Hank of the Scottiih army. The bilhop of Durham,
who led the fecond line, inclined to the right, turned
the morafs, and advanced towards the left flank of the
Scottifli army. He propofed to halt till the referve
fhould advance. “ To mafs, bilhop,” cried Baffet, and
inftantly charged. The fliock of the Englilh cavalry
on each fide was violent, and gallantly withftood by the
Scottifti infantry j but the Scottiih cavalry, difmayed
at the number and force of the Englilh men-at-arms,
immediately quitted the field. Stewart, while giving
orders to his archers, was thrown from his horle and
llain. His archers crowded round his body and perifh-
ed with him. Often did the Englifh ftrive to force the
Scottiih circle. “ They could not penetrate into that The Scots
wTood of fpears,” as one of their hiftorians fpeaks. By defeated
repeated charges, the outermoft ranks were brought
the ground. The Englilh infantry inceffantly galled auaUe-J
the Scots with Ihowers of ftones and arrows. Macduff
and Sir John Graham fell. At length the Scots were
broken by the numbers and weight of the Englilh ca¬
valry, and the rout became univerfal.
The number of the Scots llain in this battle snuft have
been very great. As is commonly the cafe, it is exag¬
gerated by the hiftorians of the vigors, and reduced tco
low by the hiftorians of the vanquiftied.
On the fide of the Englilh the lofs was inconfiderable.
The only perfons of note who fell were Brian le Jay,
mafter of the Englilh Templars, and the prior of Tor-
phichen in Scotland, a knight of another order of reli¬
gious foldiery (e).
The
(F.) “ This account of the aftion at Falkirk, extrafled from Lord Hailes’s Annals, is drawn, his Lordlhip in¬
forms us, from, the teftimony of the Englifh hiftorians. “ They have done juftice (he obferves) to the courage and
fteadinefs
Scotland.
An. tapp.
M4
Abjedl con
dition of
John Ba-
Uol.
145
Edward
obliged to
retire.
146
The crown
of Scotland
claimed by
Jdope Boni¬
face VIII.
An. 1301.
SCO [6
The Scots in their retreat burnt the town and caftle
of Stirling. Edward repaired the caftle, and made it
a place of arms. He then marched to the weft. At
his approach, Bruce burnt the caftle of Ayr, and re¬
tired. Edward would have purfued him into Garrick 3
but the want of proviftons flopped his further progrefs.
He turned into Annandale, took Bruce’s caftle of Loch-
maben, and then departed out of Scotland by the weft-
ern borders.
Here may be remarked the fatal precipitancy of the
Scots. If they had lludied to protraft the campaign,
inftead of hazarding a general action at Falkirk, they
would have foiled the vviiole power of Edward, and re¬
duced him to the necefl'ity of an inglorious retreat.
In 1299 Edward thought proper to releafe John Ba-
liol the unfortunate king of Scotland, whom he had
'kept clofe prifoner ever fince the year 1296. Before
this time Baliol had ufed the moft difgraceful methods
to recover his liberty. He had folemnly declared, that
“ he would never have any intercourfe with the Scots j
that he had found them a falfe and treacherous people ;
and that he had reafon to fufpeft them of an intention
to poifon him.” Notwithftanding all his proteftations,
Edwrard ftill detained him in captivity } but at laft re¬
leafed him at the mediation of the pope, though after a
lingular form : He ordered the governor of Dover to
convey him to the French coaft, and there to deliver
him to the papal nuncio, “ wuth full power to the pope
to difpofe of Baliol and his Englifh eftate.” In conle-
quence of this he was conveyed to Witfand, delivered
to the nuncio in prefence of a notary and witnefles, and
a receipt taken for his perfon. Notwithftanding this
abjeft ftate, however, the Scots continued to owm him
for their king, and to aflert their national independence.
Though the misfortune at Falkirk had deprived them
of a very confiderable extent ©f territory, they were
ftill in poffeflion of the rvhole country beyond the Forth,
as well as the county of Galkmay. By general con-
fent William Lamberton biftiop of St Andrew’s, Robert
Bruce earl of Garrick, and John Cummin the younger,
were chofen guardians of Scotland in name of Baliol.
Wallace at this time was reduced to the condition of a
private man 5 nor had he any longer the command of
the Scots armies, nor any fhare in their councils.—The
new guardians undertook to reduce the caftle of Stirl¬
ing, and Edward prepared to defend it. The Scots
polled themfelves at the Torwood, and chofe their
ground judicioully, fo that Edward could fcarcely have
raifed the fiege without diflodging them ; which find¬
ing impoflible, he returned home in difguft. Next
year he invaded Scotland on the weft fide, w-afted An¬
nandale, and reduced Galloway ; but the Scots being
being now taught by experience to avoid a general
adlion, chofe their polls with fuch {kill, that Edward
could not penetiate farther j and the fame year a truce
was concluded with the Scots, to continue till Whit-
funday 1301.
This year appeared a new competitor for the crown
of Scotland. Boniface VIII. in a bull directed to Ed¬
ward, averred, that Scotland belonged anciently, and
Scotland.
147
13 ] SCO
did ftill belong, to the holy fee j and fupported his ex¬
travagant claim by fome llrange authorities j fuch as,'
that Scotland had been miraculoufly converted by the
relics of St Andrew : after which he proceeded to Ihow
the futility of Edward’s pretenfions, and that Scotland
never had any feudal dependence on England. He re¬
quired Edward to fet at liberty all the Scottifti eccle-
liaftics, particularly Wifhart hiihop of Glafgow, and to
remove his officers from the patrimony of the church:
“ But (added he) ihould you have any pretenfions to
the whole, or any part of Scotland, fend your pro&ors
to me within fix months ; I will hear and determine ac¬
cording to juftice j I take the cattle under my own pe¬
culiar cognizance.”
This interpofition of the pope had probably been His preten.
procured by Scottifti emiffai ies at the court of Rome } ®n*
but, however ridiculous his pretenfions might be, they ^
afforded matter of very ferious confideration to Edward. anci his
After fpending a whole winter in deliberations, Edward parlia-
and his parliament made feparate anfwers to the pope.ment’
The anfwer of the parliament was to the following pur-
pofe : All England knows, that ever fince the firft ef-
tabliffiment of this kingdom, our kings have been liege-
lords of Scotland. At no time has the kingdom of
Scotland belonged to the church. In temporals, the
kings of England are not amenable to the fee of Rome.
We have with one voice refolved, that, as to temporals,
the king of England is independent of Rome 5 that he
ftiall not fuffer his independence to be queftioned ; and
therefore, that he fliall not fend commiflioners of Rome.
Such is, and fuch, we trull in God, ever will be, our
opinion. We do not, we cannot, we mull not, permit
our king to follow meafures fubverfive of that govern¬
ment which we have fworn to maintain, and which we
will maintain.”
The king entered int© a more full refutation of the A- fliort
pope’s arguments ; and having, as he thought, anfwer- t^uce ,con.\
ed them fufficiently, he marched again into Scotland : Scotland *1 A
but, by the mediation of France, another truce was con¬
cluded, to laft till St Andrew’s day 1302.
After the expiration of the truce, Edward fent an Three bo-
army into Scotland, under the command of John de Se-^Ies
grave. This general divided his troops into three bo-
dies j but, keeping them fo far did ant that they could one day.
not fupport each other, they were all engaged and de- An. 1302.
feated in one day by the Scots, near Roffin (fee Ros-
lin). This, however, was the laft fuccefsful exploit
of the Scots at this period. The pope deferted them ;
and the king of France concluded a peace with Eng¬
land, in which all mention of the Scots was induftrioufly
avoided ; fo that they were left alone to bear the whole
weight of Edward’s refentment, who now invaded their j rQ
country in perfon with a mighty army. Fie met with Scotland
no refiftance in his progrefs, except from the caftle ofby
Brechin, which was commanded by Thomas Maule, a
brave and experienced officer. He held out for 20 days witiia "aft '
againft the whole power of the Engliffi army 5 but at army,
laft, he was mortally wounded, and the place capitulat¬
ed. Thence he proceeded northward, according to
fome hiftorians, as far as Caithnefs. He then returned
towards
fteadinefs of their enemies j while our hiftorians reprefented their own countrymen as occupied in frivolous unmean. -
ing contefts, and, from treachery or refentment, abandoning the public caufe in the day of trial.”
T5r
The Scots
army rout
ed.
15*
Capitula¬
tion with
Edward.
SCO [61
Scotiand. towards the fouth, and wintered in Dunfermline. In
  that place there was an abbey ot the Benedictine order j
a building fo fpacious, that, according to an Englifh
hiftorian, three fovereign princes with all their retinue
might have been lodged conveniently within its pre-
cinCts. Here the ScottiQi nobles fometimes held their
aflemblies. The Englilh foldiers utterly demolilhed this
magnificent fabric.
The only fortrefs that remained in the poflfefllon of
the Scots was the cattle of Stirling, where Sir William
Oliphant commanded. To protect this tingle place of
refuge, Cummin aflembled all his forces. He polled his
army on the fouth bank of tire river, in the neighbour¬
hood of Stirling, there to make the lalt Hand for the
national liberty. The Scots fondly imagined, that Ed¬
ward would attempt to force the pafiage, as the impe¬
tuous Creffingham had attempted in circumltances not
diffimilar. But the prudence of Edward fruitrated their
expectation. Having difcovered a ford at fome di-
ftance, he croffed the river at the head of his whole
cavalry. The Scots gave way, and foon difperfed.
All refources but their own courage had long failed
them ; that lalt refource failed them now, and they ha-
llened to conciliate the favour of the conqueror. Pre¬
vious to this, Bruce had furrendered himfelf to John de
St John, the Englilh warden. Cummin and his followers
now fubmitted to Edward. They llipulated for their
lives, liberties, and eltates: referving always to Edward
the power of inflicting pecuniary mulCts on them as he
ihould fee fit.
From the general conditions of this capitulation, the
following perfons were excepted : Wilhart bilhop of
Glafgow, the Steward, Sir John Soulis, David de
Graham, Alexander de Lindefay, Simon Frafer, Tho¬
mas Bois, and Wallace. With refpeCt to them, it was
provided, that the bilhop of Glafgow, the Steward, and
Soulis, fhould remain in exile for two years, and fhould
not pafs to the north of Trent 5 that Graham and
Lindefay ihould be banilhed from Scotland for fix
months 5 that Frafer and Bois fhould be banilhed for
three years from all the dominions of Edward, and
lliould not be permitted, during that fpace, to repair
to the territories of France. “ As for William Wal¬
lace, it is agreed, that he lhall render himfelf up at the
will and mercy of our fovereign lord the king, if it
Ihall feem good to him.” Thefe were all the condi¬
tions that the Scottifh nation ftipulated for the man
who had vanquilhed the Englifh at Stirling, who had
expelled them from Scotland, and who had once fet his
country free !
Amid this wreck of the national liberties, Wallace
fcorned fubmiffion. He lived a free man : a free man
he refolved to die. Frafer, who had too often complied
with the times, now caught the fame heroic fentiments.
But their endeavours to roufe their countrymen were in
vain. The feafon of refiftance was pall. Wallace per¬
ceived that there remained no more hope; and fought
out a place of concealment, where, eluding the ven¬
geance of Edward, he might filently lament over his
fallen country.
Edward affembled at St Andrew’s what is called a
of Stilling parliament. Wallace, Frafer, and the garrifon of Stir-
reduccd, ling, were fummoned to appear : They appeared not,
and fentence of outlawry was pronounced again!! them.
Edward now prepared to befi-ge the caftle of Stir-
2
*53
The cattle
and Scot¬
land fub-
dued.
4 ] SCO
ling-, and, fore-feeing that the redudlion of this place Scotland,
would be attended with confiderable difficulty, he 11 rip-
ped the abbey of St Andrew’s of the lead which cover¬
ed it, in order to employ the metal in bullets for his
battering machines. Oliphant was folemnly fummoned
to furrender 5 but in vain. Edward drew out all his
artillery, and battered the walls with Hones of 200
pounds weight. The befieged, however, defended them-
felves with oblfinacy, and killed a great number of the
Englifh : but at laft they were obliged to lurrender :
and’ Edward, looking upon the conqueft of Scotland as
now complete, fet out for York, and from thence to
Lincoln.
Though Edward had thus met with all the fuccefs
he could defire in his expeditions again!! the Scots, he
could not but perceive that bis dominion over them
mull be very precarious, as long as he held them in 154
the fubjeflion of a conquered people. He refolvedEdwar(I at'
therefore once more to renew his attempts for an union
of the two kingdoms. He began with taking into fa- twcen the
vour the bilhop of Glafgow', Robert Bruce, and John two king.
Mowbray, wffio, next to Bruce and the Cummins, was m
among!! the greatel! of the Scottilh nobility. 1 o them'11,112'
be recommended the fettling the affairs of their country,
but in fuch a manner as to leave it in his power to e!-
fe£f the propofed union with England. This fcheme,
however, was by no means agreeable to Bruce} who
had now no other competitor for the crown but Cum¬
min, who was in a great meafure incapable of oppo-
fing his defigns : nor indeed could it ever be made
agreeable to the bulk of the nation ; and therefore came
to nothing. Scotland, however, was fubdued. Its
inhabitants had renounced every idea of afferting their
liberty, and only firove to make their court to the con- ^ 155
queror. Wallace alone remained an exception. Ed- ^1!a^
ward, who had received into favour thofe w7ho had re- an(j exec,u£>>
peatedly proved traitors, Ihowed a mean revenge again!! ed, 23d
the only man who difcovered a Heady and honourable Atiguft
fpirit, and whofe friendlhip feemed worth the courting. 13°5-
Ralph de Haliburton, a prifoner, offered his alfiflance
for difeovering Wallace} and for this purpofe be was
granted a temporary liberty: but w'hat he did in this
very dilhonourable employment is unknown. Certain
it is that Wallace was difcovered, and betrayed into the
hands of the Englilh, by Sir John Menteith, the Iheriff
of Dunbarton. This celebrated and heroic patriot was
arraigned at WeHminfler as a traitor to Edward, and as
having burnt villages, flormed caffles, and flaughtered
many fubjefts of England. Wallace denied his having
been a traitor, and indeed with truth for he had al¬
ways been the avowed enemy of Edward, and had not
at any time owned allegiance to him. But whatever
his defences might have been, they were of no avail
with a judge who had refolved on his deffrudlion.
Wallace was condemned to die a traitor’s death, and
the fentence was executed with the utmoff rigour! In
his laff moments he afferted that independency7 which a
degenerate nation had renounced. His head was placed
on a pinacle at London, and his mangled limbs were
diitributed over the kingdom.
After the death of Wallace, Edward thought of no-Edward’s
thing but lettling the affairs of Scotland as a conquered precautions
country 5 but he took care to preferve the ancient forms
as far as was confident with the dependent Hate of the^j^
nation. It has been faid, indeed, that Edward abrogated
all
. "-S?
Did not
abrogate
SCO l 6
Scotland, all the Scottilh laws and cuftoms, and endeavoured to
"rr~~v" fubdilute the Englifli in their dead j but this is denied
by others. Lord Hailes gives us at length the record
with refpeft to thefe laws, in the following words.
“ And, with rtfpedl to the laws and ufages of the go¬
vernment of Scotland, it is ordained, that the cuftom of
the Scots a?:d the Brets (hall for the future be prohi¬
bited, and be no longer pradtifed. It is alfo ordained,
that the king’s lieutenant iliall forthwith alTcmble the
good people of Scotland : and that, at fuch affembly,
fhall be read over the ftatutes made by David king of
Scots, and alio the additions and amendments which
have been made by other kings; and that the lieutenant,
with the ailiilance which he fhall then have, as well of
Engliflimen as of Scots, fliall amend fuch of thefe fta¬
tutes and ufages as are plainly againft the laws of God
and reaion, as they beft tnny in fo (hort a fpace, and in
lo far as they can without confulting the king ; and as
to matters which they cannot undertake to correct of
themfelves, that they be put in writing, and laid before
the king by the lieutenant, and any number of commif-
ftoners, with parliamentary powers, whom the Scots
ftiall think fit to choofe. That they thall meet with
commiftioners appointed by the king, and finally deter¬
mine as to the premiffes.”
f his is the record by which it is generally fuppofed
that the law of Scotland was abrogated. But Lord
Hailes is of opinion, that the ufage of the Scots and Brets
the ancient kere men^oned was fomething different from the corn-
laws. * mon law of the land. “ We know (fays he), from our
ftatute-book, that the people of Galloway had certain
ufages peculiar to themfelves; St at. A/ex. II. c. 2. One
was, that caufes were tried among them without juries
Attach, c. 72. 73. placed in fome ancient MSS.
among LL. David I. c. 15 ], and this may probably
have been the ufage which Edward aboliihed. The
people of Galloway were fometimes diftinguiflied by the
name ol Scots: thus the wi/d Scots of Gallowcnf is an ex-
preffion to be found in ancient inftruments, and is pro¬
verbial even in our own days. The ufage of the Brets,
I take to be what relates to the judge called brithibh,
or hrehon ; in Ireland, brehan; and confequently, that
the thing here aboliftied was the commutation of punilh-
tnents by exafting a pecuniary muldft.”
An indemnity was now granted to the Scots on cer¬
tain conditions. Various fines were impofed, from one
to five years rent of the eftates of the delinquents. One
year s rent was to be paid by the clergy, excluding the
bifhop of Giaigow ; two by thofe who were more early
m their fubmiffions than Cummin ; three by Cummin
and his affociates, and five by the biftiop of Glafgow;
four years rent was to be paid by William de Baliol and
John Wiftiart; and five by Ingelram de Umfraville,
becaufe they had flood out longer. Three years rent
was alfo paid by the vaffals of Baliol, Wiftiart, and
Umfraville. Thefe fines were to be paid in moieties.
Ihe perfon taxed was to pay half his income annually :
and thus Umfraville, taxed in five years rent, was al¬
lowed ten years to difcharge the fine. This was an ex¬
press refervation to Edward of all the royal demefnes
which Baliol might have alienated. There was alfo an
exception for thofe who were already in cuftody, and
Overthrow thoff who had not yet fubmitted.
of the Eng lhusi alter a long and obftmate conteft, was Scot-
li(h govern-land wholly reduced under the dominion of Edward,
ment.
*£8
Indemnity
granted to
tlie Scots.
15] SCO
—Within four months was overthrown that fyftem, Scotland,
which the mediant labour offifteen years had eftablifh- '
ed by craft, diftimulation, and violence, with a wafte
of treafure, and the effufion of much blood. The caufes
of this event are related as follows. Derverguili of Gal¬
loway had a Ion, John Baliol, and a daughter named
Margery. John Cummin was the fon of Margery, and,
fetting Baliol afide, was heir to the pretenlions of Der¬
verguili. He had for many years maintained the con¬
teft againft Edward ; but at laft laid down his arms,
and fwore fealty to the conqueror; and as Ealiol had
repeatedly renounced all pieteniions to the crown of
Scotland, Cummin might now be confidered as the right¬
ful heir. His rival in power and pretenfions was Bruce
earl of Garrick. This young nobleman’s grandfather,
the competitor, had patiently acquiefced in the award of
Edward. His father, yielding lo the times, had ferved
under the Englifh banners. But young Bruce had
more ambition, and a more reftlefs fpirit. In his ear¬
lier years he acled on no regular plan. By turns the
partifan of Edward and the vicegerent of Baliol, he
feeins to have forgotten or Itiiled his pretenfions to the
crown. But his character developed itfelf by degrees,
and in maturer age became firm and confident. Ac¬
cording to the traditionary report, Bruce made the fol¬
lowing propofal to Cummin : “ Support my title to the
crown, and I will give you my eftate; or give me your
eftate, and I will fupport your’s.” The conditions
were properly'drawn out and figned by both parties; but
Cummin, either through fear or treachery, revealed the
whole to Edward. On this the king fhowed Bruce the
letters of his accufer, and feverely queftioned him ; but
the latter found means to pacify him by mild and ju- 1(Jo
dicious anfw'ers. Notwithftanding this, however, Ed-Edward’s
ward ftill fufpe£led him, though he diflembled his lenti-^fipns
ments, until he Ihould get the brothers of Bruce into a£ainft the
his powder, and then deftroy all the family at once. The
king having drunk freely one evening, informed fome of UL
his lords that he had refolved to put Bruce to death
next day. 1 he earl of Gloucefter, hearing this refolu-
tion, fent a meffenger to Bruce, with tw-elve pence and
a pair of fpurs, as if he intended to reftore w'hat he l6l
liad borrowed. Bruce underftood the meaning of his Robert
meflage, and prepared for flight. The ground was co- Brute
vered with fnow, w'hich wmuld have difeovered his flight;make hi*
but, it is faid, that Bruce ordered his farrier to invert6^8^6*
the fhoes of his horfes, and immediately fet out for
Scotland in company with his fecretary and groom. In
his way he obferved a foot-paffenger whofe behaviour
feemed to be fufpicicus, and whom he foon difeovered
to be the bearer of letters from Cummin to the Englifh
monarch, urging the death or immediate imprifonment
of Bruce. The latter, filled with refentment, immedi¬
ately beheaded the meffenger, and fet forward to his
caftle of Lochmaben, where he arrived the feventh day
alter his departure from London. Soon after this he
rapaired to Dumfries, where Cummin happened at that
time to refide. Bruce requefted an interview with him
in the convent of the Minorites, where he reproached
him with his treachery. Cummin gave him Te lie, and
Bruce inftantly llabbed him ; after which he haftened
out of the convent, and called “ To horfe.” His at-'.,r(]I|f-(|s
tendants, Lindefay and Kirk] a trick, perceiving him j0pn £uDa_ .
pale, and in extreme agitation, inquired how it was with rain,
iliai ? “ 111 (replied Idtuce) ; I doubt I have flain Cum¬
min.”. ’
Scotland.
i<53
Opinion of
Lord Haile:
concerning
this event.
An. 1306.
164
Robert
crowned
king of
Scotland
by a wo¬
man.
sco r 61
myn.” “ You doubt!” cried Kirkpatrick ; on faying
which, he rulhed into the place where Cummin lay, and
inftantly difpatched him. Sir Robert Cummin, a rela¬
tion, attempted to defend his kinfman, and lhared his
fate. Bruce had now gone fo tar, that it was in vain to
think of retrafting } and therefore fet himfelf in decid¬
ed oppofition to Edward. The judiciaries w'ere then
holding their court at Dumfries; and hearing what had
happened, imagined their own lives to be in danger,
and barricaded the doors. Bruce ordered the houle to
be fet on fire : on which they furrendered; and Bruce
granted them leave to depart out of Scotland without
moleftation.
The above account of this catallrophe is taken from
Fthe Scots hiftorians ; thofe of England differ in many
particulars. Lord Hailes fuppofes both to be wTrong,
and that the true circumftances of the quarrel are un¬
known. “ My opinion (fays he) is, that Bruce, when
he met Cummin at Dumfries, had no intention of em-
bruing his hands in his blood, nor any immediate pur-
pofe of afferting his right to the crown of Scotland ;
that the daughter of Cummin was occafioned by a hafty
quarrel between two proud-fpirited rivals ; and that
Bruce, from neceffity and defpair, did then affert his
pretenfions to the crown.1’
The death of Cummin affe&ed the Scots'varioufiy, ac¬
cording to their different views and interefts. The re¬
lations of the deceafed viewed it as a cruel affaffination,
and joined wfith Edward in fchemes of revenge. Some
who wiilied wHl to the peace of their country, thought
that it was better to fubmit quietly to the government
of the Englilh, than to attempt a revolution, which
could not be effe&ed without much danger and blood-
fhed ; but, on the other hand, the friends of Bruce now
faw the neceffity of proceeding to the coronation of the
new king without lofs of time. The ceremony was
therefore performed at Scone on the 25th of March
1306, in prefence of twyo earls, the bilhops of St An¬
drew’s and Glafgow, the abbot of Scone, John de
Athol, and John de Menteith. It had been curtomary,
fince the days of Macbeth, for one of the family of Fife
to put the crown on the king’s head ; and Bruce found
the prepoffeflion of the Scots in favour of this circum-
ftance fo ftrong, that he was obliged to feek for an ex¬
pedient to fatisfy them. Macduff' the earl of Fife was
at that time in England, where he had married a near
relation of Edward. His fifter was wife to the earl
of Buchan, one of the heads of the family of Comyn,
and confequently the determined enemy of Robert. By
an uncommon effort of female patriotifm, (he poftponed
all private quarrels to the good of her country, and
in her huiband’s abfence repaired, with all his war¬
like accoutrements, to Bruce, to whom (he delivered
them up, and placed the crown upon his head. This
crown is faid to have been made by one Conyers an
Englifhman, who narrowdy efcaped being punilhed for
it by Edward.
The king of England received intelligence of all thefe
proceedings with aftonilhment; and without delay fent
a body of troops under the command of Aymer de Va¬
lence earl of Pembroke, to fupprefs the rebellion. Bruce
omitted nothing for his defence. He had always been
confidered bv his countrymen as a promifing accosnplifh-
ed young nobleman, but firmly attached to Edward’s
perfon and government; for which reafon he had not
I
6 ] SCO
been trufted by thofe independent patriots who joined ScotkmL
Wallace. But their confidence was now’ gained by his ^
rendering himielf lo obnoxious to Edward, that no pof-
fibility of a reconciliation was left; and he foon faw tg!.
himfelf at the head of a {mail army. With thefe, who He is do
confiited of raw and unexperienced loldiers, Bruce form-teated at
ed a camp at Methven near Perth, which laft was the1 etwer-’
head-quarters of the enemy ; but knowing the diiad-
vantage under which he laboured from tne inexperience
of his men, he relolved to a£l on the deienfive. 1 he
Englilh general at lall fent Bruce a challenge to fight
him, which was accepted ; but the day before the battle
wras to have been fought by agreement, the Scots were
attacked by furprife, and totally defeated. Bruce be¬
haved with the greateff valour, and had three horfes
killed under him. Being knowm by the llaughter which
he made, John Mowbray, a man of great courage and
refolution, rufhed on him, and catching hold of his
horfe’s bridle, cried out, “ I have hold of the new-
made king !” but he was delivered by Chriltopher Sea¬
ton. 166
This difafter almoft gave the finifhing ftroke to thels diftreffed
affairs of Bruce. He now found himfelf deferted by ^r^his
a great part of his army. The Englilh had taken pri-
foners great numbers of women whofe hufbands follow¬
ed Bruce ; and all thofe were flow ordered, on pain of
death, to accompany their hufbands. rI hus was Bruce
burdened with a number of ufelefs mouths, and found
it hard to fubfift. The confequence was, that moft or
his men departed with their families, fo that in a few
days his army dwindled down to 500* With thefe he
retreated to Aberdeen, where he w as met by his brother
Sir Neil, bis wife, and a number of other ladies, all of
whom offered to follow his fortune through every diffi¬
culty. But, however heroic this behaviour might be,
it put Bruce to fome inconvenience, as he could; fcarcely
procure fubfiftence ; and therefore he perfuaded the la-
1* > ■ * . i _ T   /II ^ 14-4 cl o ** 4-n
protection of Sir Neil Bruce and the earl of Athol.
In the mean time the defertion among Bruce’s troops
continued, fo that now he had with him no more than
200 men ; and as winter was approaching, he refolved
to go into Argylefhire, wdiere Sir Neil Campbell’s eftate
lay, who had gone before to prepare for his reception. 167
In his way thither he encountered incredible difficulties;
and fome of his followers being cut off at a place called ftjf/with.
Dairy, the reft were fo difheartened, that they all for- great dif-
fook him, excepting Sir Gilbert Hay, Sir James Dou-ficulty.
glas, and a few domeftics. Bruce, however, kept up
the fpirits of his little party by recounting to them the
adventures of princes and patriots in circumftances fimi-
lar to his own. Having crofted Lochlomond in a fmall
crazy boat, he wras difeovered by his trufty friend the
earl of Lenox, who had been proferibed in England, and 163 . x
now lived in retirement on his own eftate. The meeting
between thefe friends was very affeCting, and drew tears £enox .
from the eyes of all prefent. Lenox, w’ho had heard
nothing of Bruce’s misfortunes, furniftied him and his
lulf-famiftied attendants with plenty of provifions : but
being foon made fenftble that it was impeflible for them
to live in a place where they were well known, and fur-
rounded by enemies, Bruce refolved to feek out fome
more fafe habitation. For this purpofe Sir Neil Camp¬
bell had already provided thipping ; but our adventu¬
rers had fcarcely fet fail, when they were purfued by a
IjO
Edward’s
prepara¬
tions for a
new inva-
fion of Scot¬
land.
171
Enters the
country,
and be-
„ 'I71
Robert’s
queen and
daughter
taken pri-
foners.
SCO [ di? ] SCO
The bark which by the earls of Lancafter and Hereford. One Ofbum Scotland.
treacheroufly burned the magazine j by which means the 4
garrifon, deftitute of provifions, was obliged to furren-
der at difcretion. T he common foldiers were hanged ;
Sir Neil Bruce and the earl ot Athol were lent prifoners
to Edward, who caufed them to be hanged on a gallows
50 feet high, and then beheaded and burnt. The
cauntefs of Buchan, who had ciowned King Robert,
was taken prifoner} as was Lady Mary Bruce, the
king’s filter.
About this time alfo many more of Bruce’s party Adventures
were put to death ; among whom were Thomas and 0^0'3£ri;'
Alexander Bruce, two of the king’s brothers, and
John Wallace, brother to the celebrated Sir William.
Bruce himfelf, in the mean time, was in fuch a def-
perate fituation, that it was thought he never could give
more dilturbance ; and it was even reported that he
was dead. All his misfortunes, however, could not in¬
timidate him, nor prevent his meditating a moft fevere
revenge upon the deftroyers of his family. He firft
removed to the caftle of Dumbarton, where he was ho-
fpitably received and entertained by Angus lord of
Kintyre; but, fufpedting that he was not fafe there,
he failed in three days to Rachrin, a fmall illand on the
Irifh coaft, where he fecured himfelf effedfually from
the purfuit of his enemies. It was during his flay in
this ifland, that the report of his death was generally
propagated. Notwithilanding this, his party increafed
confiderably ; and, even when he landed on this ifland
he was attended by 300 men. Having lived for fome
time in this retreat, being apprehenfive that the report
of his death might be generally credited among his
friends in Scotland, it was refolved to attempt the fur-
pnfe of a fort held by the Englifh under Sir John Ha-
ftings, on the ifle of Arran. This was performed with j^e ^fes a
fuccefs by his two friends Douglas and Sir Robert Boyd, fort on the
who put the greateft part of the garrifon to the fword. of Ar-
I he king, hearing of their fuccefs, palTed over into Ar-ran>
ran 5 but, not knowing where his people refided, is faid
to have found them out by blowing a horn. He then
fent a trufty fervant, one Cuthbert, into bis own country
of Garrick j with orders, if he found it well affe&ed
to his caufe, to light a fire on a certain point near his
caftle of Tunberry, whence it might be dilcerned in Ar¬
ran. Bruce and his party perceived the fignal, as they
thought, and immediately put to fea. Their voyage
was ftiortj and as Bruce had now 400 men along with
him, he refolved immediately {0 aft on the offenfive.
Scotland, large fquadron of the enemy’s fleet _
carried the earl of Lenox efcaped with the utmoft dif-
w;t]1 ficulty to Cantire, were Bruce was already landed i
whom he and, at their meeting, both agreed that they fliould
flies to Can never afterwards be feparated while they remained alive.
1 re* In the mean time Edward having comproraifed forne
differences with his Englilh fubjefts, refumed his old
projeft of entirely fubduing Scotland, and his inten¬
tion now appears to have been to divide the lands of
fuch as he fufpefted of difaffeftion among his Englifh
followers. He ordered a proclamation to be made, that
all who had any title to the honour of knighthood, ei¬
ther by heritage or eftate, Ihould repair to Weftminfter
to receive all military ornaments, from his royal ward¬
robe. As the prince of Wales came under this deno¬
mination, he was the firft who underwent the cere¬
mony; which gave him a right to confer the like
honour on the fons of above 300 of the chief nobility
and gentry of England. The prince then repaired, at
the head of this gallant train, to Edward •, who receiv¬
ed them, furrounded by his nobility, in the moft folemn
manner. The king then made a fpeech on the treachery
of the Scots, whofe entire deftruftion he denounced.
He declared his refolution of once more heading his
army in perfon j and he defired, in cafe of his death,
that his body might be carried to Scotland, and not
buried till fignal vengeance was taken on the perfidious
nation. Having then ordered all prefent to join him
within fifteen days, with their attendants and military
equipages, he prepared for his journey into Scotland.
He entered the country foon after Bruce’s defeat at
Methven. The army was divided into two bodies j one
commanded by the king himfelf, the other by the prince
of Wales, and, under him, by the earls of Lancafter
ereat cruel an<^ Hereford, with orders to proceed northwards, and
ty. UCl penetrate into the countries where the intereft of Bruce
was ftrongeft. As he paffed along, Edward cauled
all that fell into his hands, whom he fufpefted of fa¬
vouring Bruce’s party, to be immediately executed.
The bilhop of Glafgow was the only exception to this
barbarity ; he was taken, but had his life fpared on ac¬
count of his funftion.
In the mean time, as the prince of Wales continued
his march northwards, Bruce’s queen began to be alarm¬
ed for her own fafety. She was advifed to take fanc-
tuary at the ftirine of St Duthac in Rofsftiire; but
there fhe was made prifoner by William earl of Rofs,
who was of the Englifti party. By Edward’s order (he
was fent to London; her daughter, who was taken at
the fame time, being Ihut up in a religious houfe. The
direftions for the entertainment of the queen are ftill
preferved *. She was to be conveyed to the manor of
Bruftewick j to have a waiting-woman and a maid-fer¬
vant, advanced in life, fedate, and of good converfation:
a butler, two men-fervants, and a foot-boy for her cham¬
ber, fober, not riotous, to make her bed : three grey¬
hounds when ftie inclines to hunt ; venifon, filh, and the
faireft houfe in the manor. In 1308, Ihe was removed
to another prifon 9 in 1312, fhe was removed to Wind-
for caftle, 20 (hillings per week being allowed for her
maintenance. In 1314, {he was committed to Rochef-
ter caftle, and was not fet at liberty till the clofe of that
year.
The only fortrefs which Bruce poffeffed in Scotland
was the caftle of KUdrommey ; and it was foon befieged
Vol.; XVIII. Purt II.
* Fcedera,
tom. ii.
lorj.
. . D3
Kfldrom-
mty caftle
taken, and
the ganifon
aiaflacred.
His firft exploit was to furprife his own caftle of Tun- .H**
berry, which had been given, along with Bruce’s eftate, caftle of
to Lord Henry Percy. Him he drove out, along with the Tunberry
Englifti garrifon ; but, in the mean time, he met with his*11 Carried,
fervant Cuthbert, who gave him unpleafing intelligence.
This man had met with very little encouragement on
his landing in Scotland j in confequence of which he
had not lighted the fire agreed upon as a fignal of his
fuccefs, that which Bruce had obferved having been
kindled by accident. He alfo told him, that the Eng-
Ixjh were in full poffeflion of the country, and advifed
his mafter to be on his guard. Soon after this the
kmg was joined by a lady of fortune, who brought along
with her 40 warriors. By her he was firft particular¬
ly informed of the miferable fate of his family and re¬
lations ; which, inftead of difheartening, animated him
the more with a defire of revenge. He did not immedi-
3 I Jftely
SCO '[ 618 ] SCO
Scot’ancL ately attempt any thing himfelf, but allowed Dou-
■ v- ■< gjas attempt the recovery of his eftate of Duglas-
Doiwlasre- as Eruce himfelf had recovered his in Carrick. In
covers his this expedition Douglas was joined by one Thomas.Dick-
own eftate. fon, a man of conhderable fortune, who gave him in¬
telligence concerning the Hate of the country. By his
advice he kept himfelf private till Palm Sunday ; when
he and his followers with covered armour repaired to St
Bride’s church, where the Englifh were performing di¬
vine fervice. The latter were furprifed, but made a brave
defence; though, being overpowered by numbers, they
were at laft obliged to yield. Douglas, without farther
refinance, took pofieiTion of his owm caftle, which he
found well furnifhed with arms, provifions, and money.
He dellroyed all that he could not carry with him, and
alfo the cafile itfelf, where he knew that he muft have
been befieged if he had kept it.
In 1307, the earl of Pembroke advanced into the
weft of Scotland to encounter Bruce. The latter did
17S not decline the combat*, and Pembroke was defeated,
the Eng- Xhree days after this, Bruce defeated with great flaugh-
defeated^y ter another Englifii general named Ralph de Monther-
Robert. mer, and obliged him to fly to the caftle of Ayr. The
An. 1307. king laid fiege to the caftle for fome time, but retired
at the approach of fuccours from England. This year
the Englifli performed nothing, except burning the mo-
naftery at Paifley. Edward, however, refolved ftill to
execute his utmoft vengeance on the Scots, though he
had long been retardea in his operations by a tedious
and dangerous indifpofition. But now, fuppofing that
his malady was decreafed fo far that he could fafely pro¬
ceed on his march, he offered up the horfe-litter, in w’hich
he had hitherto been carried, in the cathedral church of
Carlifle 5 and, mounting on horfeback, proceeded on the
way towards Solway. He was fo weak, however, that
he could advance no farther than fix miles in four days}
179 after which he expired in fight of that country, which he
Death of ]iacj f0 0fteu devoted to deftruftion. With his dying
Edward I. p)reatj1 gave orclel.s that his body fliould accompany
his army into Scotland, and remain unburied until the
country was totally fubdued} but his fon, difregard-
ing this order, caufed it to be depofited in Weftminfter
abbey.
The death of fuch an inveterate enemy to the Scot-
tifh name, could not fail of raifing the fpirits of Bruce
and his party ; and the inactive and timid behaviour of
his fon Edward II. contributed not a little to give them
frefh courage. After having granted the guardian-
ftiip of Scotland to his favourite Piers de Gavefton earl
of Pembroke, whom his father had lately banilhed, he
advanced to Cumnock on the frontiers of Ayr-lhire,
and then retreated into England } conferring the office
of guardian of Scotland upon John de Bretagne earl
of Richmond, a fortnight after he had bellowed it on
180 Gavefton. He was no fooner gone than Bruce inva-
Robert de- (Je(J Galloway. The inhabitants refufing to follow his
cTlto ^ ftandard, he laid wafte the country} but w7as defeated,
a ‘ wa^’ and obliged to retire northwards by the guardian. In
the north he overran the country without oppofition}
and foon began to move fouthwards again in order to
repair his late difgrace. He was encountered by Cummin
earl of Buchan with an undifciplined body of Englilh,
whom he entirely defeated and difperfed. But about
this time he was feized with a grievous diftemper, which
weakened him fo much, that no hopes were left of his
recovery. In this enfeebled fituation, he was attacked Scotland,
by the earl of Buchan and John Mowbray an Englilh -
commander, who had affembled a body of troops in He ^feats
order to efface their late dilhonour. The armies met the EngMilt
at Inverury in Aberdeen-lhire, Bruce was too weak in his turn,
to fupport himfelf, and therefore was held upon horfe- ancl rec°-
back by two attendants : but he had the pleafure of fee- ^
ing his enemies totally defeated, and purfued with great difeafe.
flaughter for many miles} and it is reported, that the Ap. 130S.
agitation of his fpirits on that day proved the means of
curing him of his dil’eafe. This battle was fought on
the22dofMay 1308.
The king of Scotland now took revenge on his ene¬
mies, after the manner of that barbarous age, by laying
wafte the country of Buchan with fire and Iword. His
fucceffes had fo raifed his chara&er, that many of the
Scots who had hitherto adhered to the Englilh caufe,
now came over to that of Robert. Edward, the king’s
brother, invaded Galloway, and defeated the inhabitants ^
of that country. John de St John, an Engliih com-Succefies of
mander, with 1500 horfemen, attempted to furprife Edward
him } but Edward Bruce having received timely infor- Bruce,
mation of his defigns, ordered the infantry to entrench
themfelves ftrongly, while he himfelf, with not more
than 50 horfemen, well armed, under cover of a thick
mill, attacked his enemies, and put them to flight. Af¬
ter this he reduced all the fortreffes in the country, and
totally expelled the Englifli. About this time alfo,
Douglas, while roving about the hilly parts of Tweed-
dale, furprifed and made prifoners Thomas Randolph the
king’s nephew, and Alexander Stewart of Bonkill, who
had hitherto continued inimical to the interefts of Ro¬
bert. Randolph was conduifted to the king, but talked
to him in a haughty ftrain : on which his uncle fent
him into clofe confinement. lg^
The next exploit of Robert was againft the lord of The lord
Lorn, a divifion of Argyle-ihire, It was this nobleman of Lorn de=
who had reduced the king to fuch ftraits after his defeat
at Methven } and Bruce now refolved to take ample re- e
venge. Having entered the country, the king arrived
at a narrow pafs, where the troops of Lorn lay in am-
bufh. This pals had a high mountain on the one fide,
and a precipice wafhed by the fea on the other} but Ro¬
bert having ordered Douglas to make a circuit, and gain
the fummit of the mountain with part of the army, he
entered himfelf with the reft. He was immediately at¬
tacked } but Douglas with his men rulhed down the
hill, and decided the viflory in favour of the king } who
foon after took the caftle of Dunftaffnage, the chief refi-
dence of this nobleman.
While Robert and his afibciates were thus gaining
the admiration of their countrymen by the exploits
which they daily performed, the Englilh were fo un¬
fettled and fluftuating in their counfels, that their par- lg4
ty knew not how to a&. Edward ftill imagined that unfuccefs-
there was a ^poflibjlity of reconciling the Scots to hisful negocia-
government} and for this purpofe he employed Wil-ft0113 for
liam de Lambyrton, archbilhop of St Andrew’s, who af-ljeace*
ter having been taken prifoner, and carried from one
place of confinement to another, had at laft made fuch
fubmiffions, as procured firft his liberty, and then the
confidence of Edward. This ecclefiaftic having taken
a moft folemn oath of fidelity to Edward,now refolved to
ingratiate himfelf, by publilhing againft Robert and his
adherents a fentence of excommunication, which had been
refolvcd
SCO
[ 619 ]
SCO
1S5
Edward
invades
Scotland
without
fuccefs.
An. 1310.
1S6
Linlithgow
caftle fur-
prifed by
the Scots.
An. 1311.
187
Robert in¬
vades Eng¬
land, and
takes Perth
on his re¬
turn
An. 1312.
refolved on long before. This, however, produced no
effeftj and the event was, that in 1309, through the
mediation of the king of France, Edward confented to a
truce with the Scots. This pacific dlfpofition, however,
lafted not long. The truce was fcarcely concluded, when
Edward charged the Scots with violating it, and fum-
moned his barons to meet him in arms at Newcaftle :
yet, probably being doubtful of the event of the war, he
empowered Robert de Umfraville and three others, to
conclude a new truce ; declaring, however, that he did
this at the requeft of Philip king of France, fes his dear-
eft father and friend, but who was not to be confidered
as the ally of Scotland.
The new negociations were foon interrupted. They
were again renewed j and in the beginning of the year
1310 the truce was concluded, but entirely difregarded
by the Scots. The progrefs of Bruce now became veiy
alarming to the Englifli. The town of Perth, a place
at that time of great importance, was threatened j and
to relieve it, Edward ordered a fleet to fail up the river
Tay : he alfo commanded the earl of Ulfter to aflemble
a body of troops at Dublin, and thence to invade Scot¬
land j his own barons were ordered to meet him in arms
at Berwick. About the end of September, he entered
Scotland *, palled from Roxburgh, through the foreft of
Selkirk, to Biggarj thence he penetrated into Renfrew" j
and turning back by the way of Linlithgow, he re¬
treated to Berwick, where he continued inaftive for
eight months.
During this invafion, Robert had carefully avoided
a battle with the Englifli 5 well knowing, that an inva¬
fion undertaken in autumn would ruin the heavy-armed
cavalry, on which the Englifh placed their chief de¬
pendence. His caufe was alfo favoured by a fcarcity
which prevailed at this time in Scotland; for as ma¬
gazines and other refources of modern war were then
unknown, the Englifli army were greatly retarded in
their operations, and found it impoflible to fubfift in the
country.
The fpirit of enterprife had now communicated itfelf
to all ranks of people in Scotland. In 13n, the caftle
of Linlithgow wras furprifed by a poor peafant, named
William Binnock. The Englifh garrifon were fecure,
and kept but a flight guard ; of which Binnock being
informed, concealed eight refolute men in a load of hay,
which he had been employed to drive into the caftle.
With thefe, as foon as the gate was opened, he fell upon
the feeble guard, and became mafter of the place ; which
was difmantled by Robert, as well as all the other caftles
taken in the courfe of the war.
Edward now refolved to invade Scotland again ; and
for this purpofe ordered his army to affemble at Rox¬
burgh. But Robert, not contented with defending
his own country, refolved in his turn to invade Eng¬
land. He accordingly entered that country, and cruel¬
ly ravaged the biftiopric of Durham. He returned
loaded with fpoil, and laid fiege to Perth. After re¬
maining fix weeks before that place, he raifed the fiege,
but returned in a few days j and having provided fca-
ling ladders, approached the works with a chofen body
of infantry. In a dark night he made the attack ; and
having waded through the ditch, though the water flood
to his throat, he was the fecond man who reached the
top of the walls. The town was then foon taken ; af¬
ter which it was plundered and burnt, and the fortifica¬
tions levelled with the ground. This happened on' the Scdtiiftd.
8th of January 1312. »
Edward was now become averfe to the war, and re¬
newed his negociations for a truce ; but they ftill ended lS8
in nothing. Robert again invaded England ; burnt greatinvades
part of the city of Durham •, and even threatened to be-England a
liege Berwick, where the king of England had for the t'me
prefent, fixed his refidence. He next reduced the caftles
of Butel, Dumfries, and Dalfwinton, with many other
fortreffes. The caftle of Roxburgh, a place of the ut-
moft importance, next fell into his hands. The walls
were fealed while the garrifon was revelling bn the eve
of Lent. They retreated into the inner tower ; but their
governor, a Frenchman, having received a mortal wound,
they capitulated.
Randolph, the king’s nephew, was now received into
favour, and began to diftinguilb himfelf in the caufe of
his country. He blockaded the caftle of Edinburgh foxhe caftla
clofely, that all communication with the neighbcUringofEdin-
country was cut off". The place was commanded byburg^ta*
one Leland, a knight of Gafcony 5 but the garrifon fuf-
pe&ing his fidelity, confined him in a dungeon and
chofe another commander in his Head. One William
Frank prefented himfelf to Randolph, and informed him
how the walls might be fealed. Randolph himfelf, with
30 men, undertook to fcale the caftle walls at mid¬
night. Frank was their guide, and firft afeended the
walls j but before the whole party could reach the fum-
mit, an alarm was given, the garrifon ran to arms, and
and a defperate combat enfued. The Engliffi fought
valiantly till their commander wTas killed 5 after which
they threw down their arms. Leland, the former go¬
vernor, was releafed from his confinement, and entered
into the Scottifh fervice.
In 1313, King Robert found the number of his fiiends An. 1313*
increafing with his fucceffes. He was now joined by
the earl of Athol, who had lately obtained a grant of
lands from Edward. This year, through the media¬
tion of France, the conferences for a truce were re¬
newed. Thefe, however, did not retard the military
operations of the Scots. Cumberland was invaded and vades Eng-
laid wafte : the miferable inhabitants befought Edward’s larich and
protection*, wdro commended their fidelity, and defired r^ucfes t^e
them to defend themfelves. In the mean time, Robert,'1 e 0<
leaving Cumberland, pafled over into the ifle of Man,
which he totally reduced. Edward found great difficul¬
ties in railing the fupplies neceffary for carrying on the
war 5 but at laft overcame all thefe, and, in the begin¬
ning of the year 1314, wras prepared to invade Scotland
with a mighty army. In March he ordered his fhips to
be aflembled for the invafion ; invited to his afliftance
Eth 0‘Connor, chief of the Irifh of Connaught, and 26
other Irifh chiefs 5 fummoned them and his fubjeCls in
Ireland to attend his ftandard, and gave the command
of thefe auxiliaries to the earl of Ulfter. His barons
were fummoned to meet him at Berwick on the nth of
June ; and 2 2,000 foot foldiers, from the different coun¬
ties of England and Wales, were by proclamation requi¬
red to aflemble at Wark. Edward
In the mean time, the fuccefles of the Scots conti-Bruce en-
nued. Edward Bruce had reduced the caftles of Ru-ters an
therglen and Dundee, and laid fiege to the caftle 0f*mpnident
Stirling. The governor of the place agreed to hir- thTgover-
render, if he fhould not be relieved before the 24th of nor of Stir-
June 1314 J and to this Edward agreed, without con-ling,
4 I 2 fulting
Scotland.
19a
which
brings on
the decifive
engage-
ment of
Bannock¬
burn.
*9.3.
Difpofition
of the
Scots.
f94
A party of
Englifh ca¬
valry de¬
feated by
Randolph.
SCO [6
fulling his brother. The king was highly difpleafed
with this rath treaty, which interrupted his own opera¬
tions, allowed the Englifh time to afiemble their utmoft
force, and at laft obliged him either to raife the liege or
to place all on the event of a lingle battle. Howrever,
he refolved to abide by the agreement, and to meet the
Engliih by the appointed day. Having appointed a
general rendezvous of his forces between Falkirk and
Stirling, he found their number to amount to rather
more than 30,000, befides upwards of 15,000 of an un-
difciplined rabble that followed the camp. He deter¬
mined to await the Englilh in a field which had the
brook or burn of Bannock on the right, and Stirling
on the left. His chief dread was the ftrength and num¬
ber of the Englilh cavalry, and thefe he tsok every me¬
thod to oppofe. The banks of the brook were lleep in
many places, and the ground between it and Stirling
was partly covered with wood. The king commanded
many pits, of about a foot in breadth and two or three
feet deep, to be dug in all places where cavalry could
have accefs. From the defcription given of them by
the hiftorians of thofe times, there feem to have been
many rows of them, with narrow intervals. They
were carefully covered with brulhwood and fod, fo that
they might eafily be overlooked by a ralh and impetuous
enemy. It is faid by fome authors, that he alfo made
ufe of caltrops, to annoy the horfes in the moll effeftual
manner.
On the 23d of June, the Scots received intelligence
of the approach of Edward, and prepared to decide
the fate of their country. The front of their army ex¬
tended from the brook called Bannockburn to the neigh¬
bourhood of St Ninians, nearly upon the line of the pre-
fent turnpike-road from Stirling to Kilfyth 5 and the
Hone in which the king is faid to have fixed his llan-
dard is Hill to be feen. Robert commanded all his fol-
diers to fight on foot. He gave the command of the
centre to Douglas, and Walter the young llevvrard of
Scotland j his brother Edward had the command of the
right wing, and Randolph that of the left; the king him-
felf taking charge of the referve, which confifled of the
men of Argyle, Garrick, and the illanders. In a val¬
ley to the rear, faid to be to the w7eftward of a riling
ground now called Gilles-hi//, he “placed the baggage,
and all the ufelefs attendants on his army.
Randolph was commanded to be vigilant in prevent¬
ing the Englilh from throwing fuccours into the callle
of Stirling *, but 800 horfemen commanded by Sir
Robert Clifford, made a circuit by the low7 grounds to
the eaft, and approached the callle. The king, per¬
ceiving their motions, chid Randolph for his inadver¬
tency, on which the latter hailed to encounter that
body. As he advanced, the Englifh wheeled to attack
him. Randolph drew up his men in a circular form,
holding out their fpears on every fide. At the firfl
onfet Sir William Daynecourt, an Englilh commander
©f dillinguifhed valour, was killed} but Randolph,
who had only a fmall party with him, wTas furrounded
on all tides, and in the utmoll danger. Douglas per¬
ceived his danger, and requefted the king to let him go
to his afiillance. Robert at firfl refufed, but afterwards
confented with reluflance. Douglas fet out without de¬
lay ; but as he approached he faw the Englifh falling in¬
to diforder } upon which he called to his men to flop,
20 ]
SCO
and not diminifli the glory of Randolph and his men by Scotland,
fharing their vidlory. —v— .J
Robert was in the front of the line when the van- I9^
guard of the Englilh appeared. He wras meanly dref- ^ t
fed, with a crown above his helmet, and a battle-axe in killed in
his hand. Henry de Bohun, an Englifh knight, arm- fingle corn¬
ed cap-a-pee, rode forv\Tard to encounter him. Robert
did not decline the combat, and flruck his antagoniil foKoj‘' **
violently with his battle-axe, that he is faid to have cleft
him down to the chin j after which the Englifh van¬
guard retreated in confufion. The Scottifh generals are
faid to have blamed their king for his rafhnefs in thus
encountering Bohun j and he himfelf, confcious of the.
juftice of their charge, replied only, “ I have broken my
good battle-axe.”
On Monday the 24th of June, the whole Englifh
army moved on to the attack. The van, confifting ofqt.rs 0l- t"*e.
archers and lancemen, was commanded by Gilbert deEngliflj ar»
Clare earl of Gloucefler, nephew to the Englifh king,my*
and Humphry de Bohun conilable of England j but the
ground was fo narrow, that the reft of the army had not
fufficient room to extend itfelf 5 fo that it appeared to
the Scots as confifting of -one great compafl body. The
main body was brought up by Edward in perfon,
attended by Aymer de Valence earl of Pembroke,
and Sir Giles d’Argentine, two experienced comman¬
ders. Maurice abbot of Inchaffray, placing himfelf
on an eminence, celebrated mafs in the fight of the Scot-
tifh army. He then paffed along the front, barefooted,
with a crucifix in his hands, and in few words exhort¬
ed the Scots to fight for their rights and liberty. The.
Scots fell down on their knees; which being perceived
by Edward, he cried out, “ They yield ! See, they
implore mercy.” “ They do,” anfwered Umfraville,
one of his commanders, “ they do implore mercy, but
not from us. On that field they will be vidlorious or
die.”
As both parties were violently exafperated againfl
each other, the engagement began with great fury.ijfh entii.ejy
The king of Scotland, perceiving that his troops were defeated,
grievoufly annoyed by the Englifli archers, ordered Sir Mth
Robert Keith the marifchal, with a few armed borfemen,
to make a circuit and attack the archers in flank. This
was inftantly accomplifhed ; and as the weapons of the
archers were ufelefs in a clofe encounter, they could make
very little refiftance, while their flight fpread diforder
through the whole army.
Robert now advanced with the referve: the whole
Engliih army was in the utmoft confufion j for the de¬
feat of the archers had decided the viftory in favour of
the Scots. The young and gallant earl of Gloucefter
attempted to rally the fugitives, but was thrown from
his horfe, and cut in pieces, which increafed the gene¬
ral confufion. At this critical moment, the numerous
attendants on the Scottiih camp, prompted by curiofity
or the defire of plunder, iffued from their retirement.
The Engliih miiiook them for a body of frefti troops
coming to the afliilance of their enemies, and fled with
precipitation on all fides. Many fought refuge among
the rocks in the neighbourhood of Stirling caille, and
many were drowned in the rivers. Pembroke and Sir
Giles d’Argenline had never quitted Edward during
the aftion ; but now, feeing the battle irretrievably loft,
Pembroke ccnftrained the king to quit the field. D’Ar-
gentine
(
Scotland.
i93
Edward
efcapes to
Dunbar,
and thi nee
to England
199
Lofs or the
Englilh in
the battle
of Ban¬
nockburn.
SCO [621
gentine refufed to fly. He was a man of great valour,
and had a high reputation in Scotland. According to
the common opinion, the three mofl eminent worthies in
that age were the emperor Henry of Luxemburg, Ro¬
bert Bruce, and Giles d’Argentine. He is faid to have
thrice encountered two Saracen warriors in Paleftine,
and to have killed them both. His valour now availed
him but little ; for ruthing into the midft of the Scots
army, he was inftantly cut in pieces. Douglas, with
60 horfemen, purfued Edward clofely. At the Tor-
wood he met Sir Lawrence Abernethy, who was batten¬
ing to the Englith rendezvous with twenty horfemen.
The latter foon abandoned the caufe of the vanquithed*
and joined Douglas in the purfuit of Edward, who fled
to Linlithgow. He had fcarcely arrived there, when
. he was alarmed by the approach of the Scots, and again
obliged to fly. Douglas and Abernethy followed him
with the greatefl: afliduity ; but, notwuthftanding their
utmoft efforts, Edward got fafe to Dunbar, where he
was received by the earl of March, who prote&ed him
till he could be conveyed by fea to England.
Such was the decifive battle of Bannockburn, the
greatefl: defeat which the Englifh ever fuftained from the
Scots. - On the fide of the latter no perfons of note were
flain, excepting Sir William Vipont, and Sir Walter
Rofs the favourite of Edward Bruce*, and fo grievoufly
was Edward afflicted by the death of this man, that he
exclaimed, “ O that this day’s wmrk were undone, fo
Rofs had not died!” On the Englifh fide were flain 27
barons and bannerets, and 2 2 taken prifoners j of knights
there were killed 42, and 60 taken prifoners 5 of ef-
quires there fell 700 ; but the number of the common
men who were killed or taken wras never afeertained.
The Welfli who had ferved in the Englith army were
fcattered over the country, and cruelly butchered by the
Scottifli peafants. The Englifh, wfflo had taken refuge
among the rocks in the neighbourhood of Stirling, fur-
rendered at discretion : the caftle wras furrendered, and
the privy feal of England fell into the hands of the king
of Scots. The fpoils of the Englifh camp wrere immenfe,
and enriched the conquerors, along wflth the ranfom of
many noble prifoners wfflo fell into their hands. Robert
fhowed much generofity in bis treatment of the prifoners
who fell to his fhare. He fet at liberty Ralph de Mon-
thermer, and Sir Marmaduke Twerge, two officers of
high rank, without ranfom ; and by humane and gene¬
rous offices alleviated the misfortune of the reft. The
dead bodies of the earl of Gloucefter and the lord Clif¬
ford were fent to England, that they might be interred
with the ufual folemnity. There was one Baftcn, a
Carmelite friar and poet, w7hom Edward is faid to have
brought writh him in his train to be fpeflator of his
achievements, and to record his triumphs. Bafton was
made prifoner, and obliged to celebrafe the victory of
Robert over the E ig’ith. This he did in wretched La¬
tin rhymes j which, however, procured his liberty. Af¬
ter the battle of Bannockburn, the earl of Hereford
retreated to the caftle of Bothwell, where he was be
fieged by Edward Bruce, and foon obliged to furren-
der. He was exchanged for the wife, fifter, and daugh¬
ter of the king, the young earl of Mar, and the bifliop
of Glafgow.
The terror of the Englith after the defeat of Ban¬
nockburn is almoft incredible. Edward Bruce and
Douglas entered England on the eaftern fide, ravaged
1
s c o
Northumberland, and laid the bifliopric of Durham un- SectlarrJ?
der contribution. Thence they proceeded to Richmond,
laid Appleby and lome other towns in allies, and re- j-nr(2a*° 0f
turned home loaded with plunder. Edward fummoned the Scots
a parliament at York, in order to concert means for into Eng-
the public fecurity j and appointed the earl of Pembroke, L™*-
formerly the guardian of Scotland, to be guardian of
the country between the Trent and the Tweed. Ro¬
bert, however, fent ambafladors to treat for a peace 5
but the Scots were too much elated with their good for¬
tune to make conceffions, and the Englifh were not yet
fufficiently humbled to yield to all their demands. The
ravages of war were again renewed : the Scots continu¬
ed their incurfions into England, and levied contributions
in different places. aor
In 13x5, the Engliffi affairs feemed a little to revive. ExPe(Hio:v
The Scots, indeed, plundered Durham and Hartlepool}
but they w7ere repulfed from Carlifle, and failed in an at- Iceland,
tempt on Berwick. The Iriih of Ulfter, opprelfed by An. 1315.-
the Englifh government, implored the affiftance of Ro¬
bert, and offered to acknowledge his brother Edward
as their fovereign ; who accordingly landed at Carrick-
fergus on the 25th of May 1315, with 6000 men.—-
This was an enterprife evidently beyond the power of
Scotland to accomplifh, and this could not but be per¬
ceived by Robert. There were, however, motives
which induced him to confent. The offer of a crown,
though ever fo vifionary, inflamed the ambition of Ed-
■ward Bruce, whofe impetuous valour difregarded diffi¬
culties, however great. It might have been deemed
ungenerous, and perhaps would not have been politic or
fafe, to have rejected the propofals of the Irifk for the
advancement of his brother, to whom the king owed
more than he could repay. Befides, the invafion of Ire¬
land feemed a proper expedient for dividing the Engliffi 202
forces. The event proved unfortunate. Edward, after He is de¬
performing and fuffering more than could almoft have jf ptCj an£*
been expected from human nature, was at laft defeated ""
and killed by the Englifh, as is related under the article
Ireland, N° 42. , .
The king himfelf had gone over into Ireland, in or¬
der to affift his brother in attempting the fubjedion of
that country *, and during his abfence the Engliih had
made feveral attempts to difturb the tranquillity of Scot- 203
land. The earl of Arundel invaded the foreft of Jed-^n^iccef's*
burgh with a numerous army ; but being drawn into
ambufeade by Douglas, he was defeated with great lofs. ijfh on Scot-
Edmund de Cailaud, a knight of Gafcony and gover-iand.
nor of Berwick, invaded and wafted Teviotdale ; but
while he was returning home loaded with fpoil, he was
attacked, defeated, and killed by Douglas. By fea
the Engliih invaded Scotland, and anchored off Inver-
keithing in the frith of Forth, where they foon after
landed. Five hundred men, under the command of
the earl of Fife and the fherifF of that county, attempt¬
ed to oppofe their landing, but were intimidated by the
number of their enemies. William Sinclair bifhop of
Dunkeld happened to meet the fugitives; and having
by his reproaches obliged them to rally, he led them on
again to the charge, and drove the Engliffi to their
fliips with confiderable lofs. For this exploit Robert con¬
ferred the title of the king's bijhop on Sinclair; and he was
long remembered by his countrymen on this account. N
In 1317, after King Robert had returned from his VVJt-h
Iriih expedition, a bull was iffued by the pope (Johnt,ie p°lie*
XXIi.) v IilZ’
204
egoeia-
SCO [ 622 3 SCO
Scstland. XXII.) commanding a two years truce between Eng-
land and Scotland, under pain of excommunication.
Two cardinals were difpatched into Britain to make
known his commands ; and they were privately empow¬
ered to inflicl the higheft fpiritual cenfures on Robert
Bruce, or whomfoever elfe they thought proper. About
the beginning of September 1317, two meffengers were
fent to Robert by the cardinals. The king gave them
a gracious reception ; and after confulting with his ba¬
rons, returned for anfwer, that he very much defiled a
good and lafting peace, either by the mediation of
the cardinals, or by any other means. He allowed the
often letters from the pope, which recommended peace,
to be read in his prefence, and liftened to them with
due refpedl:. But he would not receive the fealeci letters
addrefled to Robert Bruce governor of Scotland, alleging,
that there might be many of his barons whofe names
were Robert Bruce, and that thefe barons might pro¬
bably have fome {hare in the government. Unlefs,
therefore, the letters were addrefled to him as king of
Scotland, he could not receive them without advice of his
parliament, which he promifed immediately to aflerhble
on the occafion. The meflengers attempted to apolo-
gife for the omiflion of the title of King. “ The holy
church was not wont,” they faid, “ during the depend¬
ence of a controverfy, to write or fay any thing which
205 might be interpreted as prejudicial to the claims of
Spirited be- either of the contending parties.” “ Since then,” an-
fwerec3 t]le king, “ my fpiritual father and my holy
mother would not prejudice the caufe of my adverfary
by bellowing on me the appellation of king during the
dependence of the controverfy, they ought not to have
prejudiced my caufe by withdrawing that appellation
from me. I am in pofleflion of the kingdom of Scot¬
land ; all my people call me king j and foreign princes
addrefs me under that title; but it feems that my pa¬
rents are partial to their Englifh fon. Had you pre¬
fumed to prefent letters with fuch an addrefs to any
other fovereign prince, you might perhaps have been
anfwered in a harlher llyle; but I reverence you as the
meflengers of the holy fee.”
The meflengers, quite abalhed with this reply, chan¬
ged the difcourfe, and requefled the king that he would
confent to a temporary ceflation of hoftilities •, but to
this he declared, that he never would confent, while the
Englifli daily invaded and plundered his people. His
counfellors, however, informed the mefl’engers, that if
the letters had been addrefled to the king of Scots, the
negociations would inftantly have been opened. This
difrefpe&ful omiflion they imputed to the intrigues of
the Englifh at the court of Rome, hinting at the fame
time that they had received this intelligence from A-
206 vignon.
A papal When the meflengers had informed the cardinals of
truce pro- thefe proceedings, the latter determined- to proclaim
claimed in the papal truce in Scotland •, in which hazardous of-
Scotlar.d. £ce they employed Adam Newton, guardian of the
monaftery of Minorites at Berwick, who was charged
with letters to the clergy of Scotland, particularly to
the bifhop of St Andrew’s. The monk found the king
encamped with his army in a wood near Old Cambus,
making preparations for aflaulting Berwick. Perfonal
accefs was denied to the king : but the monk, in obedi¬
ence to his mafters, proclaimed the truce by the autho¬
rity of the pope. The king fent him for anfwer, that
3
he would lilten to no bulls, till he was treated as
of Scotland, and had made himfelf matter of Berwi
The poor monk, terrified at this anfwer, requetted wi-kh7 is
either a fafe conduct to Berwick, or permiflion to pafsdifregarded
into Scotland, and deliver his letters to the Scottitti by the king,
clfergy. Both were refufed ; and he was commanded
to leave the country without lofs of time. He fet out
for Berwick 5 but in his way thither was attacked by
robbers, or fome who pretended to be fo. By them he
was ftripped and robbed of all his parchments, together
with his letters and inftru&ions \ the robbers alfo, it is
faid, tore the pope’s bull, without any regard to its
fan&ity. _ _ . »oS
In 1318, King Robert proceeded in his enterprife
againft Berwick, but refolved to employ artifice as wellbefieged
as force in the redudlion of it. A citizen of Berwick,and taken
by name Spalding, having been ill ufed by the governor,
meditated revenge j and wrote a letter to a Scottifh
lord, whofe relation he had married, offering on a cer¬
tain night to betray the poft where he kept guard.
The nobleman communicated this important intelligence
to the king. “ You did well,” faid Robert, ‘‘in ma¬
king me your confidantfor if you had told this either
to Randolph or Douglas, you would have offended the
one whom you did not truft : Both of them, however,
fhall aid you in the execution of the enterprife.” The
king then commanded him to repair to a certain place
with a body of troops 5 to which place he alfo gave
feparate orders to Douglas and Randolph to repair at
the fame hour, each with a body of troops under his
command. The forces, thus cautioufly affembled,
marched to Berwick, and, aflifted by Spalding, fealed
the walls, making themfelves mafters of the town in a
few hours. The garrifon of the cattle, perceiving that
the number of Scots was but fmall, made a defperate
fally with the men who had fled into the cattle from the
town j but, after an obftinate conflict, they were de¬
feated and driven back, chiefly by the extraordinary va¬
lour of a young knight named Sir William Keith of
Gal/lon.—This happened ®n the 28th of March 1318. .
King Robert no fooner heard of the fuccefs of his^®1^"
forces againft the town, that he battened to lay fiege tO]an(iwith
the cattle of Berwick. This was foon obliged to capi- great iuc-’
tulate •, after which the Scots entered Northumberland, cefs.,
and took the caflles of Wark, Harbottle, and Mitford.
In May, they again invaded England, and penetrated
into Yorkfhire. In their progrefs they burnt the towns
of Northallerton, Boroughbridge, Scarborough, and
Skipton in Craven, forcing the inhabitants of Rippon to
redeem themfelves by paying 1000 merks : after which
they returned to Scotland with much booty *, and, as an
Englifh hiftorian expreffes it, “ driving their priibners
before them like flocks of fheep.”
This year the interpofition of the pope was obtained
again it Robert, with a view to intimidate the Scottifh
nation j and the two cardinals refiding in England were
commanded to excommunicate Robert Bruce and his
adherents, on account of his treatment of the meffengers
of the holy fee, and his affault of Berwick, after a truce 21c
had been proclaimed by the papal authority.— I his fen-Kjng
tence was accordingly put in execution, though Robert bert ex-.
had certainly been excommunicated once, if not oftener
before. Meflengers were fent from Scotland to Rome,
in older to procure a reverfal of the fentence j but Ed¬
ward difpatched the bifhop of Hereford, and Hugh
d’Efpencer
king Scotland.
ck. ' * '
Scotland.
SCO [6a
d’Efpencer the Elder, to counterafl this negociation, in¬
forming the his holinefs at the fame time of certain in¬
tercepted letters which had been written from Avignon
to Scotland ; upon which the pope ordered all the Scots
reiiding at Avignon, and all of that place who had cor-
refponded with Scotland, to be taken into cuflody.
The molt remarkable tranfaftion of this year, how¬
ever, was the defeat and death of Edward Bruce in
Ireland •, of which an account is given under the ar¬
ticle Ireland, N° 42. His body was quartered, and
diftributed for a public fpeftacle over Ireland ; and his
head was prefented to Edward by John lord Berming-
ham the commander of the Englilh army ; in return
for which fervice, he was rewarded with the title of earl
of Lowth.
In the mean time Edward, who had fummoned a
parliment to meet at Lincoln, was obliged to prorogue
it on account of the Scottilh invalion, and to affemble
an army at York for the defence of his country. At
Michaelmas it was determined, in a parliament held at
London, that every city and town in England Ihould
furnilh a certain proportion of men completely armed.
Thus a confiderable body of troops was foon raifed *,
but, when they afiembled at York, their party-animo-
fities and mutual diftruft rofe to fuch an height, that it
was found neceflary to fend them back to their habita¬
tions.
In 1319, Edward, having fucceeded fo well in his
negociations with the court of Rome, refclved to make
fimilar attempts with other powers to the prejudice of
the Scottilh nation. Accordingly he requefted the
count of Flanders to prohibit the Scots from entering
his country : but to this requeft he received the fol¬
lowing remarkable reply : “ Flanders is the common
country of all men; I cannot prohibit any merchants
21 r from trafficking thither, for fuch prohibition ■would
Edward prove the ruin of my people.” Finding himfelf baf-
vades S'ot attemPt;> Engliffi monarch once more
land. " determined to have recourfe to war j and with this
An. 13x9. view commanded his army to alfemble at Newcaflle up¬
on Tyne, on the 24th of July 1319 : but before he pro¬
ceeded, he requefted the prayers of the clergy for the
faccefs of his expedition ; and, to render their prayers
the more effeffual, he at the fame time demanded from
212 them a great fum of money by way of loan.
Berwick Every thing being now in readinefs, the Englilh
befieged army approached Berwick, which wtss commanded by
byheEng-w^,. ftewar(3 0f Scotland. This nobleman had
long apprehended an attack from the Englifh, and had
taken every means of defence in his power. The ene¬
my, horvever, confiding in their numbers, made a ge¬
neral aflault; but were repulfed on the 7th of Septem¬
ber, after a long and obftinate conteft. Their next at¬
tempt was on the fide towards the river. At that time
the walls of Berwick were of an inconfiderable height;
and it was propofed to bring a veflel clofe to them, from
whence the troops might enter by a draw-bridge let
down from the maft. But the Scots annoyed the af-
failants fo much, that they could not bring this veflel
within the proper diftance ; and at the ebb of the tide
it grounded, and was burnt by the befieged.—The.Eng-
213 lifti had then recourfe to a newly invented engine which
A new in- calle{} a fow, but for what reafon is unknown. In
gfne called many particulars it refembled the tejludo anetaria of
\foiV, ' the ancients. It appears to have been a large fabric
3 1 SCO
compofed of timber, and well-soofed, having itages with- Scotland. ^
in it, and in height furpaffing the wall of the town. It f
was moved upon wheels, and ferved for the double pur-
pofe of conducing the miners to the foot of the wall,
and armed men to the ftorm. This machine was
counterafled by one conftrufled by John Crab, a Fle-
miih engineer in the Scots fervice. This was a kind of
moveable crane, whereby great ftones might be railed
on high, and then let fall upon the enemy. The Eng-
lifli made a general aflault on the quarter towards the
fea, as well as on the land fide j lo that the garrifon,
exhaufted by continual fatigue, could Icarce maintain
their polls. The great engine moved on to the walls ;
and, though ftones were inceffantly difeharged againft
it from the crane, their eflfe6t was fo Imall, that all hope ^
of preferving Berwick was loft. At length a huge Ddlroyecl
ftone ftruck it with fuch force, that the beams gave by the
way, and the Scots pouring down combuftibles upon it, Scots,
it was reduced te alhes. The Englilh, however, ftill
continued the attack. The fteward, with a referve of
100 men, went from poll to poll, relieving thofe who
wrere wounded or unfit for combat. One foldk-r of the
referve only remained with him when an alarm was
given that the Englilh had burnt a barrier at the port
called St Mary's, poifelTed themfelves of the draw¬
bridge, and fired the gate. The fteward haftened thi¬
ther, called down the guard from the rampart, ordered
the gate to be fet open, and rufhed out upon the enemy.
A defperate combat enfued, and continued till the clofe
of the day, when the Englilh commanders withdrew
their troops. 2r„,,
Notwithftanding this brave defence, it was evident who in-
that the town could not hold out long without a fpeedy vade Eng.
relief; and Robert could not, with any probability of!*11^
fuccefc, attack the fortified camp of the Englilh. He
therefore determined to make a powerful diverfion in
England, in order to oblige Edward to abandon the
undertaking. By order of the king, 15,000 men en¬
tered England by the weftern marches. They had con¬
certed a plan for carrying off the queen of England
from her refidence near York ; but being difappointed
in this attempt, they laid wafte York-lhire. The arch-
bilhop of York haftily collecled a numerous body of
commons and ecclefiaftics, with whom he encountered
the Scots at Mitton, near Boroughbridge, in the north
riding of York-lhire. The Englifh were routed ; 3000 21$
were left dead on the field, and great part of thofe who
fled perilhed in the river Swale. In this aflion 300 ec] a‘n(1
ecclefiaftics loft their lives. The news of this fuccefs-fiegeofEer-
ful inroad alarmed the befiegers of Berwick. The wick railed,
barons whofe eftates lay to the fouthward remote from
the Scottilh depredations were eager for continuing the
fiege. But they were oppofed by thofe of the north ;
who were no lefs eager to abandon the enterprife, and
return to the defence of their own country. With them
the earl of Lancafter concurred in opinion ; and under-
ftanding that his favourite manor of Pontefraft was ex-
pofed to the ravages of the Scots, departed with all his
adherents. Edward on this, drew off the remainder of
his army, and attempted to intercept Randolph and
Douglas; but they eluded him, and returned in fafety
to Scotland.
The unfuccefsful event of this laft attempt induced
Edward ferioufly to think of peace ; and accordingly a
truce between the two nations was concluded on the
2 til
s c o
217
England
again inva¬
ded by the
Scots, and
Scotland by
Scotland. 2of December 1319 5 which interval of tranquillity
t_})e 5cols made ufe of in addreffing a manifefto to the
pope in juftitication of their caufe. This was drawn
up in a fpirited manner, and made a very confiderable
alteration in the councils of Rome. The pope, forefee-
ing that Robert would not be terrified into fubmiflfions,
ordered Edward to make peace with him in the belt
manner he could. A negociation was accordingly let
on foot, which foon terminated ineffeftually ; the truce
was not renewed, and in 1322 a mutual invafion took
place. The Scots penetrated into Lancafhire by the
weftern marches j and, after plundering the country,
returned home with an extraordinary booty 5 while Ed¬
ward made great preparations for an expedition into
the Englilli. Scotland, which took place in Auguil the fame year.
An* 1322. In this, however, he was not attended with fuccefs.
Robert had caufed all the cattle to be driven off, and
all the effefts of any value to be removed from Lothian
and the Merfe : fixing his camp at Culrofs, on the north
fide of the frith of Forth. His orders for removing the
cattle were fo pun&ually obeyed, that according to
common tradition, the only prey which fell into the
hands of the Englifh was a lame bull at Tranent in Eatt
Lothian. Edward, however, ftill proceeded, and pene¬
trated as far as Edinburgh, but without any hopes of
fubduing the kingdom. His provifions being confum-
ed, many of his foldiers perilhed for w^ant} and he was
obliged at laft to retire without having feen an enemy.
On their return, his foldiers burnt the abbeys of Holy-
rood, Melrofs, Dryburgh, &c. killed many of the monks,
and committed many facrileges : but when they return¬
ed to their own country, and began again to enjoy a
plentiful living, they indulged themfelves in fuch ex-
2lS ceffes as were productive of mortal difeafes infomuch
Great part that, according to an Englilh hidorian, almoft one half
of Edward’s of the great army which Edward had brought from
army de-, England with him were defhoyed either by hunger or
gluttony.
No fooner were the Englilh retired than they were
purfued by the Scots, who laid fiege to the caftle of
Norham. EdwTard lay at the abbey of Biland in York-
fhire, with a body of troops advantageoufly ported in
the neighbourhood. The Scots, invited, as is faid, by
fome traitors about the king’s perfon, attempted to fur-
prife him ; and it was with the utmoft difficulty that
he made his efcape to York, abandoning all his baggage
and treafure to the enemy. The Englilh camp was
fuppofed to be acceffible only by a narrow pafs, but
Douglas undertook to force it, and Randolph prefent-
ed himfelf as a volunteer in this dangerous fervice under
his friend Douglas. The Highlanders and men of the
Hies climbed the precipice on which the Englilh camp
flood, and the enemy u7ere driven out with great lofs.
The Scots purfued them to the very gates of York, waft¬
ed the country without controul, and retyrned home un-
molefted.
Edward, dilheartened by repeated Ioffes, agreed to a
ceffation of arms “ with the men of Scotland who were
engaged in war with him.” But the king of Scotland
would not conlent to it in that form ; however, he gave
his confent, on the proper form being employed, to
which Edward now made no objeClion. This treaty
was concluded on the 30th of March 1323, and was
to endure until the 1 2th of June 1336. It was agreed,
that, during the continuance of it, no new fortreffes
f 624 ]
SCO
ftroyed.
219
The Eng-
lifli defeat¬
ed and dri¬
ven out of
their camp.
220
A truce
concluded
between
England
and Scot¬
land.
An. 1323
221
Birth of
An. 1324.
Ihould be ere&ed in Cumberland, to the north of the Scotland.
Tyne, or in the counties of Berwick, Roxburgh, or 
Dumfries ; and by a very Angular article it was provid¬
ed, that “ Bruce and the people of Scotland might pro¬
cure abfolution from the pope ; but in cafe there was
no peace concluded before the expiration of the truce,
that the femence of excommunication thould revive.”
The treaty was ratified by Robert, under the ftyle of
the king of Scotland, 7 th June 1323.
The next care of Robert was to reconcile himfelf to
the church, and to obtain from the pope the title of
king, which had been fo long denied him $ and this,
though not without great difficulty, was at laft obtained.
This year a fon was born to the king of Scotland at
Dunfermline, and named David. The court-poets of^
the time foretold, that this infant would one day rival Davi'd^
his father’s fame, and prove viftorious over the Eng- Bruce,
lilh. But fcarcely had this future hero come into the 222
world, when a rival began to make his appearance.
John Baliol, the unfortunate king of Scotland, had long roAkes
been dead j but left a fon named Edward, heir of his appearance
pretenfions to the crown. The young prince had re- at the court
fided on his paternal eftate in Normandy, negle&ed and°^EnSIan^-
forgotten j but in 1324 he was called to the court of
England, for the purpofe, undoubtedly, of fetting him
up as a rival to young David Bruce, in cafe his father,
now broken with fatigues, ftiould die in a ftiort time.
The negociations for peace, however, ftill went on j
but the commiflioners appointed for this purpofe made
little progrefs, by reafon of demands for feudal fove-
reignty ftill made by the Englifh. The reconciliation
with the church was alfo broken off, by reafon of the
Scots keeping poffeffion of Berwick. This had been
taken during the papal truce 5 and Robert thought
proper ftill to lie under the fentence of excommunica¬
tion rather than to part with fuch an important for-
trefs.
In the beginning of the year 1327, Edward II. was
depofed, and fucceeded by his fon Edward III. then
in his 15th year. He renewed the negociations for
peace, and ratified the truce which his father had made j
but hearing that the Scots had refolved to invade Eng¬
land if a peace rvas not immediately concluded, he fum-
moned his barons to meet him in arms at Newcaftle,
and fortified York.—We are not certainly informed of
the reafons which induced the Scots at this time to dif-
regard the truce ; however, it is certain, that on the
15th of June 1327, Douglas and Randolph invaded
England by the weftern marches, with an army of^oiph in-
20,000 horfemen. Againft them Edward III. led an vade Eng-
army, confiiting, at the loweft calculation, of 30,000
men, who affembled at Durham on the 13th of July. An‘ 'W’
The Scots proceeded with the utmoft cruelty, burning
and deftroying every thing as they went along; and on
the 18th of the fame month, the Engliffi difcovered
them by the fmoke and flames which marked their pro¬
grefs. They marched forward in order of battle to- , 224
wards the quarter where the fmoke wTas perceived;
but, meeting with no enemy for two days, they con- againft
eluded that the Scots had retired. Difencumbering them,
themfelves then of their heavy baggage, they refolved
by a forced march to reach the river Tyne, and, by
porting themfelves on the north bank of that river, to
intercept the Scots on their return. On the 20th of
July, the cavalry having left the infantry behind, croffed
the
223
SCO [ 625 ] SCO
Scotland, the river at Haidon : but before the rell of the army
' jr"~»" could come up, the river was fo fwelled by hidden rains,
that it could no longer be forded ; and thus the troops
remained divided for feveral days, without any accom¬
modation for quarters, and in the greateft want ot pro-
vifions and forage. The foldierS now began to mur-
mur j and it was refolved again to proceed fouthwards.
Is obliged The king proclaimed a reward of lands, to the value of
to offer a 100I. yearly for life, to the perfon who (hould firft dif-
reward for hbver the enemy “ on dry ground, where they might
wheTTthe’ ke attacked $” and many knights and efquires fwam
are. * acrofs the river on this ftrange errand. The army con¬
tinued its march for three days without any news of the
Scots j but on the fourth day, certain accounts of them
were brought by an efquire, Thomas Rokelby: who re¬
ported, that “ the Scots had made him prifoner j but
that their leaders, underftanding his bufinefs, had fet
him at liberty ; faying, that they had remained for eight
days on the fame ground, as ignorant of the motions of
the Engliih as the Engliih were of theirs, and that they
were defirous and ready to combat.” With this man
for their guide, the Englilh foon came in view of the
Scots. They were advantageoully ported on a rifing
ground, having the river Were in front, and their flanks
fecured by rocks and precipices. The Englifti dif-
mounted and advanced, hoping to allure the Scots from
their ftrong port •, but in vain. Edward then fent a
herald to Randolph and Douglas, with a meffage in the
ftyle of chivalry : “ Either,” fays he, “ fuffer me to
pafs the river, and leave me room for ranging my forces $
or do you pafs the river, and I will leave you room to
range yours ; and thus (hall we fight on equal terms.”
To this the Scottirti commanders anfwered, “ We will
do neither. On our road hither we have burnt and
fpoiled the country j and here we are fixed while to us
it feems good ; and if the king of England is offended,
let him come over and chaftife us.”
The armies continued in fight of each other for two
days •, after which the Englifh, underftanding that their
enemies were diftreffed for provifions, refolvcd to main¬
tain a clofe blockade, and to reduce them by famine.
Next day, however, they were furprifed to find that the
Scots had fecretly decamped, and taken port two miles
up the river in ground ftill ftronger, and of more difficult
216 accefs, amidft a great wood. The Englifh encamped
Defperate oppofite to them near Stanhope park. At midnight
attempt of Douglas undertook a moft defperale enterprife, refem-
Douglasto bling thofe of the ancient heroes. With 200 horfemen
theming of aPProac^e^ ^le Englifh camp, and entered it under
England. t^ie gul^e °f a chief commander calling the rounds. Ha¬
ving thus eluded the centinels, he parted on to the royal
quarters, overthrew every thing that oppofed him, and
furioufly aflaulted the king’s tent. The domeftics of
Edward defperately defended their mafter ; and his chap¬
lain, with many others of his houfehold, were (lain.
I he king himfelf, however, efcaped ; and Douglas, dif-
appointed of his prey, ruflied through the enemy, and
effedled a retreat with inconfiderable lofs.—The follow¬
ing day, the Englifh learned from a prifoner, that or¬
ders had been iffued in the Scottifh camp for all men
to hold themfelves in readineis that evening to follow
the banner of Douglas : on which, apprehending an at¬
tack in the night, they prepared for battle, lighting
great fires, and keeping a ftrift watch-, but in the mom-
ing, they were informed by two trumpeters whom they
VoL. XVIII. Part II.
had taken prifoners, that the Scots had decamped be- Scotland,
fore midnight, and were returning to their own coun- ^
try. This report could fcarcely be credited, and the -p^e Scots
army remained for fome hours in order of battle ; butde.amp,
at length fome fcouts having croffed the river, returned and return
with certain intelligence that the Scottifh camp wast0 their
totally delerted : which when the young king of Eng-ouncoun'
land was certainly informed of, he is faid to have burfttry'
into tears. Every preparation had been made by him
for oppofing an enemy, and auxiliaries had even been
procured at a moft enormous expence from Hainault.
Thefe auxiliaries confifted of heavy-armed cavalry ; and
they were now fo much worn out, that they could fcarce¬
ly move. Their horfes were all dead, or had become
unferviceable, in a campaign of three weeks j fo that
they were obliged to procure horfes to convey them¬
felves to the fouth of England. Edward having refted
at Durham for fome days, marched to York, where he
difbanded his army. Barbour, a Scots hiftorian, relates,
that there was a morafs in the rear of the Scottifh camp,
which he calls the two-7Jiile ??wrafs ; that the Scots made
a way over it with brufhwood, removing it as they went
along, that the Englifh might not puiiue them by the
fame way. The Englifti hiftorians are filled with de-
feriptions of the ftrange appearance of the deferted camp
of the Scots. They found there a number of fkins
ftretched between flakes, which ferved for kettles to boil
their meat; and for bread, each foldier carried along
with him a bag of oatmeal, of which he made cakes,
toafting them upon thin iron plates, which are fuppofed
to have been part of their armour.
On the return of Douglas and Randolph, the king
led his army againft the eaftern borders, and befieg-
ed the caftle of Norham. But in 1328, Edward,
wearied out with continual Ioffes and difappointments,
confented to a perpetual peace between the two king- 22g
doms on the following conditions. 1. The flone on The treaty
which the kings of Scotland were wont to fit at the timeofNorth-
of their coronation, fhall be reftored to the Scots. 2. The ampton.
king of England engages to employ his good offices at An'I3?8'
the papal court for obtaining a revocation of all fpiri-
tual proceffes depending before the holy fee againft the
king of Scots, or againft his kingdom or fubjefts. 3. For
thefe caufes, and in order to make reparation for the ra¬
vages committed in England by the Scots, the king of
Scots fhall pay 30,000 merks to the king of England.
4. Reftitution fhall be made of the poffeffions belonging
to ecclefiailics in either kingdom, whereof they may
have been deprived during the war. 5. But there fnali
not be any reftitution made of inheritances which have
fallen into the hands of the king of England or of the
king of Scots, by reafon of the war between the two
nations, or through the forfeiture of former pofieffors.
6. Johanna, filler of the king of England, (hall be gi¬
ven in marriage to David, the fon and heir to the king
of Scots. 7. The king of Scots (hall provide the prin-
cefs Johanna in a jointure of 2000I. yearly, fecured
lands and rents, according to a reafonable eftimation.
8. If either of the parties fhall fail in performing thefe
conditions, he fhall pay 2COO pounds of filver to the pa¬
pal treafury. The marriage of the infant prince was
celebrated on the 12th of July 1328. t
On the 7th of June 1329 died Robert Bruce, un-KingRo-
queftionably the greateft of all the Scottifh monarchs. bert dies.
His dijath feems to have been occafioned by the excef- An- I3aS>*
4 K five
SCO [
Scotland, five fatigues of military fervice j and his difeafe, called
^ by the hihorians of thofe times a leprofy, was probably
an inveterate fcurvy, occafioned by his way of living.
He died at the age of 55. He was married to Ifabella,
daughter of Donald the tenth carl of Marr; by whom
he had a daughter named Margery, married to Walter
the fteward of Scotland ; whole hufband died in 1326.
The fecond wife of Robert was Elizabeth, the daughter
of Aymer de Burgh earl of Ulifer. By her he had a
{bn, David II.; a daughter named Margaret, married
to William earl of Sutherland *, another, named Matil¬
da, married to an efquire named Thomas Ifaac •, and
Elizabeth, married to Sir Walter Oliphant of Gafk.
He had alfo a natural fon named Robert.
That King Robert I. was a man of unqueftionable
virtue and humanity, as well as unequalled in the know-
230 ledge of the military art, mull be evident from many
Account of particulars already related. The only quellionable part
a conipira- 0f c]iara$er is his fevere pnnilhment of a confpiracy
formed againll him in the year 1320; a relation of
which, to avoid interrupting our detail of more im¬
portant matters, we have deferred till now —The chief
of the confpirators were William de Soulis, whofe an-
celfor had been a candidate for the crown of Scotland •,
the countefs of Strathern, and fome other perfons of
high rank. The countefs difeovered the plot *, after
which Soulis confeffed the whole, and was punifhed
with perpetual imprifonment; as well as the countels,
nolwithftanding her having made the difeovery. Gd-
bert de Malyerb and John de Logie, both knights,
and Richard Brown an efquire, were put to death as
traitors : but the perfon moil lamented was Sir David
de Brechin, for his braverv ftyled the /lower of chivalry.
He was nephew to the king, and ferved with great re¬
putation againll the Saracens. To hirn the confpirators,
after having exa£led an oath of lecrecy, revealed their
defigns. He condemned their undertaking, and refufed
to {hare in it; but did not difeover it, on account of
the oath he had taken. Yet for this concealment he
was tried as a traitor, condemned and executed, with¬
out regard to his pcrfonal merit or his relationfhip to
the king. The confpirators wTere tried before the par¬
liament at Scone in 13 20 ; and this feffion, in which fo
much blood was died, was long remembered by the peo¬
ple under the name of the black parliament. Whether
there was any thing real in this confpiracy, or whether
the king only made ufe of this pretence to rid himfelfof
fuch as wTere obnoxious to him, cannot now be known
2^t with certainty.
State of The reign of Robert Bruce is dillinguilhed by great
Scotland at efforts, and occafioned confiderable changes both in
the death property and in power, though it is treated by hilforians
Robert I. as a perj0d of romantic adventures, than as an
age of uncommon revolutions. However few and un¬
important were his firft fupporters when he fet out for
Scone, he was crotvned with the applaufe of an indig¬
nant people. His fucceffes, when he began to try his
Ikill and valour againll fuch gallant foldiers as the Eng-
lifh, were not equal either to his view^s or his expedla-
tions. It was the battle of Bannockburn that decided
the fate of Bruce, and fecured the independence of Scot¬
land. After many conflicts of various fuccefs, the Eng-
lilh government was induced to acknowledge the regal
title of Bruce and the independence of the Scottilh na-
Ron.
626 ] SCO
The revolution that took place when the Saxon race Scotland.
of kings afeended the throne of Scotland, was fcarcely  v—^
greater than the changes which happened under the
great rellorer of the Scottilh monarchy. Some of the
moll eminent families in North Britain fell before the
fortune of Bruce, and forfeited their all to his offended
law's. Many fubordinate barons, who owed fealty to
thole unfortunate families, role on their ruined eilates,
and thus ceafed to be vaffals to fuperior lords. Some of
the greatell offices, which had been hereditary in thole
eminent houfes, palled, with large poffeffions, into new
families, and railed them to unwonted greatnefs. It 4*
not perhaps too much to fay, when we affeit, that one
half of the forfeited lands of Scotland were conferred
on new proprietors, who gave a different caff to the po¬
pulation of a mixed people. It was the fault of Bruce,
that he fometimes facrificed his policy to his gratitude j
but, much as the gratitude or munificence of that great
prince bellowed on thole whp had fought, by his lide in
many a conflict, he attempted not to deprive thole who
were innoxious to law of their poffefiions. Yet we have
been told, that, in order to check the growing power
of bis nobles, he fummoned them to {hew by w hat right
they held their lands, and, that in reply to this inquiry,
they drew their fwords, and exclaimed, “ By theie we
acquired our lands, and with thefe we will defend
them.'” This brilliant paffage, which has made fuch a
figure in the fabulous hilloiy of thofe times, and has
been brought forward by the rhetoricians of the prefeet
day as a beautiful inftance of the effect of paflion in in¬
verting the ufual order of words, appears to have little
foundation in hirtoric truth. We have no example of
any mar. in Scotland claiming lands by right cf ccn-
queft ; and, during the reigns of Bruce and his fon Da¬
vid, there was no other right to lands, except ancient
pcffeflion, or the grant of the king *. * Chal~
As the acceflion of Robert Bruce forms a new and men's Ca^
brilliant era in the hiftory of Scotland, it maybe proper, leAtmia,
before we proceed in our narration, to take a• generalv0*‘u
view of the ftate of manners in North Britain during
the interval that elapied from the nth to the 14th
century. In this inquiry, we muff carefully diflinguiffi
between the Gaelic and Englilh inhabitants of Scot¬
land. The former were the mofl numerous during the
whole of this period. The government was adminiffer-
ed by Scoto-Saxon kings, on Anglo Norman principles*,
with the affrftance of Anglo-Saxon barons. To theie
fources muff be traced the maxims of the governors and
the cuftoms of the governed. Chivalry, with its notions
and purfuits, was no fooner introduced into England by
the Normans, than it was adopted by the Scoto-Saxon
inhabitants of North Britain. Before the reign of Mal¬
colm IV. it had become a fort of maxim, that a prince
could fcarcely be confidered as a king before he had re¬
ceived the honour of knighthod *, and before the accef-
fion of Alexander III. this maxim was fo folly effabliffr-
ed, that it was deemed unfit, or perhaps unlawful, to
crown their fovereign before he had been knighted.
The barons, in this refpeft, followed the example of
their fovereigns, by feeking knighthood, at the peril of
life, through many a bloody field. Thus chivalry,
which had been unknown in Celtic Scotland, was fully
eftablifhed before the time of Robert Bruce ; and armo¬
rial bearings were univerfally worn by the nobility.
Before the conclufion of this period, the Scottiflr bi-
Ihops
SCO [ 627 ] SCO
iliops qurtrtered the arms of their families, with the
badges of their fees ; but the elfablifhment of heralds,
with a lord-lyon at their head, is of a much more
modern date.
The mode of living, the virtues, the vices, of the
ordinary dalles of people, both in South and North
Britain, were nearly the fame, as they were of the fame
extraction. The manners of the nobles were warlike,
and their diverfions were analogous to their manners.
Of thefe, tournaments were the moll fpiendid ; hunting
and hawking, the molt frequent amufements. The
kings w'ere the great hunters, in imitation of the Nor¬
man fovereigns of England) and they had in every
county a vaft foreft, with a caftle, for the enjoyment of
their favourite fport. Attached to every forell there
was a forelter, whofe duty it was to take care of the
game. The biihops and barons had alfo their foreflers,
with fimilar powers. The king had his falconer j an
office which, like that of fteward and fome others, gave
a furname to one of the principal families of Scot¬
land.
Of the domeftic paftimes of thofe rudic ages, there
are but few notices. When David led his army to the
battle of the Standard (fee N°92.), his varied people
were amufed by geilures, dancings, and buffoons. The
amufements of the fame clalfes of people, in the two
kingdoms, were pretty much the fame during thofe conge¬
nial ages. As the Esglifh kings had their mindrels,
fo the Scottilh kings had their harpers and their trum¬
peters.
The education of fuch a people was fimilar to their
manners. As early as the reign of David I. public
fchools feem to have exifted in the principal towns of
North Britain. The monks, who w'ere ambitious of
engroffing the education of the youth, obtained grants
of the principal feminaries ; and the children of the
moll honourable parents were educated in the monafte-
ries. The abbots had fufficient liberality to encourage
the lludies of the monks, in order to qualify them for
becoming the inftmdtors of youth.
It may be eafily fuppofed, that the fpeech of the in¬
habitants derived a tinge from that of their mailers, who
were not always natives of North Britain. At the be¬
ginning of the prefent period, the univerfal language of
Scotland, if we except the dillridl of Lothian, was Gae¬
lic ; but, towards the end of this period, the language
was confiderabiy changed, efpecially in the fouthern di-
ftrifls, where it was much the fame as that fpoken in
oouth Britain in the 11th and 12th centuries.
The manners which were moll remarkable, and at¬
tended with the moll lading effefls, were produced by
that religious zeal which prevailed among all ranks of
men, from the highed to the lowed. All were aflive
to enaow or to enrich a monadery, according to their
circumdances ; and many perfons of rank were lludious
to be received into the fraternity of fome ecclefiadical
community. It was thought an objebl of great confe-
quence to be buried in the confecrated ground of fome
religious houfe ; and, to obtain this end, many lands
and other property rvere bedowed upon the monks.
Every monadery had its roll of benefadlors, and many
a heart beat with defire to be added to the facred lid.
Leads were made, and mafies faid, for the fouls of thofe
perfons who had made the larged donations to the
monks j and particular monks were fometimes maintain¬
ed to pray for the foul of the giver. The fame energe- ScotlanJ.
tic principle, which induced the people of that religious
age to build chapels and eredl churches, prompted them
to found magnificent cathedrals, and to delight in the
parade of fpiendid worihip. The age was warlike as
wTell as religious. The dignified clergy did not fcruple
to put on armour with their caffocs. The bidiops and
abbots, as well as the barons, had their efquires and ar¬
mour-bearers, whom they rewarded with lands.
In the wars of thefe times, defenfive armour was not
commonly worn by the Scottilh loldiers. The people
retained the weapons of their ancettors, and their only
defence was a buckler or target of leather, 'i heir chief
offenfive weapons were, a fpear ot enormous length, and
fwords of unfkilful workmanlhip. Their men at-arms,
or cavalry, were accoutred like the fame clafs of fol-
diers in England, as they were the defcendants of Eng-
lilhmen. 232
After the death of Robert, the adminiftration was af- Randolph
famed by Randolph, in confequence of an a6l paxTed in appointed
1318, by which he was appointed regent in cale of the1LSl)U-
king’s death. In his new chara6ler he behaved himfelf
in a moll exemplary manner •, and by impartially dil-
charging the duties of his llation, and rigidly admini-
fiering jullice, he fecured the public tranquillity in the
moll perfect manner. A fevere exercife of juilice was
now rendered indifpenfable. During a long courfe of
war, the common people had been accuftomed to plun¬
der and bloodlhed ; and having now no Englifh ene¬
mies to employ them, they robbed and murdered one 233
another. The methods by which Randolph reprefled ^ excel-
thefe crimes were much the fame with thofe which have
been adopted in latter times ; for he made the counties
liable for the feveral robberies committed within their
bounds. He even ordered the farmers and labourers
not to houfe the tools employed by them in agriculture
during the night-time, that the fheriff’s officers might
be the more vigilant in fecuring them. He gave orders
for feverely punifhing all vagabonds, and obliged them
to work for their livelihood ; making proclamation, that
no man fliould be admitted into a town or borough who
could not earn his bread by his labour. Thefe regula¬
tions were attended with the moft falutary effedls. A
fellow who had fecreted his own plough-irons, pretend¬
ing that they were ftolen, being detecled by the fherilf’s
officers, was inflantly hanged. A certain man having
killed a prieft, went to Rome, and obtained abfo'ution
from the pope j after which he boldly returned to Scot¬
land. Randolph ordered him to be tried, and, on his
conviclion, to be executed : “ Becaufe,” faid he, “ al¬
though the pope may grant abfolution from the fpiritual
confequences of fin, he cannot fereen offienders from
civil punilhment.”
King Robert, juft before his death, had defired that Dougias
his heart might be depofited in our Saviour’s fepulchre lets out tbf
at Jerufalem } and on this errand the great commander the Holy
Douglas was employed, who fet fail in June 1330 with
a numerous and fpiendid retinue. He anchored off Sluys berps]ieflrt>
in Flanders, the great emporium of the Low Countries, An. 1330*
where he expecled to find companions in his pilgri¬
mage but learning that Alphonfo XI. the young king
of Leon and Caftile, was engaged in a war with Ofmyn
the Moor, he could not refill the temptation of fighting
againft the enemies of Chriftianity. He met with an
honourable reception at the court of Spain, and readily
4 K 2 obtained
SCO
Scotland.
r
*35
Is killed by
the Moors
in Spain.
236
Edward
jBaliol
claims the
crown of
Scotland.
An. 1331.
obtained leave to enter into what was thought the com¬
mon caufe of Chriftianity. The Spaniards firft came in
light of their enemy near Theba, a caftle on the fron¬
tiers of Andalufia, towards the kingdom of Granada.
The Moors were defeated j but Douglas giving way to
his impetuous valour, purfued the enemy too eagerly,
and throwing among them the calket which contained
the heart of his fovereign, cried out, “ Now pafs thou
onw’ard as thou wTert wont; Douglas will follow thee
or die.” The fugitives rallied and furrounded Doug¬
las j w?ho, with a few of his followers, was killed in at¬
tempting to refcue Sir Walter St Clair of Rollin. His
body was brought back to Scotland, and interred in
the church of Douglas. His countrymen perpetuated
his memory by beftowing upon him the epithet of the
good Sir James Douglas. He was one of the greateft
commanders of the age ; and is faid to have been enga¬
ged in 70 battles, 57 of which he gained, and was de¬
feated in 13.—Of him it is reported, that meeting with
an officer at the court of Alphonfo, who had his face
quite disfigured with fears, the latter faid to him, “ It
•aftoniffies me, that you, who are faid to have feen fo
much fervice, ffiould have no marks of wounds on your
face.” “ Thank heaven,” anfwered Douglas, “ I had
always an arm to protect my face.”
In 1331 j Edward Baliol began to renew his prelen-
lions to the crown of Scotland, about the fame time
that David II. and his confort Johanna were crowned
at Scone 5 which ceremony was performed on the 24th
of November. Some hiftorians relate, that he was ex¬
cited to this attempt by one Twynham Lowrifon, a
perfon who had been excommunicated for refufing to
do penance for adultery, and afterwards was obliged to
fly on account of his having w7ay-laid the official, beaten
him, and extorted a fum of money from him. But
however this be, it is certain, that in this year dif¬
ferences began to arife with England, on the followdng
account. It had been provided by an article of the
628 ] SCO
treaty of Northampton, that “ Thomas Lord Wake of Scotland*
Ledel, Henry de Beaumont, called earl of Buchan, and ——v-—^
Henry de Percy, ffiould be reftored to their eftates, of
which the king of Scots, by reafon of the war between
the two nations, had taken poffeffion.” This article
had been executed with refpedt to Percy, but not to
the other two j and though Ed rd had repeatedly
complained of this negleft, he could not obtain any fa-
tisfaftion (g).
The difinherited barons now refolved to invade Scot¬
land, though their force conffited of no more than 3000
infantry, and 400 men at arms. Edward would not
permit them to enter Scotland by the ufual way, as he
himfelf did not yet choofe openly to take part in their
quarrel. For this reafon they were obliged to take
[hipping, and landed at a place called Ravenjhare, Ra-
venfpur, or Ravenjburgh, at the mouth of the Humber.
Randolph, having intelligence of the Engliffi prepara¬
tions, had marched an army to the frontiers of Eaft Lo¬
thian ; but, being afterwards informed of the naval ar¬
mament, he marched northwards j but died at Muffel-
burgh, fix miles eaft of Edinburgh, on the 20th of July
1332. With him died the glory of Scotland. The Randolph
earl of Marr, a man wffiofe only merit confifted in his the regent
being related to the royal family, was chofen to fucceed ^‘es*
him in the regency.—Edward, in the mean time, fell An*I3^3,
on a moft curious expedient to ffiow the juftice of his
caufe. In March 1332, he had publiffied a prohibition for
any perfon to infringe the treaty of Northampton. The
difinherited lords had been fuffered to embark, exprefsly
for the purpofe of invading Scotland, after this prohibi¬
tion was publiffied. jJfter they were gone, Henry de
Percy was empowered to puniffi thofe who ftiould pre¬
fume to array themfelves in contempt of his prohibition j
and becaufe he underftood that the Scots were arming
in order to repel thofe invaders whom Edward had in-
diredlly fent againft them, he empowered Henry de
Percy to arm againft them.
On
(g) As this is an important period of hiftory, we {hall here tranferibe the opinion of Lord Hailes concerning the
caufes of this ftrange delay of executing an article feemingly of little importance where a nation was concerned.
“ By the treaty of Northampton (fays he), all the claims of the Englifli barons to inheritances in Scotland were
difregarded, excepting thofe of Henry de Percy, Thomas Lord Wake of Ledel, and Henry de Beaumont. Percy
procured fatisfadtion : but the others did not.
“ Henry de Beaumont, in the reign of Edward II. had affbeiated himfelf with the nobility againft the D’Efpen-
fers, and on that account had fuffered imprifonment and exile. He aided Queen Ifabella in the invafion which
proved the caufe of the depofition, captivity, and death of her huffiand. Although, under the adminiftration of
Mortimer, he had obtained a {hare in the partition of the fpoils of the D’Efpenfers, he perfifted in oppofing the
meafures of the newr favourite ; and although his own interefts were fecured by the treaty of Northampton, he
boldly exclaimed againft the injuftice done to the other barons by that treaty. He joined the princes of the blood-
royal in their attempt to refcue the young king from the hands of Ifabella and her minion, and place him in their
own •, and, on the failure of that ill advifed confpiracy he again took refuge in foreign parts. It appears that Lord
Wake, having followed the political opinions of Henry de Beaumont, was involved in like calamities and difgrace.
While the queen-dowager and Mortimer retained their influence, the claims of thofe two barons were altogether
overlooked : But within 48 hours after the execution of Mortimer, a peremptory demand was made by Edward III.
to have their inheritance reftored.
“ The demand was unexpefted and alarming. Made at the very moment of the fall of Ifabella and Mortimer,
and in behalf of men who had loudly protefted againft the treaty of Northampton, it indicated a total and perilous
change in the fyftem of the Englifh.
“ Randolph, of late years, had beheld extraordinary viciffitudes in England, The D’Efpenfers alternately per-
fecuted and triumphant, and at length abafed in the duft : The fugitive Mortimer elevated to fupreme authority,
victorious over the princes of the blood-royal, and then dragged to a gibbet. Hence it was natural for Randolph
to wiffi, and even to look, for fome new revolution, which might prove more favourable to the Scottiftr interefts.
Meanwhile,
SCO [ 629 3 SCO
Scotland. On the 31ft of July, Edward BalJol and his aflbci-
1 " "”v " ates landed in the neighbourhood of Kinghorn, on the
Balioi lands Forth j routed the earl of Fife, who oppofed them ; and
at King- marched next day to Dunfermline. Having then or-
horn, and dered his fleet to wait for him at the mouth of the
ScotsTthC Procee^e^ northwards, and encamped on the
Miller’s acre at Forteviot, with the river Earn in front.
Nothing, however, could be more dangerous than his
prefent fituation, and his deftruftion feemed to be in¬
evitable. The earl of Marr was encamped with a nu¬
merous army on the oppofite bank of the river Earn,
in the neighbourhood of Duplin ; and another, nearly
as numerous, had advanced from the fouth, through the
Lothian* and Stirlingfhire, and fixed its quarters at
Auchterarder, eight miles to the weft of Forteviot.
Hiftorians differ as to the number of the two armies.
Fordun fays, that the regent had with him 30,000
men, and the earl of March as many *, and that Baliol
had between 500 and 600 men at arms, that is, horfe-
men completely armed. Hemingford reckons each of
the Scots armies at 40,000, and Baliol’s at 500 armed
men. Knyghton fays, that Baliol, when he landed in
Fife, had 300 armed men, and 3000 more of different
forts, but that he had in all only 2300 men in his camp
at Earn. In this defperate fituation, the Englifh general
formed a defign of attacking the Scots in their camp.
They were dire&ed to a ford by Andrew Murray of
Tullibardine. The Scots kept no watch, but abandon¬
ed themfelves to intemperance and riotous mirth ; while
their enemies, led by Alexander Moubray, croffed the
river at midnight. They afcended a rifing ground,
came unperceived on the right flank of the Scottifli ar¬
my, and made a dreadful daughter. At the firft at¬
tack, young Randolph hafted with 300 men at arms
to oppofe the enemy j and being feconded by Murdoch
earl of Menteith, Alexander Frafer, and Robert Bruce
natural fon to the late king, he gave a check to the
Englifti, and maintained the combat on equal terms.
But now the regent himfelf, along with the whole mul¬
titude, rufhed forward to battle without the leaft order :
fo that while the hindmoft preffed on, the foremoft were
thrown down, trodden upon, and fuffocated. The daugh¬
ter lafted many hours, and the remains of this vaft ar¬
my were utterly difperfed. Many men of eminence
were killed ; among whom were Donald earl of Marr, Scotland,
author of the whole cataftrophe; Thomas earl of Mo- ^
ray, Murdoch earl of Menteith, Robert earl of Garrick,
Alexander Frafer, and Robert Bruce. The flaughter
of the infantry and of the men at arms was very great j
the moft probable accounts make it 2000 men at arms,
and upwards of 13,000 common foldiers. The lofs of
the Englifti was inconfiderable. 239
The day after this victory, Baliol took poffeflkm ofFarther
Perth ; and, apprehending an attack from the earl offucfe[so‘
March, caufed the ditch to be cleared, and the town“al ’
to be fortified with pallifadoes. The firft information
which the eaid received of this dreadful defeat W’as
from a common foldier, who fled from the place mor¬
tally wounded. When this poor wretch came up, he
had time to do no more than to Ihow his wounds j af¬
ter which he fell down, and expired. On his arrival at
the field of battle, he found a dreadful confirmation of
the intelligence given by the foldier ; but inftead of
taking his meafures with any prudence, he and his men
hurried on to Perth, actuated only by a blind im-
pulfe to revenge. At firft they defigned to affault
the place *, but their hearts failing them, they next
determined to reduce it by famine. This, however,
could not be done unlefs the Scots were mafters at fea.
John Crab, the Flemilh engineer (who had diftin-
guilhed himfelf by deftroying the famous engine called
the Jbw at the fiege of Berwick), had continued for
many years to annoy the Englilh on the eaftern coafts.
After the blockade of Perth was formed, he came
with ten veffels to the mouth of the Tay, where the
Englifh fleet was, and took the fhip belonging to Hen¬
ry de Beaumont; but foon after all his ten veffels were 240
burnt by the Englifti in a general engagement. Af- He is
ter this the blockade of Perth was raifed, the earl 0fcrow,,ec*
March difbanded his army, and Edward Baliol was Scotland
crowned king of Scotland at Scone, on the 24th of
September 1332.
The new monarch was no fooner put in poffeflion
of the kingdom, than he left Perth in the hands of the
earl of Fife, while he himfelf repaired to the fouthern
parts of the kingdom. But the party of King David
was far from being extinguifhed. Baliol was fcarcely
gone, when the town of Perth was furprifed, and its
fortifications
Meanwhile, with great reafon and good policy, he delayed the reftitution of the inheritances claimed under the
treaty of Northampton, in behalf of the avowed oppofers of that treaty.
“ Befides, it was neceffary for Randolph to be affured that the Englifh, while they urged the performance of
one article of that treaty, did, on their part, fincerely purpofe to perform its more important articles, by continuing
to acknowledge the fucceflion in the houfe of Bruce, and the independency of the Scottifh nation.
. however, there was much reafon to doubt. For the Englifh king had taken Baliol under his protec¬
tion, and had granted him a paffport to come into England, with permiflion to refide there during a whole year,
(10th Oftober 1330). Thefe things had no friendly or pacific appearance.
“ Be this as it will, the event too fatally juftified the apprehenfions of Randolph ; for, while Edward III. was
demanding reftitution of the eftates referved by the treaty of Northampton, his fubje&s were arming in violation of
that treaty.
It is remarkable, that, on the 24th March 1331-2, Edwrard appears to have known of the hoftile affociation
of the difinherited barons. His words are, ‘ Quia ex relatu accepimus plurimorum, quod diverfi homines de regno
noftro, et alii (meaning Baliol and his attendants), pacem inter nos, et Robertum de Brus, nuper Regem Scoto-
rum, initam et confirmatam infringere machinantes, diverfas congregationes hominum ad arma indies faciunt, et,
per marchias regni nojln, di&atn ter ram Scotiae, ad earn modo gucrrino impugnandum, ingredi intenduntFeeder a ^
tom. iv. p. 511. And yet, on the 22d April following, he demanded reftitution of the inheritance of Lord Wake., ,
one of the barons in arms j” Toederay tom. iv. p. 518.
SCO
[ 63° 1
SCO
Scotland.
24*
His thame-
ful behavi¬
our.
Baliol fur-
prifed, and
driven out
of Scotland.
fortifications razed, by James Frafer, Simon Frafer,
and Robert Keith. The earl of Fife was made pri-
foner, with his family and vaflals. Andrew Murray of
Tullibardine, who had directed the Englifh to a ford
on the river Earn, was put to death as a traitor. Such
of the Scots as Hill adhered to the interell of their
infant prince, chofe Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell
regent. He was a brave and aftive man, but had not
as yet fufficient force to attempt any thing confider-
able.
In the mean time, Baliol behaved in a moft fcanda-
lous manner. At Roxburgh, he made a folemn fur-
render of the liberties of Scotland ; acknowledged Ed¬
ward for his liege-lord ; and, as if this had not been fuf¬
ficient, he became bound to put him in poffefiion of the
town, caftle, and territory of Berwick, and of other
lands on the marches, extending in all to the yearly va¬
lue of 2000I. “ on account,” as the inftrument bears,
“ of the great honour and emoluments which we have
procured through the fufferance of our lord the king,
and by the powerful and acceptable aid which we have
received from his good fubje£ts.” He alfo proffered
to marry the princefs Johanna, whom he confidered as
only betrothed to David Bruce, and to add 500I. to
her jointure 5 and this under the penalty of io,oool.
to be appropriated as a portion to the young lady, or
otherwife difpofed of for her behoof. He further en¬
gaged to provide for the maintenance of David Bruce
as the king of England fhould advife •, and, laftly, he
became bound to ferve Edward in all his wars, except¬
ing in England, Wales, and Ireland, for the fpace of a
year together, with 200 men at arms, and all at his
own charges; and he bound his fucceffors to perform
the like fervice with ICO men at arms. But afterwards
Edward having engaged to maintain him on the throne
of Scotland, Baliol bound himfelf to ferve him in all
hie wars whatever.
Though the greateft part of the nation fubmitted to
this fhameful treaty, it roufed the indignation of thofe
who wifhed w^ell to the liberties of their country.
John, the fecond fon of Randolph, now earl of Moray
by the death of his brother; Archibald, the younged
brother of the renowned Douglas; together with Si¬
mon Frafer, affcmbled a body of horfemen at Moffat
in Annandale ; and, fuddenly traverfing the country,
affaulted Baliol unexpeftedly at Annan. His brother
Henry made a gallant refiftance for fome time ; but
was at laft overpowered by numbers, and killed, to¬
gether with feveral other perfons of diftinftion. Baliol.
himfelf efcaped almoft naked, with fcarcely a fingle at¬
tendant, and tied to England. After his departure,
the Scots began to make depredations on the Eriglifh
frontiers. Edward iffued a proclamation, in which he
folemnly averred, that the Scots, by their hoftile de¬
predations, had violated the peace of Northampton.
Baliol, in the mean time, being joined by fome Englifh
barons, returned to Scotland ; took and burnt a caflle
where Robert de Colville commanded ; and, eftablifh-
ing his quarters in the neighbourhood of Roxburgh,
began to make preparations for befieging Berwick. Juft
after his arrival, Archibald Douglas, with 3000 men,
invaded England by the weftern marches, plundered
the country, and carried off much booty ; in revenge
for which, Sir Anthony de Imcy made r.n inroad into
-Scotland, defeated and took prifoner Sir William Dou-
2
glas, celebrated in hiftory by the appellation of the Scalar 3.
knight of Liddefda'e, whom Edward caufed to be put in ' ^
irons. About* the fame time, Sir Andrew Murray the
regent attacked Baliol, with a view to difeomfit him
before the reinforcements which he expecled out of
England could arrive. A fharp conflict enlued at s-.ots
burgh, in which the regent, attempting to refeue a fol-regent de-
dier, was taken prifoner : and thus Scotland was at onceieated and
deprived of its two ableft commanders. Pn“
Archibald Douglas was now declared regent; and onci*
Edward prepared to invade Scotland, in order to take
vengeance on its inhabitants, as he laid, for the wrongs
they had done, and to feek fuch redrefs as might feem
good to himfelf. He ordered poffeffion to be taken
of the ifle of Man in his own name ; and foon after
made it over to Sir William de Montague, who had
fome claim of inheritance in it. The chief defign of
Edward in this expedition, however, was to obtain
poffeflion of the town of Berwick, which had been 244
already ceded to him by Baliol. This appeared to Berwick
the Scots a place of no lefs importance than it did to ^^
Edward; and therefore they took all the precautionsHflu
in their power to prevent the lofs of it. 1 he earl of
March was appointed to command the caftle, and Sir
William Keith the town. The Scots made an obfti-
nate defence ; yet it was evident that they muft foon
have yielded if they had not been relieved. At length
the regent, with a numerous army, appeared in the
neighbourhood. He endeavoured to convey fuccours into
the town, or to provoke the enemy to quit the advan¬
tage of the ground, and engage in battle. But all his
efforts were in vain ; the Englifh obftruded every paf-
fage, and flood on the defenfive. 245
The regent then entered Northumberland, wafted the The Scots
country, and even affaulted Bamborough-caftle, where^
Philippa the young queen of England had her rtfidence. btTland^n
He fondly imagined that Edward III. would have aban-va;n.
doned the fiege of Berwick, after the example of his fa¬
ther, in circumftances not diflimilar. Edward, however,
perfevered in his enterprife.
During a general affault, the town -was fet on fire,
and in a great meafure confirmed, i he inhabitants ha¬
ving experienced the evils of a fiege, and dreading the
greater evils of a ftorm, implored the earl of March and
Sir William Keith to feek terms of capitulation. A
truce was obtained ; and it was agreed, that the town
and caftle flrould be delivered up on terms fair and ho¬
nourable, unlefs fuccours arrived before the hour of vef-
pers on the 19th July.
By the treaty, Sir William Keith was permitted to
have an interview with the regent. He found him
with his army in Northumberland ; urged the neccflity The Scots
of his return ; and {bowed him, that Berwick, if not in-revive to
ftantly relieved, was loft for ever. Perfuaded by his an
portunities, the regent refolved to combat the Englifh,
and either to fave Berwick or lofe the kingdom.
On the afternoon of the 19th of July, the regent pre¬
pared for battle. He divided his army into four bo¬
dies. The fir ft was led by John earl of Moray, the fen
of Randolph ; but as he was young and inexperienced
in war, James and Simon Frafer, foldiers of appro¬
ved reputation, v. ere joined with him in the command.
The fecond body was* led by the fteward of Scotland,
a youth of 16, under the infpe61ion of nis uncle Sir
James Stewart of Rofylh. The third body was led
by
ff'otland
247
Bittie of
Haiidon.
248
The Scots
defeated,
and the
regent
kiiJed.
SCO [
by the regent bimfelf, having with him the earl of
J Carrick and other barons of eminence. The fourth
body, or referve, appears to have been led by Hugh
earl of Rofs.
The numbers of the Scottirti army on that day are
varioufly reported by hiftorians. The continuator of
Hemingford, an author of that age, and Knyghton,
who lived in the fucceeding age, afcertain their numbers
with more precilion than is generally required in^hiifo-
rical fadls.
The continuator of Hemingford minutely records
the numbers and arrangement of the Scottifh army.
He fays, that, befides earls and other lords or great
barons, there were 55 knights, 1100 men at arms, and
13,500 of the commons lightly armed, amounting in
all to 14,655.
With him Knyghton appears to concur, when his
narrative is cleared from the errors of ignorant or care-
lefs tranfcribers.
It is probable, however, that the fervants who tended
the hoifes of perfons of diilinftion and of the men at
arms, and the ufelefs followers of the camp, were more
numerous than the aftual combatants.
The Englifh were advantageoully polled on a rifing
ground at Halidon, with a marlhy hollow in their
front. Of their particular difpofition we are not in¬
formed, farther than that Baliol had the command of
one of the wings.
It had been provided by the treaty of capitulation,
“ That Berwick ihould be confidered as relieved, in
cafe 2co men at arms forced their paffage into the
town.” This the Scottilh men at arms attempted j
but Edward, aware of their purpofe, oppofed them in
perfon, and repulfed them with great daughter. The
Scottilh army rallied on to a general attack j but they
had to deicend into the marlhy hollow before mount¬
ing the eminences of Halydon. After having ftruggled
with the difficulties, of the ground, and after having
been incefiantly galled by the Englifh archers, they
reached the enemy. Although fatigued and diforder-
ed in their ranks, they fought as it became men who
had conquered under the banners of Robert Bruce.
I he Englifh, with equal valour, had great advantages
of lituation, and were better difeiplined than their an-
tagonifls. The earl of Rofs led the referve to attack
in flank that wing where Baliol commanded j but he
was repulfed and flain. There fell with him Kenneth
earl of Sutherland, and Murdoch earl of Menteith.
In other parts of the field, the events were equally
difaflrous. The regent received a mortal wound, and
the^ Scots everywhere gave way. In the field, and
during a purfuit for many miles, the number of flain and
prifoners was fo great, that few of the Scottifli army ef~
caped.
Befides the earls of Rofs, Sutherland, and Men¬
teith, there w^ere among the flain Malcolm earl of Le¬
nox, an aged baron j he had been one of the foremoft
to repair to the ftandard of Robert Bruce, and his
laft exertions were for his country : Alexander Bruce
earl of Carrick, who atoned for his fliort defedlion
from the family of his benefa&or ; John Campbell earl
»f Athol, nephew of the late king •, James Frafer, and
Simon Frafer;. John de Graham, and Alexander de
Lindefay, Alan Stewart, and many other perfons of
eminent rank.
631 ] SCO
The Steward had two uncles, John and James. John Scotland,
was killed, and James mortally wounded and made pri- 'w—“-v-—
foner.
The regent, mortally wounded, and abandoned on
the field ot battle, lived only to fee his army difeom-
fited and himfelf a prifoner.
This victory was obtained with very inconfiderable
lofs. It is related by the Engliffi hiilorians, that on
the fide of their countrymen, there were killed one
knight, one efquire, and twelve foot foldiers. Nor will
this appear incredible, when wTe remember, that the
Englifh ranks remained unbroken, and that their ar¬
chers, at a fecure diilance, incefTantly annoyed the Scot-
tiffi infantry. ^
According to capitulation the town and caftle of Ber- Berwick
wick furrendered, and the Engliffi king took 12 hoilagcs,^urJren!<Jers’
for fecuring the fidelity of the citizens. af (.a ’T'’1*1.
ihusw'as the whole ot Scotland reduced under the fubmits.
fubje&ion of Baliol, excepting a few fortrefles ; fo that
it became neceffary to provide for the fafety of the
young king and queen. Accordingly, they were con¬
veyed to France, where they were honourably enter¬
tained. Meanwhile, Baliol employed himfelf in ma¬
king new conceflkms to his liege lord Edward ; and in
1334 the work of fubmiffion was completed by a fo-
lemn inflrnment drawn up by Baliol, in which he fur-
rendered great part of the Scottith dominions, to be for
ever annexed to the crown of England. In this inftru- VTcaf, fu{j.
ment Baliol faid, that “ he had formerly become bound rniffions ot
to make a grant to Edward of lands on the marches, Baliol.
to the amount of two thonfand-pound lands ; that the An*
Scottiih parliament had ratified his obligation ; and that
he had accordingly furrendered Berwick and its terri¬
tory ; and now, for completely difeharging his obli¬
gation, he made an abfolute furrender to the Engliffi
crown of the forefls of Jedburgh, Selkirk, and Ettrick ;
of the counties of Roxburgh, Peebles, and Dumfries ;
together with the county of Edinburgh, and the con-
flabularies of Linlithgow and Haddington.” This ex¬
traordinary furrender was made with fo much precipi¬
tation, that Baliol forgot to except his own private
eftate out of it. This, however, was generoufly reilored
to him by Edward ; who proclaimed, that, “ having
already received fatisfaftion in full, he had too much
reverence for God, juftice, and good faith to man, to
allow- the ceffion to be prejudicial to the private rights of
the king of Scots.” At the fame time, Baliol prefent-
ed himfelf before his liege-lord ; did homage, and fwore
fealty, “ for the whole kingdom of Scotland and the
ifles adjacent.”
A quarrel now- arofe among the difmheritcd lords, a quarrel
to whom this revolution had been owing, which pro- among the
duced the w-orfl confequenccs to the intereft of Baliol. dii-
The brother of Alexander de Moubray died, leaving
.daughters, but no iffue-male. Moubray having claimed *
a preference to the daughters of his brother, Baliol
countenanced his fuit, and, as it appears, put him in
poffieffion of the inheritance. Henry de Beaumont earl
of Buchan, and David de Strathbolgie or Hallings,
earl of Athol, efooufed the caufe of the heirs general;
but perceiving that their folicitations were not heard,
they left the court in difgutl, and retired to their ca-
ftles about the end of Auguft 1334. Baliol foon per¬
ceived his error in offending thefe tw-o pow erful lords;
and in order to regain their favour, difmiffed Moubray,
and
Scotland.
*5*
Baliol’s
where de
feated.
SCO [63
and conferred on David de Strathbolgie the whole
eftates of the young Steward of Scotland. Thus he
alienated the affedtions of Moubray, and added to the
power of the earl of Athol, who was by far too power¬
ful before.
About this time Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell,
having regained his freedom, began to affemble the
friends of liberty, and was immediately joined by Mou¬
bray. In a moment every thing was in confufion.
Geffrey de Moubray, governor of Roxburgh, revolted j
Henry de Beaumont w'as befieged in his cattle of Dun-
darg by Murray and Moubray, and forced to furren-
der, but obtained liberty to depart into England.
Richard Talbot, endeavouring to pafs into England
with a body of troops, was defeated and taken prifoner
by Sir William Keith of Galfton. The Steward of
Scotland, who had lain concealed in the itle of Bute
ever fince the battle of Halidon, now paffed over to
the cattle of Dunbarton, which was one of the few forts
remaining to King David. With the affiftance of Dou-
gal Campbell of Lochow, he made himfelf matter of the
cattle of Dunoon in Cowral. His tenants of the itle of
Bute attacked and flew Alan de Lile the governor, and
prefented his head to their matter. John the fon of
Gilbert, governor of the cattle of Bute, wras made pri-
ibner in the adtion. He ordered the garrifon to fur-
render, and attached himfelf to the Scottith intereft.
Encouraged by thefe fucceffes, the Steward entered his
ancient inheritance of Renfrew, and compelled the in¬
habitants to acknowledge the fovereignty of David.
Godfrey de Rofs, the governor of Ayrthire, fubmitted
to the Steward. The earl of Moray returned from
France, whether he had fled after the battle of Hali¬
don, and w'as acknowledged regent along with the
Steward. The earl, having railed a body of troops,
marched againft: the earl of Athol, compelled him to
retire into Lochaber, and at laft to furrender j after
W'hich he embraced the party of the conquerors. Ba-
liol wTas now obliged to retire again into England, in
order to folicit afliftance from Edward; and this w7as
253
He retires
into Eng¬
land, and
°|lt®ins the readily granted. Edward himfelf took the field at a
Edward.6 ° veiT unfavourable feafon for military enterprifes. His
army was divided into twro parts. With the one Ed-
W'ard wafted Lothian, while Baliol did the like in A-
nandale with the other •, and, in the mean time, Patrick
earl of March, notw'ithftanding the unfavourable pofture
of affairs, renounced the allegiance he had fworn to
England. His motive for this was, that though the
kings of England had maintained him in an indepen¬
dency dangerous to Scotland, he was affured that they
would never permit him to become formidable in a coun-
254 try w'hich they themfelves poffeffed.
Lochteven The year 1335 is remarkable for the fiege of Loch-
caftle un- ieven caftle by the Englilh, under John de Strivelin.
befieged by This fort is built on a fmall ifland, and very difficult
the Eng-
iilh.
of accefs. The Englhh commander erefted a fort in
the cemetery of Kinrofs •, and at the lower end of the
An. 1335. ja]^e) from w'hence runs the ftream called the Water of
Leven, he raifed a ftrong and lofty bulwark, by means
of which he hoped to lay the ifland under water, and
oblige the garrifon to furrender. But four of the
Scots foldiers, having found means to approach the
bulwark undifeovered, pierced it fo dexteroufly, that
the waters, rufliing out with a prodigious force, over¬
flowed part of the Englilh camp j and the garrifon,
2 ] SCO
fallying out under the confufion occafioned by this Scotland,
unexpefted inundation, ftormed and plundered the fort
at Kinrofs. At this time the, Englilh commander,
with many of his foldiers, happened to be abfent at
Dunfermline, celebrating the feftival of St Margaret.
On his return, he fwore that he would never defilt till
he had taken the place, and put the garrifon to the
fword ; but his utmoft efforts were at laft baffled, and
he was obliged, notwithftanding his oath, to defift.
In the mean time, the regents affembled a parliament
at Dairfy, near Cupar in Fife ; but no plan of defence
could be fixed on, by reafon of the animolities and fac¬
tions w'hich prevailed among the barons. Through the
mediation of the French, fome terms of peace were pro-
pofed j but being rejefled by the Englifh, Edw'ard again
invaded Scotland, cruelly ravaging the country with
one army, while Baliol and the earl of Warrene did the
fame with another. Soon after the invafion, Count Guy Count Guy
of Namur landed at Berwick with a confiderable num-of Namur
ber of men at arms in the fervice of the Englilh. He^6^1^
advanced to the neighbourhood of Edinburgh ; but was^@n^ !j
defeated and taken prifoner by the earls of March and
Moray, and Sir Alexander Ramfay. In this engage¬
ment, one Richard Shawq a Scottilh efquire, was fingled
out by a combatant in the army of Count Guy, and
both pierced each other W'ith their fpears } the ftranger
being ftripped, was difeovered to be a woman. The ^
earl of Moray treated Guy with the greateft refpedl, The Scot*
not only allowing him and the remainder of his troops regent
to depart from Scotland without moleftation, but eventakcn Pri*
attending him to the borders, accompanied by William
Douglas and his brother James. On his return, Wil-quenceof
liam de Preffen, w-arden of the caftle and foreft of Jed- which a
burgh, attacked and defeated his party j James Douglas
w'as killed, the earl himfelf taken prifoner, and carried treaty '*
into England. _ , with Eng-
Thus was the Scottilh nation once more reduced to land,
the brink of ruin. Alexander de Moubray, Geffrey
de Mowbray, and fome others, pretending powers from
“ the earl of Athol and Robert the Steward of Scot¬
land,” concluded a treaty with Edward at Perth ; the
fubftance of which was, that all the Scots fliould re¬
ceive pardon, and have their fees, lands and offices re-
ftored, excepting thofe w'ho by common affent in parlia¬
ment flieuld be excluded. The liberties of the church
and the ancient laws and ufages of Scotland w'ere to
remain in full force. All offices wrere to be filled with
Scotfmen, excepting that the king Ihould appoint whom
he pleafed within his regalities.
The earl of Athol now' began to perfecute with the The earl of
utm*ft fury thofe who wilhed well to the caufe of Scot- Athol de¬
land. With 3000 men he befieged the crftle of Kil-feate<l anc*
drommey, which had hitherto been the great refuge of^dlcd.
King David’s party. Sir Andrew Murray of Both¬
well refolved at all events to attempt the refeue of his
wife and family, who were ftiut up in this caftle. With
1100 men he furprifed Athol in the foreft of Kilblain.
The earl’s men, feized with a panic, fled and difperfed
themfelves \ on w'hich their commander, refufing to ac¬
cept of quarter, was killed. Sir Andrew Murray then
affembled a parliament at Dunfermline, where he W'as
immediately appointed regent. 25S
In 1336 the king of England perceiving that the Edward
Scots were taken under the patronage of France,
folved to invade their country, and crulh them at once,
before An. 1336*.
Scotland.
SCO
before they could have any affiftanc
fillies. In this expedition he penetrated as far as In-
vernefs ; but the Scots, commanded by Sir Andrew
Murray, avoided coming lo a general a&ion ; fo that
Edward could not effedd any thing of confequence.
The inhabitants of Aberdeen attacked one T homas
Rofheme, who had landed at Dunnottar. They were
defeated; but Rofheme fell in the adtion. Edward
chaftifed the vanquifhed feverely for their temerity, and
laid the town in afhes. He then began to repair the
caftles whofe fortifications had been demolithed by
King Robert. He put in a ftate of defence the caftles
of Dunottar, Kinclevin, Lawriefton, Stirling, Bothwell,
Edinburgh, and Roxburgh 5 greatly augmented the
fortifications of Perth, and left a confiderable body of
troops in the place. The Scots began to reduce thefe
caftles as foon as Edward was departed ; and in 1337,
under Sir Andrew Murray, invaded Cumberland. No
great exploits, hoivever, were now performed on either
fide. Edward being employed in preparations for inva¬
ding France, had little leifure to attend to the affairs of
Scotland and the Scots, divided among themlelves,
and deftitute of thofe leaders under whom they had ac¬
quired fo much glory, could not now annoy their ene¬
mies as formerly. The moft remarkable tranfadfion
was the fiege of the cattle of Dunbar, belonging to the
fuccefsfully eaiq 0f March. The Englith commander was the earl
t he ifn'llili Salifbury. The earl of March was abfent} but his
An. rjiy. vvife, the daughter of Randolph, from her complexion
commonly called Black Agnes, undertook to defend it
in her hufband’s abfence. The Englith again employed
that huge machine called a fow, formerly mentioned in
our account of the fiege of Berwick : it met with the
fame fate now as at that time ; an huge ftone, let fall
upon it from the top of the walls, cruthed it to pieces.
The Englith, baffled in every attack, turned the fiege
1 into a blockade j but Sir Alexander Ramfay having
found means to enter it with 40 refolute men, the garri-
fon made a fally, and cut in pieces the advanced guard
of the enemy. The Englith, dilheartened by fo many
misfortunes, abandoned the enterprife.
260 In 1338, Sir Andrew Murray the regent died, and
Exploits of was ficceeded in his office by Robert the Steward of
Scotland.
An. 1342.
259
Dunbar
cattle un-
Robert the
Steward.
An. 1339,
261
Edinburg!
cattle fur-
Scotland. In 1339 he reduced the town of Perth and
the caftle of Stirling ; and gained over to the Scottifh
intereft William Bullock, governor of the caftle of Cou-
par : after which, having expelled the enemy from every
poll to the northward of the Forth, he employed him-
felf in fettling the affairs of the nation as well as he
could.
In 1341, the caftle of Edinburgh was furprifed by a
device of Sir William Bullock. According to his ap¬
pointment, one Walter Currie of Dundee privately re-
Sir* Wi Ham ceived ^'!P knight of Liddefdale, with Wil-
Bullock. fiam Frafer, Joachim of Kinbuck,and 200 refolute men.
An. 1341. Currie caft anchor in Leith road, pretending to be an
Englilh (hipmafter, who had a cargo of wine and pro-
vifions, wfith which he propofed to furnifh the comman¬
der of the caftle. His ban-els and hampers were brought
to the caftle-gate, and fuddenly throwm down in futh a
manner as to ob ft ruff the (hutting of it. Currie and
_ iG% his men then flew the fentinels: and the knight of Lid-
IvingDaviddefdale, with a party who lurked in the neighbourhood,
Scotlard1 ru,-'ied in, overpowered the garrifon, and yiade them-
felves mafters of the place.—On the 4th of March this
VOL. XVIII. Part II.
[ 633 ] SCO
fiom their new year, the king and queen arrived from France, and land¬
ed at Inverbervie in Kincardinefhire.
In 1342, Sir Alexander Ramfay took the ftrong for-
trefs of Roxburgh ; for which important fervice the king
beftowed on him the charge of fheriff of Teviotdale, at
that time held by William Douglas knight of Liddef-
dale. The king’s liberality proved fatal to Ramfay : Miferablc
for from that time Douglas became his implacable and of Sir
inveterate enemy and having, after a pretended recon-
ciliation, unexpefledly furpriled him with three of hisand s;‘rwit-
friends, he put them inftantly to death, carrying offnam Eul-
Ramfay himfelf to his caftle of the Hermitage, where lock,
he caufed him to be ftarved to death in a moft bar¬
barous manner. The unhappy man was confined in a
room, over which was a heap of wheat; a few grains
of which were let fall every day through a hole, not as
many as would fupport life, but as would protradi it for
a time, and make him longer fenfible of the agonies of
hunger: and in this miferabte fituation he lurvived 17
days. About the fame time Sir William Bullock was
put to death by Douglas in a fimilar manner ; nor was
King David at that time in a capacity to punifh fucn
atrocious.cruelties committed by fo powerful a fubjedt. 264
In the mean time, David having railed a powerful David in¬
army, prepared to take a fevere revenge of the Englifh, il,n?"
from whom he had luffered fo much. Edward was ath?^hl’va™
that time in France, but commanded Baliol to raile all with the
the militia beyond the Trent : which order, however,utmoft
produced but little effedf \ fo much was this mean-crueky'
fpirited prince defpifed by the Englifh'. David inva¬
ded Northumberland without oppofition, and ravaged
the country ; but was obliged to raife the fiege of New-
caftle, which was commanded by Sir John Nevil, an
excellent officer. David, exafperated at this repulfe,
entered the bilhopric of Durham, which he ravaged in
the moft; cruel manner. However, on the approach of
Edward with a powerful army, the Scots thought pro¬
per to retire ; and a two years truce was agreed on.
This pacification was but fhort-lived. In 1345 the Other inva-
Scots again prepared to invade England, while Ed-for¬
ward took all neceffary meafures for oppofing them : An‘
howfever, this year the Scots were fucceisful, ravaging
WTftmoreland, and burning feveral towns. The year
ended with a new truce between the two nations ; and
hoftilities were not renewed till 1346, when David en¬
tered England with an army of 50,000 men. His firft
exploit was the taking of the fortrefs of Liddel, and
maffacring all whom he found in it. The commander, 265
Sir Walter Selby, capitulated with a Scots knight for Monftrous
his life ; but the bargain being difapproved of by Da- ^ Vj ot
vid, he ordered two of Selby’s fons to be ftrangled in^ *c '>
his prefence, and then the father’s head to be cut off.
From thence the Scots marched to Lancroft, which
they plundered ; then paffing into Northumberland, they
pillaged the priory of Hexham, but fpared the town,
that it might ferve as a magazine. Three other towns,
Corbridge, Durham, and Darlington, were fpared for
the fame reafon. In his march to Durham, it is faid
that he would have made the county a defert, had not
fome of the monks paid him a contribution of a thou-
fand pounds to fpare their eftates : however, according
to Knyghton, every Englifhman who fell into David’s
hands was put to death, unlefs he could redeem his life
by paying threepence.
To put a flop to the cruelties of this barbarous inva-
4 L der.
SCO
Scotland.
C 6
267
The battle
of Durham
der, the queen of England, in her hufband’s abfence,
affembled a powerful army, which was divided into
four bodies ; the firif commanded by Lord Hen;y
Percy ; the fecond by the archbifhop of York 5 the
third by the bifhop of Lincoln, the lord Moubrny, and
Sir Ihomas Rokeby and the tourth and principal di-
vifion was headed by Edward Baliol.—The king of
Scotland headed a chofen battalion, compofed of the
florver of his nobility, and the auxiliaries with which
he had been fupphed by France. The high ltewTard
of Scotland headed the fecond line } and the third was
commanded by the earls of Moray and Douglas. While
the Englifh were approaching, Lord Douglas and Sir
David Graham fkirmilhed with them, but were defeat¬
ed with the lofs of 500 of their men ; which feemed an
omen of the difarter that was about to enl'ue. The ge¬
neral engagement began between the archers on both
{ides ; but the Englilh being much fuperior in the ufe
of the bow, the ileward of Scotland advanced to the re¬
lief of his countrymen. The Englifh archers, unable
An. 1346. to bear his attack, fell back upon Lord Henry Percy’s
divifion, which was thus put in confufion, and would
have been totally defeated, had not Ealiol advanced to
their relief with a body of 4000 horfe. The rteward
was then obliged to retire ; by which means the flank
of that diviiion commanded by David, and which was
then engaged with another line of the Englifh, was left
expofed to an attack. Baliol perceived the advantage j
and, without purfuing the fteward, attacked the king’s
divifion, which was fpeedily cut in pieces or difper-
fed. David was left with about 80 noblemen and gen¬
tlemen, but ftill maintained the fight with obflinacy ;
nor would he yield even when wounded in the head
with an arrow-, expedHng every moment to be relieved
by the fteward and that line of his army which was ftill
entire under the lords Moray and Douglas. At laft
finding himfelf totally overpowered, he attempted to re¬
treat, but was overtaken by a party under one John
Copeland. This captain, endeavouring to feixe the
king, had two of his teeth {truck out by a blow of his
gauntlet , but at laft, finding it in vain to refill, the
king w7as obliged to give up his fword and furrender
himfelf a prifoner.—After he was taken, Baliol at¬
tacked and totally routed that divifion of the Scottilh
•army which bad hitherto remained under the lords
Moray and Douglas. In this battle the Scots loft a
great number of their nobility, and 15,000 common
foldiers. Many persons of the firft diftinftion were al-
fo taken with the king ; and had it not been that the
efcape of the Scots wTas favoured by the avarice of the
Englifh foldiers, who neglected the purfurt in order to
2e'9 plunder, fcarcely a fingle foldier would have returned.
Account of King David, after this unfortunate battle, was car-
KJng David ried to the caftle of Bamborougb, where he was kept
with fo much privacy, that for fome time it wTas not
known where he was, or that he had been taken pri¬
foner. As foon as the truth was known, the queen of
England demanded the royal prifoner from Copeland 4
but the latter pofitively refufed to part with him even
to the queen, unlefs Die could produce an order to that
purpofe under Edward’s hand and feal. This refolute
behaviour was refented by the queen, and a complaint
made to the king ; in confequence of which Copeland
was fummoned to appear before Edw'ard, after having
r^figned David to the cuftody of Lord Nevil. The
a6S
The Scots
defeated,
and their
king taken
prifoner.
after the
tattle.
] s .c . 0
Englifh monarch, at that time in France, approved of Scot’ard,
all that he had done, rewarded him with 500I. a year,v-"-;
and fent him back to England with the honour of
knighthood. David was then efcorted by Copeland,
attended, it is faid, by 20,000 men, from the caitle of
Ogle in Northumberland, till the Lord Nevil, by in¬
denture, delivered him into the hands of Sir 1 homas
Rokeby fheriff of Yorkftiire. In the fame pompous
manner he was conduced all the way to London, which
he entered on a black courier. He was received in the
capital with the greateft folemnity by the lord mayor
and other magiftrates, the city-companies under arms
lining all the iireets through which he parted, the houfes
loaded with fpeftators, who exprefled a generous con¬
cern for his captivity. Being arrived at the Tower, he
was delivered, by indenture likewif’e, to the cuftody of
the conftable, the Lord John Darcy, on the 2d of Ja-
nuary 1347. _ 270
Baliol now, encouraged by the misfortune of his ri-Talioi
val, made an effort once more to eftabliih himfelf onrnakes ar0“
the throne of Scotland j and before the end of the year
reduced the caftles of Hermitage and Roxburgh, the the crown
foreit of Ettric, the Merle, with the diftrifts of Annan-of Scotland,
dale, Teviotdale, and Tweeddale. The Scots ccnti- An. 13^7.
nued faithful to the caufe of their king, notwithftand-
ing his misfortunes, and chofe the Steward for the guar¬
dian of the kingdom. He behaved with a prudence
equal to the high flation which he filled : but the pro-
grefs of Baliol wras fo rapid, that it is feaveely probable
he could have maintained his ground, had not Edward
again confented to a truce ; which, however, feems to
have been ill obferved on the part of the Scots. In fadl,
though both Scots and Engliih hiftorians are filent as
to particulars, we find, that about the end of the year
1348, all Scotland rvas recovered out of the hands of
the Englifh ; excepting Berwick, Roxburgh, Hermitage, The Scuts
and Lamic, which was part of Baliol’s hereditary eft ate, recover the
and defended by him with an army. The Scots hifto-Sreatri\
rians inform us, that the Englifh, in revenge for the da- |,!‘l|'i^(nIvt“cir
mages done to their country by the breach of the peace, An. xh^S,
proclaimed a tournament and other military exercifes at
Berwick, to which they invited the Scots 3 but in their
way thither the latter fell into an ambufeade, and were
all cut in pieces. 2..„
The years 1349 and 1350 were remarkable cnly for Scotland
a dreadful plague which invaded Scotland, after having inftfted
ravaged the continent of Europe. According to For-''11*1 ?
dun, one-third of the people of Scotland perifhed at thisur''^„ui
time. The patient's llefh fwclled exceedingly, and he An. 1*349
died in two days illnefs 3 but the mortality artefted chief- to 1352.’
ly the middling and lower ranks of people. The fame
dreadful calamity continued throughout the years 1351
and 1352-, occafioning a ceffation of arms not only in
Scotland, but throughout all Europe.
All this time King David remained a prifoner in
England 3 for though feveral treaties had been propofed,
they had hitherto come to nothing, becaufe the Englifh
monarch infilled upon being indemnified for the ravages
which the Scots had committed in his territories. At
laft it was agreed, that the king of Scotland fhould be Tccms^prc-
immediately fet at liberty, on paying 90,000 merks for pofed for re»
his ranfom, by equal proportions, within the fpace of^afe cube
nine years: That ic,cco merks, being the firft proper-^cott ^ira0"
tion, fhould be paid at the feaft of Candlemas next toRarch‘
come, the fecond at Candlemas 1357, and foon till com¬
plete
SCO [ 635 ] SCO
t Scotland, plete payment Hiould be made of the whole: That, du-
v" ring the laid fpace of nine years, there lliould be a truce
between the two kingdoms : That 20 Scots gentlemen,
of the bed families in the kingdom, Ihould remain in
England as hoftages and fureties for tlie laid fum ; and
that, if any part thereof was not paid at the precife time
appointed, then David Ihould remain a prifoner in Eng¬
land till it was paid; or, if he was detained by any jull
caule, that the lord high fleward, the lord Douglas,
John of the Hies, and others of the highelt rank, ihould
Reieaedby00^ ^ hiS pl3Ce'
the nobili- . l,ne‘e terms v'Tere reje '^ed by the Scots nobility ; and,
ty, and war in 1355, war was recommenced with England, at the
recomraen- inftigation of Fr ance, who fent 40,000 crowns to Scot-
CAn it aS 3 fuPP]y P°r c!-efraying the expences.
n- l3S5- With this fum the guardian, having raifed any army,
once more took the field ; bat not before the Englith
that deffroyed the Lothians and Duglafdale. A battle
was fought, on Nifbit-moor : in which the Englifh be¬
ing drawn into an ambufcade, were totally defeated.
275 The next attempt of the Scots was again ft the town of
taken b* ^mhk, which they defigned to furprife by an eica-
the Scons. Ede. Ihey met, however, with fuch a vigorous refin¬
ance, that many perfons of diftin&ion were killed. The
attack proved fuccefsful; but the acquifition was of no
great importance, as the caftle ftill held out. Edward,
in the mean time, hearing of the lofs of the town, hur¬
ried back from France to London. Here be ftaid but
three days, and marched northward to raife the liege.
Fie reached Duinam on the 23d of December 1355,
276 where he appointed all bis military tenants to meet
Retaken byhim on the ift of January 1356. On the 14th of the
Edward. fame month he arrived before Berwick, which was in-
E ftantly retaken; but the Scots were allowed to de¬
part for their own country. 'J he reduff ion of this
place.produced an extraordinary effeff : for Baliol now
perceiving that Edward meant not to eftablith him on
the throne of Scotland, but to retain in bis own poffef-
fion as many places of that country as he could, came
at laft to the refolution of giving up to the king of
England the whole of Scotland. This indeed was no
277 more than a form, becaufe at that time he was not pof-
Saliol re- feffed of the kingdom. However, the ceremony was
figns the performed at Roxburgh ; and Baliol prefented his crown
Scotland to ^orne eart1n and ftones by way of inveftiture. Baliol
Juhvard. 111 retm'n was to have a revenue of 2000 pounds a-year ;
and as Edward was at the head of an excellent army,
.e had httle doubt of being able to force the Scots
to fubmit.
I he affairs of Scotland were now’ in a very critical
fituation ; and it was neceffary to gain time. For this
reafon Edward was.amufed with a negociation ; and to
this he tne more w’illingly liftened, as he was at that
time waiting for.his fleet, from which he had great ex-
, reflations. A little time, however, difcovered the de-
a furious 5 / ^ie '<aco1;s pEinly told Edward, that they would
invafion. die rather than fubmit to his demands; and he, in re¬
turn, thieatened a moft dreadful revenge. His fleet in
the mean time arrived in the frith of Forth ; the ma¬
riners deftroyed and pillaged all that was within their
reach, wdthout fparing even the facred edifices, carrying
off the ft.atues of the bleffed virgin, loading the monks
with chains, and committing every thing in thofe days
called impiety and facrilege. Edward had by this time
marched as far as Haddington, but was obliged to re¬
ceive provifions all the way from his fleet; for the Scotland.
Scots had defolated the country through which he v—''
puffed. During his march his army was haraffed, and
his foragers cut off, fo that he was reduced to diftrefs;
and at lull his fleet being totally deftroyed by a ftorm, But^s obli-
he was obliged to return to England without accomplifti- geci to ic¬
ing any thing. turn with¬
in the mean lime the prince of Wales, who had been 0rtnaccom*
left by his father to carry on the war in France, de-thing?8 ^
feated and took prifoner John king of France at the
battle ol Poifliers, in this battle were 3000 Scots,
who had gone over as auxiliaries to the French monarch,
and who iuflered extremely. However, the fuccefs of
Edward, inftead of rendering him haughty, feemed to
have a contrary effefl ; and, by the media.ion of Pope
Innocent a truce for two years was concluded with
France, in which the Scots were comprehended. Du- 280
ring this interval, the raniom of the king of Scots was David °h-
fetthd at. itio,coo merks to be paid in ten years; for tains his li-
wluch 20 hoftages were to be given as formerly. In ^ n^"
confequence of this treaty. David at laft obtained his li- An- ^S8*
berty in 1358 ; and Edward laid afide all hopes of ever
fubduing Scotland. As for Baliol, he was now funk in
oblivion; and it is not known what became of him, or
when he died. „Sf
David, though now reftored to liberty, found himfelf Isembarraf-
greatly embairaffed with the payment of fuch a largeftd by tJie
ium as had been ftipulated for his ranfom ; the kingdom Pa)nierit
of Scotland being then in a moft miferable and exhauft-|?m'1Siaa*
ed fituation. After fending his queen, and going into
England himfelf, he could obtain no greater favour than
a refpite of a few months for the payment of the fecowd
moiety; fo that he was at laft conrtrained to afk aftift-
ance from France. This could fcarcely be expected in
the ditlreffed fituation of that kingdom ; however, it
was at laft agreed, that 50,000 marks fhould be paid
to Scotland, in cafe the Scots would confent to renew’
the war the following year. Neither party, however,
kept their wmrd ; and David, being ftill greatly diftref-
fed about the remainder of his ranfom, at laft entered
into a. very extraordinary negociation with Edward,
by which he confented that the king of England fhould
be his fucceffor to the throne of Scotland. But this
negociation was defeated through the invincible hatred
which the Scots bore to an Englifh governor. David
then, being entirely unable to difeharge the remainder Ent?rs2ir)tc,
of his ranfom, was obliged to enter into a new’ treaty ; a new trea¬
ty which the kingdom of Scotland became indebted with Etl-
to Edward the fum of 100,000 pounds Sterling, to beward’
paid by equal proportions within the fpace of 2 9 years,
during which there fliould be a truce between the two
nations.
brom this time we meet with little more of any mo¬
ment in the reign of King David. After the death of
his queen Johanna, the fifter of Edward, he married a
Scotswoman, of mean birth, named Margaret Imgie ;
but by neither of his wives had he any children. Queen
Margaret he divorced, on what pretence is not knowm ;
but flbe left the kingdom, and complained perfonally to
the pope, who treated her as David’s lawfful wife, and
enjoined her hufband to receive her as fuch under the ^3
moft fevere penalties. WhateffeS thefe threats had onHe dles»
the king is not knowm 5 but it is certain that Margaret cecded^by"
never returned to Scotland; and, on the 22d of Fe-Robert
bruary 1371, David himfelf died, leaving the kingdom Stewart.
4 L 2 to An’ I37I*
SCO [ 636 ] SCO
Scotland, to his nephew Robert Stewart, the firft. of that family
who fat on the throne of Scotland (k).
Some authors tell us, that at the acceflion of Ro¬
bert II. his title was difputed by William earl of Dou¬
glas. If any fuch claim was preferred, an affembly of
the Rates fet it afide, and it was refolved that Robert
Ihould be crowned at Scone j and to take away for the
future all difputes concerning the fucceffion, a particular
adt was framed, by which the kingdom was fecured to
Robert and his heirs.
The new king being thus eflablifhed on the throne,
endeavoured to renew the war with the Englilh, in or¬
der to recover from them the town of Berwick, and
fome other places on the borders. In this, however,
he failed ; and as 56,000 pounds of David’s ranfom Rill
2? remained unpaid, Robert bound himfelf to difcharge it
Treatywlth at the rate of 4000 merks every midfummer. He then
France. propofed an alliance with France but the terms de¬
manded by that kingdom being, that Scotland Riould
be obliged to make war with England whenever France „
fliould require it, Robert could not by any means be in¬
duced to confent to fuch a requifition, which would
have obliged him to break through the moR folemn
treaties, whenever the king of France fhould think pro¬
per to break with England. A new treaty, therefore,
was entered into, by which it was provided, that nei¬
ther Scotland nor France Riould be obliged to make
war rvith England ; and by another claufe, that the dif-
penfation or authority even of the pope himfelf Riould
never free the kings or kingdoms of France and Scot¬
land from the obligations they lay under to afliR one
another, as often as required, in oppofition to the king¬
dom of England. In cafe of a competition for the
crown of Scotland, the king of France and his heirs
were to take care that no Englifli influence was ufed ;
but that the matter being by the greatefl and befl part
of the nation decided conformably to the laws and efla-
blilhments of Scotland, he fliould with all his porver de¬
fend and afliR the perfon fo eflabliflied. LaRly, it was
agreed that no Frenchman Riould ever henceforth ferve
for wages, or otherwife, againfl Scotland, nor any Scotf-
285 man againR France.
War be- This lafl article occafioned a recal of all the Scots
twixt the from the EngliRi armies, which Edward looked upon
En^rfl^ to a prelude to an invafion. He accordingly iffued
borderers. wr‘ts f°r affembling all the militia in the north of Eng¬
land. At this time there fubfifled between the neighbour¬
ing people of both nations an invincible hatred, which
extended not only through the lower ranks, but had per¬
vaded the higher clafles alfo. The inhabitants of the
borders, indeed, paid very little regard to the orders of
their refpeflive fovereigns fo that daily hoRilities were
committed by them upon each other when there was
peace between the fovereigns. J he inhabitants of thefe
countries had eRabliRied with one another certain con¬
ventions, which have fince been collefled, and go by
the name of the Border-laws. The families of Doug¬
las and Percy, whofe eRates lay contiguous to one an¬
other, were at perpetual variance. It had been common
for the borderers of both kingdoms, during a truce, to
frequent each others fairs j and a fervant of the earl of
March had been killed in a fray at that of Roxburgh, Scotland,
which was Rill in the hands of the Englhh. JuRice for ^ *
this murder was demanded fi'om Lord Percy ; but he
flighted the complaint. On this the earl of March, with
his brother the earl of Moray, aflembling their follow¬
ers, entered the next fair that was held in Roxburgh,
plundered and burnt the town, and killed all the Eng¬
liRi who fell into their hands. The Englifln borderers
were ordered to lay wafle the lands of the earl of March j
but, in their way thither, deRroyed the eflate of Sir
John Gordon, a man of great property in the iouth ot
Scotland. Sir John in his turn invaded England, from
whence he drove off a large booty in cattle, and a num¬
ber of prifoners. In his retreat he was attacked by a
body of frefli troops under Sir John Lilhurn, at a place
called Caram. An obffinate encounter followed. 1 he
Scots were five times repulfed ; but at lafl they renewed
the charge with fuch fury, that they made Lilburn, his
brother, and feveral other perfons of diflinflion, prifon¬
ers, together with all their furviving foldiers. On tins
Lord Percy with 7000 men encamped at Duns, in the
fouth of Scotland \ but was obliged to retire, probably
for want of fubfiflence for his army. In the mean time,
Mufgrave, the governor of Berwick, who had been or¬
dered to join Percy i^itli a detachment from the garri-
fon, was on his march intercepted, defeated, and taken
prifoner by Sir John Gordon •, after which the border
war became general on both fides. I he iffue of thefe
diflurbances is but little known \ however, in ij?/’ we
find them raging with more violence than ever. The
fair of Roxburgh was once more the fcene of aflion, and
the town was again burnt by the Scots. Lord Percy,
who was now earl of Northumberland, refolved to take
fignal vengeance. He ravaged the Scots borders, par¬
ticularly the earl of March’s eflate, for three days, at aSff
the head of 10,000 men. Some time after this, the Berwick
Scots infurgents became powerful enough to furprife ^j*enjnd
Berwick \ which, however, was quickly retaken by the
EngliRi, who foon after invaded Scotland. In this ex¬
pedition, however, they fucceeded fo ill, that Percy
thought proper to defifl from his expedition. dne
Scots in the mean time began hoflilities by fea, under
one Mercer, an experienced failor ■, but he had the mif-
fortune to be taken prifoner by the Englifli, with all
his fleet. In 1379? England was afflifted with a
dreadful plague, of which the Scots took advantage
to invade the country. The Englilh hifiorians tell
us that they behaved with the utmoff barbarity, kill¬
ing and plundering the defencelefs inhabitants without
mercy.
This predatory war continued, generally to the dif- An. 1380.
advantage of the Englifli, till the beginning of Novem¬
ber 1380, when a truce was concluded, to continue for
a year •, v'hich, howTever, related only to the borders.
This truce, like the others, was but very, indifferently
obferved ; fo that, in 1383, new negociations were fet
on foot: but, in 1384, the w^ar was renewed with great¬
er fury than ever. In the fpring, the earls of March
and Douglas took the caftle of Lochmaben, and inter¬
cepted a rich convoy which the Englifli w^ere fending
Roxburgh-, burnt to the ground the caftle of Wark,
(h) For an account of the origin of the Stewart family, fee note (e), p. 610.
SCO
r 637 ]
SCO
Scotland.
287
Formidable
invafion of
England
projected.
aSS
But comes
to nothing.
and committed fuch devaluations in the north of Eng¬
land, that feveral gentlemen offered to refign their
eftates to King Richard, becaufe they were not able to
defend them again!! the Scots, i he duke of Lancafter
entered Scotland at the head of an army ; but the inha¬
bitants had removed every thing valuable, fo that he
marched on to Edinburgh without accompliihing any thing
of confequence. On his return, he was haraffed by flying
parties of Scots, who deftroyed a conflderable number
of his men. This year alfo the French fent a body of
auxiliaries into Scotland. The earls of Northumber-
land and Nottingham entered Scotland with an army
of 10,000 horie and 6000 archers ; but retired, after
having committed fome devaftations in the fouthern
counties. The Scots revenged themfelves by laying
wafle all the northern part of England to the gates of
Newcaftle. Berwick was taken by the Scots, and foon
after furrendered for the fum of 2000 merks. A truce
was then, as ufual, concluded •, but in the mean time
King Robert was meditating a moft fevere blow again!!
the Englifln
The duke of Burgundy having come to the ,po!fe(lion
of the eftate of his father-in-law the earl of Flanders,
claimed the fovereiguty of the town of Ghent *, but they
refufed to fubmit to him, and in this refufal were pro-
te£led by King Richard II. of England. On this the
duke of Burgundy propofed to the French court to in¬
vade England in concert with the Scots.—This being
agreed to, a fleet was fitted out at Sluys j on board of
which John de Vienne, the French admiral, embarked,
carrying along with him 50,000 pounds in gold, which
the duke of Burgundy advanced in order to be diftri-
buted in Scotland, where the admiral arrived fafe with
a confiderable reinforcement, together with fupplies of
all kinds of military llores. Two thoufand auxiliaries,
of whom 500 were men-at-arms, arrived with this fleet;
and 400 fuits of complete armour were brought along
with them, in order to be diftributed among the bravei!
of the Scots.
The Scots were for a fhort time elated with the great
attention which had been paid them by the French
king; but, in the mean time, the Flemings having re¬
volted, the French abandoned the Scots to fuflain the
whole weight of the Engliih refentment, that they them¬
felves might employ their arms in Flanders. King Ri¬
chard took the field with a more numerous army than
had ever been muftered in England before. Hoftilities
were begun by the Scots, -who, according to cuftom,
invaded the northern parts of England, and carried oft
a confiderable booty : however, in their retreat, they
were in the utmolf danger of being cut off by the duke
of Lancafter, who had been fent with an army to inter¬
cept them. The Englifh army proceeded northwards j
but could accompliih nothing, on account of the coun¬
try being defolated, till they came to Edinburgh, which
they laid in a(hes. Being, however, inceflantly haraf¬
fed by parties of the enemy, they were obliged to re¬
treat.
Nothing remarkable happened till the year 1388,
when, after a fhort truce, the war was renewed with
frefh fury. Northumberland and Weftmoreland were
ravaged by the early of Fife and Douglas, and Lord
Nithfdale defeated a body of 3000 Engliih ; after which
he formed the plan of invading Ireland, the inhabitants
of which had of late been very aflive again!! the Scots. ScotlanJ.^
In 1388, Douglas obtained permiffion to raife a body
of forces for this invafion ■, and having landed in fafety,
defeated the Irifh, plundered the town of Carlingford,
and loaded 15 ftiips with the booty. From thence the
Scots failed to the ifle of Man, which in like manner
was plundered and laid watle ; after which they return¬
ed with'their booty to Loch Rian in Scotland.
Encouraged by this fuccefs, Robert determined to England
proceed on a more enlarged plan. Having aflembled abwadedby
parliament at Aberdeen, a double invafion of Englandtwo.Sco^
r <-1 . • -r j armies at
was reiolved upon. I wo armies were railed ; the °neonce.
confiding of 25,000 men, commanded by the earls of i
Mentieth and Fife, Douglas lord of Galloway, and
Alexander Lindfay ; the other army, confiding of the'
like number, was commanded by the earls of Douglas,
March, Crawford, Moray, the lord high conftable of
Scotland, and other perfons of diftinclion. The former
entered Cumberland, and the latter Northumberland,
both which countries they laid wafte, and both armies
were to meet within ten miles of Newcallle. The Eng¬
lifh were thrown into the greateft confternation. New¬
caftle was defended by the earl of Northumberland,
whofe age and infirmities rendered him incapable of ta¬
king the field j but his place was abundantly fupplied
by his two fons Henry and Ralph, the former of whom
is known in Engliih hiftory by the name of Hotfpur.
The town was garrifoned by the flower of the Englifh
nobility and gentry, as well as the inhabitants of the
adjacent countries, who had fled thither for refuge.
Douglas felecled 2000 foot and 300 horfemen out of
the two armies, and encamped on the north fide of the
town, with a view, according to the Scots hiftorians, of 2p0
ftorming it next day. In the mean time, he was chal-Single com-
lenged by Hotfpur to fight him hand to hand, with batbetwetn
fliarp ground fpears, in fight of both armies. Douglas
accepted the challenge, and Percy was unhorfed the Hmiy Per-
firft encounter, and obliged to take refuge within thecy.
portcullis or gate of the town 5 from whence Douglas
brought off his antagonift’s lance, with a pennon af¬
fixed to it, and fwore in his hearing that he would carry
it into Scotland. Next day Douglas attempted to florin
the town ; but, being repulfed in the attack, he de¬
camped in the night. Percy, breathing furious revenge,
purfued and overtook the Scots at Gtterburn. His ar¬
rival was quite unexpetled, fo that the principal com--
manders of the Scottilh army were fitting down to fup- 291
per unarmed. The foldiers, however, were inftantly®111116 of
prepared for battle ) but in the hurry neceflarily attend- (^ter!mrn•
ing a furptife of this kind, Douglas forgot to put on his
cuirafs. Both leaders encouraged their men by the moil;
animating fpeeches ; and both parties waited for the rife
of the moon, which happened that night to be unufual-
ly bright. The battle being joined on the moon’s firft
appearance, the Scots began to give ground 5 but, be¬
ing rallied by Douglas, who fought with a battle-axe,
the Englifh, though greatly fuperior in number, were, 29*
totally routed. Twelve hundred were killed on the ^j^S"
fpot ; and 100 perfons of diftinclion, among whom were eii anc|Ea'j
the two Percies, were made prifoners by Keith ma-Douglas
rifchal of Scotland. On the fide of the Scots the killed,
greateft lofs was that of the brave Earl Douglas, who
was killed in conlequence of going to battle without
his armour, as above related. It was this Angle com¬
bat
SCO
-Scotland.
293
Robert II.
dies, and
ie fuoceed-
ed by Ro¬
bert III.
An. 1390.
bat between Douglas and Percy, and the fubfequent
battle, which gave rife to the celebrated battle of Cirevy
Chace.
In the mean time the bifhop of Durham was march¬
ing towards Newcaltle with an army of 10,000 men j
but was informed by the runaways of Percy’s defeat,
which happened on the 2ilt of July 1388. In a coun¬
cil of war it was refolved to purtue the Scots, whom
they hoped er.fily to vanquilh, as being wearied with
the battle of the preceding day, and laden with plunder.
I he earl of Moray, -who commanded in chief, having
called a confultation of his officers, refolved to venture
a battle. The prifoners were almoft as numerous as the
whole Scots army ; however, the generals required no
more of them than their words of honour that they
ihould continue inaftive during the battle, and remain
prifoners Hill. This condition being complied with,
the Scots drew out their army for battle.—Their rear
was fecured by marfhes, and their flanks by large trees
which they had felled. In fliort, their appearance was
fo formidable, that the Engiilh, dreading to encounter
a refalute enemy fo ftrongly fecured, retired to New-
caftle, leaving the Scots at liberty to continue their
march to their own country.
Robert being now oppreffed'with age, fo that he could
no longer endure the fatigues of government, the admi-
niftration of affairs devolved on his fecond fon the earl
of bite ; for his elded fon was by nature indolent, and
befides lame by an unlucky blow he had received from
a horfe. Early in the fpiing of 1389, he invaded Eng¬
land with luccels ; but the fame year a truce was con¬
cluded, to lad from the 19th of June 1-389 to the l6lh
of Augud 1392 j in which the allies of both crowns
were included. This truce w-as violently oppofed by
the nobility, who fufpefled their king of being too much
under French influence. Upon this the court of France
thought proper to fend over ambaffadors to psrfuade the
the nobility to comply ; informing them, that in cafe of
a refufal, they could expeft no affidance either of men
or money from the continent. With difficulty they
prevailed, and peace between England and Scotland
was once more redored. Scarcely, however, was this
truce finifhed, when the peace of the nation was mod
fcandaloufiy violated by Robert’s fourth fon Alexander,
the earl of Buchan, commonly called the wolf of Bade-
tioch, from his favage difpofition. J his prince having
a quarrel with the bifhop of Murray, burnt the fine ca¬
thedral of Elgin, which has been called by hidorians
the lanthorn and ornament of the north of Scotland.
The king for this crime caufed his fon to be imprifon-
ed ; and a civil war would have been the confequence,
had it not been for the veneration which the Scots re¬
tained for their old king. However, they did not long
enjoy their beloved monarch ; for he died on the 1 9th
of April 1390, in the 75th year of his age, and the 19th
of his reign.
On the death of Robert II. the crown devolved upon
his elded fon John ; but the name being thought un¬
lucky in Scotland, he changed it for that of Robert,
though he was dill called by the commonalty Robert
John bernz-ier. He had been married to Annabella,
the daughter of Sir John Drummond, ancedor to the
no’ le family of Perth j and was crowned along with his
confort at Scone, on the 13th of Augud X 390. Fie
confirmed the truce which had been entered into with
[ 638 ]
s c, o
England, and renewed the league with France j out Scotland.
the beginning of his reign -was dilturbed by the wars of    
the petty chieftains with each other. Duncan Stewart,
fon to Alexander carl of Buchan, who had died in pri- *, .,ri
fon for burning the cathedral of Elgin, aflembling hisotBuchan,
followers under pretence of revenging his father’s death,
laid wade the county of Angus. Walter Ogilvy, the
fheriff ot Angus, attempting to repel the invaders, was
killed, with his,brother and 60 of their followers. The
king then gave a ccmmiffion to the earl of Crawford to
fupprels them ; which he foon did, and mod of them
were either killed or executed. The followers of the
earl of Buchan were compofed of the vvilded Highland- 2
ers, didinguidied by the title ot Catterenes, which an-Account of
fwers to that of banditti. That fuch a race of people the Catte-
exided is certain from the records of Scotland ; but it isrenes-
not eafy to determine how they obtained their lubfid-
ence, being void of the knowledge of agriculture and of
every civil art. There is fome reafon to believe that
many of them came from the Wedern ides } and that
they or their ancedors had emigrated from the eadern
parts of Ireland. The lands which they inhabited were
never cultivated till towards the middle of the 17th cen¬
tury ; and, according to the mod authentic accounts,
they lived entirely upon animal food.
The earl of Crawford’s fuccefs againd the followers
of Buchan encouraged Robert to intrud him with a
commiffion for lubduing other infurgents by whom the ^
peace of the country was didurbed. The mod remark- Battle be-
able of tbefe were the Clan Chattan and Clan Kay. As tween the
both thefe tribes were numerous and brave, Crawford cha!r!pion5
was not without apprehenfions that they might unite ^an
againd him as a common enemy, and defeat him if he and clan
attempted to fupprefs them by force. He propofed, Kay.
therefore, that the two rival clans diould each choofe 30
men, to determine their differences by the fword, with¬
out being allowed the ufe of any other weapon. The
king and his nobility were to be fpeftators of the com¬
bat ; the conquered clan were to be pardoned for all
their former offences, and the copquerors honoured with
the royal favour. This propofal was readily accepted
by both parties, and the north inch of Perth was to be
the feene of adtion. But, upon mudering the com¬
batants, it was found that one of them, belonging to
the clan Chattan, had abfented himfelf. It was pro-
poled to balance this difference by withdrawing one of
the combatants from the clan Kay ; but not one of
them could be prevailed on to refign his place. At
lad one Henry Wynd, a faddler, though no way con-
nefted with either party, offered to fupply the place of
him that was abfent, on condition of his receiving a
French crown of gold (about 7s. 6d. of our money) ;
which was immediately paid him. The combat then
began with incredible fury ; but at lad, through the fu-
perior valour and fkill of Henry Wynd, vidlory decla¬
red in favour of the clan Chattan. Only ten of the
conquerors, befides Wynd, were left alive ; and all of
them defperately wounded. Of the clan Kay only one
remained ; and he having received no hurt efcaped by
fvvimming acrofs the Tay.
While thefe internal broils were going on, the truce
which had lately been concluded with England was fo
ill obferved, that it became neceffary to enter into freffi
negociations. Thefe, like others which had taken place
beiore, had vtty little effeft. The borderers on both
fides
SCO
Scotland.
297
Title of
duke intro¬
duced into
Scotland.
An. 139S.
An. 1400.
ficles had been fo accuftomed to ravage and plunder,
that they could not live in quiet. King Robert alfo
was thought to be too much attached to the king of
England. He had introduced the new title of duke,
which he beitowed firil on the prince royal, whom he
created duke of Rothefay 5 but making an offer cf that
honour to one of the heads of the Houglas family, it
was rejehled with difdain. That powerful family had
never loft fight of an ancient claim they had upon the
caftle of Roxburgh, which was ftill in the poffeffion of
the Engliih; and this year the fon of the earl of
Douglas, Sir William Stewart, and others, broke down
the bridge of Roxburgh, plundered the town, and de-
itroyed the forage and corn there and in the neighbour¬
ing country. The Englifh applied for fatisfaftion 5 but
obtained none, as the confufion which involved the
kingdom by the depofition of Richard II. and the ac-
ceffion of RIenry I vr. prevented them from having re-
courfe to arms, the only argument to which the Scots
patriots in thole days wTould liften.
No fooner was the cataftrophe of Richard known
in Scotland than they refolved to avail thcmfelves of it;
and invading the north parts of England, demolithed the
caftle of Wark, and laid the neighbouring country under
contribution. The fituation of Henry’s affairs "did not
admit of his refenting this infult. He contented him-
felt with nominating the earl of Weftmoreland, to treat
with the Scots about a truce or peace; or, if that could
not be obtained, to make a mutual agreement, that
the towns of Dumfries in Scotland, and Penrith in Eng¬
land, fhould be free from hoftilities during the war.
io this propofal the Scots paid no regard; and being
encouraged by the court of France, who refented the
depo.ition of Richard, they renewed the;r ravages in
England. In 1400, the king of England called a par¬
liament, in orcier to conflut on the moft proper means
of repelling the Scottifh invafions ; and in this he was
greatly affifted by the diyifions of the Scots among
tnemfelves. .1 he duke of Rothefay, the heir apparent
ot the crown, was now grown up to man’s eftate, and
it was thought proper to provide a fuitable confort for
him. The king is faid to have fcandaloufly put up his
En’s marriage at auction, and offered him to the lady
with regard whole father could give him the higheft price. The
t° tm fon’s earl of March was the higheft bidder] and advanced a
confiderable !um in ready money, on condition that his
daughter ftiould become the royal bride.—This fordid
match was oppoted by Douglas, who propofed his own
dang iter the lady Margery, So degenerate was the
couit ot Scotland at this time, that neither the king nor
t.w duke 01 nothefay oppofed this propofal of a new
mafcn, becaufe it was to be purchafed with a f.efti fum ;
and they even refufed to indemnify the earl of March
for the money he had already advanced.
tks duke of Albany tided with Douglas, a coun-
C; of tns nobility was privately affembled, which an¬
nulled the contract of the lady Elizabeth Dunbar,
the earl of March’s daughter, in favour of the lady
Margery, daughter to the earl of Douglas ; but with¬
out talcing any meafures tor repaying the monev to the
earl of March. The continuator of Fordun informs
us, that the earl of Douglas paid a larger fun for his
daughter s fortune than that w'hicn had been advanced
by the earl of March, and that the earl of Douglas’s
u^Wr was married to the duke of Rothefay: that
C 6.39 1
SCO
29 3
Mercenary
behaviour
of Robert
marriage.
299
Earl of
March re
volts.
before the marriage was celebrated, March demanded Scotland.
that the money he had advanced fhould be reimburfed ;' v J
but receiving an unfatisfa&dry anlwer, he declared, that
as the king had not fulfilled his bargain, he would brinrr
unexpecled calamities upon the country. Accordingly
he fled into England, leaving his caftle of Dunbar to
the cuftody of his nephew Robert Maitland, who foon
after put it into the hands of the earl of Douglas, called
in hiftory Archibald the Grim, from the fteriintfs of his
vifage.
As foon as Robert heard of the revolt of the earl
of March, he fent ambaffadors demanding back his
fubjeft ; but the requeft was difregarded. On the
other hand, the earl of March demanded rcpoffemcn
of the caftle of Dunbar, pleading, that he had com¬
mitted no aft of treafon, but had come to England
under a fafe conduft from King Henry, on purpofe to
negociate his private affairs : but this requeft was dif¬
regarded ; on which he fent for all his family and fol¬
lowers to England, where they joined him in great ^co-
numbers. This produced a war between the two king- Invafion of
doms. The earl of March, with Henry Percy fUr-Scotlan(1 by
named Hotfpur, invaded Scotland, penetrating as farHenry 1>cr“
as Haddington, and carrying off great numbers ofthe^*
inhabitants into captivity. Thence they went to
I eeb.es, and then to Emton, ravaging the country7 as
they paffed along. They next befieged the caftle of
Hales, and took feveral of the neighbouring forts ; but
Archibald the Grim, or rather his fon, having raifed an
army againft them, they were ftruck with terror, and
fled to Berwick, to the gates of which they were pur-
fued by the Scots. At this time the Scottifh admiral,
Sir Robert Logan, was at fea with a fquadron ; but
mifearried in an attempt he made on fome Englifh (hips
of war that protefted their fleet while fifhing on the
coaft of Scotland. After this the Englifh plundered
the Orkney iflands ; which, though belonging to the
crown of Norway, were at that time governed, or ra-
ther farmed, by Sinclair the Scots earl of Orkney and
Caithnefs. '
All this time the earl of March continued under the
proteftion of the king of England. He had received
repeated invitations to return to his allegiance; but
all of them being rejefted, he was proclaimed a traitor :
and the Scottifh governor made a formal demand of
him from King Henry. With this the latter not only
refuied to comply, but renerved his league with tire
lord of the ifles. He pretended alfo, that at this time
he had intercepted fome letters from the Scottifh re¬
gency, which called him “ a traitor in the higheft
degree and he alleged this as a reafon why he pro¬
tefted not only the earl of March, but the lord of the
iftes.
On the 25th of July 1400, the earl of March re¬
nounced his homage, fealty, and fervice, to the king of
Scotland, and transferred them to Henry by a formal
indenture. For this the earl was rewarded with a pen-
fion of 500 meiks fterling, and the manor of Clipeftone
m Sherwood foreft. Henry now began to revive the Hern] IV
claim of homage from the kings of Scotland, and even projects the
to meditate the conqueft of the kingdom. He had in-co,'(lueft 01
deed many reafons to hope fer fuccefs ; the principal 0fScotlanci-
which were, tire weakneis of the Scottiili government,
the divided ftate of the royal family, and the diffenfions
among the chief nobility. For this purpofe he made
great .
SCO [ 640
Scotland, great preparations both by fea and land ; but before he
w—v " ' fet out on his journey, he received a letter from the
duke of Rothefay, full of reproaches on account of
the prefumptuous letters which Henry had addrefled to
Robert and his nobility. The letter was addreffed by
the duke to his adverfary of England, as the Scots had
not yet recognized the title ot Henry to the crown of
England. Towards the end of it the duke, according
to the cuftom of the times, defrred Henry, in order to
avoid the effufion of Chrilfian blood, to fight him in
perfon with two, three, or a hundred noblemen on a
fide. But this challenge produced no other anfwer
from Henry, than that “ he w^as furprifed that the duke
of Rothefay ihould confider noble blood as not being
Chri/Han, Vince he defired the effufion of the one, and
not of the other.” Henry arrived at Leith on the
very day on w'hich he had appointed the Scottilh no¬
bility to meet him and pay their homage, and conclude
a peace between the two crowns. In all probability,
he expe&ed to have been joined by great numbers of
the difcontented Scots j and he flattered the Englith
with a promife of raifing the power and glory of their
country to a higher pitch than it had ever yet known.
Under this pretext, he feizedon the fumof3 50,000 pounds
in ready money, befides as much in plate and jewels,
which had been left by Richard in the royal treafury.
He raifed alfo vaft contributions on the clergy and no¬
bility, and on the principal towns and cities. At laft,
finding that neither his vaft preparations, nor the in-
tereft of the earl of March, had brought any of the
Scots to his ftandard, he laid ^ fiege to Edinburgh
caftle, which was defended by the duke ofRothefay,
and, as feme fay, by the earl of Douglas. The duke of
Albany, brother to King Robert, was then in the field
with an army, and fent a letter to King Henry, pro-
mifing, that if he would remain where he was for fix
days, he would give him battle, and force him to raife
the fiege, or lole his life. When this was written, the
duke was at Calder muir •, and Henry was fo much
pleafed with the letter, that he prefented the herald who
delivered it with his upper garment, and a chain of
gold promifing, on his royal word, that he would re¬
main where he was until the appointed day. On this
occafion, however, the duke forfeited his honour •, for
he fuffered fix days to elapfe without making any attempt
on the Englifti army.
Henry, in the mean time, pufhed on the fiege of E-
dinburgh caftle 5 but met with fuch a vigorous refift-
ance from the duke of Rothefay, that the hopes of re¬
ducing it were but fmall. At the fame time he was
informed that the Welfti were on the point of rebellion
under the famous chieftain Owen Glcndower. He
knew alfo that many of the Englifti were highly diffatis-
fied with his title to the crown 5 and that he owed his
peaceable pqffefllon of it to the moderation of Mortimer,
alfo called the earl of March, who was the real heir to
the unfortunate Richard, but a nobleman of no ambi¬
tion. For thefe reafons he concluded it bell to raife
the fiege of Edinburgh caftle, and return to Eng¬
land. He then agreed to a truce for fix weeks, but
which was afterwards prolonged, probably for a year,
by the commiflioners of the two crowns, who met at
Kelfo.
In 1401, Scotland fuffered a great lofs by the death
Qf Walter Trail, the archbiftiop of St Andrew’s, a moft
4
Ar- Scotland-
302
But fails
in his at¬
tempt.
303
] SCO
exemplary patriot, and a perfon of great'influence.
chibald Douglas the Grim had died fome time before, ^
and his lofs was now feverely felt j for the king himfelf,
naturally feeble, and now quite difabled by age and
infirmities, was fequeftered from the world in iuch a
manner, that we know not even the place of his refi-
dence during the laft invafion of Scotland by the Eng¬
lifti. This year alfo Queen Anabella died, fo that
none remained who were able to heal thofe divifions
which prevailed among the royal family. Robert duke
of Albany, a man of great ambition,' was an enemy to
the duke of Rothefay, the heir-apparent to the crown j
and endeavoured, for obvious reafons, to imprefs his fa¬
ther with a bad opinion of him. This prince, however,
appears to have been chargeable with no mifdemeanour
of any confequence, except his having debauched,
under promife of marriage, the daughter of William
Lindfay of Roffy. But this is not fupported by any
credible evidence 5 and, though it had been true, could
never have juftified the horrid treatment he met with,
and which we are now to relate.
One Ramorgny, a man of the vileft principles, but Confpiracy
an attendant on the duke of Rothefay, had won hisag^ft tj16
confidence *, and, perceiving how much he refented the
conduft of his uncle the duke of Albany, had the vil- 5
lany to fuggeft to the prince the difpatching him by af-
faffination. The prince reje&ed this infamous propo-
fal with fuch horror and difpleafure, that the villain, be¬
ing afraid he would difcloie it to the duke of Albany,
informed the latter, under the feal of the moft inviolable
fecrecy, that the prince intended to murder him ; on
which the duke, and William Lindfay of Roffy his aflo-
ciate in the treafon, refolved on the prince’s death. By
pra&ifing on the floating king, Lindlay and Ramorgny
obtained a writ dire&ed to the duke of Albany, im-
powering him to arreft his fon, and to keep him under
reftraint, in order for his amendment. The fame trai¬
tors had previoufly pofleffed the prince with an appre-
henfion that his life was in danger, and had perfuaded
him to feize the caftle of St Andrew’s, and keep pof-
feflion of it during the vacancy of that fee. Robert
had nominated one of his baftard brethren, wTho was
then deacon of St Andrew’s, to that biftiopric : but
being a perfon no way fitted for fuch a dignity, he de¬
clined the honour, and the chapter refufed to ele£t any
other during his lifetime } fo that the prince had a pro-
fpeft of poffefling the caftle for fome lime. He was
riding thither with a fmall attendance, when he was
arrefted between the towns of Nidi and Stratirum (ac¬
cording to the continuator of Fordun), and hurried to
the very caftle of which he was preparing to take pof-
feflion.
The duke of Albany, and the earl of Douglas, who
was likewife the prince’s enemy, were then at Culrofs,
waiting the event of their deteftable confpiracy ; oi
which they were no fooner informed, than they order¬
ed a ftrong body of ruffians to carry the royal captive
from the caftle of St Andrew’s •, which they did, after
clothing him in a ruffet cloak, mounting him on a very
forry horfe, and committing him to the cuftody of two
execrable wretches, John Selkirk and John Wright, who
were ordered by the duke of Albany to ftarve him to 304
death. According to Buchanan, his fate was for fomevHo is
0 — - r, • ! • ftaryed t»
time prolonged by the compafiion of one of his keeper’s
daughters, who thruft
thin oaten cakes through the'
chinks
Scotland.
3^5
A body of
Scots cut
«ff by the
Englifii.
306
Their de¬
feat at Ho
meldon.
An. 1402.
307
Cockiawys
caftle be-
fieged by
the iinglifli,
SCO [64
chinks of his prifon-walls, and by a woman who, be¬
ing a wet mirfe, found means to convey part of her
milk to him through a finall tube. Both thefe chari¬
table females were detetded, and put to death ; the
young lady’s inhuman father being himfelf the profecu-
tor. The prince himfelf died a few days after, on Ea-
ifer-eve, his hunger having impelled him to devour part
of his own flelh.
In the mean time, Robert, being yet ignorant of
the murder of his fon, had renewed, or rather con-
fented to renew, holtilities with England. On the ex¬
piration of the truce, Henry had fent a commiflion to
the earls of Northumberland and Weftmoreland, to of¬
fer the Scots any terms they could reafonably defire j
but every offer of this kind being rejedted, there was
a neceffity for renewing hoftilities. The earl of March
had received another penfion from Henry, on condi¬
tion of his keeping on foot a certain number of light
troops to a£t againll the Scots. This had been done j
and fo effedlually did thefe now annoy their enemies,
that the earl of Douglas was obliged to take the field
againft them. By dividing his men into fmall parties,
he reprefled the depredations of thefe invaders j and
Thomas Haliburton, the commander of one of the
Scottifh parties, made incuvfions into England as far
as Bamborough, from whence he returned with a con-
fiderable booty. This encouraged another chieftain,
Patrick Hepburn, to make a fimilar attempt : but be¬
ing elated with his fuccefs, he remained too long in
the enemy’s country ; fo that the earl of March had
time to fend a detachment to intercept him on his re¬
turn. This produced a defperate encounter, in which
Hepburn was killed •, the flower of the youth of Lothi¬
an, who had attended in this expedition, were cut off,
and fcarcely a Angle Scotfman remained unwounded.
On the news of this difafter, the earl of Douglas
applied to the duke of Albany for afliftance. He was
immediately furnilhed with a confiderable army, accord¬
ing to fome, confifting of 10,000 ■, according to others
of 1 3,000 ; and according to the Englilh hiftorians, of
20,000 men. Murdoc, the fon of the duke, attended
the earl on this expedition, as did alfo the earls of Mo¬
ray, Angus, Orkney, and many others of the chief no¬
bility, with 80 knights. The Scots on this occafion
conduced themfelves with the fame imprudence as be¬
fore'. Having penetrated too far into the country they
were intercepted by the Englifh on their return, and
obliged to engage at a place called Homeldon, under
great difadvantages. The confequence was, that they
were utterly defeated, and almoft the whole army either
killed or taken.
Henry Hotfpur, to whom chiefly this victory was
owing, refolving to purfue the advantage he had gained,
entered the fouthern parts of the kingdom, and laid
fiege to a caftle called Cocklaxvys, on the borders of Te-
viotdale. The caftle was for fome time bravely defend¬
ed : but at laft the governor entered into a treaty, by
which he agreed to deliver up the caftle, in cafe it
was not relieved by the king or governor in fix weeks ;
during which time no additional fortifications were to
be made. But while the Englilh were retiring, one of
Percy’s foldiers pretended that tbe Scots had broken the
capitulation, by introducing a mattock into the place.
The governor, hearing of this charge, offered to fight
sny Englishman who fnould engage to make it food.
Vql, XVIII. Part II.
Scotland.
I ] SCO
A champion was accordingly fingled out, but was de¬
feated by the Scotfman ; and the Englilh army retired"-v“—^
according to agreement. The matter then being de¬
bated in the Scottilh council, it was refolved to fend
relief to the caftle. Accordingly the duke of Albany,
with a powerful army, let out for the place ; but before
he came there, certain news were received of the defeat
and death of Hotfpur, at Shrewlhury, as related under
the article England, N° 182.
In the year 1404, King Pieary, exceedingly uefirous An. 1404,
of a peace with Scotland, renewed his negociations for
that purpofe. Thefe, however, not being attended
with fuccefs, hoftilities were ftill continued, but with¬
out any remarkable tranfaftion on' either fide. In tbe
mean time, King Robert was informed of the miferable
fate of his eldeft fon the duke of Rothefay j but was
unable to refent it by executing juftice on fuch a power-
ful murderer. After giving himfelf up to grief, The Scot-
therefore, for fome time, he refolved to provide for thet^1 P!'‘nce>
fafety of his fecond fon James, by fending him into.yPrance1*”
France. This fcheme was not communicated to the but is taken
duke of Albany j and the young prince took (hippingby theEng-
with all imaginable fecrecy at the Bafs, under the care hfo*
of the earl of Orkney. On his voyage he was taken
by an Englilh privateer off Flamborough-head, and
brought before Henry. The Englilh monarch having
examined the attendants of the prince, they told him
that they were carrying the prince to Fraitce for his
education. “ I underftand the French tongue (replied
Henry), and your countrymen ought to have been
kind enough to have trufted me with their prince’s
education.” He then committed the prince and his
attendants clofe prifoners to the tower of London.
The news of this difafter arrived at the caftle of Rothe¬
fay in the ille of Bute (the place of Robert’s reft- ^09
dence) while the king was at fupper. The news threw Robert dies
him into fuch an agony of grief, that he died in threeof grief-
days, the 29th of March 1405, after having reignedAn'l4°5‘
nearly 15 years.
By the death of Robert, and the captivity of the prince, The duke
all the'regal power devolved on the duke of Albany,of Al,}any
who was appointed regent by a convention of theie^ent*
ftates affembled at Scone. The allegiance of the peo¬
ple, however, to their captive prince could not be
lhaken ; fo that the regent was obliged to raife an army
for the purpofe of refeuing him. Henry fummoned all
his military tenants, and made great preparations : but,
having agreed to treat of a final peace with Ireland
and the lord of the Illes, the regent laid hold of this
as a pretence for entering into a new negociation with
the Englilli monarch ; and a truce was concluded for a
year, during which time all differences were to be fet¬
tled. In confequence of this agreement, Rothefay,
king at arms, was appointed commiffary-general for the
king and kingdom of Scotland •, and in that quality re¬
paired to the court of England. At the time when
the prince of Scotland was taken, it feems there ex-
ifted a truce, however ill obferved on both lides, fub-
fifting between the two nations. Rothefay produced
the record of this truce, which provided that the Scots
fliould have a free navigation and in confequence of
this, he demanded juftice of the captain and crew of the
privateer who had taken the prince. Henry order¬
ed the matter to be inquired into : but the Englilli
brought their complaints as well as the Scots 3 and the
4 M claims
3"
Schemes of
Henry
againft
Scotland.
An. 14jo.
SCO t 61
Scotland, claims of both tvere fo intricate, that the examination
v fell to the ground, but at the lame time the truce was
prolonged.
In the end of the year 1409, or the beginning of
1410, the war was renewed with England, and Henry
prepared to ilrike a fatal blow which he had long me¬
ditated againit Scotland. He had, as we have feen,
entered into a league with the lord of the liles, where
a confiderable revolution then happened. Walter Lelley
had fucceeded to the eftate and honours of the earl of
Rol's, in right of his wife, who was the heir. By that
marriage, he had a fon named Alexander, who fucceed¬
ed him j and a daughter, Margaret, who was married
to the lord of the Ifles. This Alexander had married
one of the regent’s daughters j and dying young, he
left behind him an only daughter, Euphane, who was
deformed, and became a nun at North Berwick. Her
grandfather, the regent, procured from her a refigna-
tion of the earldom of Kofs, to which fire was undoubt¬
ed heir, in favour of John earl of Buchan, but in pre¬
judice of Donald lord of the ifles, who w^as the fon of
Margaret, filler to the earl Alexander, and confequent-
ly the neareft heir to the eftate after the nun. Donald
applied for red refs •, but his fuit being rejected, he, with
his brother John, fled into England, where he was moft
gracioufly received by King Henry. According to the
inftru&ions given him by the Englifli monarch, Donald
returned to his own dominions in the ifles, where he
raifed an army, and palling over into Rofs-lhire, vio¬
lently feized on the eftate in difpute. In a ftiort time
he found himfelf at the head of 10,000 Highlanders j
with whom he marched into the province of Moray,
and from thence to Strathbogie and Garioch, which he
laid under contribution. Advancing towards Aber¬
deen, with a view to pay his troops with the plunder
of that city, which wras then a place of confiderable
trade, he was met by the earl of Marr, whom the re¬
gent had employed to command againit him, at a vil¬
lage called Har/aw, in the neighbourhood of Aber¬
deen. A fierce engagement enfued, in which great
numbers were killed on both fides, and the victory re¬
mained uncertain : but Donald, finding himfelf in the
midit of an enemy’s country, where he could raiie no
recruits, began to retreat next day •, and the lhattered
ftate of the royal army preventing him from being pur-
fued, he efcaped to his owm dominions, where in a ftiort
lime he fubmitted, and fwore allegiance to the crown
of Scotland.
In the mean time, Henry continued the wrar with
Scotland, and refufed to renew the truce, though fre-
1 he earl of qUenjjy folicited by the Scots. He had now, how-
.!?.a.!^h!ej"a ever, fuftained a great lofs by the defection of the eail
of March, who had gone over to the Scots, though
the hiftorians have not informed us of his quarrel with
the Englifli monarch. On his return to Scotland, he
had been fully reconciled to the Douglas family, and
now ftrove to diftinguifh himfelf in the caule of his
country. This, with the countenance fliowm the Scots
by the court of France, a bull publiflied by the pope in
their favour, and the vigorous behaviour of the regent
himfelf, contributed to reduce Kenry to reafon ; and
we hear of ro more hoftilities between the turn nations
till after the death of the Englifh monarch, which hap¬
pened in the year 1413.
An. 1415. In 1415, the truce being either broken or expired,
312
Battle of
Harlaw.
3U
allegiance
to Scot¬
land.
2 ] SCO
the Scots made great preparations for befieging Bar- Scotland-
wick. The undertaking, however, came to nothing j 1
all that was done during the campaign being the burn¬
ing of Penrith by the Scots, and of Dumfries by the
Englilh. Next year a truce was agreed on, and a
treaty entered into for the ranfom of King James j
which was fo far advanced, that the Englith king a-
greed to his vifiting Scotland, provided he engaged to
forfeit 100,000 pounds fterling, in cafe of his failsre +
to return by a certain day. For reafons now un- Unfuceefs-
known, this treaty w as broken off, and vaft prepara-ful expedi¬
tions were made for a new' invafion of Scotland
which, however, w7as executed with fo little fuccefs, ' ;
that it became known among the common people of
Scotland by the name of the fu/e raid, or the foohlh
expedition.
In 1420, died Robert duke of Albany, regent of An. 1420.
Scotland, at the age of 80 ; and fuch was the venera¬
tion which the Scots had for his memory, that his poll
of regent was conferred upon his eldeft fon Murdoch,
though a perfon no way qualified for that ftation.—
The war with England was now difeontinued 5 but in
France Henry met with the greatert oppofition from
the Scots auxiliaries, infomuch, that at laft he pro¬
claimed all the Scots in the fervice of the dauphin to
be rebels againft their lawful fovereign, and threatened
to treat them as fuch wherever he found them, rt
was not long before he had an opportunity of putting ;4js nue]ty
this menace in execution j for the town and cable of to the Scota
Melon being obliged through famine to capitulate, in France,
one of the articles of capitulation was, that all the
Englifh and Scots in the nlace Ihould be refigned to
the abfolute difpofal of the king of England ; and, in
confequence of his refolulion above-mentioned, carded
twenty Scots foldiers who were found in the place to
be hanged as traitors. In 1421, Henry returned to
England, and with him James the .Scots king. On his
arrival there, he was informed that the Scots, under
the earl of Douglas, had made an irruption into Eng¬
land, where they had burned Newark, but had been
forced to return to their own country by a peftilence*.
though a new invafion was daily expected. Inftead of
refenting this infult, Henry invited the earl of Dou¬
glas to a conference at Yoik ; in which the latter a-
greed to ferve him during life, by fea and land, abroad
or at home, againft all living, except his own liege-lord
the king of Scotland, with 200 foot and as many horfe,
at his own charges ; the king of England, in the mean
time, allowing an annual revenue of 200I. lor paying his
expence in going to the army by fea or land.
At the fame time, a new negociation was fet on foot
for the ranfom of King James •, but he did not obtain
his liberty till the year 1424. Henry V. was then dead j
and none of his generals being able to fupply his place,
the Englifli power in France began to decline. They 315
then became fenfible how neceflary it was to be at peace Treaty far
w ith Scotland, in order to detach fuch a formidable ally ^ I'keriy
from the French intereft. James rvas now highly ca-°‘' ac'es'
refied, and at his own liberty, within certain bounds.
The Englifli even confulted him about the manner of
condufling the treaty for his ranfom •, and one Dougal
Drummond, a piieft, was fent with a fafe-conduft tor
the bifliop of Glafgow chancellor of Scotland, Dunbar
earl of March, John Montgomery of Ardroffan, Sir
Patrick Dunbar of Bele, Sir Robert Lawder of Ed-
SCO [ 64s 1 SCO
'Scotland, ring Ion, Sir William Borthwic of Boithwic, and Sir
v—> J0hn Forreiter ot Corftorphin, to have an interview, at
Pomfret, with their mailer the captive king of Scotland,
and there to treat refpefting their common interefls. Moft
of theie noblemen and gentlemen had before been no¬
minated to treat with the Englilh about their king s re¬
turn } and Dougal Drummond feems to have been a
domeilic favourite with James. Hitherto the Scottifh
king had been allowed an annual revenue of 700I.: but
while he was making ready for his journey, his equi¬
pages and attendants were increased to thoie befitting a
fovereign •, and he received prefent from the Englilh
treafury of 100I. for his private expences. That he
might appear with a grandeur every way fuitable to
his dignity, at every ftage were provided relays of horfes,
and afl manner of fdh, fleih, and fowl, with cooks and
other fervants for turnifhing out the molt iumptuous
royal entertainment. In this meeting at Pomfret, James
aSicd as a kind of a mediator between the Englilh and
his own fubjefts, to whom he fully laid himfelf open j
but, in the mean time, the Englilh regency ifiued a
commilTion for fettling the terms upon which James was
to be rellored, if he and his commidicners Ihould lay a
proper foundation for fuch a treaty. JLhe Englilh com-
milhoners, were the bilhops of Durham and Worcefter,
the earls of Northumberland and Wellmoreland, the
lords Nevil, Cornwal, and Chaworth, with mailer John
Wodeham, and Robert Waterton. The initruttions
they received form one of the moll curious paflages of
this hillory'; and we lhall here give them, as they are
neceffary for confirming all we have laid concerning the
dilpofitions of the two courts at this juncture.
Firlt, To make a faint oppofition to any private con¬
ference between the king of Scotland and the Scotch
commiflioners.
Secondly, To demand that, before the faid king fnall
have his full liberty, the kingdom of Scotland Ihould
pay to the Englilh government at leail thirty-fix thou-
land pounds as an equivalent, at two thoufand pounds a-
year, for the entertainment of King James, who was
maintained by the court of England, and not to abate
any thing of that fum ; but if polhble to get forty thou¬
fand pounds.
Thirdly, That if the Scots Ihould agree to the pay¬
ment of the faid fum, the Englith commifiioners Ihould
take fufiacient fecurity and hodages for the payment of
the fame •, and that if they Ijiould not (as there was
great reafon for believing thed would) be fo far molli¬
fied, by fuch eafy terms, as to offer to enter upon a ne-
gociation for a final and perpetual peace between the
two people, that then the Englilh lliould propole the
fame in the moll handfome manner they could. Far¬
ther, that if fuch difficnlties Ihould ariie as might make
it impraclicable immediately to conclude fuch perpetual
peace, that the Englifh ambaffadors Ihould, under pre¬
tence of paving a way for the fame, propofe a long
truce.
Fourthly, That if the Englilh commiffioners Ihould
fucceed in bringing the Scots to agree to the faid truce,
they Ihould further urge, that they Ihould not fend to
Charles of France, or to any of the enemies of Eng¬
land, any fuccours by fea or land. Farther, that the
faid Englilh commiflioners Ihould employ their utmoll
endeavours to procure the recal of the troops already
furnifhed by the Scots to France. The Englilh are
commanded to infill very ftrenuouliy upon uns punrt, Scotian. .
but with diferetion.
Fifthly, If the Scots Ihould, as a further bond of
amity between the two nations, propole a marriage be¬
tween their king and fume noblewoman of England,
the Englilh commiffioners are to make anfwer, “ I hat
the king of Scots is well acquainted with many noble¬
women, and even thofe of the blood-royal, in England }
and that if the king of the Scots lhall pleale to open his
mind more freely on that head, the Englilh cemmif-
fioners lhall be very ready to enter upon conferences
thereupon.” But (continues the record) in cafe the
Scotch commiffioners ihould make no mention of any
fuch alliance by marriage, it will not appear decent for
the Englilh to mention the fame, becauie the women ot
England, at leall the noblewomen, are not ufed to offer
themfelves in marriage to men.
Sixthly, If there ihould be any mention made, con¬
cerning reparation of damages, that the commilhoners
Ihould then proceed upon the fame as they Ihould think
moll proper j and that they Ihould have power to offer
fate-condufl to as many of the Scots as fliould be de¬
manded, for to repair to the court of England, ihefe
inltruftions are dated at Weilminfter, July 6lh 1423*
Nothing definitive was concluded at this treaty, but
that another meeting fliould be held at York inllead ot
Pomfret. This meeting accordingly took place. The
Engliih commiffioners were, Thomas biffiop of^ Dur¬
ham, chancellor of England, Philip bifhep of \\ inche-
flcr Henry Percy earl of Northumberland, and Air
John Wodeham. Thofe for Scotland were, W illiarn
biihop of Glafgmv, George earl of March, James Dou¬
glas of Balveny, his brother Patrick abbot of Cambut-
kenneth, John abbot of Balmerino, Sir Patrick Dun¬
bar of Bele, Sir Robert Lauder of Edrington, George
Borthwic archdeacon of Glafgow, and Patrick Houfion
canon of Glafgow. On the 10th of September, af¬
ter their meeting, they came to the following agree¬
ment :
Fir(l, That the king of Scotland and his heirs, as an
equivalent for his entertainment while in England, Ihould
pay to the king of England and his heirs, at London,
in the church of St Paul, by equal proportions, the fum
of 40,000!. llerling.
Secondly, That the firll payment, amounting to the
fum of ten thoufand merks, Ihould be made fix months
after the king of Scotland’s entering his own kingdom •,
that the like fum ffiould be paid the next year, and io
on dming the fpace of fix years, when the whole fum
would be cleared ; unlefs, after payment of forty thoufand
merks, the lall payment of ten thoufand Ihould be re¬
mitted, at the intreaty of the moll illuftrious prince
Thomas duke of Exeter.
Thirdly, That the king of Scotland, before entering
his own kingdom, thould give fufficient hollages for per¬
formance on his part. But, in regard that the Scots
plenipotentiaries had no inftrudions concerning hoftage?.
it was agreed,
Fourthly, That the king of Scotland fliould be at
Branfpath, or Durham, by the firll of March next,
where he ffiould be attended by the nobles of his blood,
and other fubiefts, in order to fix the number and qua¬
lity of the hollages.
Fifthly, That, to cement and perpetuate the amity
of the two kingdoms, the governor of Scotland fliould
4 M 2 fend
SCO [ 644 ] SCO
Scctiand. lend ambafTadors lo London, with power to conclude a
""'~v~r contraft of marriage between the king of Scotland and
ibme lady of the firif quality in England.
It is probable that James had already fixed his choice
upon the lady Joan, daughter to the late earl of Somerfet,
who was fon to John of Gaunt duke of Lancafler, by
his fecond marriage y but he made his people the com¬
pliment, not only of confulting their opinion, but of
concluding the match. The commiffioners, after their
agreement at York, proceeded towards London •, and
.ihomas Somerville of Carnwath, with Walter Ogilvy,
were added to their number. Being arrived at that
capital, they ratified the former articles, and undertook
for their king, that he fhould deliver his hoftages to the
king of England’s officers, in the city of Durham, be¬
fore the laft day of the enfuing month of March 5 that
he Ihould alfo deliver to the faid officers four obligatory
letters, for the whole fum of 40,000!. from the four
burghs of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, and Aberdeen ;
that he ihould give his obligatory letter to the fame
purpofe, before removing from Durham, and ihould re¬
new the fame four days after his arrival in his owm
kingdom •, that the hoftages might be changed from
time to time for others of the fame fortune and quality 5
that if any of them fhould die in England, others fhould
be fent thither in their room ; and that while they con¬
tinued to ftay in England, they ihould live at their own
charges.
^ I *7 ^
Marriage ^ marriage of James with the lady Joan Beau-
of King fort wTas celebrated in the beginning of February 1424.
James. 1 he young king of England prefented him with a fuit
An. 1-424 Gf cJoth 0f gold for the ceremony ; and the next day
he received a legal difcharge of 10,000 pounds, to be
deducted from the 40,000 at which his ranfom was fix¬
ed, and which fum wTas given as the marriage-portion
of the lady. The ceremony being performed, the king
and queen fet out for Durham, where the hoftages were
waiting j and arrived at his own dominions, along with
the earl of Northumberland and the chief of the north¬
ern nobility, wffio attended him wfth great pomp. On
the 20th of April the fame year, he was crowned at
Scone ; after which ceremony, he followed the example
praftifed by other fovereigns at that time, of knighting
feveral noblemen and gentlemen.
During the dependence of the treaty for James’s re-
leafe, the Scots had emigrated to France, in fuch num¬
bers, that no fewer than 15,000 of them now7 appeared
in arms under the duke of Touraine ; but as the hiftory
of the w’ar in that country has already been given un¬
der the article France, w7e fhall take no farther notice
.^8 of it, but return to the affairs of Scotland.
He reforms On his return James found himfelf in a difagreeable
feveral abu-fttuation. The great maxim of the duke of Albany,
C° * Vvhen regent, had been to maintain himfelf in power by
exempting the lower clafs of people from taxes of every
kind. This plan had been continued by bis fon Mur¬
doch ; but as the latter was deftitute of his father’s abi¬
lities, the people abufed their happinefs, and Scotland
became fucb a fcene of rapine, that no commoner could
fay he had a property in his owm eftate. The Stewart
family, on their acceffion to the crowm of Scotland, pof-
fefled a very confiderable patrimonial eftate, independ¬
ent of the {landing revenues of the crown, which con-
fifted chiefly of cuftoms, wards, and reliefs. The re¬
venues of the paternal eftate belonging to James, had
they been regularly tranfmitted to him, would have ScotlanA
more than maintained him in a fpiendeur equal to his -v—
dignity, while he was in England j nor would he in
that cafe have had any occafton for an allowance from
the king of England. But as the duke of Albany ne¬
ver intended that his nephew fhould return, he parcel¬
led out among his favourites the eftates of the StewTart
family, in fuch a manner that James on his return found
all his patrimonial revenues gone, and many of them in
the hands of his beft friends ; fo that he had nothing to
depend on for the fupport of himfelf and his court but
the crowm-revenues above-mentioned, and even feme of
thefe had been mortgaged during the late regency.
This circumftance, of itfelf fufficiently difagreeable, was
attended with two others, wdiich tended to make it more
fo. The one wTas, that the hoftages w hich had been
left for the king’s ranfom in England, being all perfons
of the firft rank, were attended by their wives, families,
children, and equipages, which rivalled thole of the
fame rank in England, and drew a great deal of ready
money out of the nation. The other circumftance arofe
from the charge of the Scots army in France •, where
Charles, wffio had never been in a condition to fupport
it, was now reduced to the utmoft neceffity : while the
revenues of James himfelf were both fcanty and preca¬
rious. To remedy thefe inconveniences, therefore, the
king obtained from his parliament an aft obliging the
fheriffs of the refpeftive counties to inquire what lands
and eftates had belonged to his anceftors David II. Ro¬
bert II. and Robert III.; and James formed a refolu-
tion of refuming thefe lands wherever they could be dif-
covered, without regard to perfons or circumftances.
On this occafion many of the moft illuftrious perfonages
in the kingdom were arrefted : the duke of Albany, his „ 31?
two fons, and the earl of Lennox the duke’s father-in--ieverai.r^
1 ’ 1 1 1 1 1 • • tile nobility
law, were put to death, though their crimes are not executed.
fpecified by hiftorians.
James now proceeded with great fpirit to reform the
abufes which had pervaded every department of the
Rate, protefted and encouraged learning and learned
men, and even kept a diary in which he wrote down
the names of all the learned men whom he thought
deferving of his encouragement. James himfelf wrote
fome poetry ; and in mufic, wras fuch an excellent com-
pofer, that he is with good reafon looked upon as the
father of Scots mufic, which has been fo much admired
for its elegant ftmplicity. H« introduced organs into
his chapels, and a much better ftyle of architefture into
all buildings whether civil or religious. Nor did he
confine his cares to the fine arts, but encouraged and
protefted thofe of all kinds which were ufeful to focie-
ty ; and, in fiiort, he did more towards the civilization
of his people than had been done by any of his prede-
ceffbrs.
In the mean time the truce continued with England.
James, however, feemed not to have any inclination to
enter into a lafting alliance with that kingdom. On
the contrary, in 1428, he entered into a treaty with
France ; by which it was agreed, that a marriage ftiould
be concluded between the dauphin of France, afterwards
Louis XL and the young princefs of Scotland } and fo
great was the neceffity of King Charles for troops at
that time, that he demanded ©nly 6000 forces as a por¬
tion for the princefs.
The reft of the reign of James was fpent in reform¬
ing
SCO
Scotland.
3 2Q
The king
murdered
An. i437
3*r
Review of
his reign.
3^2
Succeeded
by James
II.
aoth March
*437-
ing abufes, curbing the authority of the great barons,
and recovering the royal eilates out of the hands of
ufurpers. In this, however, he ufed fo much feverity,
that he was at laft murdered, in the year 1437. The
perpetrators of this murder were the earl of Athol;
Robert Grahame, who was connefted with the earl,
and who was difcontented on account of his loling the
eftate of Strathern, which had been re-annexed to the
crown ; and Robert, grand child and heir to the earl
of Athol, and one of the king’s doraeflics. The king
had difmiffed his army, without even referving to him-
felf a body-guard, and was at fupper in a Dominican
convent in the neighbourhood of Perth. Grahame had
for fome time been at the head of a gang of outlaws,
and is faid to have brought a party of them to Perth
in the dead of the night, where he polled them near
the convent. Walter Straton, one of the king’s cup¬
bearers, went to bring fome wine to the king while at
lupper ; but perceiving armed men Handing in the paf-
fage, he gave the alarm, and was immediately killed.
Catharine Douglas, one of the queen’s maids of honour,
ran to bolt the outer door j but the bar was taken away
by Robert Stuart, in order to facilitate the entrance of
the murderers. The lady thruft her arm into the 11a-
ple but it was inftantly broken, and the confpirators
rulhed in upon the king. Patrick Dunbar, brother to
the earl of March, was killed in attempting to defend
his fovereign, and the queen received two wounds in
attempting to interpofe herfelf betwixt her hulband and
the daggers of the aflalTms. James defended himfelf
as long as he could j but at lail expired under the re¬
peated llrokes of his murderers, after having received 28
wounds.
In the reign of James I. feveral important regulations
%vere made for the improvement of the internal polity
of the kingdom. James’s long refidence in England,
then a great and happy nation, had taught him, that
the profperity of a people depended much on the wif-
dom of the legifiature, in enadling falutary laws, and
on the aftivity of the chief magiilrates in putting them
in execution. In his third parliament, was palled an
aft, which affords the firft appearance of a College of
Juftice in Scotland. By this it was ordained, that the
king might appoint the chancellor, and three difereet
perfons of the three eftates, to aft as the ScJJion, when¬
ever the king lliould think fit, three times in the year,
for determination of fuch caufes as had before been ad¬
judged by the king and his council. In 1425, it was
enafted, that fix wife men of the three eltates fhould
examine the books of law, which then confifted of what
were called Regiam Maje/Iatem and ^uonia/n Archia-
?nentat and fhould amend what needed amendment.
Various Itatutes were made, called the Black Atts, for
preferving domeltic tranquillity, diminilhing the exorbit¬
ant power of the nobles, and promoting religious wor-
Ihip. Happy would it have been for Scotland if fo
wile a monarch had lived to execute llriflly what had
been enafled in lo many parliaments for the general
good of a wretched nation.
After the murder of James I. the crown devolved on
his fon James II. at that time only leven years of age.
A parliament was immediately called by^ the queen-
mother, at which the moft cruel punilhments were de¬
creed to the murderers of the late king. The crime,
no doubt, deferred an exemplary punilhment) but the
1 645 1
SCO
barbarities inflifled on fome of thofe wretches are thock- Scotland,
ing to relate. Within lefs than fi-x weeks after the death
of^the king, all the confpirators were brought to Edin¬
burgh, arraigned, condemned, and executed. The
meaner fort were hanged ; but on the earl of Athol
and Robert Graham the moft cruel torments were in¬
flicted, fuch as pinching with hot irons, diilocation of
the joints, &c. The earl of Athol, had, befides, a
crown of red-hot iron put on his head } and was after¬
wards cut up alive, his heart taken out, and thrown in¬
to a fire. In Ihort, fo dreadful were thefe punifhments,
that /Eneas Sylvius, the pope’s nuncio, who beheld
them, faid, that he was at a lofs to determine whether
the crime committed by the regicides, or the punilhment
inflicled upon them, was the greater.
As the late king had preferibed no form of regency An. 1438#
in cafe of his death, the fettlement of the government
became a matter of great difficulty as well as import¬
ance. Archibald earl of Douglas, who had been crea¬
ted duke of Touraine in France, was by far the greatelt
iubjedt in the kingdom ; but as he had not been a fa¬
vourite in the preceding reign, and the people were
now difgufled with regencies, he was not formally ap¬
pointed to the adminiitration, though by his high rank
he in faff enjoyed the fupreme power as long as he liv¬
ed j which, however, was but a lliort time. He died Supreme'
the fame year (1438) ; and Sir Alexander Livingllone power divi-
of Callendar was appointed to fucceed him as governor ded be-
of the kingdom, that is, to have the executive power,tween ^
while William Crichton, as chancellor, had the direc-f^chan-
tion of the civil courts. This was a moft unfortunate celJor of the
partition of power for the public. The governor and kingdom-
chancellor quarrelled ; the latter took poffelfion of the
king’s perfon and the caftle of Edinburgh, to neither of
which he had any right; but the former had on his
fide the queen-mother, a woman of intrigue and fpirit.
Her fon was Unit up in the caftle of Edinburgh 5 and
in a Ihort time there was no appearance either of law
or government in Scotland. The governor’s edi&s were
counterafted by thofe of the chancellor under the king’s
name, and thofe who obeyed the chancellor were punifti-
ed by the governor; while the young earl of Douglas,
with his numerous followers and dependents, was a de¬
clared enemy of both parties, whom he equally fought
to deftroy.
The queen-mother demanded accefs to her fon, which T[ 324
Crichton could find no pretext for denying her; and modier fet!f
ftie was accordingly admitted with a fmall train into her fon at
the caftle of Edinburgh. She played her part fo well, liberty,
and difiembled with fo much art, that the chancellor,
believing (he had become a convert to his caufe, treated
her with unbounded confidence, and fuffered her at all
hours to have free accefs to her Ton’s perfon. Pretend¬
ing that flie had vowed a pilgrimage to the white church
of Buchan, (he recommended the care of her fon’s per¬
fon, till her return, to the chancellor, in the moft pa¬
thetic and affedlionate terms : but, in the mean time,
flie fecretly fent him to Leith, packed up in a clothes-
cheft •, and both (he and James were received at Slir-
ling by the governor before the efcape was known. As
every thing had been managed in concert with Living-
fton, he immediately called together his friends 5 and
laying before them the tyrannical behaviour of the chan¬
cellor, it was refolved to befiege him in the caftle of
Edinburgh, the queen promifing to open her own gra¬
naries-;
SCO
[ M ]
c o
325
Intettme
broils.
Scotland, for the ufe of the army. The chancellor forefaw the
v ftorm that was likely to fall upon him, and fought to
prevent it by applying to the earl of Douglas. That
haughty nobleman anfwered him in the terms already
mentioned, and that he was preparing to exterminate
both parties. The liege of Edinburgh cattle being
formed, the chancellor demanded a parley, and a per-
fonal interview with the governor •, to which the latter,
who was no llranger to the fentiments of Douglas, rea¬
dily agreed. Common danger united them in a com¬
mon caufe ; and the chancellor refigning to the other
the cudody of the caftle and the king’s perfon, with
the higheit profedions of ditty and loyalty, the two com¬
petitors fwore an inviolable friendlhip for each other.
Next day the king cemented their union, by contirming
both of them in their refpeftive charges.
The lawlefs example of the earl of Douglas encoura¬
ged the other great landholders to gratify their private
animofities, fometimes at the expence of their honour as
well as their humanity. A family difference happened
between Sir Allan Stuart of Darnley, and Thomas
Boyd of Kilmarnock j but it was concluded that both
parties ihould come to a peaceable agreement at Pol-
maifthorn, between Linlithgow and Falkirk, where
Stuart was treacheroufiy murdered by his enemy.
Stuart’s death was revenged by his brother, Sir Alex¬
ander Stuart of Beilmouth, who challenged Boyd to a
pitched battle, the principals being attended by a reti¬
nue which carried the refemblance of fmall armies. The
conflift was fierce and bloody, each party retiring in
its turn, and charging with frefh fury j but at laft vic¬
tory declared itfelf for Stuart, the braveft of Boyd’s
attendants being cut off in the field. About this time,
the illanders, under two of their chieftans, Lauchlan
Maclean and Murdoc Gibfon, notorious freebooters,
invaded Scotland, and ravaged the province of Lenox
with fire and fword. They were oppofed by John
-Colquhoun of Lufs, whom they flew, fome fay treacher-
oufly, and others, in an engagement at Lochlomond,
near Inchmartin. After this, the robbers grew more
outrageous than ever, not only filling all the neighbour¬
ing country with rapine, but murdering the aged, in¬
fants, and the defencelefs of both fexes. At laft, all
the labouring hands in the kingdom being engaged
in domeflic broils, none were left for agriculture 5 and
a dreadful famine enfued, attended, as ufual, by a pef-
tilence. James was now about ten years of age ; and
the wifeft part of the kingdom agreed, that the public
diftreffes were owing to a total difrefpeft of the royal
authority. The young earl of Douglas never had fewer
than 1000, and fometimes 2000 horfe in his train ; fo
that none was found hardy enough to controul him.
He pretended to be independent of the king and his
courts of law •, that he had a right of judicature upon
his own large eftates; and that he was entitled to
the evercife of royal power. In confequence of this
he iffued his orders, gave proteftions to thieves and
murderers, affefted to brave the king, made knights,
-and, according to fome writers, even noblemen, of
his own dependents, with a power of fitting in parlia¬
ment.
The queen-mother was not wholly guiltlefs of thofe
abufes. She had fallen in love with and married Sir
James Stuart, who was commonly called the Black knight
2
of Lorn, brother to the lord of that title, and a defeen- Scotiana.
dant of the houie of Darnley. AffedJion for her hulband '"“"V—~'1
caufed her to renew her political intrigues 5 and not
finding a ready compliance in the governor, her interelf
inclined towards the party of the Douglafes. The go¬
vernor fought to ftrengthen his authority by reltoring
the excrcile of the civil power, and the reverence due to
the perlon of the fovereign.
The conduft of the lord Callendar was in many re- The^queen
fpefts not fo defenfible, either as to prudence or policy, mother and
When the queen exprefled her inclinations that her huf- her hof-
band might be admitted to fome part of the admimflra-kam* *m*
tion, the governor threw both him and his brother the,i,uioneu’
lord Lorn into prifon, on a charge of undutiful praftices
againfl the date, and abetting the earl of Douglas in
his enormities. The queen, taking fire at her huf-
band’s imprifonment, was herfelf confined in a mean a-
partment within the catfle of Stirling ; and a conven¬
tion of the dates was called, to judge in what manner
die was to be proceeded againd. The cafe was unprece¬
dented and didicult ; nor is it credible that the governor
would have cairied matters to fuch extremity, had he not
had drong evidences of her illegal behaviour. She was
even obliged to ditTemble her refentment, by making an
open profedion before the dales, that the had always
been entirely innocent of her hufband’s practices, and
that fhe would for the future behave as a peaceable
and dutiful fubjeft to the laws and the lovereign 3J7
Upon making this purgation (as Lindfay calls it), ' re'
die was releafed, as alfo her hufband and his brother,
being bailed by the chancellor and the lord Gordon,
who became fureties for their good behaviour in the
penalty of 4000 merks. The governor was afterwards
accufed of many arbitrary and partial afls of power :
and indeed, if we confider his fituation, and the vio¬
lence of the parties which then divided Scotland, it was
aimed impodible, confidently with his own fafety, to
have exerted the virtues either of patriotifm or modera¬
tion.
The chanctllor was exceedingly vexed at the fmall
regard which the governor paid to his perfon and dig¬
nity, and fecretly connefted himfelf with the queen-
mother ; but in the mean time he remained at Edin¬
burgh. The king and his mother continued all this
time at Stirling ; where the governor, on pretence of
confulting the public fafety, and that of the king’s
perfon, maintained a drong guard, part of which at¬
tended James in his juvenile exercifes and diverfions
The queen-mother did not fail to reprefent this to her
fon as a redraint on his liberty *, and obtained his
confent to put himfelf into the chancellor’s hands. The
latter, who was a man of aflivity and courage, knew the king’s
well how to avail himfelf of this permiffion •, and perfon into
eroding the Forth in the dark with a drong body
of horfe, they furrounded the king as he was hunt¬
ing next morning by break of day. It was eafy to
perceive from the behaviour of James, that he was no
dranger to the chancellor’s attempt *, but fome of the
king’s guard offering to difpute the poffefficn of his
perfon, Sir William Livingdon, the governor’s elded
fon, redrained them, and differed the king to depart
quietly. This furprifal happened on a day when the
governor was abient from Stirling ; and the chancel¬
lor, to make fare of his royal acquifition, entered Edin¬
burgh
32S
The ciiaH-
: celJor gets
. his hands.
t
SCO [ 647 ] SCO
3*0
Rebellious
behaviour
of the earl
S otlasd burgh at the head of 4000 horfe, where the king and
 he were received by the citizens with loud acclamations
of j0y'
The governor Hiowed no emotion at what had hap¬
pened ; on the contrary, he invited the chancellor to
an interview, and fettled all difierences with him in an
amicable manner. The young lord Douglas, however,
continued to brave both parties. As if he had been a
of Douglas, fovereign prince, he demanded by his ambafTadors, Mal¬
colm Fleming of Cumbernauld, and Allan Lawder, the
inveftiture of the fovereignty of Touraine from Charles
the feventh of France j which being readily granted
him, ferved to increafe his pride and infolence. The
firft-fruits of the accommodation between the two
great officers of Itate was the holding of a parliament at
Edinburgh, for redreffing the public diforders occalion-
ed by the earl of Douglas 5 and encouragement was
given to all perions who had been injured to make
their complaints. The numbers which on that occa-
fion reforted to Edinburgh were incredible : parents,
children, and women, demanding vengeance for the
murder of their relations, or the plunder of their eftates}
till, by the multiplicity of their complaints, they be¬
came without remedy, none being found bold enough
to encounter the earl of Douglas, or to endeavour to
bring him to a fair trial. The parties therefore were
difmiffed without relief, and it was refolved to proceed
with the haughty earl in a different manner. Letters
were written to him by the governor and chancel¬
lor, and in the name of the flates, requelling him to
appear with his friends in parliament, and to take that
lead in public affairs to which they rvere intitled by
their high rank and great poffeffions. The manner in
which thofe letters were penned made the thoughtlefs
carl confider them as a tribute due to his greatnefs, and
as proceeding from the inability of the government to
continue the adminiftraticn of public affairs without
his countenance and direftion. Without dreaming that
any man in Scotland would be fo bold as to attack him,
even lingle or unarmed, he anfwered the letters of the
chancellor and governor, by affuring them that he in¬
tended to fet out for Edinburgh : the chancellor, on
pretence of doing him honour, but in reality to quiet
his fufpicions, met him while he was on his journey j
and inviting him to his callle of Crichton, he there
entertained him for fome days with the greateff magni¬
ficence and appearance of hofpitality.. The earl of
Douglas believed all the chancellor’s profeffions of
triendffiip, and even ffiarply checked the wifeft of his
followers, who counfelled him not to depend too much
on appearances, or to truft his brother and himfelf at
ihe fame time in any place where the chancellor had
power, i he latter had not only removed the earl’s flif-
picion, but had made him a kind of convert to patxdo-
i:m, by painting to him the miferies of his country, and
ihe glory tnat muff redound to him and his friends in
removing them. It was in vain for his attendants to
remind him of his father's maxim, never to rilk himfelf
ana his brother at the fame time : he without hefitation
attended the chancellor to Edinburgh 5 and being ad¬
mitted into the caftle, they dined at the fame table with
the king, i orvards the end of the entertainment, a
bull’s head, the certain prelude of immediate death, was
ferved up. The earl and his brother ftarted to their
feet, and endeavoured to make their efcape : but armed Scotland,
men ruffling in, overpowered them, and tying their
hands and thofe of Sir Malcolm Fleming with cords,,,
they were carried to the hill and beheaded. The young death with
king endeavoured with tears to procure their pardon ; his brother,
for which he wfas feverely checked by the unrelenting
chancellor.
In 1443, the king being arrived at the age of 14, Aa, 1443.
declared himfelf out of the years of minority, and took
upon himfelf the adminiffration of affairs. He appears
to have been a prince of great fpirit and refolution 3
and he had occaffon for it. He had appointed one
Robert Sempil or Fulvvood to be chief governor of the
caftle of-Dumbarton ; but he was killed by one Gal¬
braith (a noted partizan of the earl of Douglas), who
feized upon the government of the caftle. The popu¬
larity of the family of Douglas having fomewhat llib-
ffded, and the young earl finding himfelf not fupported
by the chief branches of his family, he began to think,
now that the king was grown up, his fafeft courle
would be to return to his duty. Fie accordingly re-The young
paired to the king at Stirling j and voluntarily throw-eailtubmits
ing himfelf at his majefty’s feet, implored pardon fort0 lhe kin£*
all his tranfgreffions, and folemnly promifed that he ce,\ 'd^n'to
would ever after fet a pattern of duty and loyalty to tavou-r.
all the reft of his fubje£ls. The king, finding that he
infilled on no terms but that of pardon, and that he had
unconditionally put himfelf into Iris power, not only
granted his requeft, but made him the partner of his in-
moft councils.
James had always difiiked the murder of the earl of
Douglas and his brother; and the chancellor, percei¬
ving the afcendancy which this earl w^as daily gaining
at court, thought it high time to provide for his own
fafety. He therefore refigned the great feal, and re¬
tired to tne caftle of Edinburgh, the cuftody of which
he pretended had been granted to him by the late king
during his life, or till the prefent king Ihould arrive at
the age of 21 ; and prepared it for a liege. The lord 33s
Gailendar, who knew himfelf equally obnoxious as
Crichton tvas to the earl of Douglas, and that he could in Scot-^
not maintain his footing by himfelf, refigned likewife land,
all his polls, and retired to one of his own houfes, but
kept poffeftion of the caille of Stirling. As both that '
and the caftle of Edinburgh were royal forts, the two
lords were fummoned to furrender then*; but inilead
of complying, they juftified their conduft by the great
power of their enemies, who fought their deftruftion,
and who had been fo lately at the head of robbers and
outlaws : but promifed to forrender themfclves to the
king as foon as he was of lawful age, (meaning, we
xuppofo, either iB or 21). This anfw7er being deemed
contumacious, the chancellor and the late governor, with
his two fons Sir Alexander and Sir James Livingfton,
were proclaimed traitors in a parliament which was fum-
moned on purpofe to be held at Stirling. In another
parliament held at Perth the fame year, an aft paffed,
that all the lands and goods which' had belonged to the
late king ftiould be poffeffed by the prefent king to the
time of his lawful age, which is not fpecified. This aft
was levelled againft the late governor and chancellor,
who were accufed of having alienated to their own ufes,
or to thofe of their friends, a great part of the royal ef-
fe£!s and jewels j and their eftates being confifeated, the
execution
SCO [ 648 ] SCO
Scotland, execution of tlie fentence was committed to John For-
' refter of Corftorphin, and other adherents ot the earl of
Douglas.
This fentence threw all the nation into a flame.
The caftle of Crichton was befieged ; and being fur-
rendered on the king’s fummons and the difplay of the
royal banner, it was levelled with the ground. It foon
appeared that the governor and chancellor, the latter
efpecially, had many friends; and in particular Kenne¬
dy archbifhop of St Andrews, nephew to James the
firff, who fided with them from the dread and hatred
they bore to the earl of Douglas and his family.
Crichton thus foon found himfelf at the head of a body
of men} and while Forrefter was carrying fire and
fword into his eflates and thofe of the late governor,
his own lands and thofe of the Douglafes were over¬
run. Corftorphin, Abercorn, Blacknefs, and other
places, were plundered ; and Crichton carried off from
them more booty than he and his adherents had loft.
Particular mention is made of a fine breed of mares
which Douglas loft on this occafion. That nobleman
was fo much exafperated by the great damages he had
faftained, that he engaged his friends the earl of Craw¬
ford and Alexander Ogilvy of Innerquharity, to lay
wafte the lands of the archbifhop of St Andrew’s,
whom he confidered as the chief fupport of the two
minifters. This prelate was not more confiderable by
his high birth, than he was venerable by his virtue
and fan&ity *, and had, from a principle of confcience,
oppofed the earl of Douglas and his party. Being
confcious he had done nothing that was illegal, he firft
admonilhed the earl of Crawford and his coadjutor to
defift from deftroying his lands} but finding his admo¬
nitions ineffe&ual, he laid the earl under an excommuni¬
cation.
That nobleman was almoft as formidable in the
northern, as the earl of Douglas had been in the
fouthern, parts of Scotland. The Benediftine monks
of Aberbrothwic, who were pofleffed of great proper¬
ty, had chofen Alexander Lindfay, his eldeft fon, to
be the judge or bailiff of their temporalities •, as they
themfelves, by their profeftion, could not fit in civil or
criminal courts. Lindfay proved fo chargeable to the
monks, by the great number of his attendants, and his
high manner of living, that their chapter removed him
from his port, and fubftituted in his place Alexander
Ogilvy of Innerquharity, guardian to his nephew John
Ogilvy of Airley, who had an hereditary claim on
the bailiwick. This, notwithftanding their former in¬
timacy, created an irreconcileable difference between the
two families. Each competitor ftrengthened himfelf by
calling in the afliftance of his friends ; and the lord
Gordon taking part with the Ogilvies, to whom he was
then paying a^ vifit, both parties immediately muttered
in the neighbourhood of Aberbrothwic. The earl of
Crawford, who was then at Dundee, immediately polled
to Aberbrothwic, and placing himfelf between the two
armies, he demanded to fpeak with Ogilvy but, be¬
fore his requeft could be granted,he w^as killed by a com¬
mon foldier, who w7as ignorant of his quality. His
death exafperated his friends, who immediately rufhed
on their enemies •, and a bloody conflift enfued, which
ended to the advantage of the Lindfays, that is, the
carl of Crawford’s party. On that of the Ogilvies were
killed Sir John Oliphant of Aberdalgy, John Forbes of
1
Pitfligo, Alexander Barclay of Gartley, Robert Max- Scotland,
wel of Teling, Duncan Campbell of Campbelfether,
William Gordon of Burrowfield, and others. With
thofe gentlemen, about 500 of their followers are faid
to have fallen } but fome accounts diminifh that number.
Innerquharity himfelf, in flying, rvas taken prifoner, and
carried to the earl of Crawford’s houfe at Finhaven,
■where he died of his wounds j but the lord Gordon (or,
as others call him, the earl of Huntley) efcaped by the
fwiftnefs of his horfe.
This battle feems to have let loofe the fury of civil
difcord all over the kingdom. No regard was paid to
magiftracy, nor to any defcription of men but that
of clergy. The moft numerous, fierceft, and beft
allied family, wreaked its vengeance on its foes, ei¬
ther by force or treachery ; and the enmity that ac¬
tuated the parties, ftifled every fentiment of honour,
and every feeling of humanity. The Lindfays, fe-
cretly abetted and ftrengthened by the earl of Dou¬
glas, made no other ufe of their victory than carrying
fire and fword through the eftates of their enemies j and
thus all the north of Scotland prefented fcenes of mur¬
der and devaftation. In the weft, Robert Boyd ©f
Duchal, governor of Dumbarton, treacheroufty furprifed
Sir James Stuart of Achmynto, and treated his wife
with fuch inhumanity, that fhe expired in three days
under her confinement in Dumbarton caftle. The caftle
of Dunbar was taken by Patrick Hepburn of Hales.
Alexander Dunbar difpoffeffed the latter of his caftle of
Hales 5 but it was retaken by the partifans of the earl
of Douglas, whofe tenants, particularly thofe of Annau-
dale, are faid to have behaved at that time with pecu¬
liar fiercenefs and cruelty. At laft, the gentlemen of
the country, who were unconnected with thofe robbers
and murderers, which happened to be the cafe with ma¬
ny, {hut themfelves up in their feveral houfes ; each of
which, in thofe days, was a petty fortrefs, which they
victualled, and provided in the beft manner they could
for their owm defence. This wife refolution feems to
have been the firft meafure that compofed the public
commotions.
The earl of Douglas, whole power and influence at
court flill continued, ivas fenfible that the clergy, with
the wifer and more difinterefted part of the kingdom,
confidered him as the fource of the dreadful calamities
which the nation fuftered } and that James himfelf,
when better informed, would be of the fame opinion.
He therefore fought to avail himfelf of the junCture, by
forming fecret but ftrong connections with the earls of
Crawford, Rofs, and other great noblemen, who defi-
red to fee their feudal powers reftored to their full vi¬
gour. The queen-dowager and her hufband made little
or no figure during this feafon of public confufion : ftie
had retired to the caftle of Dunbar, while it was in
Hepburn’s poffeflion, where {he died foon after. She
left by her fecond hufband three fons 5 John, who in
T455 was ma^e earl -Athol, by his uterine brother
the king; James, who under the next reign, in 1469,
was created earl of Buchan ; and Andrew, who after-
wards became bifhop of Murray. As the earl 01 Dou¬
glas was an enemy to the queen dowager’s hufband, the
latter retired to England, wheie he obtained a pafs to
go abroad, with 20 in his train ; but being taken at fea
by the Flemilh pirates, he died in confinement.
The great point between the king and Sir William
Crichton,
SCO
Scotland,
_ Cricliton, wlietlier the latter Ihotild give up the caflle
v ' " to his majefty, remained ftill undecided } and by the
advice and direftion of the earl of Douglas, who had
been created lord-lieutenant of the kingdom, it had
now fuffered a nine months fiege. Either the llrength
of the caftle, or an opinion entertained by Douglas that
Crichton would be a valuable acquilition to his party,
procured better terms for the latter than he could other-
wife have expefted j for he and his followers were of¬
fered a full indemnity for all part offences, and a pro-
mife was made that he fliould be reltored not only to
the king’s favour, but to his former pMt of chancellor.
He accepted the conditions ; but refufed to aft in
any public capacity till they were confirmed by a par¬
liament, which was foon after held at Perth, and in
which he was reflored to his eftate and honours. By
this reconciliation between Douglas and Crichton, the
former was left at full liberty to profecute his vengeance
againft the lord Callendar, the late governor, his friends
and family. That vengeance was exercifed with rigour.
The governor himfelf, Sir James Dundas of Dundas,
and Sir Robert Bruce of Clackmannan, were forced to
fave their lives by the lofs of their eftates ; but even
that could not preferve their liberty, for they w'ere
fent prifoners to the caftle of Dumbarton. The fate
of Alexander, the governor’s eldeft fon, and of two
other gentlemen of his name and family, was ftill more
lamentable 5 for they were condemned to lofe their
heads. Thefe feverities being inflifted after the king
had in a manner readmitted the fufterers into his favour,
fwelled the public outcry againft the earl of_ Douglas!
We have in Lindfay an extraft of the fpeech which A-
lexander Liyingfton, one of the moft accomplilhed gen¬
tlemen of his time, made on the fcaffold, in which he
complained, with great bitternefs, of the cruel treatment
which his father, himfelf, and his friends, had under¬
gone , and that he luffered by a packed jury of his
enemies.
The king being new about 18 years of age, it was
thought proper that a fuitable confort ftiould be pro¬
vided for him j and, after various confultations, Mary,
the daughter of Arnold duke of Gueldres, was chofen,
at the recommendation of Charles king of France,
though the. marriage was not completed till fame time
333 aher. I his produced an immediate rupture with Eng-
Invafion of land. .The earls of Salifbury and Northumberland en-
Scotland tered Scotland at the head of two feparate bodies. The
by the Eng-former burnt the town of Dumfries, as the latter did
An. 1447. t f^unhar 5 while Sir John Douglas of Balveny
made xeprilals by plundering the county of Cumberland,
and. burning Alnwic. On the return of the Englifh
armies to their own country, additional levies were
made, and a frefh invafion of Scotland was refolved
on under the earl of Northumberland, who had with
n.m a lieutenant, whom the Scots of thofe days, from
the buftiinefs and colour of his beard, caWed Magnus
with the red mane. He was a foldier of fortune, but
an excellent officer, having been trained in the French
wars ; and ne is faid to have demanded no other recom-
penfe for his fervices from the Englifh court, but that
he fhould enjoy all he could conquer in Scotland. The
Scots, in the mean time, had rsufed an army, command¬
ed by George Douglas earl of Ormond, and under him
by WaHace of Craigie, with the lords Maxwell and
Johnfton. The Englifh having faffed Solway frith
Vol. XVIII. Part II. '
r 649 i
SCO
ravaged all that part of the country which belonged to Scotland.
the Scots ; but hearing that the earl of Ormond’s army w—v 1
was approaching, called in their parties, and fixed their
camp on the banks of the river Sark. Their advanced
guard was commanded by Magnus; their centre by the
earl of Northumberland j and the rear, which was com-
pofed of Welch, by Sir John Pennington, an officer of
courage and experience.
The Scots drew up in three divifions likewife. Their
right wing was commanded by Wallace, the centre byofSaik. "
the earl of Ormond, and their left wing by the lords
Maxwell and Johnfton. Before the battle began, the
earl of Ormond harapgued his men, and infpired them
with very high refentment againft the Englifti, who, he
faid, had treacheroufly broken the truce. The fignal for
battle being given, the Scots under Wallace ruflied for¬
ward on their enemies : but, as ufual, were received
by fo terrible a dilcharge from the Englifh archers,
that their impetuoftty muff have been flopped, had not
their brave leader Wallace put them in mind, that their
forefathers had always been defeated in diftant fights
by the Englifh, and that they ought to trull to their
fwords and fpears 5 commanding them at the fame time
to follow his example. They obeyed, and broke in
upon the Englifh commanded by Magnus, with fuch
fury, as foon fixed the fortune of the day on the fide
of the Scots, their valour being fuitably feconded by
the other two divifions. The flaughter (which was
the more confiderable as both parties fought with' the
utmoft animofity) fell chiefly upon the divifion com¬
manded by Magnus, who was killed, performing the
part of a brave officer ; and all his body-guard, confift-
ing of picked foldiers, wTere cut in pieces.
i he battle then became general : Sir John Penning- xiie^Kn^-
ton’s divifion, with that under the earl of Northumber- lifli entirely
land, was likewife routed ; and the whole Englifh army,defeated,
ftruck by the lofs of their champion, fled towards the
Solway, where, the river being fwelled by the tide
numbers of them were drowned. The lofs of the Eng-
lifli in flain amounted to at leaf! 3000 men. Among
the prifoners were Sir John Pennington, Sir Robert
Harrington, and the earl of Northumberland’s eldeft:
fon the lord Percy, who loft his own liberty in for¬
warding his father’s efcape. Of the Scots about 600
were killed ; but none of note, excepting the brave
Wallace, who died three months after of the wounds
he had received in this battle. The booty that was
made on this occafion is faid to have been greater than
any that had fallen to the Scots fince the battle of Ban¬
nockburn.
The remaining hiftory of this turbulent reign confifts Rebellion
aimoft entirely of a relation of the cabals and confpira-of the earl
cies of the great men. The earl of Douglas had entered of Doug-
into a confederacy with the earls of Crawford, Moray,las and
and Rofs, and appeared on all occafions with fuch a train01^*
of followers as bade defiance to royal power itfelf. This
infolence wa$ detefted by the wifer part of the nation ;
and one Maclellan, who is called the Tutor ofBomby,
and was nephew to Sir Patrick Gray, captain of the
king’s guard, refufed to give any attendance on the
earl, or to concur in his me.afures, but remained at
lome as a quiet fubjeft. J his inoffenfive behaviour was
by the earl confidered as treafon againft hirnfelf; and
violently feizing on Maclellan’s houfe and perfon, he
fent him clofe prifoner to the caftle -of Douglas. As
4 N Maclellan
SCO [65
Scotland. Maclellan was a gentleman of great worth and reputa-
“""""v'- lion, his uncle Gray applied earneftly to James in his
favour •, and inch was that prince’s regard for Maclel¬
lan, that he wrote and figned a letter for his releafe,
addreffed to the earl of Douglas. Upon Gray’s deli¬
vering this letter to Douglas at his caltle, the latter
feemed to receive it with the higheft refpecl, and. to
treat Gray with the greateft hofpitality, by inviting
him to dinner; but, in the mean time, he gave private
orders that Maclellan’s head Ihould be ilruck oft', and
his body expcfed upon the green before the cattle co¬
vered with a linen cloth. After dinner, the earl told
Gray, that he was ready to obey the king’s commands j
• and conducing him to the green, he fir owed him the
lifelefs trunk, ’ which he faid Gray might difpofe of as
he pleated. Upon this, Gray mounted his horfe, and
irufted to his fwiftnefs for his own fafety j for he was
purfued by the earl’s attendants to the gates of Edin¬
burgh.
The confpiracy againft James’s government was now
no longer a fecret. The lords Balveny and Hamilton,
with fuch a number of other barons and gentlemen, had
acceded to it, that it was thought to be more powerful
than all the force the king could bring into the field.
Even Crichton advifed James to diffemble. I he con¬
federates entered into a folemn bond and oath never to
defert one another during life ; and, to make ufc oi
Drummond’s words, “ That injuries done to any one
of them thould be done to them all, and be a common
quarrel ; neither thould they defift, to their heft abilities,
to revenge them : that they ftiould concur indifferently
againft whatfoever perfons within or without the realm,
and fpend their lives, lands, goods, and fortunes, in de¬
fence of their debates and differences whatfoever.” All
who did not enter into this aflbciation were treated as
enemies to the public •, their lands were deffroyed, their
effefls plundered, and they tbemfelves imprifoned or
murdered. Drummond fays, that Douglas was then
able to bring 40,000 men into the field ) and that his
intention was to have placed the crown of Scotland
on his own head. How far he might have been influ¬
enced by a feene of the fame nature that was then paf-
fing between the houfes of Yoik and Lancafter in Eng¬
land, we ftiall not pretend to determine j though it
does not appear that his intention w^as to wear the
crown himfelf, but to render it defpicable on his fo-
vereign’s head. It is evident, from his behaviour, that
he did not affett royalty j for when James invited him
to a conference In the caftle of Stirling, he offered to
comply provided he had a fafe-condnft. This condition
plainly implied, that he had no reliance on the late aft
of parliament, which declared the proclamation of the
king’s peace to be a Efficient fccurity for life and for¬
tune to all his fubjefts j and there is no denying that
the fafe-conduft was expedited in the form and manner
required.
This being obtained, the earl began his march to-
_ wards Stirling with his ufual great retinue ; and ar~
Interview rived there on Shrove-Tuefday. He was received by
between king as if he had been the beft of his friends, as
King James well as^e greateft of his fubjefts, and admitted to fup
ami the earA Jth h[s majefly in the caftle, while his attendants were
£las. ‘ difperfed in the town, little fufpefting the cataftrophe
that followed. The entertainment being over, the king
told the earl with an air of franknefs, 44 That as he was
o ] SCO
now of age, he was refolved to be the father of all his
people, and to take the government into his own hands j
that his lordffiip, therefore, had no reafon to be under
any npprehenfions from his old enemies Callendar and
Crichton j that there was no occafion to form any con¬
federacies, as the law was ready to proteft him ; and
that he was welccme to the principal direftion of
affairs under the crown, and to the firil place in the
royal confidence ; nay, that all former offences done
by himfelf and his friends Ihould be pardoned and for-
ScctlanJ.
gotten.”
This fpeech was the very reverfe of what the earl of
Douglas aimed at. It rendered him, indeed, the firil
fubjeft of the kingdom ; but ftill he was controulable
by the civil law. In fliort, on the king’s peremptori¬
ly putting the queftion to him, he not only refilled to
diffolve the confederacy, but upbraided the king for his
government. This produced a paffionate rejoinder on
the part of James j but the earl reprefented that he was
under a fafe-conduft, and that the nature of his confe¬
deracy w:as fuch, that it could not be broken but by 33s
the common confent of all concerned. T he king in- The king
filled on his fetting the example j and the earl con-^^1”^
tinuing more and more obftinate, James llabbed him owii*
with his dagger 5 and armed men ruffling into the room,
finiffied the atrocious deed.
After the death of the earl of Douglas, the confede¬
racy came to nothing. The infurgents excufed them-
felves as being too weak for fuch an enterprife •, and
were contented with trailing the fafe-conduft at a
horfe’s tail, and proclaiming, by trumpets and horns,
the king a perjured traitor. They proceeded no far¬
ther j and each departed to his own habitation, after
agreeing to aff'emble with freffi forces about the begin¬
ning of April. James loft no time in improving this
Ihort refpite ; and found the nation in general much
better difpofed in his favour than he had reaibn to ex-
peft. The intolerable oppreffions of the great barons
made his lubjefts efteem the civil, far preferable to the
feudal, fubjeftionand even the Douglafes were divi¬
ded among themfelves: for the earl of Angus and Sir
John Douglas of Dalkeith were among the moft for¬
ward of the royalifts. James at the lame time wrote
letters to the earl of Huntly, and to all the noblemen
of his kingdom who were not parties in the confedera¬
cy, befides the ecclefiaftics, wffio remained firmly at¬
tached to his prerogative. Before the effeft of thofe
letters could be known, the infurgents had returned to
Stirling (where James ftill wifely kept himfelf on the
defenfive) 5 repeated their infolences, and the oppro¬
brious treatment of his fafe-conduft j and at laft they
plundered the town, and laid it in allies. Being ftill
unable to lake the caftle, partly through their own di-
vifions, and partly through the diverfity of the opera,
tions they were obliged to carry on, they left Stirling, and
deftroyed the eftate of Sir John Douglas of Dalkeith,
whom they confidered as a double traitor, becaufe he
was a Douglas and a good fubjeft. They then befieged
his caftle : but it was fo bravely defended by Patrick
Cockburn, a gentleman of the family of Langton, that
they raifed the fiege ; which gave the r.oyal party far¬
ther leifure for humbling them.
All this time the unhappy country was fuffering the
moft cruel devaftations ; for matters were now come to
fuch extremity, that it w7as neceffary for every man lobe
a
SCO [6
Scotland, a royal hi or a rebel. The king was obliged to keep on
' v ",I the defenfive ; and though he had ventured to leave the
caftle of Stirling, he was in no condition to face the re¬
bels in the field. They were in poffeflion of all the flrong
pafles by which his friends were to march to his affifl-
ance ; and he even confulted with his attendants on the
means of efcaping to France, where he was lure of an
hofpitable reception. He was diverted from that refolu-
tion by Archbiftiop Kennedy and the earl of Angus, who
was himfelf a Douglas, and prevailed on to wait for the
event of the earl of Huntly’s attempts for his fervice.
This nobleman, who was defcended from the Seatons,
but by marriage inherited the great eftates of the Gor¬
dons in the north, had raifed an army for Tames, to
whole family he and his anceftors, by the Gordons as
well as the Seatons, had been always remarkably devo¬
ted. James was not miilaken in the high opinion he
had of Huntly ; and in the mean time he iffiied circu¬
lar letters to the chief ecclefialtics and bodies-politic of
bis kingdom, fetting forth the necefiity he was under of
proceeding as he had done, and his readinefs to protedl
all his loyal lubjedts in their rights and privileges againft
the power of the Douglafes and their rebellious adhe¬
rents. Before thefe letters could have any effedl, the
rebels had plundered the defencelefs houfes and eftates
of all who were not in their confederacy, and had pro¬
ceeded with a fury that turned to the prejudice of their
caufe.
The indignation which the public bad conceived
again It the king, for the violation of his fafe-condu£t,
began now to fubfide ; and the behaviour of his enemies
in feme meafure juftified what had happened, or at leait
made the people f’ufpedt that James would not have pro¬
ceeded as he did without the ftrongelt provocation.
The forces he had aflembled being unable, as yet, to
aft offenfively, he refolved to wait for the earl of
Huntly, who by this time was at the head of a -confi-
derable army, and bad begun his march fouthwards.
He had been joined by the Forbefes, Ogilvies, Leflies,
Grants, Irvings, and other relations and dependants of
359 '■> but having advanced as far as Brechin, he
Battle of vvas oppofed by the earl of Crawford, the chief ally of
Brechin, the earl of Douglas, who commanded the people of
rebels lhe AnSus> anc* ^le adherents of the rebels in the neigh-
defeated.6 k°urong counties, headed by foreign officers. The two
armies joining battle on the 18th of May, viftory was
for fome time in fiafpence 5 till one Colols of Bonny-
moon, on whom Crawford had great dependence, but
whom he had imprudently difobhged, came over to the
royalilts with the divifion he commanded, which was
the ftrongelt part of Crawford’s army, armed with
battle-axes, broadfivovds, and long Ipears, His defec¬
tion gave the fortune ol the day to the earl of Hunt¬
ly, as it ie!t the centre flank of Crawford’s army en¬
tirely expofed to the royalifts. He himfelf loft one of
his hi Others 5 and fled with another, Sir John Ifindlay,
to his houie at I inhaven, where it is reported that he
broke out into the following ejaculation : “ That he
would be content to remain feven years in hell, to have
in fo timely a fealon done the king his mafter that fer¬
vice the earl of Huntly had performed, and carry that
applaufe and thanks he was to receive from him.
No author informs us of the lofs of men on either
fide, though all agree that it was very conftderable
on the whole. The earl of Huntly, particularly, loft
oi ] SCO
two brothers, William and Henry 5 and we are told, Scotland,
that, to indemnify him for his good fervices, as well as ""■‘'V
lor the rewards and prefents which he had made in lands
privileges to his faithful followers, the king beftowed
on him the lands of Badenoch and Lochaber. .
The battle of Brechin was not immediately decifive The rebet-
in favour of the king, but proved fo in its confequences. lion fup-
The earl of Moray, a Douglas likewife, took advantage
of Huntly’s abfence to harafs and ravage the eftates
of all thfc royalifts in the north •, but Huntly return¬
ing from Brechin with his viftorious army, drove his
enemy into his own county of Moray, and afterwards
expeiltd him even from thence. James was now' encou¬
raged by the advice of his kinfman Kennedy archbiftiop
of St AndrewT's, to whofe firmnets and prudence he was
under great obligations, to proceed againft the rebels
in a legal manner, by holding a parliament at Edin¬
burgh, to which the confederated lords were lumrnon-
ed 5 and upon their non-compearance, they were fo-
lemnly declared traitors. This proceeding feemed to New affo*
make the rebellion rage more fiercely than ever 5 and ciation a-
at la’ft, the confederates, in faft, difowned their alle- t^ie
glance to James. The earls of Douglas, Crawford, Or-^
mond, Moray, the lord Balveny, Sir James Hamilton, DciiRlas.
and others, figned with their own hands public mani- Crawford,
felloes, which wTerc palled on the doors of the principal &-"•
churches, importing, “ That they were relblved never
to obey command or charge, nor anfwer citation for the
time coming 5 becaufe the king, fo far from being a
juft mafter, was a bloodfucker, a murderer, a tranfgref-
fbr of bofpitality, and a furprifer of the innocent.” It
does not appear that thefe atrocious proceedings did
any fervice to the caufe of the confederates. The earl
of Iluntly continued viftorious in the north; where
he and his followers, in revenge tor the earl of Morav’s
having burnt his caftle of Huntly, feized or ravaged
all that nobleman’s great eftate north of the Spey.
When he came to the town of Forres, he burned one
fide of the town, becaufe it belonged to the earl, and
fpared the other, becaufe it was the properly of his
own friends. James thought himfelf, from the beha¬
viour of the earl of Douglas and his adherents, now
warranted to come to extremities ; and marching into
Annandale, he carried fire and fivord through all the
eftates of the Douglafes there. The earl of Crawford,
on the other hand, having now recruited his ftrength,
deftroyed the lands of all the people of Angus and of
all others who had abandoned him at the battle of Bre¬
chin ; though there is reafon to believe, that he had al¬
ready fecretly refolved to throw himfelf upon the king’s
mercy.
Nothing but the moft obftinate pride and refentment
could have prevented the earl of Douglas, at this time,
from taking the advice of Ins friends, by returning to
his duty ; in which cafe, James had given fufficient in¬
timations that he might expeft pardon. He coloured
his contumacy with the fpecious pretext, that his bro¬
ther’s fate, and thole of his two kinfmen, fufficiently
inftrufted him never to truft to James or his minifters ;
that he had gone too far to think now of receding;
and that kings, when once offended, as James had been,
never pardoned in good earned. Such were the chief
reafons, with others of lefs confequence, which Drum¬
mond has put into the mouth of Douglas at this time.
James, after his expedition into Annandale, found the
4 N 2 feafon
Scotland.
34*
Broken by
the earl of
Crawford,
343
who vs re-
te'ived into
favour.
344
Earl Dou¬
glas fub-
snits, but
rebels a-
gain.
An. 1454
345
He is en¬
tirely de
feated.
S C. O, [ 65
feafon too far advanced to continue his operations j and
returning to Edinburgh, he marched northwards to
Angus, to reduce the earl of Crawford, who was the
fecond rebel of power in the kingdom. I hat nobleman
had hitherto deferred throwing himfelf at the king’s feet,
and had refumed his arms, in the manner related, only
in hopes that better terms might be obtained from James
for himfelf and his party. Perceiving that the earl
of Douglas’s obflinacy had cooled fome other lords of
the confederacy, and had put an end to all hopes of a
treaty, he refolved to make a merit of breaking the con¬
federacy, by being the find to fubmit. James having
arrived in Angus, was continuing his march through
the country, when the earl and fome of his chief fol¬
lowers fell on their knees before him on the road, bare¬
headed and barefooted. Their dreary looks, their fup-
pliant poftures, and the tears which flreamed abundant^
from the earl, were exprefiive of the moft abjeft con¬
trition, which was followed by a penitential fpeech
made by the earl, acknowledging his crimes, and im¬
ploring forgivenefs.
James was then attended by his chief counfedors,
particularly Archbilhop Kennedy, who, he relolved,
fihould have fome (hare in the favour he meant to extend
to the earl. He afked their advice } which pioving to
be on the merciful fide, James promifed to the earl arid
his folkwers the reftitution of all their effates and ho¬
nours, and full pardon for all that had pafled. The
earl, as a grateful return for this favour, before the
king left Angus, joined him with a noble troop of his
friends and followers ; and attending him to the north,
was extremely aftive in fupprefling all the remains of the
rebellion there.
The fubmiflion of the earl of Crawford was tollowed
by that of the earl of Douglas j which, however, con¬
tinued only for a ihort time. 1 his powerful nobleman
foon refumed his rebellious practices ; and, in the y^r
1454, raifed an army to fight againft the king, ihe
king erected his ftandard at St Andrew’s j marched
from thence to Falkland and ordered all the forces of
Fife, Angus, and Strathern, with thofe of the northern
parts, to rendezvous by a certain day at Stirling ;
which they did to the number of 30,000. Douglas af-
fembled his forces, which amounted to 40,000, fome fay
60,000 men, on the fouth fide of the river Canon,
about half way between Stirling and Abercorn. Not-
withftanding this fuperiority of force, however, the earl
did not think it proper to fight his fovereign. Archbifhop
Kennedy, the prelate of St Andrew’s, had advifed the
king to" divide his enemies by offering them pardon fe-
parately j and fo good an effeft had this, that in a few
days the earl found himfelf deferted by all his numerous
army, except about 100 of his neared fiiends and do-
meftics, with whom he retired towards England. PLs
friends had indeed advifed him to come to a battle im¬
mediately •, but the earl, for reafons now unknown, re-
fufed. In his journey fouth ward, however, he raifed
a confiderable body of forces, confiding of nis own te¬
nants, of outlaws, robbers, and borderers, with v.hom
he renewed his depredations on the loyal fubjects 01 the
king. He was oppofed by the earl of Angus, who,
thou°h of the name of Douglas, continued firm in tne
royal caufe. An engagement enfued at Ancram muir j
where Douglas was entirely defeated, and he Immelf
with great difficulty efcaped to an adjacent wood.
2 ] SCO
What his fate was after this battle does not appear 5 but Scotland.^
it is certain that his eitates were afterwards forfeited 10 v
the king. . .m6
reft of the reign of James II. was fpent m ma-King Ja. II»
king proper regulations for the good of his people. In ^ ^
1460 he was killed at the liege of Roxburgh caitle, by ^
the burlfing of a cannon, to which he was too near
when it was difcharged. This fiege he had undertaken in
favour of Margaret queen of England, who, aiiedloib’g
feveral battles," and being reduced to diftrefs, was obli¬
ged to apply to James for relief, due nobility who
were prefent concealed his death, for fear of difcoura-
ging the foldiers, and in a few hours after his queen ap¬
peared in the camp, and preiented her Ion, James HI.
as their king. , . . 347
James III. was not quite feven years of age at his ac-james xil.
ceffion to the crown. The adminidration naturally de¬
volved on his mother } who pufhed the fiege of Rox¬
burgh cadle with fo much vigour, that the garrifonwas
obliged to capitulate in a few' days j after which too
army ravaged the country, and took and cmmantled the 34S
cadle of Wark.—In 1466, negociations were begun for Mama.ge-
a marriage between the young king and Margaret Pnij' the^rhKefa
cefs of Denmark-, and, in 1468, the following condi-ofD,u_
tions were dipulated. 1. That the annual rent hither-mark,
to paid for the northern ides of Orkney and Shetland An. 146S.
fliould be for ever remitted and extinguilhed. 2. That
King Chridiern, then king of Denmark, fliould give
60,000 florins of gold for his daughter’s portion, where¬
of 10,000 fliould be paid before her departure from
Denmark 5 and that the iflands of Orkney fliould be
made over to the crown of Scotland, by way of pledge
for the remainder with this exprefs provifo, that they
fliould return to that of Norway after complete payment
of the whole fum. 3. That King James fliould, in cafe
of his dying before the faid Margaret his fpoufe, leave
her in poffeflion of the palace of Linlithgow and cadle
of Down in Menteith, with all their appurtenances, and
the third part of the ordinary revenues of the crown, to
be enjoyed by her during life, in cafe flie fhould choofe
to rcfide in Scotland. 4. But if flie rather choie to re¬
turn to Denmark, that in lieu of the faid liferent, pa¬
lace, and cadle, flie fhould accept of 120,000 floiins oi
the Rhine from which fum the 50,000 due for the re¬
mainder of her portion being deduced and allowed, the
iflands of Orkney fliould be reannexed to the crowm of
Norway as before.
When thefe articles were agreed on, Chnftiern found
himfelf unable to fulfil his part of them. Being at
that time engaged in an uniuccefsful war with Sweden,
he could not advance the 10,000 florins which he had
promifed to pay down as ipart of his daughter’s fortune.
He was therefore obliged to apply to the plenipotentia¬
ries to accept of 2000, and to take a farther mortgage 349
of the ifles of Shetland for the other 8000. The Difgm^of
Scottifh plenipotentiaries, of whom Boyd earl Vrcan’s fa-
ran was one, gratified him in his requeft y and this
conceffion is thought to have proved fatal to the
earl. Certain it is, that his father was beheaded for
treafonable praclices alleged to have been committed
long before, and for which he in vain produced a par¬
liamentary indemnity: the earl himfelf_was divorced
from his wife the king’s After, and obliged to live m
perpetual exile, while, the countefs was married to an¬
other. T
In
Scotland.
'5°
Beginning
of James’s
mi'for¬
tunes.
An. 4476.
351
Is infatua
ted with
the belief
of aftrologj,
352
Death of
the king’s
brother the
earl of Mar.
353.
Duke of
Albany ar-
refttd, but
efcapes.
SCO [65
In 1476, tliofe misfortunes began to come on James
which afterwards terminated in his ruin. He had made
his brother, the duke of Albany, governor of Berwick 5
and had entrufled him with very extenlive powers on
the borders, where a violent propenfily for the feudal
law ilill continued. The Humes and the Hepburns,
then the mod: powerful fubjefts in thole parts, could
not brook the duke of Albany’s greatnefs, elpecially
after he had forced them, by virtue of a late adf, to
part with fome of the elfates which had been inconfi-
derately granted them in this and the preceding reign.
The pretended fcience of judicial altrclogy, by which
James happened to be incredibly infatuated, was the ea-
fieft as well as mod effe&ual engine that could aid
their purpofes. One Andrew', an infamous impoftor in
that art, had been brought over from Flanders by
James; and he and Schevez, the archbilhop of St An¬
drew’s, concurred in perfuading James that the Scotch
lion was to be devoured by his own whelps ; a predic¬
tion that, to a prince of James’s turn, amounted to a
certainty.
The condition to which James reduced himfelf by his
belief in judicial aftrology, w'as truly deplorable. The
princes on the continent w'ere fmitten with the fame in¬
fatuation •, and the wretches who befieged his perfon
had no fafety but by continuing the delution in his
mind. According to Lindfay, Cochran, who had fome
knowledge of architedlure, and had been introduced to
James as a malter-mafon, privately procured an old wro-
man, who pretended to be a witch, and who heighten¬
ed his terrors by declaring that his brother intended to
murder him. James believed her 5 and the unguarded
manner in which the earl of Mar treated his w'eaknefs,
exafperated him fo much, that the earl giving a farther
loofe to his tongue in railing againft his brother’s un¬
worthy favourites, was arreiled, and committed to the
caftle of Craig Mdler 5 from which he w'as brought to
the Canongate, a fuburb of Edinburgh, where he fuf-
fered death.
The duke of Albany was at the caftle of Dunbar
when his brother the earl of Mar’s tragedy was a£ted ;
and James could not be eafy without having him like-
wife in his pow'er. In hope of furprifing him, he
marched to Dunbar : but the duke, being apprized of
his coming, fled to Berwick, and ordered his caftle of
Dunbar to be furrendered to the lord Evendale, though
not before the garrifon had provided themfelves with
boats and fmall veffels, in which they efcaped to Eng¬
land. He ventured to come to Edinburgh; where
James was fo well ferved with fpies, that he was feized,
and committed clofe prifoner to the caftle, with orders
that he Ihould fpeak with none but in the prefence of
his keepers. The duke had probably fufpefted and
provided againft this difagreeable event ; for we are
told that he had agents, who every day repaired to the
3 1 SCO
caftle, as if they had come from court, and reported Scotland,
the ftate of matters between him and the king, w'hile ---y——
his keepers were prefent, in fo favourable a light, that
they made no doubt of his loon regaining his liberty,
and being readmitted to his brother’s favour. The
feeming negociation, at laft, went on fo profperoufly,
that the duke gave his keepers a kind of a iarew'ell en~ ’
tertainment, previous to his obtaining a formal delive¬
rance •, and they drank fo immoderately, that being in¬
toxicated, they gave him an -opportunity of efcaping
over the caftle wall, by converting the fheets of his bed
into a rope. Whoever know's the lituation of that for-
trefs, mutt be amazed at the boldnefs of this attempt;
and we are told that the duke’s valet, the only domef-
tic whom he w’as allow'ed, making the experiment be¬
fore his matter, broke his neck : on which the duke,
lengthening the rope, Hid down unhurt 5 and carrying
his fervant on his back to a place of fafety, he wrent on
board a Ihip wdiich his friends had provided, and efca¬
ped to France.
In 1482, the king began to feel the bad conf^quen- An. 14S2.
ces of taking into his favour men of worthlefs cha-
rafters, which feems to have been one of this prince’s 354
chief foibles. His great favourite at this time was Cochran,
Cochran, w'hom he had raifed to the dignity of earl of 3
Mar. All hiftorians agree that this man made a moft
infamous ufe of his power. He obtained at laft a li¬
berty of coinage, which he abufed fo much as to en¬
danger an inlurreiftion among the poor people : for he
iffued a bafe coin, called black money by the common
people, w’hich they refufed to take in payments. This
favourite’s Ikill in architeflure had firft introduced him
to James ; but he maintained his power by other arts :
for knowing that his mailer’s predominant paftion was
the love of money, he procured it by the meaneft and
moft oppreflive methods. James, how'ever, w'as inclined
to have relieved his people by calling in Cochran’s
money ; but he W'as diverted from that refolution,
by confidering that it would be agreeable to his old
nobility. Befides Cochran, James had other favour¬
ites w'hofe profeflions rendered them ftill lefs worthy
of the royal countenance \ James Hommil a taylor,
Leonard a blackfmith, Torfifan a dancing matter, and
fome others. The^ favour ftiowm to thefe men gave fo
much offence to the nobility, that, after fome delibera¬
tion, they refolved to remove the king, with fome of his
leaft exceptionable domeftics (but without offering any
violence to his perfon) to the caftle of Edinburgh : but
to hang all his w'orthlefs favourites over Law'der-bridge,
then the common place of execution. Their deliberation
was not kept fo fecret but that it reached the ears of the
favourites-, who, fufpe&ing the worft, awakened James
before day-break, and informed him of the meeting.
He ordered Cochran to repair to it, and to bring him
an account of its proceedings (l). According to Lind-
fay,
(1.) Lindfay’s defcription of this upftart’s magnificence is very particular, and may ferve to give the reader an
idea of the finery of that age. “ Cochran (fays he), the earl of Mar, came from the king to the council (which
council was holden in the kirk of Lawder for the time), who was well accompanied with a band of men of war, to
the number of 300 light axes, alhclad in white livery, and black bends thereon, that they might be kgown for
Cochran the earl of Mar’s men. Himfelf waseclad in a riding-pie of black velvet, with a great chain of gold about
his neck, to the value of,500 crowns 4 and four blowing horns, with both the ends of gold and filk, fet with pre¬
cious Hones. His horn was tipped with fine gold at every end, and a precious ftone, called a beryl, hanging in the
mi^iftj
SCO
Scotland, fay, who feems to have had very minute information as
' to this event, Cochran rudely knocked at the door of
He b^ieized die church, jud after the afiembly had finithed their
and put to confultation ; and upon Sir Robert Douglas of Loch-
death, leven (who was appointed to watch the door) inform¬
ing them that the earl of Mar demanded admittance,
the earl of Angus ordered the door to be thrown open ;
and rulhing upon Cochran, he pulled a maffy gold chain
from his neck, faying, that a rope would become him
better; while Sir Robert Douglas dripped him of a
codly blowing horn he wore by his fide, as was the
manner of the times, telling him he had been too long
the hunter of mifehief. Cochran, with adonidiment,
alked them whether they were in jed or earned *, but
they foon convinced him they wTere in earned, by pi¬
nioning down his arms with a common halter, till he
3^5 fliould be carried to execution,
with others The earl of Angus, with fome of the chief lords, at-
ot the king’s tended by a detachment of troops, then repaired to the
king’s tent, wdiete they feized his other favourites,
Thomas Predon, Sir William Rogers, James Hommil,
William Torfifan, and Leonard : and upbraided James
himfelf, in very rude terms, with his mil'condudl in go¬
vernment, and even in private life, in not only being
counfelled by the above minions, but for keeping com¬
pany ivith a lady who was called the Deify. We know
of no refidance made by James. He only interceded
for the fafety of a young gentleman, one John Ramfay
of Balmain. Cochran, with his other worthlefs favou¬
rites, w^ere hanged over Lawder-bridge before his eyes ;
^ .y and he himfelf tvas conducted, under an eafy redraint,
James con- to the cadle of Edinburgh.
fined in the James, though confined, behaved with great fpirit j
cattle oi ancj even refufed to pardon thole who had confined him,
x., in uirg . w]}0 hacj any Jja the execution at Lawder. At
Relieved Ld, however, he wras relieved by the duke of Albany,
by the duke who, at the queen’s defire, undertook to deliver her
ot Albany, fiufband from confinement. This he accomplilhed, as
fame fay, by furprifing the cadle of Edinburgh j though,
according to others, the gates were opened, on a for¬
mal requifition made for that purpofe by two heralds at
arms. After he had obtained his liberty, the king re¬
paired to the abbey of Holyroodhoufe with his bro¬
ther, who now afted as his fird minider. All the lords
who were near the capital came to pay him their com¬
pliments •, but James was fo much exafperated at what
had happened, that he committed 16 of them prifoners
to the caftle of Edinburgh. After his releafe, James
granted a patent to the citizens of Edinburgh, and en-
larged their privileges.
Secret ne- In 1487, James finidied fome fecret negociations in
gpciatlons which he had been for fome time engaged with Henry
w^Ken- YU king of England. The principal articles agreed
England! on between the two monarchs were, That King James’s
fecond fon (hould marry Catherine the third daughter of
Edward IV. and fider to the princefs Elizabeth, now
queen of England ; and that James himfelf, who was
now a widower, fhould marry Queen Elizabeth. A
third marriage was alfo to be concluded between the
S C O
duke of Rothefay and another daughter ot Edward IV. Scotland.
That in order to thefe treaties, and for ending all con-1~——1
troverfies concerning the town of Berwick, which the
king of Scotland defired fo much to pofiefs, a congrefs
{hould be held the enfuing year. ^
But in the mean time a mod powerful confederacy A power-
was formed againd the king ; the origin of which was ful confede-
as follows. James was a great patron of architecture ;racJ ^0.rm_
and being pleafed with the fituation of Stirling cadle,
he refolved to give it all the embellidrments which that * ',<:>*
art could bedow ; and about this time he made it the
chiei place of his refidence. He railed within it a
hall, which at that time was deemed a noble drudture;
and a college, which he called the chapel-royal. This
college was endowed with an archdean who was a bi¬
diop, a fubdean, a treafurer, a chanter and fubchanter,
with a double fet of other othcers ulually belonging to
fuch inditutions. The expences neceffary for maintain¬
ing thefe were confiderable, and the king had refolved
to allign the revenues of the rich priory of Coldingham
to that purpofe. This priory had been generally held
by one of the name of Hume ; and that family, through
length of time, confidered it as their property : they
therefore drongly oppofed the king’s intention. The
difpute feems to have laded for fome years; for the for¬
mer parliament had palled a vote, annexing the priory
to the king’s chapel royal; and the parliament of this
year had palled a datute, driilly forbidding all perfons, 361
fpiritual and temporal, to attempt any thing, direcUy or Owing: to
indirectly, contrary or prejudicial to the laid union anda?Var,re*
annexation. The Humes refented their being dripped fairjpy
of fo gainful a revenue, the lofs of which affected mod Hume,
oi the gentlemen of that name ; and they united them-
felves with the Hepburns, another powerful clan in
that neighbourhood, under the lord Hales. An affbei-
ation was loon formed; by which both families engaged
to dand by each other, and not to fuffer any prior to
be received for Coldingham, if he was not of one of
their furnames. The lords Gray and Drummond loon
joined the affbeiation ; as did many other noblemen and
gentlemen, who had their particular caufes of difccn-
tent. Their agents gave out, that the king was gralp-
ing at arbitrary power ; that he had acquired his popu¬
larity by deep hypocrify ; and that he was refolved to
be fignally revenged on ail who had any hand in the
execution at Lawder. The earl of Angus, who was
the foul of the confederacy, advifed the confpirators
to apply to the old earl of Douglas to bead them : but
that nobleman was nowT dead to all ambition, andinftead
of encouraging the confpirators, he pathetically exhort¬
ed them to break off' all their rebellious connections, and
return to their duty ; expreffing the molt fincere con¬
trition for his own part conduCt. Finding he could not
prevail with them, he wrote to all the numerous friends
and defeendants of his family, and particularly to Doug¬
las of Cavers, fineriff of Teviotdale, difiuading them
from entering into the confpiracy ; and fome of his ori¬
ginal letters to that effeCt are faid to be flill extant.
That great man lurvived this application but a ffiort
time ;
[ G+ ]
rnidft. This Cochran had his beumont borne berore him, overgilt with gold; fo were all the reft of his horns;
and all his pallions (pavilions or tents were of fine canvas of filk, and the cords thereof fine twined filk ; and the
chains upon his pallions were double cvergilt with gold.”
3
Scotland.
.362
Extinction
of the
principal
branch of
the family
of Douglas
An. 144S.
3«3
Pufillani-
mous beh a
viour of
James.
364
Is fet at de
fiance by
the confpi-
trators.
s c o
time ; for he died without iiTue at Lindpres, on the 1 5th
of April 1488; and in him ended the firft branch of
that noble and illulirious houfe. He was remarkable
for being the molt learned of all the Scots nobility, and
for the comelincfs of his per Ion.
James appears to have been no flranger lo the pro¬
ceedings of the confpirators ; but though he dreaded
them, he depended on the protection of the law, as they
did on his pufillaniraity. His degeneracy in ibis refpedt
is remarkable. Delcended from a race of heroes, he
was the firlt of his family who had been branded with
cowardice. But his conduct at this time fully jollifies
the charge. Initead of vigoroully fupporting the exe-
• cation of the laws in his own peri'on, he fhut himfelf up
in his beloved caftle of Stirling, and raifed a body
guard; the command of which he gave to the lord
Bothvvel, mailer of his houfebold. He likewife iffued
a proclamation, forbidding any perfon in arms to ap¬
proach the court ; and Bothwel had a warrant to fee
the fame put in execution. Though the king’s pro¬
ceedings in all this were perfectly agreeable to law, yet
they were given out by his enemies as fo many indica¬
tions of his avetfion to the nobility, and ferved only to
induce them to parade, armed, about the country in
more numerous bodies.
The connections entered into by James with Henry
VII. of England, alarmed the confpirators, .and made
them refolve to (trike the great blow, before James could
avail himfelf of an aliiance that feemed to place him
above all oppofition either abroad or at home. The
acquilition of Berwick to the crown of Scotland, which
was looked on to be as good as concluded ; the mar¬
riage of the duke of Rothefay with the daughter of the
dowager and filler to the confort queen of England ;
and, above all, the llrict harmony which reigned be¬
tween James and the dates of his kingdom, rendered
the confpirators in a manner defperate. Befides the earl
of Angus, the earls of Argyle and Lenox favoured the
confpirators. When the whole of James’s convention
With England is coniidered, aod compared with after¬
events, nothing can be more plain, than that the fuc-
cefs of the confpirators was owing to his Englilh con¬
nexions ; and that they made ufe of them to affirm,
that Scotland wras foon to become a province of Eng¬
land, and tliat James intended to govern his fubjeXs by
an Englilh force.—Thofe fpecious allegations did the
confpirators great fervice, and inclined many, even of
the moderate party, to their caufe. They fosn tock
the field, appointed their rendezvoufes, and all the fouth
of Scotland was In arms. James continued to rely on
the authority of his parliament; and fummoned, in the
terms of lawT, the infurgents to anfvver at the proper
tribunals for their repeated breaches of the peace.
1 he confpirators, far from paying any regard to his
citations, toie them in pieces, bufteted and otherwife
maltieated the mellengers, and fet the laws of their coun¬
try at open defiance. Even north of the Forth, the
heads Oi the houfes of Gray and Drummond fpread the
fpirit of difaffeXion through the populous counties of Fife
and Angus •, but the_ counties north of the Grampians
continued firm in their duty.
ihe duke of Rothefay wras then a promiling youth
about fifteen years of age ; and the fubjeXing the
mgdom of Scotland to that of Englandl being the
chief, if not the only caufe urged by the rebels for
'[655] SCO
their appearing in arms, they naturally threw their eyes Scotland,
upon that prince, as his appearance at their head would ~v—
give ftrength and vigour to their caufe ; and in this
they w'ere not deceived. James, in the mean time, find¬
ing the inhabitants of the fouthern provinces either
were engaged in the rebellion, or at bell obferved a
cold neutrality, embarked on board a vefiel which was
then lying in the frith of Forth, and palled to the
north of that river, not finding it fafe to go by land to -tfr
Stirling. Arriving at the caftle, he gave orders that the The duke
duke of Rothefay (as if forefeeing what afterwards hap-ofRothf-
pened) (hould be put under the care of one Schaw^ of^ j^ “,t0
Sauchie, whom he had made its governor, charging him aiert‘
not to fuller the prince on any account to depart out
of the fort. The rebels giving out that James had lied
to Flanders, plundered his equipages and baggage before
they palled the Forth *, and they there found a largo
fum of money, w-hich proved to be of the utmoft con-
fequence to their affairs. They then furprifed the caf-Succefs of
tie of Dunbar, a»d plundered the houfes of every man the rebels,
to the fouth of the Forth whom they fufpeXed to be a
royafift.
James was all this time making a prcgrels, and
holding courts of juftice, in the north, where the
great families were entirely devoted to his fervice, par¬
ticularly the earls of Huntly, Errol, and Marlhal.—
Every day brought him frelli alarms from the fouth,
which left him no farther room either for delay or deli-
beration. The confpirators, notwithftanding the pro-
mifing appearance of their affairs, found, that in a Ihort
time their caufe muff languilh, and their numbers dwin¬
dle, Unlefs they were furnilhed with frelh pretexts, and
headed by a perfon of the greateft authority. While
they were deliberating who that perfon Ihould be, the
earl of Angus boldly propofed the duke of Rothefay j
and an immediate application was made to Schaw, the
young prince’s governor, who fecretly favoured their
caufe, and was prevailed on by a confiderable fum of They are
money to put the prince into their hands, and to de- lieac\ecl
dare for the rebels. tbe c'Ul^e oi
James having ordered rdl the force in the north to ap.
femble, hurried to Perth (then called St John’s town),
where be appointed the rendezvous of his army, which
amounted to 30,000 men. Among the other noblemen
who attended him was the famous lord David Lindfay
of the Byres (an officer of great courage and expe¬
rience, having long ferved in foreign countries), who
headed 3000 foot and icco horfe, raifed chiefly in
I ifelhire. Upon his approaching the king’s perfon, he
prefented him with a horfe of remarkable fpirit and
beauty, and informed his majefty, that he might trull:
his lire to his agility and fure-footednefe. The lord
Ruthven, who was iheriff of Strathern, and anceftor
(if we miftake not) to the unfortunate earls of Gowrie,
joined James at the head of 3000 well armed men.—
The whole army being aflembled, James proceeded to jam3es ap.
Stirling • but he was aftonilhed, when he was not onlyfemb'e? hiY*
denied entrance into the caftle, but faw the guns point-a™}’’
ed againft Ins perfon, and underftood, for the firft time,
that his fon was at the head of the rebels. Schaw pre¬
tended that the duke of Rothefay had been carried off
againft his will : but the king’s anfwer was, “ Fye,
traitor, thou hall deceived me 5 and if I live I lhall be
revenged on thee, and thou (halt be rewarded as thou
haft defer ved.” James, lay that night in the town of.
SCO [65
-Scotland. Stirling, where he was joined by all his army and un-
W-,v-^niitleiftanding that the rebels were advancing, he formed
his line of battle. The earl of Athol his uncle, who
.was trufted by both parties, propofed an accommoda¬
tion 3 which was accordingly effected, if we are to be¬
lieve Abercromby and other hiftorians 3 but we know
not the terms, for none are mentioned on either fide.—
James is laid to have failed on his part 5 but had there
-been any grounds for fuch a charge againft him, there
can fcarcely be a doubt that the rebels would have
publifhed them. That a treaty was entered into is pall
difpute 3 and the earl of Athol furrendered himfelf as
a holfage into the hands of the rebels.
James was fenfible of the -advantage which public
clamour gave to his enemies 3 and he applied to the
kings of France and England, and the pope, for their
interpofition. His holinefs named Adrian de Caftello
for his nuncio on that occafion 3 and the two kings
threatened to raife troops for the fervice of James.—
He, by a fatality not uncommon to weak princes, left
the Itrong caftle of Edinburgh, where he might have
been in fafety, till his friends, who had difperled them-
fielves upon the faith of the late negociation, could be
xeafiembled 3 and croffing the Forth, he made another
.attempt to be admitted into the caftle of Stirling 3 but
.was difappointed, and informed that the rebels were at
Torwood in the neighbourhood, and ready to give him
battle. Fie was in poffeflion of the caftle of Black-
nefs 3 his admiral, Wood, commanded the Forth 3 and
his loyal fubjefts in the north were upon their march to
join him. Hawthornden lays, that the rebels had made
a (how of difmiffing their troops, that they might draw
James into the field 3 and that while he remained at
Elacknefs, he was attended by the earls of Montrofe,
Glencairn, and the lords Maxw-ell and Ruthven. To
369 give his northern troops time to join him, he propofed
Is required a negociation 3 but that was foon at an end, on the
by the re- peremptorily requiring him to refign his crown to
be s to le pon^ or ra{]ier themfelves.
The rebels had been inured to wrar. They confifted
chiefly of borderfers, well armed and difeiplined 3 in
which they had the advantage of the king’s Lowland
fubjefts, who bad not been accuftomed to arms. What
the numbers on both fides were does not clearly ap¬
pear 3 but it is probable that the forces of James wrere
fuperior to the rebels. They were then at Falkirk 3
but they foon pafled the Carron, encamped above the
bridge near Torwood, and made fuch difpoliiions as
rendered a battle unavoidable, unlefs James would have
difperfed bis army, and gone on board Wood’s fhips:
but he did not know himlelf, and refolved on a battle,
comes to a was encamued at a fmall brook named Sauchie burn,
them. near the fame ipot of ground where the great Eruce
had defeated the Englifti under Edward the fecond.
The earl of Menteith, the lords Erlkine, Graham,
Ruthven, and Maxwell, commanded the firft line of the
king’s army. The fecond w7as commanded by the earl
of Glencairn, who was at the ht*ad of the Weftland and
Highland men. The earl of Crawford, with the lord
Boyd and Lindfay of Byres, comnfanded the rear,
wherein the king’s main llrength confifled, and where
he himfelf appeared in perfon, completely armed, and
mounted upon the fine horfe which had been prefented
to him by Lindfay.
The firft; line of the royalifts obliged that of the re-
4
6 ]
SCO
fign his
crown.
37°
Coroes to a
beds to give way 3 but the latter being fupported by Scetlar.d.
the Annandale men and borderers, the firft and fecond 1,1 ’ v ^
line of the king’s army were beat back to the ihiid. 371
The little courage James poflefied had lorfaken him at AbilI1clons
the firft onfet 3 and he had put fpurs to his horle, in-
tending to gain the banks ot the Forth, and to go on
board one of Wood’s {hips. In palling through the
village ot Bannockburn, a w oman who was filling her
pitcher at the brook, frightened at the fight of a man in
armour galloping full fpeed, left it behind her 3 and the ,72
horfe taking fright, the king w-as thrown to the ground, Is thrown
and carried, bruifed and maimed, by a miller and his wife, from his
into their hovel. He immediately called for a prieft to
make his ccnfeffion 3 and the ruftics demanding his IItj1 june’
name and rank, “ I was (laid he incauticufiy) your An. 1488,
king this morning.” The woman, overcome with afto-
niftiment, clapped her hands, and running to the door
called for a prieft to confefs the king. “1 am a prieft;
(faid one palling by), lead trie to his majefty.” Be¬
ing introduced into the hovel, he faw the king covered
with a coarfe cloth 3 and kneeling by him, he alked
James whether he thought he could recover, if properly
attended by phyficians ? James anfwering in the affir¬
mative, the villain pulled out a dagger, and ftabbed him
to the heart. Such is the dark account we are able to
give of this prince’s unhappy end. The name of the
perfon wrho murdered him is faid to have been Sir An¬
drew Borthwick, a prieft, one of the pope’s knights.
Some pretend that the lord Gray, and others that Ro¬
bert Stirling of Keir, was the regicide 3 and even
Buchanan (the tenor of whofe hiftory is a juftification of
this murder), is uncertain as to the name of the perfon
wrho gave him the fatal blow.
It is probable that the royalifts loft the battle through
the cowardice of James. Even after his flight his troops
fought bravely 3 but they were damped on receiving
the certain accounts of his death. The prince, young
as he was, had an idea of the unnatural part he was aft-
xng, and before the battle he had given a ftrift charge
for the fafety of his father’s perfon. Upon hearing that
he had retired from the field, he fent orders that none
ffiould purfue him 3 but they were ineffeftual, the re¬
bels being fenfible that they could have no lafety but in
the king’s death. When that w-as certified, hoftilities
feemed to ceafe ; nor w-ere the royalifts purfued. The
number of flain on both fides is uncertain 3 but it mult
have been confiderable, as the earl of Glencairn, the
lords Sempil, Erlkine, and Ruthven, and other gentle- 3^3
men of great eminence, are mentioned. As to the Grief of his
duke of Rothefay, who w'as now king, he appeared in-Jj™ ^’r h!S
confolable when he heard of his lather’s death 3 but eat
the rebels endeavoured to efface his grief, by the pro-
fufion of honours they paid him when he was recognized
as king.
The remorfe and anguilh of the young king, on re-
flefting upon the unnatural part which he had added,
was inexpreffible 3 and the noblemen who had been
engaged in the rebellion became apprehenfive for
their own fafety. The cataftropl.e of the unfortunate
James III. how ever, was not yet become public 3 and
it was thought by many that be had gone aboard one
of the fhips belonging to the ScoUith admiral Sir An¬
drew Wood. James, willing to indulge hope as long as
it was poflible, defired an interview- with the admiral 3
but the latter refufed to come on Ihore, unlefs be had
Efficient
SCO [ 657 ] SCO
Scotland, fufficient hoftages for his fafety. Thcfe being delivered,
v " ■ ' Sir Andrew waited on the king at Leith. He had
Noble be aga'ln and again, by meffages, affured him that he knew
haviour of nothing of the late king ; and he had even offered to
Sir Andrew allow his Ihips to be fearched ; yet fuch was the anxiety
Wood. 0f the new king, that he could not be fatisfied till he
had examined him in perfon. Young James had been
long a ftranger to his father, fo that he could not have
diftinguilhed him eafily from others. When Wood,
therefore, entered the room, being (truck with his no¬
ble appearance, he alked him, “ Are you my father ?”
“ I am not,” replied Wood, burlting into tears •, “ but
I was your father’s true fervant, and while I live I
fhall be the determined enemy of his murderers.” This
did not fatisfy the lords, who demanded whether he
knew where the king was. The admiral replied, that
he knew not 5 and upon their queftioning him concern¬
ing his manoeuvres on the day of battle, when his boats
were feen plying backwards and forwards, he told them,
that he and his brother had determined to aflifl; the king
in perfon *, but all they could do was to fave fome of
the royalifts in their fhips. “ I would to God, (fays
he), my king was there fafely, for I would defend and
keep him fkaithlefs from all the traitors who have cruel¬
ly murdered him: for I think to fee the day to behold
them hanged and drawn for their demerits.” This fpi-
rited declaration, and the freedom with which it was de¬
livered, (truck the guilty part of the council with dif-
may ; but the fear of facrificing the hoftages procured
Wood his freedom, and he was fuffered to depart to his
drips. When he came on board, he found his brother
preparing to hang the two lords who had been left as
hoftages 5 which would certainly have been their fate,
had the admiral been longer detained.
Wood had fcarcely reached his (hips, when the lords,
calling the inhabitants of Leith together, offered them
a large premium if they would fit out a fufficient force
to deftroy that bold pirate and his crew, as they called
Wood j but the townfmen, ^who, it feems, did not
much reliftr the fervice, replied, that Wood’s ftrips were
a match for any ten fhips that could be fitted out in
Scotland. The council then removed to Edinburgh,
where James IV. was crowned on the 24th of June 1488.
Review of If we were to form an opinion of the manners of
the reign of thefe t}mes from the ftatutes enafted by the Scottifh
anies * parliament during the reign of James III. we fhould
fuppofe them to have been more refined than is evinced
by the aftions which we have juft related. By thofe
ftatutes the rights of the church were again confirmed,
yet we have feen, from events, how little effeft religion
had produced on the morals of the age. One of the
firft a£ts of this reign was, to give the king the right of
prefentation to all benefices of ecclefiaftical patronage,
while the epifcopal fees were vacant. The king was
empowered to hold plea of any matter perfonally, at his
empleafance, as it was wont to be of before. The par¬
liament again delegated to a few of its members the
whole legiflative power, yet was it not felt in that age,
as begetting contempt, and confequently difobedience.
The leges burgorum were declared to be part of the
law, and the books of regiam majejlatem were called his
majejly's laws. In thefe declarations we may perceive
that the legiflators of thofe times were not very accurate
antiquaries, yet did the eftates difplay a juft anxiety for
the prefervation of their rolls and regifters, by direfting
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
that they fhould be entered in books. With an allu- Scotland,
fion, perhaps, to the atrocities of that period, the three
eftates declared that murder and affaftinations were not
to be entitled to fan&uary. During this terrible reign,
the parliament difplayed more zeal than knowledge for
promoting the agriculture and filhery, and for regula¬
ting the trade, coinage, and thipping of a people who
ftill wanted credit, capital, and circulation, for the en¬
joyment of an aftive and profitable commerce. The
legiflative a<51s of this reign ftiew, to an inquifitive eye,
fome progrefs towards civilization, though the hiftory of
its political events attefts that there had been little im¬
provement in the morality of the national char after, or
in the refinements of domeftic life. 37<7
In the month of Oftober this year, the nobility and The regL
others who had been prefent at the king’s coronation,
converted themfelves into a parliament, and pafled an parliament.
aft by which they were indemnified for their rebellion
againft their late fovereign 5 after which, they ordered
the aft to be exemplified under the great feal of Scot¬
land, that it might be producible in their juftification if
called for by any foreign prince. They next proceeded
to the arduous talk of vindicating their rebellion in the
eyes of the public $ and fo far did they gain on the
king by force of flattery, that he confented to fummon
the lords who had taken part with his father, before 377
the parliament, to anfwer for their conduft. In confe-Trial of
quence of this not fewer than 28 lords were cited to^,.orc^^)a'
appear at Edinburgh in the fpace of 40 days. The ^
firft on the lift was the lord David Lindfay, whofe ^
form of arraignment was as follows. “ Lord David
Lindfay of the Byres, anfwer for the cruel coming
againft the king at Bannockburn with his father, giving
him counfel to have devoured the king’s grace here pre¬
fent ; and, to that efteft, gave him a fvvord and a good
horfe, to fortify him againft his fon. Your anfwer
hereto.” Lord Lindfay was remarkable for tbe blunt-
nefs of his converfation and the freedom of his fenti-
ments •, and being irritated by this charge, he delivered
himfelf in fuch a manner concerning the treafon of the
rebellious lords, as abaftied the boldeft of his accufers.
As they were unable to anfwer him, all they could do
was to prefs him to throw himfelf on the king’s cle¬
mency ; which he refufed, as being guilty of no crime.
His brother, Patrick Lindfay, undertook to be his ad¬
vocate, and apologized on his knees for the roughnefs of
his behaviour, and at laft obferved an informality in the
proceedings of the court} in confequence of which
Lindfay was releafed, on entering into recognizance to
appear again at an appointed day : but he was after'who ifim.
wards fent prifoncr by the king’s order, for a whole prifoned.
year, to the caftle of Rothefay in the ifle of Bute.
The regicides now endeavoured to gain the public
favour by affefting a drift adminiftration of juftice.
The king was advifed to make a progrefs round the
kingdom, attended by his council and judges; while,xh/new
in tbe mean time, certain noblemen and gentlemen w-ere parliament
appointed to exercife juftice, and to fupprefs all kinds of P°~
diforders in their own lands and in thofe adjoining toPulanty‘
them, till tbe king came to the age of 21. The me¬
mory of the late king was branded in the moft oppro¬
brious manner. All juftices, ftieriffs, and ftewards, who
were pofleffed of heritable offices, but who had taken
up arms for the late king, were either deprived of them
for three years, or rendered incapable of enjoying them
4 O for
SCO [63
Scotland, for ever after. All tlie young nobility who had been
difinherited by their fathers for taking arms again!! the
late king, were, by aft of parliament, reilored to their
feveral fucceffions in the molt ample manner. At la!!,
in order to give a kind of proof to the world that they
intended only to refettle the itate of the nation, without
prejudice to the lower ranks of fubjefts, who did no
more than follow the examples of their fuperiors, it was
enadfed, “ That all goods and effedts taken from bur-
geffes, merchants, and thofe who had only perfonal
eftates, or, as they are called, unlanded men, fince the
battle of Stirling, were not only to be reilored, but the
owners were to be indemnified for their Ioffes j and
their perfons, if in cuftody, were to be fet at liberty.
Churchmen, who were taken in arms, were to be de¬
livered over to their ordinances, to be dealt with by
them according to the law.” The caftle of Dunbar
■was ordered to be demolilhed •, and fome ftatutes were
enadled in favour of commerce, and for the exclufion of
foreigners.
Thefe laft adfs were paflfed with a view to recom-
penfe the boroughs, who had been very adlive in their
oppofition to the late king. Before they diflfolved their
parliament, the lords thought it neceffary to give fome
public teftimony of their difapproving the late king’s
3So connedlion with England. It was therefore enadled,
A(f! rela- “ That as the king was now of an age to marry a
live to the noble princefs, born and defcendcd of a noble and wor-
king’s xnv. loufe, an honourable embaflfy fliould be fent to
mge’ the realms of France, Brittany, Spain, and other places,
in order to conclude the matter.” This embafly was
to be very fplendid. It was to confiil of a bilhop, an
earl, or lord of parliament, a fecretary, who was gene¬
rally a clergyman, and a knight. They were to be at¬
tended by 50 horfemen*, 5000I. was to be allowed
them for the difcharge of their embaffy, and they were
empowered to renew the ancient league between France
and Scotland *, and, in the mean time, a herald, or, as
he was called, a trujhj [quire, was fent abroad to vifit
the feveral courts of Europe, in order to find out a pro¬
per match for the king. One confiderable obllacle,
They a^e however, lay in the way of this embaflfy. The pope
oppofedby had laid under an interdidl all thofe who had appeared
the pope. In arms again!! the late king 5 and the party who now
governed in Scotland were regarded by all the powers
of Europe as rebels and murderers. The embaffy was
therefore fufpended for a confiderable time *, for it was
not till the year 1491 that the pope could be prevailed
on to take off the interdifl, upon the mo!! humble
fubmiflions and profeflions of repentance made by the
guilty parties.
In the mean time, the many good qualities which
difcovered themfelves in the young king began to con-
. 382 ciliate the affecfions of his people to him. Being con-
to revenge fidered, however, as little better than a prifoner in the
the death of hands of his father’s murdererf, feveral of the nobility
James III. made ufe of that as a pretence for taking arms. The
moft forward of thefe was the earl of Lenox, who with
2000 men attempted to furprife the town of Stirling j
but, being betrayed by one of his own men, he was de¬
feated, taken unawares, and the callle of Dumbarton,
of which he was the keeper, taken by the oppofite
party. In the north, the earls Huntly and Marfhal,
with the lord Forbes, complained that they had been
deceived, and declared their refolution to revenge the
An. 1489.
8 ] SCO
late king’s death. Lord Forbes having procured the Scot’andy
bloody ihirt of the murdered prince, difplayed it on the
point of a lance, as a banner under which all loyal fub-
je&s fhould enliit themfelves. After the defeat of Lenox,
however, the northern chieftains found themfelves in¬
capable of marching fouthwards, and were therefore 3*3
obliged to abandon their enterprife. The caule of the Henry VIL
murdered king was next undertaken by Henry VII, jemis ftve
of England, who made an offer to Sir Andrew Wood
of five Hups to revenge it. The admiral accepted the po(e.
propofalj but the Englith behaving as pirates, and
plundering indifcriminately all who came in their way,
he thought proper to feparate himlelf from them, yet
without offering to attack or oppofe them. Upon this,
James was advifed to fend for the admiral, to offer him ^
a pardon, and a commiffion to aft again!! the Englifti
freebooters. Wood accepted the king's offer j and be-pjlajjca|jy.^
ino- well provided with ammunition and artillery, he, with and arc all
two !hips only, attacked the five Englilh vefieis, all of^ken by
which he took, and brought their crews priloners to vv^ood|tUvW
Leith, for which he was nobly rewarded by his majeily.
This conduft of Wood was highly relented by the
king of England, who immediately vowed revenge. The
Scottifh admiral’s !hips had been fitted out for commerce
as well as war, and Henry commanded his bei! lea-oiti-
cer, Sir Stephen Bull, to intercept him on his return Sir Stephen
from Flanders, whither he had gone upon a commercial Bu^‘e^ea*
voyage. Wood had not more than two flrips with him : |J‘^r,nVad,
the Englifh admiral had three ; and thefe much larger, nural.
and carrying a greater weight of metal, than the Scot-
tith veffels. The Englith took their llation at the iiland
of May, in the mouth of the frith cf Forth, and, hav¬
ing come unawares upon their enemies, fired two guns
as a fignal for their furrendering themfelves. The Scot-
tiflr commander encouraged his men as well as he could }
and finding them determined to Hand by him to the laft,
began the engagement in fight of numberiefs fpeftatois
who appeared on both Tides of the frith. The fight con¬
tinued all that day, and was renewed with redoubled
fury in the morning} but, in the mean time, the ebb¬
tide and a fouth wind had carried both fquadrons to the
mouth of the Tay. Here the Englifn fought under
great difadvantages, by reafon of the fand-banks 5 and
before they could get clear of them, all the three were
obliged to fubmit to the Scots, who carried them to
Dundee. Wood treated his prifoners with great huma- ta<<
mty 5 and having afterwards pielented them to Ling
James, the latter difmiffed them not only without ran-his flaps,
fem, but with prefents to the officers and crews, and a
letter to King Henry. To this Henry returned a po¬
lite anfvver, a truce was concluded, and all differences
for the prefent were accommodated.
James ail this time had continued to difplay fuch mo- An. 149©.
deration in his government, and appeared to have the
advantage of his fubjefts !o much at heart, that they
became gradually well affefted to his government, and
in 1490 all parlies were fully reconciled. We may
hence date the commencement of the reign of James IV.}
and the next year the happinefs of his kingdom was
completed, by taking off the pope’s interdift, and giv¬
ing the king abfolution for the concern he had m his la¬
ther’s death. . .
Tranquillity being thus reftored, the negociations An
concerning the king’s marriage began to take place, but
met with feveral interruptions. In I493» Henry VII.
propofed
387
Matnage-
An. 1495.
SCO [ 659 ] s
'Scotland, propofed a match between the king of Scotland and his bility and officers of ftate.
w''v coulin the princefs Catharine. James was too much at¬
tached to France to be fond of Englilh connections, and
probably thought this match below his dignity •, in con-
fequence of which the propofal was treated with con¬
tempt. Notwithftanding this ill fuccefs, however,
treaty with Henry made another offer of alliance with James; and,
.England. jn 149^ propofed a marriage betwixt him and his eldeft
daughter Margaret. This propofal was accepted : but
the match feems not to have been at all agreeable to
James ; for, at the very time in which he was negoci-
ating the marriage, he not only protefled Perkin War-
beck, the avowed enemy and pretender to the crown of
Henry, but invaded England on his account. This
conduct was highly refented by the Englilh parliament;
but Henry himfelf forgave even this grofs infult, and
the marriage negociations were once more refumed.
The bride was no more than ten years and fix months
old; and being only the fourth degree of blood from
James, it was neceffary to procure a difpenfation from
the pope. This being obtained, a treaty of perpetual
peace with peace was concluded between the two nations, on the
that nation, iff of July 1503, being the firft that had taken place for
An. 1503. j^0 yearSj fjnce the peace of Northampton concluded
between Robert I. and Edward III.
One of the great ends which Henry had in view in
promoting this marriage, was to detach James from the
French intereft : no fooner, therefore, was the treaty
figned, than he wrote to his fon-in-law to this purpofe ;
who, however, politely declined to break with his an¬
cient ally. On the 16th of June, the royal bride fet
out from Richmond in Surrey, in company with her fa¬
ther, who gave her convoy as far as Collewefion,
the refidence of his mother the countefs of Richmond.
After palling fome days there, the king refigned his
daughter to the care of the earls of Surrey and Northum¬
berland, who proceeded with her to the borders of Scot¬
land. Here many of the company were permitted to
take their leave ; but thofe who remained ftill made
a royal appearance. At Lamberton-church they were
met by James, attended by a numerous train of his no-
c o
Scotland
38S
A firm
389
Magnifi-
oence of
the royal
nuptials.
From Lamberton they pro¬
ceeded to Dalkeith, and next day to Edinburgh ; where v
the nuptials were celebrated with the greateit fplendor.
On this occafion, it is faid that the Scots furpaffed all
their g'.efts in extravagance and luxury ; a circumftance
which mult be imputed to the great intercourfe and com¬
merce which James and his fubjedts maintained with fo¬
reign courts and countries. 39®
After the celebration of the nuptials, James appears^anies be*
to have enjoyed a tranquillity unknown almolt to any .
of his predeceffors; and began to make a confiderable monarch,
figure among the European potentates. But the mag¬
nificence of his court and embaffies, his liberality to
ftrangers and to learned men, his coftly edifices, and,
above all, the large fums he laid out in Ihip-building,
had now brought him into fome difficulties ; and he id
far attended to the advice and example of his father-in-
law, that he fupplied his neceffities by reviving dormant
penal law$, particularly with regard to wardlhips and
old titles of eftates, by which he raifed large fums.
Though he did this without affembling his parliament,
yet he found agents who juitified thofe proceedings, in
the fame manner as Epfom and Dudley, did thofe of
Henry, under the fan&ion of law. At laft, however,
touched with the fufferings of his fubjefls, he ordered
all profecutions to be Hopped. He even went farther :
for, fenfible of the deteftation into which his father-in-
law’s avarice had brought himfelf and his adminiftra-
tion, he ordered the miniiters who had advifed him to
thofe lhameful courfes to be imprifoned ; and fome of
them, who probably had exceeded their commiflion, ac¬
tually died in their confinement. ^
About this time, James applied himfelf, with incre- Applies
dible affiduity, to the building of {hips; one of which,Ilirnfe|fto
the St Michael, is fuppofed to have been the largeft qp”jSime
then in the world (m). He worked with his own hands 5’
in building it; and it is plain, from his conduft, that
he was alpiring to maritime power, in which he was
encouraged by the excellent feamen which Scotland
then produced. The firft effay of his arms by fea was
in favour of his kinfman John king of Denmark. This
4 O 2 prince
(m) Of this (hip we have the following account by Lindfay of Pitfcottie. “ In the fame year, the king of
Scotland bigged a great {hip, called the Great Michael, which ivas the greateft {hip, and of moft ftrength, that
ever failed in England or France. For this {hip was of fb great ftature, and took fo much timber, that, except
Palkland, {he wafted all the woods in Fife, which was oak-wood, by all timber that was gotten out of Norway ;
for lire was fo ftrong, and of fo great length and breadth (all the wrights of Scotland, yea, and many other ftran¬
gers, were at her device, by the king’s commandment, who Wrought very bufily in her: but it was a year and
day ere fiie was complete) ; to wit, ftie was twelve fcore foot of length, and thirty-fix foot within the fides. She
was ten foot thick in the wall, outted jefts of oak in her wall, and boards on every fide, fo ftark and fo thick, that
no cannon could go through her. This great ftiip cumbered Scotland to get her to the fea. From that time that
{he was afloat, and her mads and fails complete, with tows and anchors effeiring thereto, ftie was counted to the
king to be thirty thoufand pounds of expences, by her artillery, which was \rery great and coftly to the king, by
all the reft of her orders ; to wit, (he bare many cannons, fix on every fide, with three great baffils, two behind
in her dock, and one before, with three hundred ffiot of fmall artillery, that is to fay, myand and battret-falcon,
and quarter-falcon, flings, peftelent ferpetens, and double-dogs, with hagtor and culvering, cors-botVs and hand-
bows. She had three hundred mariners to fail her ; ffie had fix fcore of gunners to ufe her artillery; and had a
thoufand men of war, by her captain, fhippers, and quarter-mafters.
“ When this ftiip paft to the fea, and was lying in the road, the king gart {hoot a cannon at her, to effay her if
ftie was wight; but I heard fay, it deared her not, and did her little {kaith. And if any man believe that this de-
fcription of the fliip be not of verity, as we have written, let him pafs to the gate of Tillibardin, and there, afore
the fame, ye will fee the length and breadth of her, planted with hawthorn, by the wright that helped to make
er. As for other properties of her, Sir Andrew Wood is my author, who was quarter-mafter of her; and Ro¬
bert Bartyne, who was mafter-ftiipper.”
vS c o
[ 660 ]
SCO
Scotland, prince was brother to the queen dowager of Scotland \ and
“““"V" 1 had partly been called to the throne of Sweden, and
partly poffeffed it by force. He was oppofed by the ad-
miniftrator, Sture, whom he pardoned after he was
crowned. Sture, however, renewing his rebellion, and
the Norwegians revolting at the fame time, John found
himfelf under fuch difficulties, that he was forced to re¬
turn to Denmark j but he left his queen in poffeflion of
the caftle of Stockholm, which fhe bravely defended
againft Sture and the Swedes. This heroic princefs be¬
came a great favourite with James j and feveral letters
that pafl'ed between them are ftill extant. The king of
Denmark, next to the French monarch, was the fa¬
vourite ally of James j who, early in his reign, had
compromifed fome differences between them. It like-
xvife appears, from the hiftories of the north, that both
James and his father had given great afhftance to his
Danifh majefty in reducing the Norwegians ; and he re-
folved to become a party in the war againft the Swedes,
and the Lubeckers who aflifted them, if the former con¬
tinued in their revolt. Previous to this, he fent an am-
baffador to offer his mediation between John and his fub-
je6ts. The mediation was accordingly accepted, and
the negociations were opened at Calmar. The deputies
of Sweden not attending, John prevailed with thole of
Denmark and Norway to pronounce fentence of forfei¬
ture againft Sture and all his adherents. In the mean
time, the fiege of the caftle of Stockholm was fo warm¬
ly preffed, that the garrifon was diminifhed to a hand¬
ful, and thofe deftitute of all kinds of provifions •, fo
that the brave queen was forced to capitulate, and to
furrender up the fortrefs, on condition that fire might
be fuffered to depart for Denmark ; but the capitulation
was perfidioufly broken by Sture, and the was confined
in a monaftery.
It was on this occafion that James refolved to employ
his maritime power. He wrote a letter, conceived in
the ftrongeft terms, to the archbifhop of Upfal, the pri-
gainft Swe-matc of Sweden, exhorting him to employ all his autho-
'ien, rity in favour of the king ; and another letter to the
Lubeckers, threatening to declare war againft them, as
well as the Swedes, if they jointly continued to aflift the
rebels. According to Hollinflied, James, in confequence
of King John’s application, gave the command of an
army of 10,000 men to the earl of Arran, who replaced
John upon his throne. Though this does not appear
to be ftridtly truth, yet it is certain, that, had it not
been for James, John muft have funk under the weight
of his enemies. Sture, whofe arms had made great pro-
grefs, hearing that a confiderable armament was fitting
out in Scotland, and knowing that James had prevailed
with the French king to aflift John likewife, agreed to
releafe the queen, and to conduct her to the frontiers of
Denmark 5 where he died. By this time, James’s ar¬
mament, which was commanded by the earl of Arran,
had fet fail j but perceiving that all matters.were adjuft-
ed between John and the Swedes, the fhips returned
fooner than James expected, “ which (_fays he, in a very
polite letter he wrote to the queen upon the occafion)
they durft not have done, had they not brought me an
account that her Danifh majefty was in perfefl health
and fafety.” The feverity of John having occafioned a
IVefh revolt, James again lent a fquadron to his aflift-
ance, which appeared before Stockholm, and obliged
th?; Lubeckers to conclude a new treaty.
392
James af-
fifts Den¬
mark a-
James, having thus honourably difeharged his en- Scotland,
gagements with his uncle the king of Denmark, turned ^ ^
his attention towards the Flemings and Hollanders, wbo chaftifes
had infulted his flag, on account of the afliftance he had the Flem-
afforded the duke of Gueldres, as w'ell as from motives ings and
of rapacioufnefs, which diftinguifhed thofe traders, wdio Hollanders,
are faid not only to have plundered the Scots fhips, but
to have thrown their crews overboard to conceal their
villany. James gave the command of a fquadron to
Barton ; who put to fea, and, without any ceremony,
treated all the Dutch and Fiemifh traders who fell into
his hands as pirates, and fent their heads in hogfheads to
James. Soon after, Bart(»n returned to Scotland, and
brought with him a number of rich prizes, which ren¬
dered his reputation as a feaman famous all over Eu¬
rope.—James was then fb much refpedted on the conti¬
nent, that we know of no refentment ftiown either by
the court of Spain, whofe fubjefts thofe Netherlanders
were, or of any other power in Europe, for this vigo¬
rous proceeding. _ _ 3^
The peace with England continued all the remaining Caufe of
part of the reign of Henry VII. nor did his fon Hen-quarrel
ry VIII. though he had not the fame reafon as his fa-^lEn8*
ther to keep well with the Scots, for fome time fliew
any difpofition to break with them. A breach, how¬
ever, at length took place, and was never afterwards
thoroughly made up.
About 30 years before, one John Barton (a relation,
probably, to the famous Barton) commanded a trading
veffel, which was taken by two Portuguefe fea-captains
in the port of Sluys *, and the captain, with feveral
Scotchmen, were killed in endeavouring to defend their
property. The aftion was efteemed cowardly as well as
piratical, becaufe it wras done under the protedlion of a
large Portuguefe fquadron. The ftiip, and the remain¬
ing part of the crew, with the cargo, were carried to
Portugal, whence no redrefs could be obtained •, and
James III. granted letters of marque to John and
Robert Bartons, heirs to the Barton who had been mur¬
dered. Upon the acceffion of James IV. to the crown
of Scotland, the letters of marque were recalled, and a
friendly correfpondence was entered into between James
and his Portuguefe majefty. No redrefs, however, was
to be had from the latter •, and Robert Barton being
made prifoner, and his fliip a prize, he was detained
in Zealand, till James procured his deliverance, by ap¬
plying in his favour to the emperor Maximilian. Sir
Andrew Barton took part in the quarrel) and having
obtained a like letter of marque, he made dreadful de¬
predations on the Portuguefe trade, and, according to
Englifti authors, he plundered many Englifti ftiips, on.
pretence of their carrying Portuguefe property, and
made the navigation of the narrow feas dangerous to
Engliftimen. The court of London received daily com¬
plaints of Barton’s depredations •, but Henry being at
this time very averfe to quarrel with James, thefe com¬
plaints were heard with great coldnefs at his council-
board. The earl of Surrey had then two fons, gallant
noblemen *, and he declared to Henry’s face, that while
he had an eftate that could furnifti out a flrip, or a fon
who was capable of commanding one, the narrow feas
ftiould not be infefted. Henry could net difeourage
this generous offer j and letters of marque were accord-
ingly granted to the two young noblemen, Sir Ihomas
and Sir Edward Howard. I he prizes that Barton had
’ taken.
\
SCO
t 661 ]
SCO
Scotland, taken had rendered his {hips immenfely rich, confe-
quently they were heavy laden, and unfit for fighting ;
while we may eafily fuppofe, that the {hips of the How¬
ards were clean, and of a fuperior force in every refpeft
to thofe of Barton. After encountering a great deal of
foul weather, Sir Thomas Howard came up with the
Lyon, which was commanded by Sir Andrew Barton
in perfon j and Sir Edward fell in with the Unicorn,
Barton’s other Ihip. The event was fuch as might be
expected from the inequality of the match. Sir An¬
drew Barton was killed, while he was animating, with
his whittle, his men to hold out to the lafl:; and both
. the Scotch {hips being taken, were carried in triumph
to London, with their crews prifoners.
James could never forgive Henry for the lofs of his
brave officer. He fent to demand fatisfadtion ; but all
the anfwer he received was, that Barton and his crews
were lawlefs pirates, and that what had been done a-
gainft them ought never to have been refented amongft
fovereign princes. James afferted, that Barton was no
pirate, becaufe he bore his conamiffion ; and that he
ought to have been convidted of piratical adts before
he was treated as being guilty of them. Henry inti¬
mated to James, that he was willing to accommodate
the affair by way of negociation •, but James thought
himfelf affronted by the propofal.
Various negociations took place concerning this and
Scotland,
39S
James re.
folves to in-other affairs till the year 1513 J when James, though
vade Eng- he haci for fome time before been fully refolved on a
An 1513 war with England, thought it highly neceffary that it
ffiould have the fandtion of his parliament, which he af-
fembled for that purpofe. The young nobility were not
only infpired with the fentiments of James, but had been
won over by the French; and the majority of them, as
well as of the clergy (which was fomewhat extraordi¬
nary, as James was, in effedf, to fight againft the pope
and his allies), were keen for a war with England. The
old counfellors, on the other hand, who faw the flou-
riffiing ftate of Scotland, arifing from a long peace and
commerce protedled by a fleet, dreaded the ruinous con-
fequences of the war. The queen naturally headed this
party ; and fire was joined by the earl of Angus and
the wifeft part of the nobility. Their arguments made
no impreffion upon James, who had received a pre-
fent from Louis of four {hips laden with wine and
flour, and two {hips of war completely equipped, one
of them carrying 34 pieces of brafs ordnance. He
promifed to the French queen, upon his honour, that
he would take the field againft the Engliffi ; and ffie
had fent him a freflr letter, gently reproaching him for
want of gallantry, and for not being io good as his word.
In flrort, the reafonings of the wifeft and beft part of
the nobility were overruled, and the expedition againft
England was refolved on.
I he earl of Hume, who was chamberlain of Scot¬
land, was, at this junfture, at the head of 7000 or 8000
men, with whom he committed prodigious devaftations
on the Engliffi borders. Henry’s queen, Catharine of
Spain, whom he had left regent of his dominions, iffued
a commiffion of array, dire&ed to Sir Thomas Lovel,
knight of the garter, for affembling the militia of the
counties of Nottingham, Derby, Warwick, Leicefter,
Stafford, Rutland, Northampton, and Lincoln. The
management of the war, however, was chiefly com¬
mitted to the earl of Surrey, who affembled the militia
39<S
The Scots
defeated.
397
of Chefter, Lancafter, Northumberland, Weftmoreland,
Cumberland, and the bifhopric of Durham. The earl
of Hume had by this time laid great part of Northum¬
berland wafte ; and his men were returning home laden
with booty. The earl of Surrey, refolving to intercept
them, ordered Sir William Bulmer to form an ambulh
with 1000 archers, at a place called Broomhoufe, which
was extremely convenient for that purpofe, as the Scots
were obliged to pafs that way. As the latter expe&ed
nothing of that kind, Bulmer executed his orders with
great fuccefs. The archers affaulted the Scots all at
once, and made fo good ufe of their arrows, that their
main body was put to flight, 500 were killed, and 400
taken, with the lord Hume’s ftandard, which he left
on the field of battle j the greateft part of the plunder
being recovered at the fame time. The commonalty of
Scotland termed this expedition of the lord Hume’s the
/// road.
James was more exafperated than ever by this de-The queen
feat, and continued his preparations for invading Eng-endeavours
land with additional vigour. His queen did all that g^g^'fYo-m
became a wife and prudent wife to.ffivert him from his jlis jefign.
fatal purpofe. She endeavoured to work on his fu-
perftition, by recounting to him her ominous drearhs
and boding apprehenlions. James treating thefe as
mere illufions and fidlions of the brain, fire had recourfe
to other arts. While James was waiting at Linlith¬
gow for the arrival of his army from the north and the
Highlands, he affifted one afternoon at the vefpers in
the church of St Michael. Being placed in one of the 55)S
canon’s feats, a venerable comely man, of about 52 a phantom
years of age, entered, dreffed in a long garment of an appears to
azure colour, and girded round with a towel or roll
of linen, his forehead bald, and his yellow locks hang¬
ing down his flroulders j in flrort, he was dreffed and
formed to appear like St Andrew, the apoftle of Scot¬
land, as he is reprefented in painting and fculpture.
The church being crowded, this perfonage, with fome
difficulty, made his way to the king’s feat j and lean¬
ing over it, he fpoke to the following purpofe : “ Sir
(faid he), I am fent hither to intreat you for this time
to delay your expedition, and to proceed no farther in
your intended journey : for if you do, you fliall not
profper in your enterprife, nor any of your followers.
I am further charged to warn you, if ye be fo refrac¬
tory as to go forward, not to ufe the acquaintance, com¬
pany, or counfel of women, as ye tender your honour,
life, and eftate.” After delivering thefe words, he re¬
tired through the crowd, and was no more feen, though,
when the fervice was ended, James earneftly inquired
after him.
That this fcene was a61ed, feems to be paft difpute;
for Sir David Undfay, who was then a young man,
and prefent in the church, reported it both to Bucha¬
nan and Lindfay the hiftorian. It is, however, equally
certain, that the whole was a contrivance of the queen,
to whofe other affli&ions the ftings of jealoufy were
now added. In one of the Scotch inroads into Eng- James de**
land, one Heron, the proprietor of the caftle of Ford, luded by
had been taken prifoner, and fent to Scotland ; where his miftrefi.
he was detained on a charge of murder, of which he
feems to have been innocent. The Engliffi hiftorians
mention this as having paffed after James entered Eng¬
land : but from the latter part of the fuppofed phan¬
tom’s fpeech, it is probable that it happened before4
and:
Scotland.
4CO
The Scots
take the
rattles of
Norham,
Etal, and
Wark.
SCO [ 66a ] SCO
and that Heron’s wife and beautiful daughter had been
for fome time foliciting James for his deliverance. Be
that as it may, it is too probable that James was {'mitten
with the charms of the daughter ; and that her mo¬
ther, who was a moft artful woman, knew how to avail
herfelf of the conqueft. Pretending that {he had in-
tereft enough to procure the releafe of the lord Johnflon
and Alexander Home, who were prifoners in England,
{he was permitted by James to keep a conftant corre-
fpondence with the earl of Surrey, to whom lire is faid
to have betrayed all James’s fecrets and meafures. The
rendezvous of James’s army was at the Burrow’-moor,
to which James repaired ; and having given orders for
the march of his artillery, he lodged at the abbey of
Holyroodhoufe. While he was there, another at¬
tempt was made to divert him from his purpofe of in¬
vading England : but James, deaf to all the felicita¬
tions and inventions of his queen, muftered his army j
and on the 22d of Auguft he palled the Tweed, en¬
camping that night near the banks of the Twiffel. On
his arrival at Twiffelhaugh on the 14th, he called an
aflembly of his lords together, and made a declaration,
that the heirs of all fuch as fhould die in the army, or
be killed by the enemy during his flay in England,
Ihould have their wards, relief, and marriages of the
king ; who, upon that account, difpenfed with their
age. This is faid to have been the crifis of that prince’s
fate. Abandoned to his paflion for his Englifli mif-
trefs, {lie prevailed with him, at her mother’s mitiga¬
tion, to trifle away his time for fome days; during
which interval, the junction of the Englilh army was
formed. The earl of Surrey, the Englilh general, w’as
then at Pomfret : but ordered the landholders of the
•neighbouring counties to certify to him in writing what
number of men each could furnifh, charging them to
be ready at an hour’s warning ; and he laid his plan fo
as not to bring bis army into the field till James had
advanced fo far into England as to render it very dif¬
ficult for him to retire without a general battle. This
precaution aflifted the lady Ford (as {he is called) in
perfuading James that there w;as no danger in the de¬
lay, becaufe the Englifli had not the face of an army in
the field.
In the mean time, the carl of Surrey ordered the go¬
vernors of Berwick and Norham, the two ftrongeft
places on the frontiers of England, to prepare for a
vigorous refiftance in cafe they were attacked •, and di¬
rected them to certify how long they could hold out,
in hopes, that if they made a refolute defence, James
would march on, and leave them in his rear. The go¬
vernor of Norham’s anfwer was, that his caftle was fo
W’ell provided, as to leave him no doubt, in cafe of a
fiege, to be able to defend it till King Henry fliould
return from abroad, and relieve it in perfon. James,
however, befieged it on the 25th of Auguft, and bat¬
tered it fo furioufly, that he took it by capitulation the
fixth day after. James then proceeded to the caftle of
Etal belonging to the family of Manners (now duke
of Rutland) which be took and demoliflied likewife, as
he alfo did Wark, and arrived before the caftle of Ford.
The Scotch army is generally allowed to have confifted
of at leaft 50,000 men when it palled the Tweed. At
this time it wTas encamped on the heights of Cheviot, in
the heart of a country naturally barren, and now defo¬
late through the precautions taken by the Englilh ge-
2
neral. Being obliged to extend their quarters for the Scotlartfl*.
benefit of fubfiftence, the mercenary part of them had v
acquired a confideiable plunder, with which, as ufual,
they retired to their own country, as many more did for
want of fubfiftence. The earl ot Surrey knew their
fituation, and ordered the rendezvous of his army, firft
at Newcaftle, and then near Norham, having certain in¬
telligence of the vaft. defertions daily happening in the
Scotch army, which had reduced it greatly. The wet-
nefs of the icafon rendered his march, efpecially that of
the artillery, extremely difficult; but being joined by
feveral perfons of diftinflion, he marched on the 3d of
{September to Almvic, where he was reinforced by 5000
hardy veteran troops, fent from the Englifli army on
the continent, under the command of his fon the lord-
admiral of England ; fo that, as the Englifli authors
admit, his army confifted of 26,000 men, all complete¬
ly armed and provided for the field. James having, in
the manifeflo which he dilperfed on his entering Eng¬
land, given the death of Barton as one of the caufes of
his invafion, the lord-admiral had prevailed with Henry
to fend him upon this fervice > and he informed James
by a letter, that he intended to juftify the death of that
pirate in the front of the Englilh army. 40t.
By this time the army of James was, by defertinn
and other caufes, reduced to lefs than half its numbers 0Sf ^3e'
but the chief misfortune attending it was his own con-nobi]ity,
duff. His indolence and inaftivity, joined to the fcan-
dalous example of his amours, at fuch a feafon, had dif-
gufted feveral of his greateft men and beft friends; and
fome of them more than fufpefted a correfpondence be¬
tween the Englifh lady and the earl of Surrey. James
was deaf to all their remonftrances; and the earl of
Angus declared, that he was refolved to return home,
as he forefavv that the ruin of the army was inevitable
through the obftinacy of James. He accordingly with¬
drew to Scotland, but left behind him his two Ions.
The lord Hume and the earl of Huntly were likewife
difeontented. The former had brought his men into
the field j but according to lome Scotch hiftorians, with
a defign rather to betray than to ferve James j but
Huntly, though he difiiked his mafter’s conduft, remain¬
ed firmly attached to his perfon.
The defection or backwardnefs of thofe great men
feemed to make no impreffion upon James. He bad
chofen a ftrong camp in the neighbourhood of Ford,
on the fide of a mountain called Elodden-hill •, and he
was feparated from the Englifh army by the river Till. 403
This advantageous fituation put the earl of Surrey un-Encamps
der great difficulties ; for it rendered the Scotch armyin an <u!'
• ° 1 • r -r j t mi 1 ^ vanta.,eoitS
inaccefubJe, as it was fortified by artillery, and wras now fituation.
well fupplied with provifions by the change of its fitua¬
tion. The earl drew up a manifefto, with which he
charged Rouge Croix herald, who was attended by a
trumpet. It contained feme propofals for an exchange
of priloners, which feems to have been calculated to give
the lady Ford the more credit with James; but con¬
cluded with reproaches for his perfidious invafion of
England, and a defiance to James to fight him in a ge¬
neral battle. The herald was farther charged with a
verbal commiffion to acquaint James, that the earl of
Surrey had iffued orders that no quarter fliould be given
to any of the Scotch army but the king himfelf.
A council of war was called on this occafion ; in
which the earl of Bluntly and others made ftrong re-
monftrancfc*
SCO
t 663 ]
SCO
Scotland.
4S3
Refulves
to fight,
con' rary to
the opi¬
nion of all
Lis ofSceis,
404
Ifis impru¬
dent con-
dudt.
monAranccs agalnfl a general engagement. They fliew-
ed how fatal it mu If be to bcotland, Iliould it prove un-
luecefsful j and that the wifeit courfe James could fol¬
low was to return home, where, if he was puifued by
the enemy, he could fight to great advantage. The
earl of Huntly, however, added, that his opinion fhould
be determined by that of the king and council 5 and
that he was equally ready to lhare in his majefty’s dan¬
ger as his glory.
Huntly and the other noblemen were oppofed by the
French ambaffador, who reprefented a retreat as dif-
graceful to the nobility of Scotland and the arms of
James j and ufed many romantic arguments of the fame
kind, which but too well luited with the king’s difpofi-
tion. According to Drummond, the council were of
opinion that the king ihould immediately befiege Ber¬
wick 3 but the majority of them declared that it was be¬
neath the dignity of James to fight the earl of Surrey at
that nobleman’s requifition, and that James could lofe
no honour by returning home. Patrick Lord Lindfay
of Byres, mentioned on a former occafion, and who was
prefident of the council, exprefled himfelf fo flrongly
on that head, that James, in a padlon, is faid by the
hjftorian Lindfay to have fworn, that if ever he lived to
return to Scotland, he would hang that nobleman at his
own gate. He ordered Rouge Croix to be called in 3 and
after treating him with great politenefs, he fent a meffage
to the earl of Surrey by one of his own heralds (May),
importing, that he would give the Englilh battle on the
Friday following 5 and that had he received fuch a mef¬
fage from the earl even in his own caftle of Edinburgh,
he would have left that, and all other bufinefs, to fight
him. With this meflage, a fmall manifefto, in vindica¬
tion of James’s conduct, was fent by the fame herald.
The earl of Surry, who was then fo infirm that he
was carried about in a fedan or chariot, had forefeen
that James would return an anfvver by one of his own
heralds 3 but, unwilling that he fiiould obtain any
knowledge of the fituation of the Englilh camp, he
ordered proper perfons to receive him at two miles di-
flance, where foon after he attended himfelf in perfon.
May executed his commiffion, without paying much
refpeef to the perfon of the Englifti general 3 who dif-
mifled him, after bellowing great compliments on the
honour and courage of James. The earl then ordered
his army to march in the line of battle towards Woller-
haugh. There he was joined by Rouge Croix, his herald,
who gave him an account of the ftrong fituation of the
Scottilh camp 3 but the advanced polls of the Engliih
army were then within three miles of their enemies, and
the earl of Surrey found his difficulties daily increaiing.
The roads were broken up, the fwelling of the rivers
cut him off from the neceffary communications for fup-
plying his army, and nothing but a battle could fave
him either from being di (banded or deffroyed.
James feems to have fo far regarded the advice of his
wifeit counfellors, as not to abandon his Itrong fituation.
They endeavoured to perfuade him, that it was a fuf-
ficient guard to his honour, if he did not decline the
battle on the day appointed 3 and that his engagement
did not bind him to fight upon difadvantageous ground.
The Scots, at the fame time, knew of their enemy’s di-
ftreffes ; and, as Drummond elegantly expreffes it, they
rernonllrated to their king, that he lacked nothing but
patience to be viflorious. The Scots thus lying on the
defenfive, the earl of Surrey again fent Rouge Croix to
inform James that he was ready to give him battle. Scotland.
James was fenfibly nettled at this tacit imputation on
his honour, and perhaps was inwardly vexed at having-
followed the wife advice of his noblemen. It appears,
from the bell authorities, that he negiecled the ne¬
ceffary precautions for guarding the paffages of the
Till, which the Engliffi croffed, partly at a place where
it was fordable, and partly at a bridge. We are told,
not without great appearance of probability, that while
the Englilh were palling the bridge, Borthwick, mailer
of the Scotch artillery, fell on his knees, and begged
permiffion from James to point his cannon againll the
bridge 3 but that James anivvered him in a pafiion, that
it mull be at the peril of his (Borthwick’s) head, and
that he was refolved to lee all his enemies that day on
the plain before bim in a body. The earl of Surrey, af¬
ter palling the Till, took poffeffion of Braxton, which
lay to the right of the Scotch camp 3 and by that fitua-
tion he cut off the communication of his enemies with
the Tweed, and commanded the Till below Eton-caftle.
The Scotch generals faw- themfelves now in danger of
being reduced to the fame 11 rails in which their ene¬
mies had been involved two days before, and their coun¬
try open to an invafion of the Englilh army. James
had fecret intelligence that this was far from being the
intention of the Engliffi general 5 and imagining that
the latter’s intention was to take poffeflion of a Itrong
camp upon a hill between him and the Tweed, which
would give the Englilh a farther command of the coun¬
try, he refolved to be before-hand with the earl, and
gave orders for making large fires of green wood, that
the fmoke might cover his march along the height, to
take advantage of that eminence. But while this lira-
tagem concealed his march from the Engliih, their
movements were concealed from him : for when he
came to the brow of the height over which he had
marched, he found the enemy drawn up in order of
battle on the plain, but fo clofe to the height where he
was, that his artillery, on which his great dependence
was, mull overfhoot them.
A battle was now not only unavoidable, but the only AcCg°„t 0f
means of faving the Scotch army, which was probably the battle
far from being a difagreeable circumllance to James, of Floddenr
His perfon was fo dear to his troops, that many of them 9th SeP*
dreffed themfelves as nearly as they could in the fametember' _
coats of armour and with the fame diilin&ions that James ^ I-'^
wore that day. His generals had earneftly defired him
to retire to a place of fafety, where his perfon would be
fecure in all events : but he obllinately refufed to follow
their advice j and on the 9th of September, early in the
morning, difpofitions were ordered for the line of battle.
The command of the van was allotted to the earl of
Huntly 3 the earls of Lenox and Argyle commanded
the Highlanders under James, who, fome fay, ferved
only as a volunteer 3 and the earls of Crawford and
Montrofe led the body of referve. The earl of Surrey
gave the command of his van to his fon, the lord ad¬
miral ; his right wing was commanded by his other Ion.
Sir Edward Howard 3 and his left by Sir Marmaduke
Conllable. The rear was commanded by the earl him-
felf, Lord Dacres, and Sir Edward Stanley. Under
thofe leaders ferved the flower of all the nobility and
gentry then in England. Other writers give different
accounts of the difpofition of the Englilh army, but they
may be reconciled by the different forms into which
the battle was thrown before it was decided. The lord
Hume
SCO
Scotland. Hume is mentioned as ferving under the earls of Craw-
' ford and Montrofe, and Hepburn earl of Bothwel was
in the rear.
The firit motion of the Englifli army was by the
lord-admiral, who fuddenly wheeled to the right, and
feized a pafs at Milford, where he planted his artillery
fo as to command the mod Hoping part of the afcent on
which the Scots were drawn up *, and it did great exe¬
cution. The Scots had not forefeen this manoeuvre ;
and it threw them into fuch diforder, that the earl of
Hmatly found it neceffary to attack the lord-admiral;
which he did with fo much fury, that he drove him
from his port •, and the confequence mud have been
fatal to the Englidi, had not his precipitate retreat
been covered by fome fquadrons of horfe under the lord
Dacres, which gave the lord-admiral an opportunity
of rallying and new-forming his men. The earl of
Surrey now found it necedary to advance to the front,
fo that the Englilh army formed one continued line,
which galled the Scots with perpetual difcharges of
their artillery and bows. The Highlanders, as ufual,
impatient to come to a clofe fight, and to diare in the
honour of the day, which they now thought their own,
rufhed down the declivity with their broad fwords, but
without order or difcipline, and before the red of the
army, particularly the divifion under Lord Hume, ad¬
vanced to fupport them. Their impetuofity, however,
made a confiderable impredion on the main battle of
the Englidi •, and the king bringing up the earl of
Bothwel’s referve, the battle became general and doubt¬
ful : but by this time the lord-admiral, having again
formed his men, came to the adidance of his father, and
charged the divifion under the earls of Crawford and
Montrofe, who were marching up to fupport the High¬
landers, among whom the king and his attendants were
now fighting on foot: while Stanley, making a circuit
round the hill, attacked the Highlanders in the rear.
Crawford and Montrofe, not being feconded, according
to the Scottidi hidorians, by the Humes, were routed ;
and thus all that part of the Scotch army which was
engaged under their king, was completely furrounded
by the divifion of the Englidi under Surrey, Stanley,
and the lord-admiral. In this terrible frtuation, James
afted with a coolnefs not common to his temper. He
drew up his men in a circular form, and their valour
more than once opened the ranks of the Englidi, or
obliged them to dand aloof, and again have recourfe to
their bows and artillery. The chief of the Scotch no¬
bility made fredi attempts to prevail with James to make
his efcape while it was pra&icable ; but he obdinately
continued the fight; and thereby became acceflbry to
4c6 his own ruin, and that of his troops, whom the Englidi
In which would gladly have differed to retreat. He faw the earls
the Scots 0f Montrofe, Crawford, Argyle, and Lenox, fall by his
■are defeat- w;th braved of his men lying dead on the fpot j
tbeirkinjr and darknefs now coming on, he himfelf was killed by
Xilled. S an unknown hand. The Englidi were ignorant of the
victory they had gained ; and had a&ually retreated
from the field of battle, with a defign of renewing it
next morning.
This difader was evidently owing to the romantic
difpofition of the king himfelf, and to the want of dif¬
cipline among many of his foldiers j though fome wri¬
ters have afcribed it to the treachery of Lord Hume.
Many of James’s domeftics knew and mourned over his
[ 66+ ]
SCO
body j and it appeared that he had received two mortal Scotland,
wounds, one through the trunk with an arrow, and the '“““"V "
other in the head with a ball. His coat of armour was
prefented to Queen Catharine, who informed her huf-
band, then in France, of the viflory over the Scots. The
lofs on both fides, in this engagement, is far from being
afeertained 5 though Polydore Virgil, who lived at the
time, mentions the lofs of the Englidi at 5000, and that
of the Scots at 10,000 men. 407
Thus fell James IV. after having exercifed the regal Review oQ
power for 25 years, and lived about 40. In reviewing
the principal tranfaflions of his reign, our chief atten¬
tion is direfted to the a£ls of the legidature. Thefe, as
in the preceding reigns, appear to have been very mind¬
ful of the freedom of the /ia/ie hirke. During the year
1489, was paffed an aft, by which it was made criminal
for any one to intermeddle with the profits or duties of
the church 5 and this aft, which did not long proteft,
either the church or the clergy from the rapacity of the
times, was fpeedily followed by legidative declarations
for univerfal concord among the king's lieges. The par¬
liament alfo endeavoured to proteft the king’s privi¬
leges, confidering him, dill, however, as a minor \ but
he attempted in vain to redore to the royal prerogative
the neceffary vigour of ancient times. Additional ex¬
emptions were given to thofe members whofe duty re¬
quired their condant attendance in parliament; but by
thefe exemptions the authority of the parliament was
neither drengthened nor enlarged. The general prin¬
ciples of former ages, that the king, by his precept,
might fummon any of his fubjefts to give their prefence
and advice in parliament, was again recognized *, and
confidering how much of the public revenue was paid
by the boroughs, it was a falutary provifion that their
deputies diould be always fummoned as reprefentatives
of one of the three edates, when it was intended to re¬
quire contributions from the people.
There feems to have been, during this reign, confi¬
derable zeal for promoting domedic economy, though
the bed means were not always employed for that pur-
pofe. Agriculture was encouraged, weights and mea-
fures were fettled, craftfmen were regulated, coins were
druck, the value of money diminidied, and dripping
were required to come fird to the free boroughs. In
addition to all thefe regulations, it was enafted under a
penalty, that barons and freeholders diould fend their
elded fons to the fchools, to learn Latin and law *, but
there feems to have been no provifion made for indruft- * See OmU
ing them in the more important information of morals
and manners, in which the nation was notorioudy defi-p s,7 ’
cient *. 408
After the death of King James IV. the adminidra-The qaeen
tion devolved on the queen-dowager ; but die being
pregnant with a podhumous child, and unable to bear^overn_
the weight of public bufinefs, accepted Beaton archbi-ment.
diop of Glafgow and chancellor of Scotland, with the
earls of Huntly, Angus, and Arran, to afiid her in the ^C9
affairs of government. Soon after her hufband’s death Writes to
die had written an affefting letter to her brother the^,e ^inJj °f
king of England, informing him of her pregnancy, fet- nS an
ting forth the deplorable date of the kingdom, with her
own condition, and imploring his frienddiip and protec¬
tion for herfelf and her infant fon. This letter feems
never to have been communicated by Henry to his coun¬
cil ; but he anfwered it, and informed his fider, that if
the
SCO [ 665 ] SCO
Scotland, the Scots would have peace, they ihoulu have peace,
*■"—y—— and war if they chofe it. “ He added (according to
Drummond), that her huiband had fallen by his own in-
difereet rafhnefs, and fooliih kindnefs to France j that
he regretted his death as his ally, and thould be willing
to prohibit all hoilility againft the country of Scotland
during the minority of her fon. For a remedy of pre-
fent evils, one year’s truce and a day longer was yielded
unto ; in which time he had leifure to profecute his
defigns againit France, without fear of being diflurbed
or diverted by the incurhons and inroads of the Scots
.IO upon his borders.”
The Scot- Thus far Drummond : but though Henry might
tifli affairs grant this time to his fifter’s intrealy, yet it certainly
in great not become a national meafure ; for it appears by
<«n u 10a. ^ iet{;er dated twro years after, from the Scots council
to the king of France, publilhed by Rymer, that the
Scots never had detired a truce. So far from it, the
French influence, joined to a defire of revenge, remain¬
ed fo flrong in the kingdom, that after the meeting cf
the parliament, fome of the members were fo violent as
to propofe a renewal of the war. This motion was indeed
over-ruled by the more moderate part of the affembly :
but they could not be brought to make any advances
towards Henry for a peace \ and every day now teemed
with public calamity, which feems to have gathered
ftrength while the queen was in childbed. The arch-
bhhopric of St Andrew’s being vacant, it was offered
by univerfal confent to Elphinlton bifhop of Aberdeen j
but being now old and infirm, he declined it. Three
competitors for that high dignity then appeared. The
firft was Gawin Douglas, then abbot of Aberbrothwick,
to wdiich he was prefented by the queen on her reco¬
very (having been brought to bed of a fon) the very
day before her marriage with his nephew the earl of
Angus : and upon the death of Bifhop Elphinfton in
November following, fire prefented him likewife to the
archbilhopric of St Andrew’s. The fecond competitor
was John Hepburn, prior of St Andrew’s ; a bold, ava¬
ricious, reftlefs, but fhrewd and fenfible priefl. By his
oflice he had received the rents of the fee during its va¬
cancy ; and having prevailed with the canons, on pre¬
tence of ancient privileges, to elect him archbilhop,
without regard to the nomination either of the queen
or pope, he drove Douglas’s fervants from the caftle of
St Andrew’s, of which they had taken pofieflion. The
third and moil powerful competitor w'as Forman bifhop
of Moray in Scotland, and archbifhop of Bourges in
France, a dignity to which he had been railed for his
public fervices. He had in his intereft not only the
duke of Albany (fon to the traitor duke) firft prince of
the blood, but alfo the court of Rome itfelf; and having
received the pope’s bull and nomination to the dignity,
he rvas confidered by the Scotch clergy in general, and
by the principal tenants and dependents on the fee, as
the legal archbilhop.
The preference given to Forman difeouraged Dou¬
glas from purfuing his pretenfions ; but Hepburn, be¬
ing fupported by the clan of his own name and by the
Humes, made fo formidable an oppofition to his rivals,
that none could be found fufficientiy daring to publilh
the papal bull in favour of Forman. The friends of the
latter, however, having intimated to the earl of Hume,
that his credit at the court of Rome could eafily pro¬
cure the rich abbey of Coldingham for his younger hro-
¥ol. XVIII, Part II.
ther, the earl put himfelf at the head of his followers, Scotland,
and, notwithftanding all the oppofition given by the v—y—
Hepburns, he proclaimed the pope’s bull at the crofs of
Edinburgh. This daring a£tion plainly proved that
the earl of Hume had more power than the queen-re¬
gent herfelf; but Hepburn’s relblution and the greatnefs
of his friends, obliged Forman to agree to a compromife.
Hepburn was advanced to the fee of Moray, without
accounting for the revenues of the archbifhopric, which
he had received during its vacancy ; and he gave For¬
man a prefent of three thoufand crowns, to be divided
among his friends and followers.
In April 15x4, the pofthumous fon, of whom the An. 1514.
queen had been delivered in Stirling caftle, was by the r 411
bilhop of Caithnefs baptized by the name ol Alexander. pc
On the 6th of zkuguft this year the was married to the carl to
of Angus ; a circumtlance than which nothing could be the earl of
accounted more impolitic. She had neither confulted Angus,
her brother nor the ftates of Scotland in the match j
and by her having accepted of a hulhand, the in faff re~
figned all claim to the regency under the late king’s
will. The Douglafes did not difpute her having di~
veiled herfelf of the regency ; but they affirmed, that
the parliament might lawfully reinftate her in it; and
that the peace of the kingdom required it, as it was the
only meafure that could preferve the happy tranquillity
which then fubfifted between Scotland and England.
The earl of Hume put himfelf at the head of the oppo¬
fition to this propofal. He knew that he had enemies,
and he dreaded that the farther aggrandizement of
Angus might weaken his interetl on the borders. He
was joined by a number of the young nobility, who,
though divided among themfelves, united againfi: Angus.
In fliort, the general opinion was, that the Douglafes
were already too great; and that, (hould the queen be
reinftated in the regency, they mull be abfolute within
the kingdom, and engrols all places of power and profit.
It was added by the earl of Hume, that he had, out of
refpedl to the late king’s memory, fubmitted to the
queen’s government ; and that, now when (he had made
a voluntary abdication of it by her marriage, it ought
not to be renewed.
After fome deliberations, the duke of Albany was Thctluke
chofen regent. He was a man pofleffed of all the qua-of Albany
lities requifite for a good governor ; nor did he dilap- chofen re¬
point the expectations of the public. On his arrival atSent*
Glafgow, he took upon him the titles of earl of March,
Marr, Garioch, lord of Annandale, and of the ille of
Man, regent and proteftor of the kingdom of Scotland.
On his arrival at Edinburgh, he was received in form
by the three effates of the kingdom, and the queen
had met him at fome diftance from the town. The
parliament then refumed its fefiion, and the three eftates
took an oath of obedience, till the king, then an infant
of four years old, flrould arrive at the years of matu¬
rity.
The firfi: point at which the regent aimed, was the
conciliating the differences amongfl the various con¬
tending families in tire kingdom ; at the fame time,
that he fuppretled fome daring robbers, one of whom
is faid to have had not fewer than 800 attendants in his
infamous profeflion. So great was his love of good or¬
der and decency, that he punifhed the lord Drummond
with the lofs of his eftate for having ftruck Lyon king
at arms, wliofe perfon, as the firft herald in Scotland,
4 P ought
SCO [ 666 ] SCO
Tourite,
4*4
He at¬
tempts to
earl of
Hume,
Scotland, ought to have been held bicred. Nay, it was at the
' earneft folicitation of Lyon himfelf, and many of the
chief nobility, that a greater punifhment was not in-
flifted. The forfeiture was afterwards, however, remit¬
ted ; but not before Drummond bad, upon bis knees,
acknowledged his offence, and humbled himfelf before
4i3 Ly°n*
Hepburn The regent bad not been long in office before be
becomes his took into favour Hepburn the prior of St Andrew’s,
chief fa- v. bom he confulted for information concerning the bate
of Scotland. Hepburn acquainted him with all the
feuds and animofities which raged among the great fa¬
milies of Scotland, their ferocious character, and bar¬
barous behaviour to their enemies. He reprefented the
civil power as loo weak to curb thefe potent chieftains •,
and gave it as his opinion that the regent’s adminiftra-
tion ought to be fupperted by foreign arms, meaning
thofe of France.
Hepburn is faid alfo to have gained an afcendency
over the regent by means of large fums of money laid
out among his domellics, by an infinuating and plaufible
addrefs, and by well-dire&ed flatteries j and he employ¬
ed this afcendency to deflroy thofe who were obnoxious
to himfelf. The earl of Hume, as being the firft fub-
je<ft in rank and authority, became obnoxious to the re-
' arTnf ^ trough the infinuations of Hepburn j and as that
nobleman had frequent occafion to be at court by vir¬
tue of his office of chamberlain, he foon perceived that
neither he nor his friends were welcome guefts there.
Alarmed for his own fafety, he refolved to form a party
with the queen-mother and her new hufband againfl the
regent. This was by no means a difficult talk : for the
queen naturally imagined that her new hufband ought
to have had fome fhare in the government; and the earl
of Angus readily concurred in the fcheme. In the mean
time, the regent was making a progrefs through Scot¬
land, while bloody feuds were raging among the nobles:
but before any remedy could be applied to thefe difor-
ders, he was informed of the fchemes laid by the queen-
mother and her party ; and that the had refolved to fly
into England with her two infants. On this he inftant-
ly returned to Edinburgh •, and as ne time was to be
loft, fet out that very night, and furprifed the caftle of
Stirling, where he found the queen-mother and her two
infants.
The regent, after this bold ftep, took care to ftiow
that the care of the royal infants was his chief ftudy.
As he himfelf was nearly allied to the crown, in order
to remove all fufpicions and calumnies on that account,
he committed the care of the king and his brother to
three noblemen of the mod unexceptionable chara&ers
in the kingdom, but of whom we now know the name
only of one, viz. the earl of Lenox. They were ap¬
pointed to attend the princes by turns ; to whom alfo
a guard, confifting partly of French and partly of Scots,
was affigned 3 and the queen-mother was left at liberty
to refide where fhe pleafed.
The earl of Hume, finding his fchemes thus abor-
driven into live, retired to his own eft ate ; whence he was foon af-
England. ter driven, and obliged to fly into England, by the
earls of Arran and Lenox. The queen-mother retired
to a monaftery at Coldftrearo •, and mefiengers were dif-
patched to the court of England, to know how Henry
Would have his filter difpofed of. He ordered the lord
Dacre?, his warden of the marches, to attend her to
4*5
who is
Harbottle-c&ftle in Northumberland ; and here (he was Scotland,
delivered of her daughter the Lady Mary Douglas,
mother to Henry Lord Darnley, father to James VI.
The regent difpatched ambaffadors to Henry, in order
to vindicate his own conduct. He likewife fent to af-
fure the queen that the had nothing to fear in Scotland;
and to invite her to return thither, where (lie fliould
at all times be admitted to fee her children. This of-
fer, however, Ihe declined } and fet out for London, The queen
where Ihe was affeclionately received and entertained by goes to
her brother. But in the mean time many diforders England,
were committed throughout the kingdom by the party
of the queen-mother } though, by the interpofition of
Archbilhop Forman, they were at prefent terminated
without bloodfhed, and fome of the principal offenders
were perfuaded to return to their duty. Among thefe
was the earl of Angus himfelf, the queen’s hufband 5 jjer
which when King Henry heard, he exclaimed, “ That band fub-
the earl, by deferting his wife, had afted /ike a Scot.'’'> mils to the-
Lord Hume refufed to furrendcr himfelf, or to accept reSent-
of the regent’s terms •, and was of confequence declared
a traitor, and his eftate confifcated. All this time he
had been infefting the borders at the head of a lawlefs
banditti 5 and now he began to commit fuch devafla-
tions, that the regent found it neceffary to march
againft him at the head of 1000 difeiplined troops.
Hume being obliged to lay down his arms, was fent
prifoner to Edinburgh caftle 5 where the regent very
unaccountably committed him to the charge of his
brother-in-law the earl of Arran. Hume eafily found
means to gain over this near relation to his own party j ^ j ?
and both of them, in the month of O&ober 1515,* Ag
efcaped to the borders, where they foon renewed hofti- Rebellion
lities. Both the earls were now proclaimed traitors, and yora-
but Hume was allowed fifteen days to furrender him- l?!"tlons ln
felf. This fliort interval the regent employed in quel-^a(;es
ling the rebellion, for which purpofe the parliament
had allowed him 15,000 men. He befieged the caftle
of Hamilton, the earl of Arran’s chief feat, which was
in no condition for defence: but he was prevailed on
by Arran’s mother, daughter to James II. and aunt to
the regent himfelf, to forbear further hoftilities, and
even to pardon her fon, provided he fliould return to
his duty. Arran accordingly fubmitted 5 but the pub¬
lic tranquillity was not thus reftored. An affocia-
tion, at the head of which was the earl of Moray,
the king’s natural brother, had been formed againft the
earl of Huntly. That nobleman was too well attend¬
ed to fear any danger by day ; but his enemies found
means to introduce fome armed troops in the night¬
time into Edinburgh. On this a fierce Ikirmifh enfu-
ed, in which fome were killed on both fides j but far¬
ther bloodftied was prevented by the regent, who con¬
fined all the lords in prifon till he had brought about
a general reconciliation. One Hay, who had been
very aftive in ftirring up the quarrels, was banifhed to
France 5 and only the earl of Hume now continued in
arms.
In 1516 died the young duke of Rothefay : an event An.
which brought the regent one degree nearer the crown,
fo that he was declared heir in cafe of the demife of
young James. Negociations were then entered into
about prolonging the truce which at that time fubfifted
with England j but Henry infilling on a removal of
the regent from his place, they were for the prefent
dropped.
SCO
An. 1517.
419
The earl of
Hume put
to death.
queen
returns to
Scotland.
Scotland, dropped. Finding, however, that fie could neither
■’—v'—*-'' prevail on the parliament as a body to difmifs the re¬
gent, nor form a party of any confequence againfl him,
he at laft confented to a prolongation of the truce for a
year.
In 1517, the affairs of the regent requiring his pre¬
fence in France, he refolved, before his departure, to
remove the earl of Hume, who, as we have feen, alone
continued to difturb the public tranquillity. Under
pretence of fettling fome differences which itill remain¬
ed with England, he called a convention of the nobili¬
ty ; and fent fpecial letters to the earl of Hume and
his brother to attend, on account of their great know¬
ledge in Englifh affairs. Both of them imprudently
obeyed the fummons, and were feized and executed as
foon as they arrived at Edinburgh. Whatever occa-
fion there might be for this feverity, it alienated the af-
feftions of the people to fuch a degree, that the regent
could fcarcely get the place filled up which Lord Hume
had poffelfed. That of lord warden of the marches he
at laft gave to his French favourite La Beaute, called
by hiftorians Sir Anthony D’Arcy. The poft of lord
chamberlain was given to Lord Fleming. Soon after
this, the regent levied an army, on pretence of reprefs-
ing fome difturbances on the borders. Thefe being
^to fpeedily quelled, he feized on his return the earl of Le-
The regent nox, and forced him to deliver up his caftle of Dumbar-
goes to ton j not choofing to leave it, during his intended ab-
France, and pence jn prance, in the cuftody of a nobleman of fuf-
‘ QUeen pe61ed fidelity j and from fimilar motives, afterw ards
took him with him on his departure for the continent.
He then procured himfelf to be nominated ambaffador to
France, in which character he left the kingdom; having
committed the government to the archbifhops of St An¬
drew’s and Glafgow, the earls of Arran, Angus, Hunt-
ly, and Argyle, with the warden D’Arcy, on whom
was his chief dependence.
On the departure of the regent, the queen-mother
left the Englilh court 5 and arrived with a noble re¬
tinue at Berwick, on purpofe to vifit her fon. Here
fhe was received by her hufband; for whom fire had
contracted an invincible averfion ; either on account of
his infidelities to her bed, or becaufe he had deferted
her in the manner already related. She fuppreffed her
refentment, however, for the prefent, and accompanied
him to Edinburgh. Here, in confequence of the pro-
pofals made by the regent, {he demanded accefs to her
fon ; but this was refufed by D’Arcy. Lord Erfkine,
however, who was one of thofe to whom the care of the
young king was committed, conveyed him to the caftle
of Craigmillar ('where D’Arcy had no jurifdiction), on
pretence that the plague was in Edinburgh ; and there
the queen was admitted ; but this gave fuch offence to
D’Arcy, that Lord Erfkine was obliged to carry back
the king to the caftle of Edinburgh, where all further
accefs was denied to his mother. In fhort, the behavi¬
our of this favourite was on all occafions fo haughty
and violent, that he rendered himfelf univerfally odi¬
ous ; and was at laft murdered, with all his attendants,
in his way to Dunfe, where he propofed to hold a court
of juftice.—His death was little regretted; yet his
murderers were profecuted with the utmoft feverity,
and feveral perfons of diftinClion declared rebels on that
account.
Meanwhile, the regent was treated with high marks
[ 667 ]
SCO
of diftinftion in France. The king (bowed him the Scotland,
greateft refpedf, promifed to affift in eftablifhing his <" ’ *
authority in Scotland, and folemnly confirmed the an¬
cient league between the two kingdoms. Soon after,
the earl of Lenox arrived from France, with affurances
of proteflion and affiftance from the king, who was
highly pleafed with the zeal of the governors in punifh-
ing D’Arcy’s murderers) and 500 foldiers arrived
with him, to reinforce the garrifons, efpecially that of
Dunbar. _ _ . 4ir
All this time the queen-mother continued at Edin-The queen
burgh, employed herfelf in attempts to procure a di-attempts to
vorce from her hulband, under pretence of his having ^‘vorCe ^ier
been previoufly contracted to another. The affairs of^'^'”1^'
the kingdom again began to fall into confufion, and many ^
murders and commotions happened in different parts of
the country. The earl of Arran had the chief direction
in the ftate j but the earl of Angus, nowithftanding
the difference with his wife, had ftill great intereft, and
waited every opportunity to oppofe him. This emula¬
tion produced an encounter at Edinburgh ; in which .skimiifh
victory declared for Angus, and 72 of the routed party between
were killed. This fkirmifh was fought on the 30th of the follow-
April 1519, and has been known in Scots hiltory by the ers ,ot |:*ie
name of Cleanfe the Caufevdcnj. ^ a°cj Ar~
On the xplh of November 1521, the regent returned Argus,
from France. He found the kingdom in great diforder. An.
The earl of Angus domineered in the field, but his an-
tagonifts outvoted his party in the parliament. The
queen-mother, who had fixed her affe&ions on a third
hufband, hated all parties almoft equally •, but joined the
duke of Albany, in hopes of his depriving the other twro
of their power. This happened according to her ex¬
pectation ; and fhe was with the regent when he made
a kind of triumphal entry int© Edinburgh, attended by
a number of perfons of the firft rank.—The earl of An¬
gus was now fummoned to appear as a criminal j but
his wife interceded for him, not out of any remains of
affedHon, but becaufe he gave her no oppofition in the
procefs of divorce wtiich was depending between them. An
—In the mean time, Henry VIII. of England, per- ^
ceiving that the Scots were entirely devoted to the War with
French intereft, fent a letter full of accufations againft England,
the regent, and threats againft the whole nation, if they
did not renounce that alliance. No regard being paid
to thefe requifitions, Lord DacreS wras ordered to pro¬
claim upon the borders that the Scots muft ftand to their
peril if they did not accede to his meafures by the firft of
March 1522. This producing no effeCt, Henry feized
the effedds of all the Scots refiding in England, and ba-
nifhed them his dominions, after marking them, accord¬
ing to Bifliop Lefley, with a crofs, to diftinguifh them
from his other fubje&s. A war was the unavoidable
confequence of thefe proceedings •, and, on the 30th of
April, the earl of Shrewfbury, Henry’s ftewrard.of the
houfehold, and knight of the garter, w'as appointed com¬
mander in chief of the army that was to aft againft the
Scots ; and, in the mean time, Lord Dacres made an in¬
road as far as Kelfo, plundering and burning wherever he
came.
The regent ordered his army to rendezvous at ftof- The Scots
lin ; but the Scots, remembering the difafter at Flod-refute to in-
den, fhowed an extreme averfion to the war, and even vatle Eng-
declared to the regent, that though they would de-Ianc1,
fend themfelves in cafe they were attacked, they would
4 P 2 not
4*5
The regent
goes to
France for
aOiltance,
426
The Eng-
s c o
Scotland, not engage in a French quarrel.
‘ ftrated, but without effedl j and as the malcontents
continued obitinate, he was in danger of being lelt
by himfelf, when the queen-mother interpofed, and pre¬
vailed with Lord Dacres to agree to a conference, the
event of which w'as a renewal of the negociations for
peace.
The regent perceiving, by the difgrace of this ex¬
pedition, that he had loft his former popularity, deter¬
mined to revenge himfelf j and therefore told thofe in
whom he could confide, that he was about to return to
France, whence he Ihould bring fucb a force by fea
and land, as Ihould render it unneceffary for him again
to a Ik leave of the Scots to invade England. Ac¬
cordingly he embarked for France on the 2jth of Q£to-
ber, but publicly gave out that he would return the en-
fuing Auguft.
On the regent’s arrival in France, he made a demand
of 10,000 foot and 5000 horfe for carrying on the wTar
a gain ft England } but the fituation of brands did not
then allow him to fpare fo many at once, though he was
daily fending over (hips with men, ammunition, and mo-
^ ut _i_.ij^- ney, for the French garrifons in Scotland. At laft it
Ml refolve was publicly known in England that the regent was
to intercept a^out t0 return with a ftrong fleet, and 4000 ot the belt
lim‘ troops in France j on which Henry determined, if pof-
fible,‘ to intercept him. Sir William Fitz-Williams,
with 36 large fliips, was ordered to block up the French
fquadron in the harbour of Finhead ; Sir Anthony
Poyntz cruized with another in the weftern feas, as Sir
Chriftopher Dow and Sir Henry Shireburn did in the
northern with a third fquadron. The duke of Albany,
being unable to cope with Fitz-Williams, was obliged
to fet out from another port with 12 (hips, having fome
troops on board. They fell in with Filz-Williams’s
iquadron j two of their (hips wrere funk, and the reft
driven back to Dieppe. Fitz-Williams then made a
defcent at Treport, where he burnt 18 French ftiips,
and returned to his ftation off Finhead. By this time
the French had given the duke fuch a reinforcement as
made him an overmatch for the Englifh admiral, had
the men been equally good •, but the regent had no de-
427 pendence on French failors when put in competition
He e(capes with the Englilh. Inftead of coming to an engage¬
ment, therefore, as foon as Fitz-Williams appeared, he
dtfembarked bis foldiers, as if he had intended to de¬
lay his expedition for that year ; but a ftorm foon ari-
fing, which obliged the Englifh fleet to return to the
Downs, the regent took that opportunity of reimbarking
his men, and, failing by the weftern coafts, arrived fate
in Scotland.
Ail this time the earl of Surry had been carrying
on the moft cruel and deftruaive war againft Scotland ;
infomuch that, according to Cardinal Wolfey, “ there
was left neither houfe, fortrefs, village, tree, cattle, corn,
nor other fuccour for man,” in the diftrias of 1 v/eed-
dale and March. The regent’s return did not imme¬
diately put a flop to thefe devaftations.j tor the mte-
itine divifions in Scotland prevented him from taking
the field. His party was weakened by his long ab-
fence, and the queen-mother had been very aaive in
ftrengthening the Englilh intereft. A parliament was
called in 1523, in which it was debated, Whether peace
or war with England fhould be refolved _ on ? and the
determinations of this parliament were evidently on the
their vigi¬
lance, and
lands in
Scotland.
42.S
Cruei deva¬
luations of
the Eng-
iiih.
An. 1513-
[ 668 ] SCO
The regent remon- worfe fide of the queftion. Henry was at this time fo Scotland..
well difpofed to cullivate a friendfhip with Scotland, y
that he offered to James his eldeft fifter Mary in mar- Hei^90f_
riage •, but the Scots, animated by the appearance offers peace,
their French auxiliaries, and corrupted by their gold, which is
rejected all terms, and refolved on war. However, reJe^ed“
when the army was afiembled, and had advanced to the
borders, he found the fame difficulty he had formerly
experienced 5 for they peremptorily refufed to enter
England. With great difficulty he prevailed vyith part
of the army to pafs the Tweed ; but not meeting with
fuccefs, he was obliged to return to Scotland, which at
this time was divided into four factions. One of thefe
was headed by the regent, another by the queen, a
third by the earl of Arran, and a fourth by the earl of
Angus, who had lived as an exile under Henry’s pro-
teftion. Had it been poffible for the earl of Angus
and his wfife to be reconciled to each other, it rvould
have been much for the intereft of the kingdom 5 but
all the art even of Cardinal Wolfey could not effect T]ie duke
this reconciliation. At laft, the duke ot Albany, find-ot Albany
ing all parties united againft him, refigned his office rtj£1Sns fns
of regent of Scotland. On the 14th of March that^^otie‘
year, he wont on board one of his own fliips tor France,
whence he never returned to Scotland. He did not
indeed make a formal abdication of his government j
but he requefted the nobility, whom he convened for
that purpofe, to enter into no alliance with England
during Ins abfence, which he faid would continue no
longer than the firft of September tollowing j to make
no alteration in the government 5 and to keep the king
at Stirling.
The nobility, w'ho wrere impatient for the abfence of
the regent, readily promifed whatever he required, but
without any intention of performing it : nor, indeed
was it in their power to comply •, for it had been previ-
oufly determined that James himfelf fhould now take
the adminiftration into his own hands. According to
Buchanan, the regent had no fooner returned to France
than Scotland relapfed into all the miferiesof anarchy.
The queen-dowager had the management of public af¬
fairs, but her power rvas limited. The earl of Arran,
apprehending danger from the Enghfh, entered into the
views of the French party. The queen-mother’^ diflike
to her hufhand continued as great as ever, which pre¬
vented an union among thofe who were in the Englifh
intereft •, and Wolfey took that opportunity of reftoring
the earl of Angus to all his importance in Scotland.-—
The queen-mother, therefore, had no other means left
to keep herfelf in powder, than to bring James himfelf An I524#
into aftion. On the 29th of July, therefore, he re- 43t
moved from Stirling to the abbey of Holyroodhoufe James takes
where he took on himfelf the exercife of government,
by convoking the nobility, and obliging them to fw?aLrmeJ.
allegiance to his pevfon a fecond time. The truce with
England was now prolonged, and the queen’s party car¬
ried all before them. On the very day in which the laft
truce w^as figned with England, the earl of Angus en¬
tered Scotland. He had been invited from his exile in
France into England, where he was careffed by Henry,
who difregarded all his fifter’s intreaties to "fend him Thread of
back to France, and now refolved to fupport him in Angus re-
Scotland. Yet, though his declared intention in fend-turns to
ing the earl to Scotland was, that the latter might ba-ScoUa^-
lance the French party there, the king enjoined him to
SCO [ 660 1 SCO
433
Negocia.
lions for
Scotland, fue, in the tnoft humble manner, for a reconciliation
——v"1"1- ' with his wife, and to co-operate with the earl of Ar¬
ran, who now a£ted as prime miniiler, as long as he
(hould oppofe the Fiench party. On his return, how¬
ever, he found himielf excluded from all lhare in the
government, but foon found means to form a ftrong par¬
ty in oppofition to Arran. In the mean time, ambaf-
fadors were lent to the court of England, in order to
bring about a lafting peace between the tw'o nations.
At the fame time a match was propofed between the
young king of Scotland and Henry’s daughter. This
peace with had originally been a fcheme of Henry himfelf; but
England, the emperor Charles V. had refolved to outbid him, by
offering James a princefs of his own family, with an
immenle treafure. The ambaifadors arrived at London
on the 19th of December, and found Henry very much
difpofed both to the peace and to the match. Com-
miflioners were appointed to treat refpedling it 5 but they
were inftru£ted to demand by way of preliminary, that
the Scots Ihould abfolutely renounce their league with
France, and that James fhould be fent for education to
England till he fhould be of a proper age for marriage.
The Scottilh commiflioners declared, that they had no
inftruftions refpefting thefe points: but one of them, the
earl of Calfilis, offered to return to Scotland, and bring
a definitive anfwer from the three ftates ; and in the
mean time the truce was prolonged to the 15th of May
1 ^4 1 c 2 c. On his arrival at Edinburgh, he found the earl
Iheeaiiot 0 -
Angus
power.
An. 1525
of Angus the leading man in parliament •, by whofe in¬
comes into fluence it was determined that the Scots fhould renounce
their league with France, and fubflitute in place of it a
fimilar league with England ; and that the king fhould
be brought up at the Englifh court till he w7as of an
age proper for marriage : but at the fame time they re¬
quired of Henry to break off all engagements wdth
Charles V. who wTas the bitter enemy of Francis, and
at that time detained him prifoner. To this the Eng¬
lifh monarch returned but a cool reply, being then en¬
gaged in a number of treaties with the emperor, among
which one was concerning the marriage of the prxncefs
Mary with his imperial majefty himfelf j however, be¬
fore Cafiilis returned, a truce of two years and a half
was concluded between England and Scotland,
Now, however, the queen-mother, though fhe had al¬
ways been a warm advocate for an alliance between the
two nations, difliked the means of bringing it about.—
She faw her hufband’s party increafing every day in
power •, fo that now {he had no other refource but to
keep poffeffion of the king’s perfon, whom (lie removed
to the caftle of Edinburgh. Being now under the ne-
ceffity of convening a parliament, it wras refolved to hold
it within the caflle j but this being an unconftitutional
meafure, gave a pretext to the earl of Arran and his
party to complain of the innovation. They began wdth
remonflrances •, but finding thefe ineffeflual, they form-
Eitinburgh ed a blockade of the caflle with 2000 men, and cut off
cathe. a]i communication with the town by means of trenches.
As no provifions could be introduced into the caftle,
the queen ordered fome of the cannon to be turned
againft the town, in order to force the citizens to ter¬
minate the blockade. Several fliots were fired : but
when all things appeared ready for a civil war, mat¬
ters were compromifed, though in fuch an imperfeft
manner as left very little room to hope for perfect: tran-
ouillity. It was agreed, that the king {hould remove
435
Is oppoft-d
by the
queen-
laother.
whj is be
fieged in
out of the caftle of Edinburgh to the palace of Holy- Scotland.^
roodhoufe ; from which he ihould repair with all pof- v
fible magnificence to his parliament, in the houfe where
it was commonly held ) and there a termination was to An. 1526.
be put to all differences. This agreement was figned on ^ 437
the 25th of February 1526. The parliament accord-
ingly met, and the king’s marriage with the princefs of wjth an’
England was ratified 5 but no mention was made of Englifh
the" king’s being fent for his education into that coun-princefs re¬
try ; on the contrary, he was committed to the care offo!veclon*
eight lords of parliament. Thefe were to have the
cuftody of the king’s perfon, every one his month in
rotation, and the whole to ftand for the government of
the ftate •, yet with this limitation, “ that the king, by
their counfel, ihould not ordain or determine any thing
in great affairs to which the queen-dowager, as princefs
and dowager, {hould not give her confent.” This par¬
tition of power, by giving the queen-dowager a negative.
in all public matters, foon threw every tiling into confu-
ifion. The earl of Angus, by leading the king into va¬
rious feenes of pleafure and diflipation, fo gained the af-
cendency over him, that he became almoft totally guid¬
ed by him. The queen-mother, perceiving that fhe
could not have accefs to her fon, without at the fame
time being in company with her hufband, whom fhe
hated, retired fuddenly with her domeftics to Stirling. 43S
Thus the king was left under the foie tuition of the earl
of Angus, who abufed his power, engrofling all the 0f
places of honour or profit. The archbifhop of St earf0f
Andrews having now7 joined the queen’s party, advifed Angus,
her to make a formal demand upon her hufband, that
the order of government which had been fettled by the
laft parliament fhould take place, and that under a pe¬
nalty he ihould fet the king at liberty. To this the
earl anfwered by a kind of manifefto drawn up by his
brother } in which he declared, that ‘‘ the earl of Angus
having been fo highly favoured by his good uncle the
king of England, and that James himfelf being under
great obligations to him, neither the queen nor the other
lords need be in any pain about him, as he chofe to
fpend his time with the earl of Angus rather than with ^
any lord in the kingdom.” James himfelf, however, Attempts -
had fufficient difeernment to perceive, that, notwith-fo recover
Handing all the fair pretences of the earl of Angus,
was in fa<ft no better than his prifoner ; and refolved to
attempt the recovery of his liberty. The earls of Ar--
gyle and Arran had for fome time retired from court,
where they had no {hare in the adminiftration, and wTere
living on their own eftates; hut the earl of Lenox dif-
fembled his fentiments fo well, that he was fufpedted
neither by the earl of Angus, nor any of the Douglas-
family, w'ho were his partifans. 'The king being gain¬
ed upon by his infinuating behaviour, opened his mind
to him, and requefled his aftiftance againft his treacher¬
ous keepers. At the fame time he fent letters to his
mother, and the heads of her party, by fome of his
domeftics whom Lenox had pointed out, intreating them
to remove him from the earf, and not fuffer him any
longer to remain under his imperious jurifdiftion ; ad¬
ding, that if this could not be done by any other means,
they fhould ufe force of arms.
On receiving this letter, the queen-mother and her
party affembled their forces at Stirling, and without lofs
of time began their march for Edinburgh. Angus, on
the other hand, prepared to oppofe them wdth vigour,
but
Scstlind.
440
Is indifpo
fed.
44i
vorces her
hulhand.
SCO [
but at tbe fame time to carry along with him his royal
charge. This refolution being made known to the queen-
mother, Hie was fo much concerned for the fafety of
her fon, that the whole party ditbanded themfelves ;
and thus the authority of the earl of Angus feemed to
be more eilablilhed than ever. Nothing, indeed, was
now’ wanting to render him defpotic but the poffeflion
of the great teal, which the archbiihop of St Andrew’s
had carried with him to Dunfermline. As no deed of
any confequence could be executed without this, he pre¬
vailed on the king to demand it by a fpecial meflage }
in confequence of which, the archbilhop was obliged to
The'queen relinquilh it. About this time the divorce wdiich had
mother di- been fo long in agitation between the queert-mother and
the earl of Angus actually took place 5 and this, no
doubt, increafed the diflike of James to his confinement,
while the imprudence of Angus daily gave fre fir reafon
of difgult. As Angus knew that he had no firm fup-
port but in the attachment of his followers to his per-
fon, he fuffered them to rob and plunder the eftates of
his opponents without mercy. Thefe, again, did not
fail to make reprilals ; fo that, towards the end of the
year 1526, there was fcarcely any appearance of civil
government in Scotland. Thus the court became almoft
totally deferted ; every nobleman being obliged to go
home to defend his own eftate. Even Angus himfelf
fhared in the common calamity, and hence was fre¬
quently obliged to leave the king to the cuftody of Le¬
nox. To this nobleman the king now made the molt
grievous complaints, and charged him to contrive fome
plan for his efcape. J^enox accordingly recommend¬
ed to him the baron of Buccleugh, -who was very power¬
ful in the fouthern parts, and a violent enemy to Angus
and the whole family of Douglas. To him he gave
king, but is inftructions to foment the diforders in the fouthern parts
defeated, to fuch a degree as to require the king’s perfonal pre¬
fence to compofe them. Buccleugh was then to attack
the party, and take the king by force from the Dou-
glafes. This fcheme was put in execution, but Buc¬
cleugh had the misfortune to be defeated \ fo that the
attempt proved abortive, and James found himfelf in a
worfe fituation than before. After this attempt, howr-
ever, as the earl of Angus could not but know that
J^enox had been accefibry to it, the former behaved to¬
wards him with fuch vifible indifference, that Lenox
openly declared again!! him, and advifed the king to
form a friendihip with the archbilhop of St Andrew’s,
in order to effect his liberty. This wras accordingly
done j but the interel! of the archbilhop and Lenox
was overbalanced by that of Arran and the Hamilton
family, whom the earl of Angus had now drawn over
to his party. The earl of Lenox, however, having re¬
attempt by ceived powers from the king for that purpofe, fuddenly
^ retired from court j and publifiied a manifefto, inviting
nn' all loyal fubje£ts to afiill him in delivering the king
from confinement. In confequence of this he was foon
ioined by a numerous army, with whom he advanced
towards Edinburgh. Angus did not fail to aflemble his
adherents *, and fent orders to the inhabitants of Edin¬
burgh to take the field, wfith the king at their head.
The citizens immediately put themfelves under arms 5
but James, pretending to be indifpofed, Sir George
Douglas, brother to the earl of Angus, made him the
following fpeech : “ Sir, rather than our enemies Ihould
take you from us, we will lay hold of your perfon 3
67
442
The baron
of Buc¬
cleugh at¬
tempts to
refcue the
443
Another
o ] SCO
and Ihould you be torn in pieces in the firuggle, we Scotland,
will carry olf part of your body.” Upon this fpeech,—v”“—
which James never forgot, he mounted his horfe and fet
forward to Linlithgow, but with a very flow pace 3 3n-
fomuch that Sir George Douglas, afraid of not coming
in time to fuccour his brother, made ufe of many inde¬
cent expreflions and actions to pufli James on to the
field of battle. Three exprefles arrived from the earl
of Angus 3 the firft informing his brother that he was
about to engage with a fuperior army j the fecond, that
Angus was engaged with a divifion of Lenox’s army,
commanded by the earl of Glencairn ; and that Lenox
himfelf was engaged with the Hamiltons. The third
informed him that Lenox, if not actually defeated, was
on the point of being fo. Upon receiving this laft who is de¬
news, James haftened to the field of battle, that hefeated and
might lave Lenox, and put an end to the flaughter.— killed.
But he came too late : for the royal party was already
defeated with great flaughter 3 and Lenox himfelf, af¬
ter being wounded and taken prifoner, was murdered
by Sir James Hamilton.
On the night of the battle, the king was removed
to Linlithgow’ ; and though he was under the greateft
grief for the fate of Lenox, the behaviour of the Dou-
glafes llruck him with fuch terror that he diflembled his
fentiments. The earl of Angus led his victorious troops
into Fife, in hopes of furprifing the queen-mother and
the archbifliop of St Andrew’s. The queen mother, on The^
the news of his approach, fled, with her new’ hufband mother^nd
Henry Stuart, brother to Lord Evandale, to Edinburgh, archbifliop
and both wrere admitted into the caftle. The archbifliop °bhged ro
fled to the mountains, where he was obliged to keep^*
cattle as a fhepherd. Angus, after having plundered
the caftle of St Andrew’s and the abbey of Dunferm¬
line, returned in triumph to Edinburgh, where he pre¬
pared to befiege the caftle 3 but the queen-mother, hear¬
ing that her fon was among the number of thebeftegers,
ordered the gates of the caftle to be thrown open, and
furrendered berfelf and her hulband prifoners to James,
who w’as advifed to confine them to the caftle. After
thefe repeated fuccefles, the earl of Angus eftabliftied a
kind of court of juftice, in which he profecuted thofe
who had oppofed him, among whom was the earl of
Caflilis. He was ofi'ered by Sir James Hamilton, natu- j
ral fon of the earl of Arran, the fame who had murdered murder of
Lenox, an indemnity if he would own himfelf a vaflalthe earl of
of that houfe } but this condition w’as rejeCled. Being
called to his trial, and accufed of having taken arms
againft the king, a gentleman of his name and family,
who was his advocate, denied the charge, and offered
to produce a letter under James’s own hand, defiring
him to afiift in delivering him from his gaolers. This
linking evidence confounded the profecutor fo much,
that the earl was acquitted 3 but on his return home he
was way-laid and murdered by one Hugh Campbell, at
the inftigaticn of Sir James Hamilton.
During thefe tranfaClions in the fouth, many of the
Highland clans were perpetrating the moil horrid fcenes
of rapine and murder, which alfo prevailed in fome parts
of the Lowlands. The ftate of the borders was little
better than that of the Highlands 3 but it engaged the
attention of Angus more, as he had great intereft in
thefe parts. Marching, therefore, againft the banditti
w’hich infefted thefe diftriCVs, he foon reduced them to
fubjeClion. His power feemed now7 to be firmly efta-
blifhed,
SCO
447
James
efcapes
from his
confine¬
ment.
Scotland, blilltcd, infomuch that the archbifhop of St Andrew’s
began to treat with Sir George Douglas, to whom he
offered lucrative leafes and other emoluments if he would
intercede with the regent, as Angus was called, in his
favour. This tvas readily agreed to j and the arch-
biihop was allowed to return in fafety to his palace a-
bout the. fame time that Angus returned from his expe¬
dition againft the borderers. Nothing was then feen at
court but feftivities of every kind, in which the queen-
mother, who was now releafed from her confinement,
took part; and (he was afterwards fuffered to depart to
the caftle of Stirling ) which Angus, not ccnfidering
its importance, had negledfcd to fecure. In the mean
time the archbifhop invited the Douglafes to fpend fome
days with him at his caftle ; which they accordingly
did, and carried the king along with them. Here
James diffembled fo well, and feemed to be fo enamour¬
ed of his new way of life, that Angus thought there
could be no danger in leaving him in the hands of his
friends, while he returned to Lothian to fettle fome
public as well as private affairs. Having taken leave of
the king, he left him in the cuftody of his uncle Archi¬
bald, his brother Sir George, and one James Douglas
of Parkhead, captain of the guards who watched his
majefty on pretence of doing him honour. The earl
was no fboner gone than the archbifhop fent an invita¬
tion to Sir George Douglas, defiling him to come to
St Andrew’s, and there put the Lift hand to the Icafes,
and finifli the bargains that had been fpoken of between
them. This was fo plaufible, that he immediately fet
out for St Andrew’s ; while his uncle the treafurer went
to Dundee. James thinking this to be the heft oppor¬
tunity that ever preiented itfelf for an efcape, refolved
to avail himfelf of it at all events; and found means, by
a private meiTage, to apprife his mother of his defign.
It w^as then the feafon for hunting and diverfion, which
James often followed in the park of Falkland : and cal¬
ling for his forrefter, he told him, that as the weather
was fine, he intended to kill a flag next morning, or¬
dering him at the fame time time to fummon all the
gentlemen in the neighbourhood to attend him with
their heft dogs. He then called for his chief domeftics,
and commanded them to get his fupper early, becaufe
he intended to be in the field by day-break ; and lie
talked with the captain of his guard of nothing but the
excellent fport he expected next morning. In the mean
time, he had engaged two young men, the one a page
of his own, the other. John Hart, a helper about his
ftables, to attend him in his flight, and to provide him
with the drefs of a groom for a difguife. Having for¬
mally taken reave of his attendants, charging them to
be ready early in the morning, and being left alone, he
ftole foftly out of his bed-chamber, went to the lia¬
ble unperceived by the guards, drefTed himfelf in his
difguife; and he and his companions mounting the three
bell horfes there, galloped to Stirling caftle j into which,
by the queen’s appointment, he was admitted foon af¬
ter day-break. He commanded all the gates to be fe-
cured ; and the queen having previoufly prepared every
thing for a vigorous defence, orders were given that
none ftiould be admitted into the caftle without the king’s
permiftion.
About an hour after the king’s efcape from Falkland,
Sir George Douglas returned j and being aflured that
his majefty was alleep, he went to bed. It appears
[ 671 ]
SCO
that James had been feen and known in his flight; for Scotianil.
in the morning the bailiff of Abernethy came poft-hafte
to inform Sir George that the king had palled Stirling
bridge. They had, however, fome glimmering hope
that the king might be gone to Bambrigh : but that
furmife was foon found to be falle ; and an exprefs was
difpatched, informing Angus of all that had happened.
The earl quickly repaired to Falkland, where he and his
friends came to a refolution of going to Stirling, and de¬
manding accefs to the king.
James by this time had iffued letters to the earls ofHe pre-
Huntly, Argyle, Athol, Glencairn, Menteith, Rothes, Pares t°re''
and Eglinton j the lords Graham, Livingfton, Lindfay,^’§c in‘'
Sinclair, Ruthven, Drummond, Evandale, Maxwell, and
Semple. Before all of them could arrive at Stirling,
the earl of Angus and his friends were upon their iour-
ney to the fame place ; but were flopped by a herald,
at arms, commanding them on their allegiance not to
approach within fix miles of the king’s refidence. This
order having fufticiently intimated what they were to
expecl, the earl deliberated with his party how he ftiould
proceed. Some of them rveie for marching on and tak¬
ing the catfle by furprife : but that was found to be im¬
practicable, efpecially as they had no srtillery. The
earl and his brother therefore refolved to make a ihew
of fubmiflion to the king’s order; and they accordingly
went to Linlithgow. By this time all the nobility al¬
ready mentioned, and many others, had affembled at
Stirling 5 and James, calling them to council, inveigh¬
ed againft the tyranny of the Douglafes with an acri¬
mony that fufticiently difeovered what pain it muft have
given him when lie was obliged to bear it in ftlence.
He concluded his fpeech with thefe words: “ There¬
fore I defire, my lords, that I may be fatisfied of the
faid earl, his kin, and friends. For I vow that Scot¬
land ftrall not hold us both, while I be revenged on him
and his.”
The refult of the council’s deliberation was that pro¬
clamation fhould be made, renewing the order for the
Douglafes not to approach the court, and divefting the
earl of Angus and his brother of all their public em¬
ployments. In the mean time, fuch was the modera¬
tion of the affembly, that by their advice James ordered
the earl to retire to the north of the Spey till his plea-
fure fhould be known; but his brother was commanded
to furrender himfelfa prifoner in the caftle of Edinburgh,
to take his trial in a very full parliament (all the mem¬
bers being fummoned to attend), to be held in that city
next September. The earl and his brother confidered
compliance with thefe conditions as a prelude to their
deftrudlion ; and refolved to juftify their treafons by ftill
greater exceffes, in furprifing the town of Edinburgh,
and holding it againft the king and parliament, before
the latter could aflemble. Hiftorians have not done
that juftice to the proceedings of the royal party on this
occafion which they deferve. The management of the
king’s efcape, his reception into Stirling, the fortifying
that caftle, and the ready obedience of his great nobi¬
lity, fome of whom attended him wfith their followers
before they received any fummonfes for that purpofe,
are proofs of wife and fpirited deliberations. Their con-
du6I at this time was equally confiftent with the fame
plan of forefight. •
It was naturally to be fuppofed that the Douglafes,
who remained affembled in a numerous body, w’ould
make.
Scotland.
. 449
His ene¬
mies difap
pointed in
their de-
fiiins.
_ 45°
They are
degraded
and their
eftates for¬
feited.
45i
They ra¬
vage the
fouthern
parts.
see f67
make the attempt already mentioned ; but the royaliits
' had the precaution to difpatch the lord Maxwell and
the baron of Lochinvar, with a body of troops, to take
. poffeffion of the town, till James could arrive with 2000
forces to their relief. Maxwell and Lochinvar made
fuch difpatch, that they were in poffeffion of the town
when the Douglafes appeared before it, and repulfed
them ; while a moll terrible llorm had fcattered the
troops under James before he could come to their af-
fiftance, fo effe&ually, that, being left almoft without
attendants, his perfon might have been taken by the
fmalleft party of the enemy. On the retreat of the
Douglafes from Edinburgh, the parliament met; and
none of them appearing in purfuance of their fummons,
the earl of Angus, his brother Sir George Douglas, his
uncle Archibald Douglas, and Alexander Drummond
of Carnock, with fome of their chief dependents, w’ere
indicted, and their ellates forfeited for the following of¬
fences : “ The affembling of the king’s lieges, with in¬
tention to have affailed his perfon ; the detaining of the
king againft his will and pleafure, and contrary to the
articles agreed upon, for the ^fpace of two years and
more j all which time the king was in fear and danger
of his life.” We know of no advocate for the earl and
his friends but one Banantyne, who had the courage to
plead their caufe againlt thofe heinous charges 5 and fo
exafperated were both the king and parliament againft
them, that the former fwore he never would forgive
them, and the latter that they never would intercede
for their pardon. Thus it was not deemed fufficient
{imply to declare their refolutions 5 but the folemnity
of oaths was added with an intention to dilcourage
the king of England from continuing the vigorous ap¬
plications he was every day making, by letters and
otherwife, for the pardon of Angus 3 and to exclude
all hopes of that kind, James created his mother’s
third hufband (to whom ihe had been married for fome
time) Lord Methven, and gave him the direction of his
artillery.
The difgrace and forfeiture of the Douglafes having
created many vacancies in the ftate, Gavin Dunbar,
archbiffiop of Glafgow, and tutor to the king, was no¬
minated lord chancellor, though but indifferently quali¬
fied for a poll which ought to have been filled by an able
ftatefinan 3 and Robert Carncrofs, a perfon (fays Bu¬
chanan) more eminent for wealth than virtue, was made
treafurer: but this laft was foon after difplaced, being
fufpedted of favouring the Douglafes 3 and Robert
Barton, one of the king’s favourites, was appointed to
fucceed him. The Douglafes ftill kept their arms 3
and being joined by a great number of outlaws and rob¬
bers in the fouth, they ravaged all the lands of their
enemies, carrying their devaltations to the very gates
of Edinburgh. A jcommifflon of lieutenancy was offer¬
ed to the earl of Bothvvell to aft againlt thofe rebels:
but he declining it, it was accepted by the earl of Ar-
gyle and Lord Hume, who did great fervice in protect¬
ing the country from the outlaws. Several villages,
however, in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, were
burnt 3 and all the provlfions which the Douglafes could
colleft were carried off to their cable of" Tantallon,
■which now ferved as their head-quarters, and was threat¬
ened with a fiege.
It is remarkable, that the caftle of Dunbar remained
full in the hands of the duke of Albany’s garrilbn, who
4
45*
2 ] SCO
recognilid no mailer but him. The place was well S otlaml.
llored with artillery of all kinds 3 and lying in the  
neighbourhood of Tantallon, it was eafy to tranfport
them to the fiege : but James thought he had no right
to make ule of them without the confent of one Mau¬
rice, governor of the caillc. Having fummoned, by
proclamation, the inhabitants of Fife, Angus, Strath-
ern, Stirlinglhire, Lothian, Me»fe, and Teviotdale, to
be ready to compear at Edinburgh on the 10 th of De¬
cember, with 40 days viftuals, to afllft in the fiege, he
fent three noblemen to borrow artillery from Maurice,
and to remain as pledges for the fate redelivery of the
lame 3 and the feveral pieces required were accordingly
fent him. This delicacy is the more remarkable, as we James is
are told that the duke of Albany bad given orders that^^PP0}*1**
every thing in his caille fliould be at the king’s fervice.
However unanimous the parliament might appear againft reventre,
the Douglafes, James was but ill-feconded in this at¬
tempt. This proceeding, in a country where the Dou-
glafes had fo many conneftions, carried wuth it an ap¬
pearance of cruelty, and a thirft of revenge, efpecialiy
as James had chofen fuch a feafon of the year for carry¬
ing on the fiege. In fhort, after battering the place for
fome days, and lofing one Falconer, his chief engineer,
the king was obliged to abandon his enterprife, or ra¬
ther to turn the fiege into a blockade, with no great
credit to his firft military attempt in the field. Some
hillorians intimate, that Angus found means to corrupt
the other engineers 3 but we find, that before this time,
a negociation was going forward between James and the
king of England 3 the nature of which proves that the
former wTas now7 rendered more placable towards the
Douglafes, and this was the true reafon why the fiege
was lufpended.
The truce between Scotland and England was now
near expiring 3 and Henry, under that pretence, gave
a commiflion to the prior of Durham, Thomas Magnus,
Sir Anthony Ughtred captain of the town and cattle of
Berwick, William Frankelyn chancellor of Durham, and
Sir Thomas Tempeft. James feems to have been in no
halle to enter upon this negociation, becaufe he under-
flood that the Englilh commiffioners were privately in-
ftrufted to infill upon the Douglafes being reftored to
their ellates and dignities. England was at that time The Dou-
the principal ally of Francis againlt the emperor 3 and glafes ob-
this gave a pretence to Francis to interpofe fo far in fa-ta‘n a ^e"
vour of the Douglafes, that he brought James to con-^
fent to a preliminary negociation for their obtaining at ^ "
leaft a fecure retreat in England. This was at laft com¬
plied with.
James being now delivered from all dread of the Dou¬
glafes, and under no controul from any party, fhowed 4S4
excellent difpofitions for government. Finding that the James re-
borderers were by no means pleafed with the late treaty,duce5 thc
and that they were renewing their depredations, he re-l,orcIfcltrs*
folved to ftrike at the root of an evil which had lo long
proved difgraceful and dangerous to his anceftors, by
giving no quarter to the chiefs of thefe robbers, whole
prineipal refidence was in Liddefdale. This was the
more neceffary, as their daring attempts had exafperated
the Englilh fo much, that they had aftually burnt a
town in Teviotdale 3 and had killed one Robert Kerr,
a man of fome confequence. Two of the chiefs of the
Scotch borderers were Cockburn of Kenderlaw, and
Adam Scot, commonly called fo'vg of the thieves. Both
of
SCO C 673 ] SCO
Scotland, of them were barons j and had been fo inured to the
<”~~v  practice, that they thought there was no crirpe in rob¬
bing : they therefore appeared publicly in Edinburgh ;
where James ordered them to be apprehended, tried, and
hanged. He next proceeded with great firmnefs againil
many noblemen and principal gentlemen, who were on¬
ly fufpefted of being difaffefted to the late peace. All
of them had behaved with great loyalty, and fome of
them had done him the moft important fervices. Of
this number were the earl of Hume, the lord Maxwell,
with the barons of Buccleuch, Farniherlt, Poiwart,
Johnfton, and Mark Kerr. Though we know nothing
particularly of what was laid to the charge of thefe no¬
blemen and gentlemen, yet fo zealous was James for the
impartial adminillration of juftice, that he ordered them
all, with many other chief gentlemen of the borders, to
be fent to prifon j where they lay till they entered into
recognizances themfelves, and found bail for their good
behaviour.
Of all the party of the Douglafes, none of any note
excepting Alexander Drummond of Carnock was fuf-
fered to return home, at the earneft requeft of the am-
baffadors, and thetreafurer Barton. This lenity was of
very little confequence •, for James having appointed the
earl of Murray to be foie warden of the Scotch marches,
with power to treat with the earl of Northumberland,
their conferences had broken off on account of frefh
violences happening every day $ and fome information
he had received from them, had prevailed u'ith James
to imprifon the noblemen and gentlemen already men¬
tioned. He now refolved to attempt in perfon what his
predeceffors and himfelf had fo often failed to accom-
plith by their deputies. As he was known to be vio¬
lently addidled to hunting, he fummoned his nobility,
even on the north of the Forth, to attend him with their
horfes and dogs ; which they did in fuch numbers, that
his hunting rerinue confided of above 8000 perfons,
two-thirds of whom were well armed. This prepara¬
tion gave no fufpicion to the borderers, as great hunt¬
ing-matches in thofe days commonly confifted of fome
thoufands j and James having fet out upon his diverfion,
is faid to have killed 54O deer. Among the other
4eg gentlemen who had been fummoned to attend him, wTas
Hangs John Armilrong of Gilnockhall. He was the head of
Armftrong, a numerous clan, who lived in great pomp and fplendor
robbed upon the contributions under which they laid the Eng-
with 26 of lift* on t*16 borders. He was himfelf always attended
his follow- by 26 gentlemen on horfeback, well mounted and arm-
ers' ed, as his body-guard. Having received the king’s in¬
vitation, he was fond of difplaying his magnificence to
his fovereign ; and attiring himfelf and his guard more
pompoufly than ufual, they prefented themfelves be¬
fore James, from whom they expe&ed fome particular
mark of diftin&ion for their fervices againft the Eng-
lifh, and for the remarkable protection they had ahvays
given to their countrymen the Scots. On their firft
appearance, James, not knowing who he was, returned
Armfirong’s falute, imagining him to be fome great no¬
bleman ; but upon hearing his name, he ordered him
and his followers to be immediately apprehended, and
fentenced them to be hanged upon the fpot. It is faid
that James, turning to his attendants, afked them, point¬
ing at Armffrong, “ What does that knave want that
a king ffiould have, but a crown and a fword of ho¬
nour ?” Armftrong begged hard for his life j and offer-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
ed to ierve the king in the field with forty horfemen,
befides making him large prefents of jewels and money,
with many other tempting offers. Finding the king in¬
exorable, “ Fool that I am (faid he) to look for warm
water under ice, by alking grace of a gracelefs face j”
and then he and his followers fubmitted to their fate.
Thefe and fimilar executions rellored peace to the
borders.
Scotland.
Hitherto we have confined ourfelves chiefly to theSfateVf
civil tranfa&ions of North Britain, and have only inci-the Scot-
dentally noticed the ecclefiaftical affairs. Thefe are1'^1 c^l,rch
now, however, to claim a confiderable (hare of our at- <l j the
tention, as about this time the fpirit of the reformed re- fbe'^efh
ligion had extended itfelf to Scotland, where it foon century,
made a moft; rapid progrefs.
We have feen, that for feveral centuries, the hier¬
archy of North Britain poffeffed no fmall degree of in¬
fluence and power j but we have found few inftances
of any remarkable refpeft being paid to the i’upremacy
of the Roman pontiff. The pope, indeed, as fupreme
head of the church, had long affumed the right of con-
fecration, and this right, in the opinion of thofe ages,
was undoubted, according to the eftabliihed law of the
Chriftian world. The fpiritual jurifdicffion of the pope
was always acknowledged; but before the end of the
12th century, his temporal power was difputed, becaufe
it would have abforbed the fdvereign right of independ¬
ent princes. After many ftruggles, Pope Celeftine III.
in 1188, declared the church of Scotland to be the
(laughter of Rome by fpecial grace, and to be immedi¬
ately fubjedl to the apoftolic jurifdiftion. This was
confidered by the Scottilh clergy as a charter, by which
they were emancipated from the claims of jurifdi&ion
which had been brought by the Englifti archbilhops of
York and Canterbury.
From the beginning of the 12th century we begin to
meet with inftances of national councils of the Scottish
clergy, at which the pope’s legates aftifted ; but ftill we
find no authority affumed by the pope in temporal mat¬
ters, before the reign of Alexander II. when the people
of Scotland were excommunicated for engaging in ho-
ftilities with King John of England, then the adopted
fon of the church. This excommunication, indeed,
produced but little effeft, and during a reign which re-
fledled glory on the king, and was produftive of ad¬
vantage to his kingdom, Alexander nearly eflabliftied
the independence of the Scottilh church.
In the progrefs of papal ufurpation, the court of
Rome proceeded, from appropriating the revenues of
the Scottifh church, to the appointment of the Scottifii
bifhops. This ufurpation was firft attended with fuc-
cefs in 1259, w^en the pope appointed his own chap¬
lain to the bilhopric of Glafgow. The church of Scot¬
land, however, to fhew her independence on papal au¬
thority, affembled a general council at Perth in 1269.
This was called by one of their own biftiops, who pre-
fided at its meetings, and by this affembly was enafted
a body of canons, which remained the ecclefiaftical code
of Scotland till the epoch of the reformation. Such
councils continued to affemble from time to time for
correfting clerical abufes, and maintaining the freedom
of the Scottilh church.
The right of prefentation appears to have been exert¬
ed from the J2th century in North Britain, as it has
4 £ '  always ’
Scotland.
* Chal¬
mers's
Culedotiia,
\cl. i.
SCO [ 674 ]
SCO
always been exerted in England. The bifliops were
named by the king, elected by their chapters, and con-
fecrated by the pope, or by iome of the other bifhops.
The king appointed the rural deans, and the chancellor
of. Scotland exercifed the king’s right of prefenta-
tion to the fmaller benefices. The barons enjoyed
the right of prefentation to thofe benefices which had
arifen from their own munificence, or the piety of
their anceltors. The bifhops and abbots had acquired, by
the royal charters, or grants from the barons, the right
of advowfon over many churches, and from this right
were deduced other privileges of great importance*.
That form of popery which prevailed in Scotland
was of the moft bigotted and illiberal kind. Thofe
dodlrines which are moft apt to ftrock the human un-
derftanding, and thole legends which fartheft exceed
belief, were propofed to the people, without any at¬
tempt to palliate or dilguife them ^ nor did they ever
call in queftion the reafonablenefs of the one, or the
truth of the other.
The power and wealth of the church kept pace with
the progrefs of fuperftition j for it is the nature of that
fpirit to obferve no bounds in its refpeft and liberality
towards thofe wbofe charn&er it efteems facred. The
Scottifh kings early demonftrated how7 much they were
under its influence, by their vaft additions to the immu¬
nities and riches of the clergy. The profufe piety of
David I. wEo acquired on that account the name of
faint, transferred almoft the whole crown lands, wdrich
were at that time of great extent, into the hands of
ecclefiaftics. The example of that virtuous prince was
imitated by his fucceffors. The fpirit fpread among all
orders of men, who daily loaded the priefthood wdth
new pofleftions. The riches of the church all over Eu¬
rope were exorbitant ; but Scotland was one of thofe
countries wherein they had fartheft exceeded the juft
proportion. The Scottifh clergy paid one half of every
tax impofed on land 5 and as there is no reafon to
think that in that age they would be loaded with any
unequal fliare of the burden, we may conclude, that by
the time of the Reformation, little lefs than one half of
the property in the nation had fallen into the hands of
a fociety, w’hich is ahvays acquiring, and can never lofe.
The nature, too, of a confidcrable part of their pro¬
perty extended the influence of the clergy. Many
eftates throughout the kingdom held of the church ;
church-lands were let in leafe at an eafy rent, and w'ere
poflfefied by the younger Tons and defeendants of the
beft families. The connexion between fuperior and
vajjcil, between landlord and tenant, created depend¬
ences, and gave rife to a union of great advantage to
the church ; and in eftimating the influence of the po-
pifh eccltfiaftics over the nation, thefe, as well as the
real amount of their revenues, muft be attended to,
and taken into the account.
This extraordinary fhare in the national property
was accompanied w'ith proportionable wTeight in the
fupreme council of the kingdom. At a time when the
number of the temporal peers rvas extremely fmall, and
when the leffer barons and reprefentatives of boroughs
leldom attended parliaments, the ecclefiaftics formed a
confiderable body there. It appears from the ancient ScoiLmd.
rolls of parliament, and from the manner of choofing
the lords of articles, that the proceedings of that high
c^urt muft have been, in a great meafure, under their
direction.
The reverence due to their facred charafter, which
was often carried incredibly far, contributed not a little
towards the growlh of their power. Ihe dignity, the
titles, and precedence of the popiih clergy are remark¬
able, both as caufes and effects of that dominion which
they had acquired over the reft of mankind. Ihey
w7ere regarded by the credulous laity as beings of a fu¬
perior Ipecies; they were neither fubject to the fame
law’s, nor tried by the fame judges. Every guard that
religion could fupply, w as placed around their power,
their poffeflions, and their perfons; and endeavours
were ufed, not without fuccefs, to reprefent them all as
equally facred.
The reputation for learning, which, however incon-
fiderable, w as wholly engrofled by the clergyv added ter
the reverence which they derived from religion. Ihe
principles of found philofophy, and of a juft tafte, were
altogether unknown } in place of thefe were fubftituted
ftudics barbarous and ur.inftru&ive; but as the eccle-
.'oni.’prf'int Tvifh thpm. (Ills nrocured
them efteem ; and a very flender portion of knowledge
drew the admiration of rude ages, which knew little.
War was the folc profeflion of the nobles, and hunting
their chief amufement j they divided their time between
thefe : unacquainted with the arts, and unimproved by
fcience, they difiiained any employment foreign to mili¬
tary affairs, or which required rather penetration and
addrefs, than bodily vigour. Wherever the former
were neceffary, the clergy were entrufted, becaufe they
alone wTere properly7 qualified for the truft. Almoft ah
high offices in civil government devolved, on this ac¬
count, on them. To all this we may add, that the
clergy being feparated from the reft of mankind by the
law of celibacy, and undiftraifted by t.hofe cares, and un¬
incumbered with thofe burdens which occupy and op-
prefs other men, the intereft of their order became their
only object, and they were at full leifure to puriue it.
The nature of their funftion gave them accefs to all
perfons and at all feafons. Ehey coiud employ all the
motives of fear and of hope, of terror and of confolation,
which operate moft powerfully on the human mind.
They haunted the weak and the credulous •, they be-
fieged the beds of the fick and of the dying *, they fuf-
fered few to go out of the world without leaving marks
of their liberality to the church, and taught them to
compound with the Almighty for their fins, by beftow-
ing ridhes on thofe who called themfelves his fervants*. * Robert-
During this Scoto-Saxon period, there were in Scot-yW-f Scot-
land two archbiihoprics, viz. thofe of St Andrew’s and --
Glafgow, and ten biftioprics, viz. thofe of Orkney, the
Weftern iflands, Galloway, Dunkeld, Moray, Brechin,
Dunblane,. Aberdeen, Rofs, and Argyle or Lifmore (n).
To the archbilhooric of St Andrew’s were attached
eight deaneries, and nine to that of Glafgow. _ _ ^
°The opinions of Luther had been propagated in Bri- Acc0l,nt
tain foon after his preaching in 1517* They had for the refor-
fome mation.
^(n) The bHhopric of Edinburgh did not exift in that period, but was founded by Charles I.
ScotbniT.
458
Why James
favoured
the clergy.
459
Martyrdom
of Patrick
Hamilton.
SCO [67
fome years mfenfibly gamed ground j and, when the
contentions began between James and his nobility, were
become formidable to the eftablilhcd religion. We
have fcen how James efcaped from the hands ol his nobles
by means of the archbilhop of St Andrew’s. JL o the
clergy, therefore he was naturally favourable •, and as
they naturally oppofed the reformation, James became
a zealous perfecutor of the reformed. On the other
hand, the nobility having already oppofed the hing and
clergy in civil affairs, did the fame in thofe of religion.
The clergy finding themfelves unequal in argument, had
recourfe to more violent methods. Rigorous inquifi-
tions were made after heretics, and fires were everywhere
prepared for them.
The firff perfon who was called en to fuffer for the
reformed religion was Patrick Hamilton abbot of Feme.
At an early period of lite he had been appointed to
this abbacy; and having imbibed a favourable idea of
the doftrines of Luther, had travelled into Germany,
where, becoming acquainted with the moll eminent re¬
formers, he was fully confirmed in their opinions. Up¬
on his return to Scotland, he ventured to expofe the
corruptions of the church, and to infill on the advan¬
tages of the tenets which he had embraced. A condufl
fo bold, and the avidity with which his difcourfes were
received by the people, gave an alarm to the clergy.
Under the pretence of a religious and friendly confer¬
ence, he was feduced to St Andrew’s by Alexander
Campbell, a Dominican friar, who was inilru&ed to re-
monffrate with hirn on the fubjetff of the reformation.
The converfations they held only ferved to ellablifh the
abbot more firmly in his fentiments, and to infiame his
zeal to propagate them. The archbilhops of St An¬
drew's and of Glafgow, and other dignitaries of the
church, conliituting a court, called him to appear be¬
fore them.
The abbot neither loll his courage nor renounced his
opinions. He was accordingly convifted of heretical
pravity, delivered over to the fecular arm, and executed
in the year 1527 (o). This reformer had not attained
the 24th year of his age. His youth, bis virtue, his
magnanimity, and his fufferings, all operated in his fa¬
vour with the people. To Alexander Campbell, who
infulted him at the Hake, he obje-iled his treachery, and
cited him to anfwer for his behaviour before the judge¬
ment-feat of Chritl. And this perfecutor, a few days
after, being feized with a frenzy, and dying in that
condition, it was believed with the greater confidence,
that Mr Hamilton was an innocent man and a true
4*0 martyr.
Excites <re- A deed fo affedling, from its novelty and in its cir-
nerat indig* cumftances, excited throughout the kingdom an univer-
.nation. fal curiofity and indignation. Minute and particular in¬
quiries were made into the tenets of Mr Hamilton.
Converts to the new opinions were multiplying in every
quarter, and a partiality to them began to prevail even
An. 15*7.
5 ] SCO
among the Romilli clergy themfelves, Alexander Sc- Scotland.
ton, the king’s confeffor, took the liberty to inveigh  v
againft the errors and abufes of Popery ; to negledl, in
his difcourfes, all mention of purgatory, pilgrimages,
and faints ; and to recommend the doftrines ot the re¬
formed. What he taught was impugned j and his
boldnefs rifing with contradiction, he defended warmly
his opinions, and even ventured to affirm, that in Scot¬
land there were no true and faithful biffiops, if a judge¬
ment of men in this llaiion is to be formed from the
virtues which St Paul has required of them. A farcaim
fo juft, and fo daring, inflamed the whole body of the
prelacy with refentment. They ftudied to accompliih
his deftruClion j and, as Mr Selon had given offence to
the king, whom he had exhorted to a greater purity of
life, they flattered themfelves with the hope of conduft-
ing him to the flake ; but, being apprehenfive of dan¬
ger, he made his efcape into England.
In 1533, Henry Foreft, a BenediCtine friar, who dif- An. 1C33.
cohered a propenlity to the reformed doClrines, was not. 4,Sr^
fo fortunate. Alter having been imprifoned for fome
time in the tower of St Andrew’s, he was brought to
his trial, condemned, and led to the flames. Fie had
faid, that Mr Hamilton was a pious man, and a martyr j
and that the tenets for which he fuffered might be vin¬
dicated. This guilt was aggravated by the difeovery
that Friar Foreft was in poiTelfion of a New Teftament
in the Englifti language ; for the prieils efteemed a
careful attention to the Scriptures an iniallible fymptom
of herefy. A cruelty fo repugnant to the common tenfe
and feelings of mankind, while it pleafed the infolent
pride of the ecclefiaftics, was deftroying their import¬
ance, and exciting a general difpofition in the people to
adopt in the fullett latitude the principles and lentiments
of the reformed.
The following year, James Beaton archbiflrop of St Al1- I534*
Andrew’s, though remarkable for prudence and mode¬
ration, was overawed by his nephew and coadjutor
David Beaton, and by his brethren the clergy. In his
own perfon, or by commiflion granted by him, perfecu-
tions were carried on with violence. Many were driven
into banifhment, and many were forced to acknowledge
what they did not believe. The more ftrenuous and re-
folute were delivered over to puniihment. Among v
thefe were two private gentlemen, Norman Gourlay and ^ cj gu;d_
David Straton. They were tried at Holyroodhoufe be- ton;
fore the bithop of Rofs •, and refufing to recant, were
condemned. King James, who was prefent, appeared
exceedingly felicitous that they ffiouid recant their
opinions j and David Straton, upon being adjudged to
the fire, having begged for his mercy, was about to re¬
ceive it, when the priefts proudly pronounced, that the
grace of the fovereign could not to be expended to a
criminal whom their law and determination had doomed
to ffiffer. . . 463
A few years after, the biftrops having affembled at with feve-
4 O 2 Edinburgh,ral others.
(o) His tenets were of the following import, and are enumerated in the fentence pronounced againft him.
i{ Man hath no free-will. Man is in fin fo long as he liveth. Children, incontinent after their baptifme, are Tin¬
ners. All Chriflians, that be worthie to be called Chriftians, do know that they are in grace. No man is jufti-
fied by works, but by faith only. Good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works.
And faith, hope, and charity, are fo knit, that he that hath the one hath the reft ; and he that wanteth the one ol
them wanteth the reft.” Keith, Hijl* of the Church and State of Scotland, Appendix, p. 3.
Scotland.
SCO [ 675 ] • S
Edinburgh, two Dominican friars, Killor and Beverage, open profligacy of manners
An. 1539.
464
Promotion
with Sir Duncan Sympfon a prielt, Robert Forrelter a
gentleman of Stirling, and Thomas Forreft vicar of Do¬
lour in Perthlhire, were condemned to be confumed in
the fame fire.
At Glalgow, a fimilar feene was adled in 1539:
Hieronymus Ruffel a Gray-friar, and a young gentleman
of the name of Kennedy, were accufed of herefy before
the biihop of that fee. RulTel, when brought to the
Rake, difplaying an undaunted demeanour, reafoned
gravely with his accufers, and was only anfwered with
reproaches. Mr Kennedy, who was not yet 18 years of
age, feemed difpofed to difavow his opinions, and to
fink under the weight of a cruel affli&ion j but the ex¬
hortation and example of Ruffel awakening his courage,
his mind affumed a firmnefs and conftancy, his counte¬
nance became cheerful, and he exclaimed with a joyful
voice, “ Now, I defy thee, Death j I praile my God,
I am ready.”
James Beaton, the archbifhop of St Andrew’s ha-
of Cardinal ving died about this time, the ambition of David Bea-
Peaton. ton, his coadjutor, was gratified in the fullelt manner.
Fie had before been created a cardinal of the Roman
church, and he was now advanced to the poffeflion of
the primacy of Scotland. No Scottilh ecclefialtic had
ever been invefted with greater authority 5 and the re¬
formers had every thing to fear from fo formidable an
enemy. The natural violence of his temper had fixed
465 itfelf in an overbearing infolence, from the fuccefs
His charac-which had attended him. His youth had been paffed
in feenes of political intrigue, which, while it com¬
municated to him addrefs and the knowledge of men,
corrupted altogether the fimplicity and candour of his
mind. He wras dark, crafty, and defigning. No prin¬
ciples of juftice were any bar to his fchemes ; nor did
his heart open to any impreffions of pity. His ruling
paffion was an inordinate love of power; and the fup-
port of his confequence depending only on the church
of Rome, he w'as animated to maintain its fuperftitions
xvith the warmeft zeal. He feemed to delight in per-
fidioufnefs and diffimulation : he had no religion *, and
he was Rained with an inhuman cruelty, and the moft
ter.
c o
In conneftion with thefe Scctlanc?,
defecls, he poffeffed a perfevering obitinacy in purfuing ‘ " “v"'
his meafures, the ability to perceive and to prattile all
the arts wdiich were neceffary to advance them, and the
allurements of ollentation and prodigality.
He was fcarcely invefied with the primacy, when he
exhibited an example of his taife for magnificence, and
of his averfion to the reformation. He proceeded -to St
Andrew’s with an uncommon pomp and parade. The
earls of Huntly, Arran, Marifchal, and Montrofe, wfitli
the lords Fleming, Lindfey, Erfkine, and Seton, honour¬
ed him with their attendance ; and there appeared in his
train, Gavin archbifhop of Glafgow7 and lord high chan¬
cellor, four bifliops, fix abbots, many private gentle¬
men, and a vaft multitude of the inferior clergy. In
the cathedral church of St Andrew’s, from a throne
erefted by his command, he harangued concerning the
Rate of religion and the church, to this company, and
to a crowd of other auditors. He lamented the increafe
of heretics ; he infifted on their audacity and contempt
of order j he faid, that even in the court of the fove-
reign too much attention was fhown to them •, and he
urged the ftrong neceflity of afling againfl them with
the greateft rigour. He informed this affembly, thatsjrjohn
he had cited Sir John Borthwick to appear before it,Borthwick
for maintaining tenets of faith hoflile to the church, and impeached-
for difperfing heretical books j and he defired that he
might be affified in bringing him to juflice. The ar¬
ticles of accufation (p) were accordingly read againfi
him ; but he neither appeared in his owm perfon, nor
by any agent or deputy. He wras found guilty 5 and
the cardinal, with a folemnity calculated to Alike with
awre and terror, pronounced fentence againR him. His
goods and eflate were confifcated ; and a painted repre-
fentation of him was burned publicly, in teffimony of
the malediftion of the church, and as a memorial of his
obftinacy and condemnation. It was ordained, that in
the event of his being apprehended, he fhould fuffer as
a heretic, without hope of grace or mercy. All Chri-
flians, whether men or women, and of whatever degree
or condition, wrere prohibited from affording him any
harbour or fuRenance. It was declared, that every of¬
fice
(p) They are preferved by Archbifliop Spotifwood, and difplay great liberality of mind, in a period when phi-
Tofophy may be faid to have been almoR unknown in Scotland. They are thus detailed by this judicious writer.
1. “ That he held the pope to have no greater authority over Chriflians than any other biihop or prelate had.
2. “ That indulgences and pardons granted by the pope were of no force nor effefl, but devifed to abufe peo¬
ple, and deceive poor ignorant fouls.
3. “ That bilhops, prielts, and other clergymen, may lawfully marry.
4. “ That the herefies, commonly called herejies of England, and their new liturgy, were commendable, and to
he embraced of all Chriftians.
5. “ That the people of Scotland are blinded by their clergy, and profeffed not the true faith.
6. “ That churchmen ought not to enjoy temporalities.
7. “ That the king ought to convert the rents of the church into other pious ufes.
8. “ That the church of Scotland ought to be governed after the manner of the Englilh.
9. “ That the canons and decrees of the church were of no force, as being contrary to the law of God.
10. “ That the orders of the friars and monks Ihould be abolilhed, as had been done in England.
11. “ That he did openly call the pope f maniac, for that he fold fpiritual things.
12. “ That he did read heretical books, and the New TeRament in Engliffi, and fome other treatifes written by
Melanfthon, Oecolampadius, and Erafmus, which he gave likewdfe unto others.
13. “ The laR and greateR point was, that he refufed to acknowledge the authority of the Roman fee, or ba
fybjeft thereunto.” llif. of the Church, p, 70.
SCO
[ 677 ]
SCO
Scotland.
467 .
He flies in.
to Eng¬
land.
468
Sir James
Hamilton
appointed
a kind of
inquilitor.
469
Projects
the ruin of
Patrick
Hamilton's
brother.
470
Uy whom
he is accu¬
sed of trea¬
son.
fice of humanity, comfort, and folacement, extended to
1 him, fhould be confidered as criminal, and be punifiied
with confifcation and forfeitures.
Sir John Borthwick having been apprifed of lais dan¬
ger, fled into England, where he was kindly received
by Henry VIII. who employed him in negociations
with the Proteftant princes of Germany. Cardinal Bea¬
ton perceived with concern that this a£l: of feverity did
not terrify the people. New defedtions from the church
wrere announced to him. Andrew Cunningham fon to
the mafter of Glencairn, James Hamilton brother to
Patrick Hamilton the martyr, and the celebrated
George Buchanan the hiftorian, were imprifoned upon
fufpicion of herefy ; and if they had not found means
to efcape, would probably have peritked at the flake.
In this declining condition of Popery, the cardinal held
many mournful confultations with the biftiops. All
their intrigues and wifdom were employed to devife me¬
thods to fupport themfelves. The projedl of an inquifi-
torial court was conceived, and afforded a diflant view
of the extirpation of heretics. To eredt this tribunal,
they allured James V. with the hopes of the confifcation
and fpoils, which might enrich him, from the perfecu-
tion and punifhment of the reformed. He yielded to
their folicitations, and gave them the fandlion of his au¬
thority.
A formal commiflion was granted, conftituting a court
of inquiry after heretics, and nominating for its prefident
Sir James Hamilton of Fennard, natural brother to the
earl of Arran. The officious afliduity of this man, his
ambition, and his third; of blood, were in a high degree
acceptable to the clergy ; and to this eminence their re¬
commendation had promoted him. Upon the flighteft
fufpicion he was allowed to call any perfoh before him,
to fcrutinize his creed, and to abfolve or to condemn
him. A tribunal fo dreadful could not have found a
dire£tor more fuited to it. He was in hade to fill the
prifons of the kingdom with culprits, and was taking
down in lids the names of all thofe to whom herefy was
imputed by popular report, and whom the arts of mali¬
cious men had reprefented as the objefts of correftion
and puniffiment. But, while he was brooding over
mifchief, and multiplying in fancy the triumphs of his
wickednefs, an unexpected turn of affairs prefented Ha¬
milton himfelf in the light of a criminal, and conduced
him to the fcaffbld.
The brother of Mr Hamilton the martyr, to avoid
perfecution, had been obliged to go into banifhment *,
but, by the interceffion of his friends, he was permit¬
ted to return for a ffiort time to his own country, that
he might regulate the affairs of his family. He was
connected with Sir James Hamilton ; and, trading to
the ties of blood, ventured to prolong his day beyond
the period allowed him. This trefpafs was trivial. Sir
James Hamilton, being willing to give a fignal ex¬
ample of feverity, and by this means to ingratiate
himfelf the more with the priedhood, took the refo-
lution of making his own relation the viCfim of his
power. Mr Hamilton, attentive to his perfonal fecu-
rity, and not unacquainted with the mod private ma¬
chinations of this inquifitor, difpatched his fon to the
king, who was about to pafs the Forth in a barge,
and intreated him to provide for his fafety, as Sir
James Hamilton had confpired with the houfe of Dou¬
glas to affaffinate him, James V. being at variance
with the koufe of Douglas, had reafons of fufpicion, Scotland,
and was difpofed to believe every thing that is mod ' ' v
flagitious of Sir James Hamilton. He indruCted the
young gentleman to go with expedition to Edinburgh,
and to open the matter to the privy-council j and that
he might be treated with the greater refpeCl, he fur-
niflied him with the ring which he was accudomed to
fend to them on thofe important occafions which re¬
quired their addrefs and aftivity. Sir James Hamil¬
ton was apprehended and imprifoned. An accufation
of having deviled and attempted the king’s death at
different times was preferred againd him. His defence
appeared to be weak and unfatisfaClory. A jury, which
confided of men of rank and charaCter, pronounced
him guilty j and, being condemned to differ the death Condemn
of a traitor, he lod his head, and the quarters of his ed and exa»
body were expofed upon the gates of the city of Edin- cuted.
burgh. The clergy, who could not prevent his trial
and execution, regretted his death, but did not think of
appointing a fuccedbr to him in their court of inquifi-
tion.
In other refpe&s, however, James diowed great con¬
cern for the welfare of his people. Being diffatisfied
with the ordinary adminiftration of juffice, he had re-
courfe to the parliament of Paris for a model of the
like inftitution in Scotland. Great objeClions lay againit
juries in civil matters, and to ambulatory courts of ju¬
ffice. The authority of the heritable jurifdi&ions was
almoft exclufive of all law 5 for though the king might jam^Zre.
prefide in them, yet he feldom did fo ; and appeals be- gulates ths
fore the council were dilagreeable and expenfive. The courts of
inftitution of the lords of articles threw too much w'eightJ11^6'
into their fcale, as no bufinefs could be tranfafted in
parliament but what they allowed or permitted j and
it was always in the power of the king to direft them
as he pleafed. The true fource of the public grievan¬
ces, in matters of property, lay in the difregard fhown
to the excellent adds which had part during the reigns of
the firft three James’s, and which had not been fuffici-
ently fupported in the late reigns. The evil had ga¬
thered ftrength during the minority of James V. 5 and
he relolved to eftablilh a Handing jury for all matters of
law and equity (for, properly fpeaking, the court of fef-
fion in Scotland is no more), with a prefident, who was
to be the mouth of the affembly. On the 13th of May, ^n. 1532.
1532, as we find by a curious manufeript in the Britiffi 473
mufeum, the lords of the articles laid before the parlia- Origin of
ment the propofition for inftituting this court, in the fol-^ <^°urt
lowing words : “ Item, anent (concerning) the fecond *e
artickel concerning the order of juftice j becaufe our fo-
vereign lord is mailt defirous to have an permanent order
of juftice for the univerfal of all his lieges 5 and therefore
tendis to inftitule an college of cunning and wife men
for doing and adminiftration of juftice in all civil ac¬
tions : and therefore thinke to be chofen certain perfons
maift convenient and qualified yair (there), to the num¬
ber of fifteen perfons, half fpiritual, half temporal, with
an prefident.”
In the year 1533, hoftilities were recommenced with An. 1533,
England 5 but after fome flight incurfions on both fades, 474
a truce again took place. The moft remarkable U'anf-^eS0Cla-
adions of this period, however, next to the religious .
perfecutions already mentioned, were the negociations marria^
lor the king’s marriage. Indeed, there is fcarcely any
monarch mentioned in hiftory who feems to have had a
greater -
Scotlaw}.
An. 1534.
475
Offers of
the empe¬
ror of Ger¬
many.
476
which are
rejected by
James.
SCO [ 67
greater variety of choice, or whom it was more diffi¬
cult to pleafe. The fituation of affairs on the continent
of Europe, had rendered Scotland a kingdom of great
confequence, as holding the balance between France,
England, and the empire of Germany j and each ot
the rival powers endeavoured to gain the favour of
James, by giving him a wife.—In 1534, King Francis
offered him his daughter } and the match was itrongly
recommended by the duke of Albany, w'ho was ftill li¬
ving in France, and ferved James with great fidelity.
The fame year the Imperial ambaffador arrived in Scot¬
land, and prefented, in the name of his mafter, the or¬
der of the Golden Fleece to James, who had already been
invefted with that of St Michael by Francis. At the
fame time, he offered him his choice of three princeffes •,
Mary of Auitria, the emperor’s filter, and vvidowr of
Lewis king of Hungary ; Mary of Portugal, the
daughter of his filter Eleonora of Auitria ; or Mary of
England, the daughter of Catharine and Henry. An¬
other condition, however, was annexed to this propo-
fal, viz. that, to fupprefs the herefies of the time, a
council thould be held for obviating the calamities
which threatened the Chrutian religion. Thefe propo-
fals would have met with a more ready acceptance
from James, had not his clergy, at this time, been dif-
gufted with Charles, for allowing too great a latitude
to the Proteftants of Germany. James, in his anfw-er,
returned the emperor his acknowledgments in the mod
polite terms, for the fplendtd alliances he had offered.
He mentioned the propofal of the council as being a
meafure rather to be wilhed for than expe&ed j becaufe
it ought to be free and holy, and upon the model of
the firft councilsj its members confiding of the mod
charitable, quiet, and diiinterefied part of the clergy.
He laid, that if fuch a council could be obtained, he
would willingly lend ecclefiadics to it •, but if not, that
every prince ought to reform the errors of doctrine,
and the faults of the clergy, within his own dominions.
He bewailed the obllinate conduct of bis uncle in Iris
divorce and marriage; and offered his bed offices for
effecting a reconciliation between him and the emperor,
wifhing that all the princes of Chridendom would unite
their arms againd their common enemy the Turks.
He hinted, very judly, that his Imperial majefly had
offered more than he could perform ; becaufe his cou-
-fin, Mary of England, w^as not at his difpofal. The
ambaffador replied, that his maffer, if perfuafion failed,
would compel Henry by force of arms to refign her.
James anfwered this ridiculous declaration by obferving,
that the emperor then would be guilty of a breach of
all laws both divine and human 5 that it would be im¬
politic to give a preference to any of the three prin¬
ceffes, all of them being fo illudrious and deferving
but, to fiiow how much he valued an alliance with his
Imperial majedy, he would become a luppliant to that
prince for his niece, daughter to Cbridiern king ot
Henmark, to become bis bride. The ambaffador’s an-
fwer to this unexpedled requed was, that ffie was already
betrothed to the count palatine, and that before that
time the marriage was probably completed.
But whether the Imperial ambaffador t>ad any right to
offer the Englilh princefs or not, it is agreed by mod hi-
dorians, that James was offered either Mary or Elizabeth
by their father Henry himfelf. To Mary of Bourbon,
the daughter of the duke of Vendofme, he is laid to
2
8 ] SCO
have been contrafled j but for fome reafon all thc-fe Scotland,
matches were broken off} and the king at lad went to * v~ ' *
France, where he married Magdalen the elded daugh- ;e5
ter of Francis. The nuptials were celebrated at Paris tjie king of
in the year 1537, with great magnificence } and among France’s
other things ferved up by way of deffert at the marriage- daughter,
feail, were a number of covered cups filled with pieces An< 1537*
of gold and gold-dud, the native produce of Scotland,
which James didributed among the guelts. This gold
was found in the mines of Crawford-moor, which were
then worked by the Germans. In the beginning of
May, the royal pair embarked for Leith, under con¬
voy of four large drips of war, and landed on the 28th
of the fame month. The joy of the Scots was inex-wi,0 (ijeS-
preffible, but it was of thort continuance} for thefo»n after,
young queen died of a fever on the 22d of July the fame
year.
King James did not long remain a widower} for the
fame year he fent Beaton abbot of Arbroath, to nego-
elate his fecond marriage with a French lady, Mary of j?rn^^
Guife, duchels-dowager of Longueville. In this hevalle.iby
was rivalled by his uncle Henry VIII. but not beforeb's unde
James had been contracted to her. But this was no-ma{econ<i
thing to Henry } for he not only infided on having ihis"^1*^
lady for his wife, but threw out fome menaces againd ‘ ^
Francis, becaufe be would not comply with this unjudi-
fiable-requed. In January 1538, the was married to
James, and efcorted to Scotland by the admiral of
France with a confiderable fquadron } as both James
and Francis were fufpicious that Henry would make
fome attempt to intercept the royal bride. But no¬
thing of this kind happened, and fire landed lafely at
Fifenefs} whence fire was conducted to the king at St
Andrew’s. 4S0
But while James appeared thus to be giving himfelf Cruel exe-
up to the plealures of love, he was in other refpefts' mion.ot „
drowing himfeif a bloody tyrant. Some differences fub-
filled between the families of Gordon and Forbes in theof forbes,
north. The heir of the houie lad mentioned had been
educated in a looie diffipated manner, and afiociated
with a vvorthlefs fellow named Strahan. Having refu-
fed this favourite fomething he had alked, the latter at¬
tached himfelf to Gordon earl of Huntly, who, it is
faid, aflifted him in forming a charge of treafon againd
Forbes. He was accufed of intending to reilore the
JDouglafes to their forfeited edates and honours } which
improbable dory being fupported by lame venal evi¬
dences, the unhappy young man was condemned and
executed as a traitor. The king could not but fee the
injudice of this execution } and, in order to make fome
compenfation for it, baniffied Straban. I he following
execution, which happened a few days after, was much
move inhuman, infomuch that it would have darned the
annals even of the mod defpctic tyrant. The earl of
Angus, finding that he could not regain the favour of
the king, had recourfe to the method ufual in thole
days, viz. the committing of depredations on the bor- 45r
ders. This crime was fuilicient with James to occafion and of the
the death of his innocent fider, the dowager-lady of lo^ a^r
Glammis. She had been addreffed by one Lyon, whom
die had rejected in favour of a gentleman of the name of
Campbell. Lyon, exafperated at this repulfe, found
means of admittance to James, whom he filled with the
greated terrors on account of the pradlices of the family
of Angus} and at lad charged the lady, her hulband,
and
o
V-J
SntiRncl and an old prieft,
order to reftore Angus
CO [ 679 ] SCO
Iih a defign of polfonlng the king in that he had a preferable claim to at lead one half of that S otlaad.
iliand, which had been peopled by the fubjedts of Scot-
The parties were all remark-
4S2
Death of
her buf-
band..
48.-?
The king
feized with
a kind of
didradtion.
An. 1540.
4 4.
Hoft.litics
commence
between
Scotland
and Kng-
land.
485
The iove-
reignty of
Ireland
claimed by
both kin^s.
able for their quiet and innocent lives but even this
circumftance was by their diabolical accufer turned to
their prejudice, by reprefenting it as the eftedt of cun¬
ning or caution. In this reign an accufation of treaion
was always followed by condemnation. I he evidence
againft the lady, however, appeared fo abfurd and con-
ttadidlory, that fome of the judges were for dropping
the profecution, and others for recommending her cafe
to the king : but the majority prevailed to have it de¬
termined by a -jury, who brought her in guilty ; and fhe
was condemned to be burnt alive on the Caftle-hiH of
Ihdinburgh. The defence made by her would have
done honour to the abldl orator, and undeniably proved
her innbcence 3 but though it was reported to James, it
was fo far from mitigating her fentence, that it was ag¬
gravated by her hufband being obliged to behold her
execution. The unhappy hufband bimfelf endeavoured
to make his way over the caftle wall of Edinburgh 3
but the rope proving too fhort, he was daftied in pieces t
and Lord Glarnmis her Ion, though but a child, was
imprifoned during the remainder of this reign. The old
pried:, though put to the torture, confeffed nothing, and
was freed. Lyon, like the other accufer already men¬
tioned, was banilhed.
Whether thef'e and other cruelties had affected the
king’s confcience, or whether his brain had been deran¬
ged by the didra&ions of the different parties, is un¬
known ; but it is certain, that, in the year 1540, he
began to live retired : his palace appeared like the cloi-
dered retreat of monks 3 his deep was haunted by the
mod frightful dreams, which he condrued into appari¬
tions 3 and the body of Sir James Hamilton, whofe exe¬
cution has already been mentioned, feemed continually
prefented to his eyes. Perhaps the lofs of his two fons,
who died on the fame day that Sir James was executed,
might have contributed to bring this man more remark¬
ably to his remembrance. No doubt, it added to the
gloom of his mind 3 and he now faw his court abandon¬
ed by aimod all his nobility.
At lad James was in fome degree roufed from his in¬
action, by the preparations made againd him by his
uncle Henry VIII. of England. Some differences had
already taken place 3 to accommodate which, Henry
had defired a conference with James at York. But this
the latter, by the advice of his parliament, had declined.
The confequence was a rupture between the two courts,
and the Englidi had taken 20 of the Scots trading vef-
fels. Henry threatened to revive the antiquated claim
of the Englifh fuperiority over Scotland, and had given
orders for a formidable invadon of the Scotch borders.
He complained that James had ufurped his title of De¬
fender of the Faith, to which he had added the word
Chriftian, implying that Henry was an infidel: but the
kings of Scotland had, fome time before, been compli¬
mented by the papal fee with that title. James, on the
other hand, turned his attention towards Ireland, the
north of which was peopled with inhabitants who own¬
ed no fovereign but the king of Scotland, and who of¬
fered to ferve James againft the Englifii 3 fome of their
chiefs having a&ually repaired to Scotland, and done
homage to James. Henry had, about this time, declar¬
ed himfelf king of Ireland, of which he was before
only ftyled the and James- ftrenuoufiy afferted,
land. Though the Scotch hiftorians of this reign take
very little notice of this incident, yet James appears to
have been very tenacious of his title 3 and that there
was a great intercourfe carried on between the fubje&s
of Scotland and the northern Iriih, wftio unanimoufiy
acknowledged James for their natural fovereign. In¬
deed, this was the only ground of quarrel that the king,
with the leaft lhadow of jultice, could allege againlt
Henry. _ ... 4S<»
His parliament being met, many public-fpirited adds An aift of
were paffed 3 and before the affembly was diffolvcd, indemnity
the members renewed the adls againft leafing-making 3 or'-nffes
by which is meant the mifreprdenting of the king to his^urjn^ tj,e
nobles, or the nobles to their king : and James, to dif-king’s mi-
mifs them in good humour, paffed an aeff of free grace nority.
for all crimes committed in his minority 3 the earl of
Angus, and Sir George and Sir Archibald Douglas, be¬
ing excepted.
Henry, after cutting off the head of his wife Ca¬
tharine Howard, married and divorced the princefs
Anne of Cleves, and found himfelf either deferted or
diftrufted bv all the princes on the continent, Prote-
ftant as well as Catholic. James and his clergy relied
greatly on this public odium incurred by Henry 3 but
the emperor having again quarrelled with Francis, left ^
Henry, whofe dominions they had threatened jointly toPrepara-
invade, at liberty to continue his preparations againft ti°ns °f
the Scots. Henry firft ordered his fleet, then the moftIIemL*
formidable of any in the world, to make frefh defeents
upon Scotland. At the fame time, he appointed a very
conuderable army to rendezvous upon the borders, un¬
der the command of Sir Robert Bowes, one of his war¬
dens, the earl of Angus, and his two brothers Sir George
and Sir Archibald Douglas. James was every day ex¬
pecting fupplies of money, arms, and other neceffaries
from Francis 3 but thefe not arriving, he reaffembled
his parliament on the 14th of March, which gratified
him in all his demands. Many excellent regulations
were made for the internal government, peace, and fe-
curity of the kingdom, and againft the exportation of
money inftead of merchandife. Adis were paffed for*
fortifying and embellilhing the town of Edinburgh, and
for better fupplying the fubjedts with wine, and all the
other neceffaries of life. The royal revenue was in-
creafed by many additional eftates 3 and there was com¬
pleted one of the beft plans for a national militia that
perhaps ever appeared. As yet, excepting - in the dif-
appointment which Henry met with from his nephew in
not meeting him at York, he had no grounds for com¬
mencing hoftilities. But it is hare proper to okferve,^,^ 0f
that the queen-mother was then dead 3 and confequent- the queen¬
ly the connedlion between James and Henry was weak-mother,
ened. Whatever her private charatfter might be, (he
was certainly a happy inftrurnent of preventing hlood-
Ihed between the two kingdoms. She was buried with
royal honours at Perth.
James, to all appearance, was at this time in a moft
defirable fituation. His domain, by forfeitures and o-
therwife, far exceeded that of any of his predcceffors.
He could command the purfes of bis clergy 3 he had
large fums of ready money in his exchequer 3 his forts
were well ftored and fortified 3 and he was now daily
receiving remittances of money, arms, and ammunition
from ?
4S9
James lofes
the affec¬
tions of his
fubjedts.
A;i.
490
The Eng-
liih defeat¬
ed by the
earl of
Huntly,
SCO [ 68
Scotland, from France, All this happinefs, however, was only
apparent j for the alfeftions of his nobility, and the
wii'er par-t of his fubje&s, were now alienated from him
more than ever, by his exceflive attachment to bigotry
and perfecution.
He had nominated the earl of Huntly to command
his army on the borders, confiding of 10,000 men j
and his lieutenant-general was Sir Walter Lindfay of
Torphichen, who had ieen a great deal of foreign fer-
vice, and was efteemed an excellent officer. Huntly
acquitted himfelf admirably in his commiffion j and was
fo well ferved by his fpies, as to have certain intelli¬
gence that the Englifh intended to furprife and burn
Jedburgh and Kelfo. The Englifh army under Sir Ro¬
bert Bowes and the Douglafes, with other northern
Englifhmen, continued Hill on the borders : and one of
the refolutions which the Scotch nobility and gentry had
formed, was, not to attack them on their own ground,
nor to aft offenfively, unlefs their enemies invaded
Scotland. Huntly being informed that the Englifh had
advanced, on the 24th of Auguft, to a place called
Ha/danrig, and that they had deftroyed great part of
the Scotch and debateable lands, refolved to engage
them : and the Engliih were aftonifhed, when at day¬
break they law the Scotch army drawn up in order of
battle. Neither party could now retreat without fight¬
ing 3 and Torphichen, who led the van, confifting of
2000 of the belt troops of Scotland, charged the Eng¬
lifh fo furioufly, that Huntly gained a complete and an
eafy viftory. Above 200 of the Englifh were killed,
and 600 taken prifoners 3 among whom were their ge¬
neral Sir Robert Bowes, Sir William Moubray, and
about 60 of the moft diflinguifhed northern barons 3 the
earl of Angus efcaping by the fwiftnefs of his horfe.
The lofs of the Scots was inconfiderable.
In the mean time, the duke of Norfolk having raifed
a great army, had orders to march northw'ards, and to
diftribute a manifello, complaining of James for having
difappointed Henry in the interview at York, and reviving
the ridiculous claim of his own and his anceftors fuperi-
ority over the kingdom of Scotland. It was plain, from
the words of this manifefto, that Henry was ftill placa¬
ble towards James 3 and that he would eafily have dropt
that claim, if his nephew would make any perfonal ad¬
vances towards a reconciliation.
The condition of James was now deplorable. The
few faithful counfellors whom he had about him, fuch
as Kirkaldy of Grange, who was then lord treafurer,
plainly intimated, that he could have no dependence on
his nobles, as he was devoted to the clergy 3 and James,
fometimes, in a fit of diftra&ion, would draw his dag¬
ger on the cardinal and other ecclefiaftics when they
came to him with frefh propofitions of murder and pro-
fcriptions, and drive them out of his prefence. But he
had no conftancy of mind 3 and he certainly put into
his pocket a bloody fcroll that had been brought him
by his priefts, beginning with the earl of Arran, the
firft fubjeft of the kingdom. In one of his cooler
moments, he appointed the lord Erfkine, and fome o-
thers of his nobility, to make a frefh attempt to gain
time 3 and Henry even condefcended to order the duke
of Norfolk (who was then advanced as far as York),
the lord privy feal, the bifhop of Durham, and others,
to treat with him. The conferences were fhort and un-
fuccefsful. The duke bitterly complained, that the
49i.
DiftracVion
of James.
o ] ■ SCO
Scots fought only to amufe him till the feafon for ac- Scotland,
tion was over. In fhort, he confidered both them andv—
Learmouth, who was ordered to attend him, as fo many 49?
fpies, and treated them accordingly. It was the 2lftThedu^e
of Odlober before he entered the eaftern borders of Scot-^
land. According to the Scotch hiftorians, his army witj1
confifled of 40,000 men 3 but the Englifh have fixed it formidable
at 20,000. army.
James affefted to complain of this invafion as being
unprovoked 3 but h® loft no time in preparing to repel
the danger. The fituation of his nobility, who were
prefled by a foreign invafion on the one hand, and do-
meftic tyrants on the other, induced them to hold fre¬
quent confultations 3 and in one of them, they refblved
to renew the fcene that had been afted at Lawder
bridge under James III. by hanging all his grandfon’s
evil counfellors. The Scots hiftorians fay, that this Conf]jirac]r
refolution was not executed, becaufe the nobility could ft
not agree about the viftims that were to be facrificed 3 Jan,<:s 5 ia"
and that the king, who was encamped with his army
at Falla-moor, having intelligence of their confultation,
removed haftily to Edinburgh 3 from which he fent
orders for his army to advance, and give battle to the
duke of Norfolk, who appears not as yet to have en¬
tered the Scotch borders. The anfwer of the nobility
was, that they ■were determined not to attack the duke
on Englifh ground 3 but that if he invaded Scotland,
they knew their duty. The earl of Huntly, who
cammanded the van of the Scottifh army, confifting of
10,000 men, was of the fame opinion : but no fooner
did Norfolk pafs the Tweed, than he harafled the
Engliih army, cut off their foraging parties, and di-
ftrefied them in fuch a manner, that the duke agreed
once more to a conference for peace 3 which was mana-The Fug¬
ged, on the part of the Scots, by the bilhop of Ork-1‘ft1 obfige«l
ney and Sir James Learmouth 3 but nothing was con-t0 retreat’
eluded. The Engliih general, finding it nowimpoflible
on many accounts to profecute his invafion, repaffed the
Tweed 3 and was harafled in his march by the earl of
Huntly, who defifted from the purfuit the moment his
enemies gained Englifh ground. 45,^
James, whofe army at this time amounted to above The Scots
30,000 men, continued ftill at Edinburgh, from which rt^e t0
he fent frequent meflages to order his nobility and ge-Pul^ue*
nerals to follow the duke of Norfolk into England 3
but thefe were difregarded. James was flattered, that
now he had it in his power to be revenged for all the
indignities that had been offered by England to Scot¬
land. In this he was encouraged by the French am-
baffador, and the high opinion he had of his own
troops. About the beginning of November, he came
to a refolution of reaffembling his army, which was dif-
banded after the duke of Norfolk’s retreat. This pro¬
ject appeared fa plaufible and fo promifing that feveral
of the nobility are faid to have agreed to it, parti¬
cularly the lord Maxwell, the earls of Arran, Caffilis,
and Glencairn, with the lords Fleming, Somerville, and
Erlkine : others reprefented, but in vain, that the arms
of Scotland had already gained fufficient honour, by
obliging the powerful army of the Englifh, with their
moft experienced general at their head, to make a
ftiameful retreat before a handful 5 that the force of
Scoland was inferior to that of England 3 and that an
honourable peace was ftill practicable. It was faid, in
reply to thofe confiderations, that the ftate oi the quar¬
rel
Scotland.
49<>
But at laft
coni'ent to
invade
England.
497
Lord Max.
■well fuper-
fcded in
the com¬
mand by
Oliver Sin.
dair.
49S
The Scots
lhamefully
defeated
at Solway
mol's.
SCO [ 681
rel was now greatly altered j that Henry had in his
manifefto declared his intention of enllaving their coun¬
try •, that he treated the nobility as his vaiTalsj that the
duke of Norfolk had been guilty of burning the dwel¬
lings of the defencelefs inhabitants, by laying about 20
villages and towns in allies 5 and that no Scotchman,
who was not corrupted by Henry’s gold, would op-
pole the king’s will. The lad, perhaps, was the chief
argument that prevailed on the lord Maxwell, a noble¬
man of great honour and courage, to agree to carry the
war into England by Solway, provided he were at the
head of 10,000 men. It was at lait agreed that the
earl of Arran and the cardinal iliould openly raife men,
as if they intended to enter the eaftern marches, where
they were to make only a feint, while the lord Max¬
well was to make the real attempt upon the weft. Pri¬
vate letters were everywhere circulated to raife thofe
who were to ferve under the lord Maxwell; among
whom were the earls of Cafiilis and Glencairn, the lords
Fleming, Somerville, Erfkine, and many other perfons
of great importance. James, who never was fufpe6t-
ed of pufillanimity, would probably have put himfelf
at the head of this expedition, had he not been dif-
fuaded from it by his priefts and minions, who remind¬
ed him of the confultations at Fallamoor, and the
other treafonable praffices of the nobility. They ad¬
ded, that molt of them being corrupted by Englilh
gold, he could not be too much on his guard. He
was at laft perfuaded to repair to the cattle of Loch-
maben or Carlaverock, and there to wait the iffue of
the inroad.
It was probably at this place that James was pre¬
vailed on to come to the fatal refolution of appointing
one Oliver Sinclair, a fon of the houfe of Heflin, and
a favourite minion' at court, to command the army in
chief; and his commiflion was made out accordingly.
On the 23d of November, the Scots began their march
at midnight; and having palled the Elk, all the ad¬
jacent villages were feen in flames by the break of day.
Sir Thomas Wharton, the Englifh warden of thofe
marches, the baftard Dacres, and Mufgrave, haftily rai-
fed a few troops, the whole not exceeding 500 men,
and drew them up on an advantageous ground; when
Sinclair, ordering the royal banner to be difplayed, and
being mounted on the (boulders of two tall men, pro¬
duced and read bis commiflion. It is impoflible to
imagine the confternation into which the Scots were
thrown on this.occafion ; and their leaders letting the
example, the whole army declared (according to the
Scotch authors), that they would rather furrender
themfelves prifoners to the Englilh, than fubmit to be
commanded by fuch a general.' In an inftant, all order
in the Scotch army was overturned; horfe and foot,
foldiers and fcullions, noblemen and peafants, were in¬
termingled. It was eafy for the Englilh general to
perceive this confufion, and perhaps to guefs at its
caufe. A hundred of his light-horle happened to ad¬
vance : they met no refiftance : the nobles were the firft
wdio furrendered themfelves prifoners; and the reft of
the Englilh advancing, they obtained a bloodlefs vic¬
tory ; for even the women and the boys made prifoners
of Scotch foldiers, and few or none were killed. The
lord Herbert relates the circumftances of this lhameful
affair with fome immaterial differences; but agrees on
the whole with the .Scots authorities. He mentions
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
] SCO
however, no more than Boo common foldiers having been Scotland,
made prifoners. The chief of the prifoners were the earls ^
of Caflilis and Glencairn, the lords Maxwell, Fleming,
Somerville, Oliphant, and Gray, with above 200 gen¬
tlemen.
James was then at Carlaverock, which is about 12
miles diftant from the place of a&ion, depreffed in his
fpirits, and anxious about the event of the expedition,
which is to this day called the Raid of Solway tnofs.
When the news reached him, and h; learned that the
earl of Arran and the cardinal were returned to Edin- 49(J
burgh, he'was feized with an additional dejedion of James V.
mind, which brought him to his grave. In fuch a fitu-dies of
ation every cruel adion of his former life wounded £net’I4til
his conlcience ; and he at laft funk into a fullen melan- ‘);c^njer
choly, which admitted of no confolation. From Car-*'1
laverock he removed to Falkland ; and was Ibmetimcs
heard to exprefs himfelf as if he thought that the whole
body ol the nobility were in a conlpiracy againlt his
perfon and dignity. The prefence of the few attend¬
ants who were admitted into his chamber, and who
were the wicked inftruments of bis mifeondud, feemed
to aggravate his bufferings, and he either could not or
would not take any fuftenance. His deatli being now"
inevitable, Beaton approached his bed-lide with a pa¬
per, to which he is laid to have direded the king’s
hand, pretending that it was his laft will. On the 18th
of December, while James was in this deplorable ftate,
a meffenger came from Linlithgow, with an account
that the queen was brought to bed of a daughter ; and
the laft words he was diftindly heard to fay, were, “ It
will end as it began ; the crown came by a lafs, and
it will go by a lafs.” He then turned his face to the
wall, and in broken ejaculations pronounced the word
Solway tnofs, and fome faint expreihons alludiro- to the
difgrace he fuffered. In this ftate he languilhed
fur lome days; for it is certain he did not lurvive
the 14th. _ . soo
James V. was fucceeded by bis infant daughter Mary, L fucceed-
whofe birth we have already mentioned. James had,edb>'Ma_
taken no Heps for the fecurity of his kingdom, fo that0'
ambitious men had now another opportunity of throw-
mg the puDlic aflairs into conluflon. (I he lituation of cor
Scotland indeed at this time was very critical. Many Critical
of the nobility were prifoners in England, and thofe whofitu?tl0n cf
remained at home were fa&ious and turbulent. The na- affairS*
tion was difpirited by an unfuccefsful war. Commo¬
tions were daily excited on account of religion, and Hen¬
ry VIII. had formed a defign of adding Scotland to his
other dominions. By a teftamentary deed, which Car-
(.1: al Beaton had forged in the name of his fovereign,
he was appointed tutor to the queen and governor’of
the realm, and three of the principal nobility were
named to aft as bis counfellors in the adminiftration.
The nobility and the people, however, calling in quefticn
the authenticity of this deed, which he could not efla-
blifli, the cardinal was degraded from the dignity he -
had affumed ; and the eftates of the kingdom advanced
to the regency James Hamilton, earl of Arran, whom Earl5°2Ar
they judged to be entitled to this diftinftion, as the fe-ran ap-
cond perfbn of the kingdom, and the neareft heir, after pointed re- •
Mary, to the crown. gent.
I he difgrace of Cardinal Beaton might have proved
the deilru&ion of his parly, if the earl of Arran had-
been endowed with vigour of mind and ability. But
4 ^ ‘ his
504
He be¬
comes po
pular on
account of
tion,
SCO [ 68
Scotland, his views were circumfcribed 5 and he did not compon-
w ^ pa»e por t^js any firmnefs of purpofe. He
Hisihara-'-,vvas t00 indolent to gain partizans, and too irrefolute
^er. to fix them. Slight difficulties filled him with em-
barraffment, and great ones overpowered him. His
enemies, applying themfelves to the timidity of his dif-
pofition, betrayed him into weakncflfes; and the elieem
which his gentlenefs had procured him in private life,
was loft in the contempt attending his public conduct,
which was feeble, Suftuating, and inconfiftent.
The attachment which the regent was known to
ptofefs for the reformed religion, procured him the love
of the people; his high birth, and the mildnefs of his
his attach- virtues, conciliated their refpedt •, and from the circum-
ment to the fiance, that his name was at the head of the roll of he-
rcforma- reties which the clergy had prefented to the late king, a
fentiment of tendernefs was mingled with his populari¬
ty. His condufl at firft correfponded with the impref-
fions entertained in his favour. Thomas Guillame and
John Rough, twro celebrated preachers, were invited
to live in his houfe ; and he permitted them to de¬
claim openly aganifi the errors of the church of Rome.
They attacked and expofed the fupremacy of the pope,
the worfhip of images, and the invocation of faints.
Cardinal Beaton and the prelates were exceedingly pro¬
voked, and indefatigably aftive in defence of the efta-
blifhed doctrines.
This public fandtion afforded to the reformation w'as
of little confequence, however, when compared with a
meafure wdiich was foon after adopted by Robert Lord
Maxwell. He propofed, that the liberty of reading the
feriptures in the vulgar tongue Ihould be permitted to
the people*, and that, for the future, no heretical guilt
fhould be imputed to any perfon for having them in his
pofieffion, or for making ufe of them. The regent and
the three eftates acknowledged the propriety of this pro-
pofal. Gavin Dunbar archbifhop of Glafgow, and chan¬
cellor of Scotland, protefted, indeed, for himfelf and for
the church, that no adt on this fubjeft fhould pafs and
be effedtual, till a provincial council of all the clergy of
the kingdom fhould confider and determine, wdiether
there w^as a neceffity that the people fhould confult and
fiudy the feriptures in the vulgar tongue. But his pro-
teftation being difregarded, the bill of the lord Maxwell
was carried into a law*, and the regent made it generally
known by proclamation.
From this period copies of the Bible were import¬
ed in great numbers from England ; and men, allured
by an appeal fo flattering to their reafon, w*ere proud
to recover from the fupine ignorance in which they
had been kept by an artful priefthood. To read be¬
came a common accomplifhment : and books were mul¬
tiplied in every quarter, which difclofed the pride, the
tyranny, and the abfurdities of the Romifh church and
fuperftitions.
The death of James V. proved very favourable to
the ambitious defigns of Henry. He now propofed
an union of the two kingdoms by the marriage of his
fon Edward VI. with Mary the young queen of Scot
505
The people
permitted
to read the
feriptures
in their
mother-
tongue.
506
Henry VIII.
propofes to
unite the
kingdoms
-k^eofEd-^Hd. To promote this, he releafed the noblemen who
ward VI. had been taken prifoners at Solway, after having en-
with Mary, gaged them on oath, not only to concur in promoting
the alliance, but to endeavour to procure him the charge
and cuftody of the young queen, with the government
of her kingdom, and the poffeffion of her cafiles. The
2 ] SCO
earl of Angus and his brother, who had been fifteen Scotlaml.
years in exile, accompanied them to Scotland, and
brought letters from Henry recommending them to the
reftilution of their honours and efiates. The regent
was inclined to favour the demands of perfons of fuch
eminent ftation j but though the fiates wrere inclined
to the marriage, they refufed to permit the removal of
the queen into England, and treated with contempt the
idea of giving the government of Scotland and the care
of the cattles to ^ie king of England. Sir Ralph Sad¬
ler, the Engliih ambaffador, exerted all his endeavours
to induce the regent to comply with the requifitions of
his mafter ; but all his intrigues were unfuccefsful 5 and 507
Henry perceiving that he muft depart from fuch extra- departs
vagant conditions, at laft authorifed the commiflioners^j0^'“'c
to confent to treaties of amity and marriage, on the pofaLs.^
moft favourable terms that could be procured. In con¬
fequence of thefe powers given to the commiffioners, it
was agreed that a firm peace and alliance fliould take
place between the two nations, and that they fliould
mutually defend and protect each other in cafe of an
invafion. The queen was to remain within her own
dominions till flie wras ten years of age j and Henry
was not to claim any Ihare in the government. Six
nobles, or their apparent heirs, were to be furrendered
to him in fecurity for the conveyance of the young
queen into England, and for her marriage with Prince
Edward, as foon as fhe was ten years of age. It -was
alfo ftipulated, that, though the queen fliould have iffue
by Edward, Scotland fliould retain not only its name,
but its laws and liberties. -
Thefe conditions, however advantageous to Scotland,-rhe'^ent
did not give entire fatisfa£Iion. Cardinal Beaton, who oppofed ky
had been imprifoned on pretence of treafonable fchemes, Cardinal
and was now* releafed from his confinement by the in- Beaton>
fluence of the queen dowager, took all opportunities of
exclaiming againft the alliance, as tending to deftroy
the independence of the kingdom. He pointed out to
the churchmen the dangers which arofe from the preva¬
lence of herefy, and urged them to unanimity and zeal.
Awakening all their fears and felfiflmefs, they granted
him a large fum of money with which he might gain
parlizans *, the friars were dire&ed to preach againft
the treaties with England ; and fanatics were inftrufted
to difplay their rage in offering indignities to Sir Ralph
Sadler. 509
Cardinal Beaton was not the only antagonift with and by fe-
whom the regent had to deal. The earls of Argyle,veral n°k*e'
Huntly, Bothwel, and Murray, concurred in the oppofi-men,
tion ; and having colletfted fome troops, and poffeffed
themfelves of the queen’s perfon, they affumed all the
authority. They were joined by the earl of Lenox, who
was led to hope that he might efpoufe the queen-dowa¬
ger and obtain the regency. He was alfo inclined to
oppofe the earl of Arran, from an ancient quarrel which
had fubfifted between their two families 5 and from a
claim which he had to fuperfede him, not only in the
enjoyment of his perfonal efiates, but in the fucceflion
to the crown. The regent, alarmed at fuch a power¬
ful combination againft him, inclined to attend to fome
advances which were made him by the queen-dowager
and cardinal. To refufe to confirm the treaties, after
he had brought them to a conclufion, was, however, a
ftep fo repugnant to probity, that he could not be pre¬
vailed on to adopt it. He therefore, in a folemn man¬
ner.
Scotland.
510
but con¬
firms the
treaties of
amity and
marriage
with Eng¬
land.
511
He aban¬
dons the
Englifli in-
tereft, and
renounces
the l*rotef-
tant reli¬
gion.
C O [ 683 ] SCO
the abbey church of Holyrood- ing him to recal to France the earl of Lenox, who was Scotland
Si*
Henry’s
•violent pro¬
ceedings.
5»3
The nego¬
tiations
broken off.
5I4
The queen
crowned.
5.1 S
Enmity be¬
tween Car¬
dinal Pea-
ton and the
earl ofLe.
sox.
ner, ratiried them in
houfe, and commanded the great feal of Scotland to be
affixed to them. The fame day he went to St Andrew’s,
and iflued a mandate to the cardinal, requiring him to
return to his allegiance. To this the prelate refufed to
pay any attention, or to move from his caftle } on which
the regent denounced him as a rebel, and threatened to
compel him to fubmiffion by military force. But in a
few days after, the pufillanimous regent meeting with
Beaton, forfook the interell: of Henry VIII. and em¬
braced that of the queen dowager and of France. Being
in hade alfo to reconcile himfelf to the church of Rome,
he renounced publicly, at Stirling, the opinions of the
reformed, and received abfolution from the hands of the
cardinal.
By this mean-fpirited conduct the regent expofcd
himfelf to univerfal contempt, while Cardinal Beaton
ufurped the whole authority. The earl of Lenox,
finding that he had no hopes of fuccefs in his fuit to
the queen-dowager, engaged in negociations with Henry,
to place himfelf at the head of the Scottiih lords who
were in the Engliffi intered, and to ailert the caufe of
the reformation. The confequence of all this was a
rupture with England. Henry not only delayed to
ratify the treaties on his part, but ordered all the Scot-
tidi drips in the harbours of England to be taken and
confifcated. This violent proceeding indamed the na¬
tional difguds againd the Englidi alliance ; and the
party of the cardinal and queen-dowager thus obtained
an increafe of popularity. Henry himfelf, however,
was fo much accudomed to a61s of outrage and vio¬
lence, that he feemed to think the dep he had jud now
taken a matter of no moment; and therefore he de¬
manded that the hodages, in terms of the treaty of
marriage, diould dill be delivered up to him. But the
cardinal and regent informed his ambaflador, Sir Ralph
Sadler, that from their own authority they could not
command any of the nobles to be committed to him
as hodages; and that the offenfive drain of behaviour
aflumed by the Englidi monarch might have altered the
fentiments of the Scottiih parliament with regard to a
meafure of fuch importance. After much altercation,
the conferences were broken off*, and as the lords who
were releafed from captivity had promifed to return pri-
foners to England, it now remained rvith them to fulfil
their engagements. None of them, however, had the
courage to do fo, except the earl of Caffilis*, and Henry,
being druck wfith his punctilious fenfe of honour, dif-
miffed him loaded with prefents.
Cardinal Beaton being thus in poffeffion of power,
took meafures to fecure it. The folemnity of the co¬
ronation of the young queen was celebrated at Stirling.
A council was chofen to direft and adid the regent in
the greater affairs of date, and at the head of this was
the queen-dowager. John Hamilton, the abbot of Paidey,
who had acquired an afcendancy over the regent, was
alfo promoted to the privy feal, and made treafurer of
the kingdom ; and Cardinal Beaton, upon the requed of
the regent and the three edates, accepted the office of
lord high chancellor.
After the datteries and the hopes wfitb which the
earl of Lenox had been amufed, the cardinal had rea-
fon to dread the utmod warmth of his refentment. He
had therefore written to Francis I. giving a detail of
the critical fituation of affairs in Scotland, and intreat-
now intereded to oppofe the influence and operations of
the queen-dowager. But the indignation with which
the treachery of the cardinal had inflamed the earl of
Lenox, precipitated him into immediate action, and de- Hofhlities
feated the intention of this artifice. In the hodile committed
fituacion of his mind towards Scotland, an opportunity of by the lat-
commenclng hodilities had prefented itfelf. Five fliips ter*
had arrived in the Clyde from France, loaded with ivar-
like dores, and having on board the patriarch of Venice,
Peter Contareni, legate from Paal III. with La Broffe,
and James Mefnaige, ambaffadors from France •, and
30,000 crowns, which were to be employed in dreng-
thening the French faction, and to be diflribiued by the
queen-dowager and the cardinal. Prevailing with the
commanders of thefe veiiels, who conceived him to be
the firm friend of their monarch, he fecured this money
for his own ufe, and depofited the military dores in his
cadle of Dumbarton, under the care of George Stirling
the deputy-governor, who at that time w'as entirely in
his intereds.
By the fuccefsful application of this wealth, the earl
of l.enox called forth the full exertion of his party in
levying a formidable army, with which he threatened
the dedrudlion of the regent and the cardinal, offering
them battle in the fields between Leith and Edinburgh. ^
The regent, not being in a condition to accept the Lenox fuf-
challenge of his rival, had recourfe to negociation. Car-fershirnfelf
dinal Beaton and the earl of Bluntly propofed terms \° amu-
©f amity, and exerted themfelves with ib much addrefs,
that the earl of Lenox, lofing the opportunity of chaf-
tifing his enemies, confented to an accommodation, and
again indulged the hope of obtaining the queen-dowager
in marriage. • His army was difmiffed, and he threw
himfc-lf at the feet of his midrefs, by whom he was, in
appearance, favourably received : but many of his friends
wTere feduced from him under different pretences; and
at lad, apprehending his total ruin from fome fecret en-
terprife, he fled to Glafgow, and fortified himfelf in -.jg
that city. The regent, collefling an army, marched and is
againd him ; and having defeated his friend the earl ofobbgedto
Glencairn in a bloody encounter, was able to reduce^*'
the place of drength in which he confided. In this ebb
of his fortune, the earl of Lenox had no hope but from
England.
The revolution produced in the political date of Scot¬
land by the arts of Cardinal Beaton, while it defeated
the intrigues of Henry VIII. pointed all its drength
againd the progrefs of the reformation. After abandon¬
ing his old friends, the regent, in connexion with the
cardinal, was ambitious to undo all the fervices he had ^
rendered to them. The three edates annulled the trea- Alliance
ties of amity and marriage, and empowered commiflioners wkhTrance
to conclude an alliance with France. The regent dif-^°“c^et^
charged the two preachers Guillame and Rough, whom ^roteftants
he had invited to impugn the doftrines of the church, perfeented,
He drove back into England many pious perfons, whofe
seal had brought them to Scotland, to explain and ad¬
vance the new opinions. He careffed with particular
refpeft the legate whom the pope had fent to dilcourage
the marriage of the young queen with the prince of
Wales, and to promife his affidance againd the enter-
prifes of Henry VIII. He procured an aft of parlia¬
ment to be paffed for the perfecution of heretics j and,
on the foundation of this authority, the mod rigorous
4 R 2 proceedings
Stetlar.d.
jap
Lenox tn-
gage^ in
the Eoglifh
inteielt.
521
An Englifli
army en¬
ters Scot¬
land.
An. 1544.
51a
Who com¬
mit cruel
devalua¬
tions, and
then fud-
denlj re¬
tire.
523
111 luccefs
of the carl
of Lenox.
'S C D t <>84
proceedings were concerted againft the reformed; when
the arms of England, roufing the apprehenfions of the
nation, gave the fulleft employment to the regent and
his counfellots.
In the rage and anguifh of difappointed ambition,
the earl of Lenox made an offer to affitf the views of
the king of England ; who, treating him as an ally, en¬
gaged, in the event of fuccefs, to give him in marriage
his niece the lady Margaret Douglas, and to invefl him
with the regency of Scotland. To eftablilh the reforma¬
tion in Scotland, to acquire the fuperiority over it to
Henry VIII. and to effeftuate the marriage of the prince
of Wales with the queen of Scots, were the great objefts
of their confederacy.
Henry, though engaged in a war with France, which
required all his military force, could not refill the earliell
opportunity in his power to execute bis vengeance
againfi: Scotland. Edward Seymour, earl of Hartford,
was appointed to command 10,000 men •, who were em¬
barked at Tinmouth, on board a fleet of 200 Ihips, un¬
der the command of Sir John Dudley lord Lifle. This
army was landed without oppofition near Leith j and
the earl of Hartford made it known to Sir Adam Ot-
terburn, the provoft of Edinburgh, that his commiflion
empowered him to lay the country wTafle and defolate,
unlefs the regent fliould deliver up the young queen to
the king of England. It was anfwered, that every ex¬
tremity of diftrefs would be endured, before the Scot-
tifh nation rvould fubmit to fo ignominious a demand.
Six thoufand horfe from Berwick, under the lord Evers,
now joined the earl of Hartford. Leith and Edinburgh,
after a feeble refiftance, yielded to the Englifh com¬
mander •, who abandoned them to pillage, and then fet
them on fire. A cruel devaliation enfued in the fur¬
rounding villages and country, and an immenfe booty
was conveyed on board the Englilh fleet. But, while
an extreme terror was everywhere excited, the earl of
Hartford re-imbarked a part of his troops, and ordered
the remainder to march with expedition to the frontiers
of England.
The regent, aflifted by Cardinal Beaton and the earls
of Bluntly, Argyle, Bothwell, and Murray, was aftive,
in the mean time, to colle£t an army, and to provide
for the fecurity of the kingdom. Fie felt, therefore,
the greatefl: furprife on being relieved fo unexpeftedly
from the moft imminent danger ; and an expedition,
conduced with fo little difeernment, did not advance
the meafures of Henry VIII. To accomplifh the
marriage of the young queen with the prince of Wales,
to poflfefs himfelf of her perfon, or to achieve a con-
•queft over Scotland, were all circumftances apparently
within the reach of the Englifh commander : and yet,
in the moment of viblory, he neglebfed to profecute his
advantages : and having inflamed the animofities of the
Scottifli nation, by a difplay of the paffions and cruelty
of his mafter, left them to recover from their dilalter,
and to improve in their refources.
The earl of Lenox, taking the opportunity of th-e
Englifh fleet, went to confult with Flenry VI Jl. on
the defperate ftate of his affairs. He renewed his en¬
gagements with this monarch 5 and received in mar¬
riage the lady Margaret Douglas, with poffeflions in
England. Soon after, he arrived in the frith of Clyde,
with 18 fhips and 600 foldiers, that he might fccure
the caftle of Dumbarton, .and employ himfeii in plun-
] SCO
dering and devaffation. But George Stirling, to Scotland,
whom the caftle was intrufted, refilled to furrender y~—1
it 5 and even obliged him to reimbark his troops. After
engaging in a few petty incurfions and fkirmilhes, he
returned to England.
In this year, Henry confented to a truce; and Scot- A truce
land, after having fuffered the miferies of war, was fub- concluded
jefted to the horrors of perfecution. The regent had with Eng-
procured an aft of parliament for the perfecution oflan(k
the reformed ; and the cardinal, to draw to himfelf an
additional fplendour and power, had obtained from the
pope the dignity of legate a latere. A vifitation of his
own diocefe appeared to him the moft proper method
of commencing the propofed extirpation of herefy j and
he carried with him in his train the regent, and many
perfons of diftinftion, to aflift in his judicatories, and to
Ihare in his difgrace.
In the town of Perth many perfens were accufed and Many cruel
condemned. The moft trifling offences were regarded executions
as atrocious crimes, and made the fubjefts of prolecution on account
and punifliment. Robert Lamb was hanged for affirm-01 fal
ing that the invocation of laints had no merit to lave.
William Anderfon, James Reynold, and James Finlay-
fon, fuffered the fame death, for having abided an image
of St Francis, by putting horns upon his head. James
Hunter, having affociated with them, was found equally
guilty, and puniffied in the lame manner. Helen Stirke,
having refufed, when in labour, to invoke the affiftance
of the Virgin, vras drowned in a pool ol water. Many
of the burgeffes of Perth, being lufpefted of herely,
were fent into baniflrment; and the lord Ruthven, the
provoft, was upon the fame account difmiffed from
office.
The cardinal was ftrenuous in perfecuting herefy in Account of
other parts of his diocefe. But the difeontents and Mr George
clamour attending the executions of men of inferior fta- Wiflrait.
tion were now loft in the fame of the martyrdom of
George Wiffiart •, a perfon who, while he was refpec-
table by his birth, was highly eminent from the opi¬
nion entertained of his capacity and endowments. The
hiftorians of the Proteftant perfuafion have fpoken of
this reformer in terms of the higheft admiration. They
extol his learning as extenfive, infift on the extreme can¬
dour of his difpofition, and aferibe to him the utmoft
purity of morals. But while the ftrain of their pane¬
gyric is expofed to fufpicion from its excefs, they have
ventured to impute to him the fpirit of prophecy } fo
that we mull neceffarily receive their eulogiums with
fome abatement. It may be fufficient to affirm, that
Mr Wiftiart was the moft eminent preacher who had
hitherto appeared in Scotland. Flis mind was certainly
cultivated by refiedlion and ftudy, and he was amply
poffeffed of thoie abilities and qualifications which
awaken and agitate the paffions of the people. His
miniftry had been attended with the moft flattering fuc¬
cefs j and his courage in encountering danger grew with
his reputation. The day before he was apprehended,
he faid to John Knox, who attended him, “ I am
wearv of the world, fince 1 perceive that men are weary
of God.” He had already reconciled himlelf to that
terrible death which awaited him. He was found in
the houfe of Cockburn of Ormifton, in EalPLothian ;
who refufing to deliver him to the fervants of the re¬
gent, the earl of Bothwell, the flieriff of the county,
required that he ffiould be intrufted to his care, and
promifed
SCO [68
Scotland, promifed that no injury fliould be done to him. But
v 'the authority of the regent and his counfellors obliged
the earl to iurrender his charge. He was conveyed to
the cardinal’s caftle at St Andrew’s, and his trial was
conduced with precipitation. The cardinal and the
clergy proceeding in it without the concurrence of the
fecular power, adjudged him to be burnt alive. In the
circumftances of his execution there appears a deliberate
and moft barbarous cruelty. When led out to the
flake, he was met by priefls, who, mocking his condi¬
tion, called upon him to pray to the virgin, that flic
might intercede with her Son for mercy to him.” For¬
bear to tempt me, my brethren,” was his mild reply.
A black coat of linen was put upon him by one execu¬
tioner, and bags of gun-powder were fattened to his
body by another. Some pieces of ordnance were point¬
ed to the place of execution. He fpoke to the fpefta-
tors, intreating them to remember that he was to die for
the true gofpel of Chrift. Fire was communicated to
the faggots. From a balcony in a tower of his caftle,
which was hung with tapeftry, the cardinal and the pre¬
lates, reclining upon rich cufhions, beheld the inhuman
fcene. This infolent triumph, more than all his afflic¬
tions, affefted the magnanimity of the fufferer. He ex¬
claimed, that the enemy, who fo proudly folaced him-
felf, would perifti in a few days, and be exnofed igno-
minioufly in the place which he now occupied.
Cardinal Beaton took a pleafure in receiving the
congratulations of the clergy upon a deed, which, it
was thought, would fill the enemies of the church with
terror. But the indignation of the people was more
excited than their fears. All ranks of men were dif-
gufted at an exercife of power which defpifed every
boundary of moderation and juftice. The prediction
of Mr Withart, fuggefted by the general odium which
attended the cardinal, was conftdered by the difciples
An. 1546. 0f martyr as t}ie eflfuflon Qf a pr0phet ; and per¬
haps gave occafion to the affaflination that followed.
Their complaints were attended to by Norman Lefty,
the eldett fon of the earl of Rothes, whom the cardinal
had treated wdth indignity, though he had profited by
his fervices. He confented to be their leader. The
cardinal was in the caftle of St Andrews’s, which he was
fortifying after the ftrongeft fafhion of that age. The
confpirators, at different times, early in the morning,
entered it. The gates were fecured 5 and appointing a
guard, that no intimation of their proceedings might be
carried to the cardinal, they difmiffed from the caftle all
his workmen feparately, to the number of ico, and all
his domeftics, who amounted to not fewer than jjo
perfons. The eldeft fon of the earl of Arran, w’hom
he kept as an hoflage for his father’s behaviour, was
alone detained by them. The prelate, alarmed wdth
tneir noife, looked from his window, and was informed
that his caftle was taken by Norman Lefty. It wTas in
vain that he endeavoured to fecure the door of his
chamber by bolts and chcfts. The confpirators brought
527
Cardinal
Beaton af-
fafilnated.
fire, and were ready to apply it, when^ admitting them
into his prefence, he implored their mercy. Two of
them ft ruck him haftily wdth their fwoxds. * But James
Melyil, rebuking them pnftion, told them, that this work
and judgement of God, though fecret, ought to be done
with gravity. He reminded the cardinal, in general
terms, of the enormiiy of his fins, and reproac1 rd him
in a more particular manner with the death of Mr
3 3 sco
Wifhart. Fie fwore, that he was aftuated by no hopes Scotland,
of his riches, no dread of his powrer, and no hatred to
his perfon, but that he w’as moved to accomplilh his de-
ftrudlion, by the obftinacy and zeal manifefted by him
againft Chrift Jefus and his holy gofpel. Waiting for
no anfwer to his harangue, he thrutl the cardinal three
times through the body with his dagger, on the 29th of
May 1546.
The rumour that the caftle wTas taken giving an alarm
to the inhabitants of St Andrew’s, they came in crowds
to gratify their curiofity, and to offer their afliftance, ac¬
cording to the fentiments they entertained. The adhe¬
rents and dependents of the cardinal wTere clamorous to
fee him ; and the confpirators, carrying his dead body
to the very place from which he had beheld the fufter-
ings of Mr Wiftiart, expofed it to their view. ^
The truce, in the mean time, which had been con- Treaty of
eluded with England wras frequently interrupted ; but peace be-
no memorable battles wTere fought. Mutual depreda- tween Eng-
tions kept alive the hoftile fpirit of the two kingdoms ; 5
and wEile the regent w'as making military preparations, Scotland. "
which gave the promife of important events, a treaty of
peace was concluded between England and France, in
which Francis I. took care to comprehend the Scottifti
nation. In this treaty it was ftipulated by Flenry, that
he was not to wrage war againft Scotland, unlefs he
ftiould be provoked by new and juft caufes of hoftility.
But the murderers of Cardinal Beaton, apprehenfive
of their fafety, had difpatched mdlengers into England,
rvith applications to Henry for afliftance ; and being .
joined by more than 120 of their friends, they took
the refolution of keeping the caftle, and of defending
themfelves. Henry, notwithftanding his treaty with
France, refolved to embrace this opportunity of aug¬
menting the difturbances of Scotland. Fie haftened to
colleft troops ; and the regent and his counfellors pref-
fed France for lupplies in men, money, military ftores,
and artillery.
The high places which the cardinal occupied w^ere pro^etd-
filled up immediately upon his death. John Hamilton, ings agaiBft
abbot of Paifiey, was eleiled archbiftrop of St Andrew’s,tiie DfurtJer-
and George earl of Huntly was promoted to be chan- er''1 tt|e
cellor. By thefe officers the regent was urged to pro- turtlu’ia ‘
ceed with vigour againft the confpirators ; and it was a
matter of the greateft anxiety to him to recover his
eldeft fon, whom they detained in cuftody. The clergy
had, in the moft; folemn manner, pronounced them to
be accurfed ; and agreed to furnifh, for four months, a
monthly fubfidy of 3000I. to defray the expence of re¬
ducing them to obedience.- The queen-dowager and
the French faclion were, at the fame time, eager to
concur in avenging the affaffination of a man to whole
counfels and fervices they were fo greatly indebted. 
And that no dangerous ufe might be made of the eldeft:
fon of the earl of Arran, who, after his father, was
the heir of the monarchy, an aft of parliament was
paffed, excluding him from his birthright while he re¬
mained in the poffeffion of the enemies of his country,
and fubftituting his brothers in his place, according to
their feniority. The dark politics of Flenry fuggefted
the neceffity of this expedient; and in its meaning and
tendency may be remarked the fpirit and greatnefs of a
free people. 539
A powerful army laid fiege to the caftle of St An-CaftIcof
drew’s, and continued their operations during four pipp’d ^
months; ” 0
SCO
[ 686 ]
SCO
Scotland.
S*1 ,
Death of
Henry VIII
and Fran¬
cis I.
An. 1547.
S3*
John Knox
begins to
diftinguilh
himfelf.
533
Caftie of
St An¬
drew’s ta¬
ken.
534
Scotland
invaded
by the
Englifh.
months ; but no (uccefs attended the affailants. The
fortifications were firong 5 and a communication with,
the befieged was open by fea to the king of England,
who fuppiied them with arms and provifions. The gar-
rifon received his pay, and the principal confpirators had
penfions from him. In return for his generofity, they
engaged to promote the marriage of his fon with the
young queen ; to advance the reformation ; and to keep
in cuftody the eldeft fon of the regent. Negociation
fucceeded to hoftility •, and as the regent expected aflift-
ance from France, and the confpirators had the profpeft
of fupport from an Englifh army, both parties were dif-
pofed to gain time. A treaty was entered into, in
which the regent engaged to procure from Rome an ab-
folution to the confpirators, and to obtain to them from
the three eflates an exemption from profecutions of every
kind. On the part of the befieged, it was ftipulated,
that when thefe conditions (hould be fulfilled, the cafile
fliould be furrendered, and the regent’s fon delivered up
to him. In the mean time Henry VIII. died ; and a few
weeks after Francis I. alfo paid the debt of nature. But
the former, before his death, had recommended the pro-
fecution of the Scottifh war ; and Henry II. the fuccef-
for of Francis, was eager to fliow his attention to the
ancient ally of his nation. When the abfolution arrived
from Rome, the confpirators refufed to confider it as va¬
lid ; and an expreffion ufed by the pope, implying an
abfurdity, furniflied an apology for their conduft. They
knew that the counfellors of Edward VI. were making
vigorous preparations to inVade Scotland ; they were
confident of their prefent ability to defend themfelves ;
and the advocates for the reformation encouraged them
with hopes and with flattery.
The favourers of the reformation, in the mean time,
adopting the intolerant maxims of the Roman Catholics,
were highly pleafed with the alTaflination of Beaton •,
and many of them congratulated the confpirators on
what they called their godly deed and enterprife, John
Rough, who had formerly been chaplain to the regent,
entered the caftie and joined them. At this time alfo
John Knox began (0 diftinguifh himfelf, both by his fuc-
cefs in argument and the unbounded freedom of his dif-
courfe 5 while the Roman clergy, everywhere defeated
and afhamed, implored the afliftance of the regent and
his council, who affured them that the laws againft he¬
retics {hould be rigidly put in execution.
In the mean time the caftie of St Andrew’s being in-
vefted by a fleet of 16 fail under Admiral Strozzi from
France, was obliged to capitulate. Honourable condi¬
tions were granted to the confpirators; but after being
conveyed to France, they were cruelly ufed, from the
hatred entertained by the Catholics againft the Protef-
tants. Many were confined in prifons •, and others,
among whom, fays Dr Stuart, was John Knox, were
fent to the galleys. The caftie itfelf was nearly rafed
to the ground.
The fame year (1547), Scotland was invaded by an
Englifh army under the duke of Somerfet, who had
been chofen proteftor of England during the minority
of Edward VI. The defign of this invafion was to
oblige the Scots to comply with the fcheme of Henry
VIII. and conclude a marriage between Edward and
the young queen of Scotland. The Englifh army con-
fifted of 18,000 men; befides which the prote&or had
a fleet of 60 fail, one half of which were (hips of war,
3
and the others confifted of veffels laden with provifions Scotland,
and military {lores. On the other hand, the regent op-
pofed him with an army of 40,000 men. Before the
commencement of hoftilities, however, the duke of So¬
merfet addrefied a letter or manifefto to the government,
in which he prefled the marriage with fuch powerful ar¬
guments, and fo clearly {bowed the benefits which would
refiilt from it to both nations, that the regent and his
party, who were averfe to peace, thought proper to
fupprefs it, and to circulate a report that the Englifti
had come to force away the queen, and to reduce the
kingdom to a ftate of dependence on him. All hopes
of an accommodation being thus removed, the Englifti
army advanced to give battle to the Scots. rI hey found
the latter polled in the moll advantageous fituation,
around the villages of Muflfelburgh, Inverdk, and
Monckton ; fo that he could not force them to an ac¬
tion, at the fame time that he found himfelf in danger
of having his communication with his {hips cut off, which
would have totally deprived his army of the means of
fubfiftence. In this dangerous fituation he had again
recourfe to negociation, and offered terms ftill more fa¬
vourable than before. He now declared himfelf ready
to retire into England, and to make ample compenfa-
tion for the injuries committed by his army, if the Scot-
tifti government would promife that the queen {hould
not be contra£led to a foreign prince, but {hould be kept
at home till Ihe svas of age to choofe a hufband for her-
felf, with the confent of the nobility. Thefe conceflions
increafed the confidence of the regent fo much, that,
without taking advantage of the ftrength of his fitua-
tion, he refolved to come to a general engagement.— 535’
The prote&or moved towards Pinkey, a gentleman’s Battle of
houfe to the eaftward of Muffelburgh ; and the regent
conceiving that he meant to take refuge in his fleet, left I0q, J(-,”
the ftrong pofition in which he was encamped. He
commanded his army to pafs the river Elk, and to ap¬
proach the Englifti forces, which were polled on the
middle of Fafide-hill. The earl of Angus led the van ;
the main body marched under the regent ; and the earl
of Huntly commanded in the rear. It was the regent’s
intention to feize the top of the hill. The lard Gray,
to defeat this purpofe, charged the earl of Angus, at
the head of the Englifti cavalry. They were received
on the points of the Scottifti fpears, whicli were longer
than the lances of the Englifti horfemen, and put to
flight. The earl of Warwick, more fuccefsful with his
body of infantry, advanced to the attack. rl he ordnance
from the fleet aflifted his operations ; and a briflc fire
from the Englifti artillery, which was planted on a rif-
ing ground, contributed ftill more to intimidate the
Scottifti foldiery.—The remaining troops under the pro-
tedlor were moving (lowly, and in the bell order, to
{hare in the engagement. The earl of Angus w?as not
wrell fupported by the regent and the earl of ITuntly.
A panic fpread through the Scottifti army. It fled in
different diredlions, prefenting a fcene of the greateft
havock and confufion. Few perifticd in the fight; but
the purfuit continuing in one dire&ion, to Edinburgh,
and in another to Dalkeith, with the utmoft fury, a pro¬
digious (laughter enfued. The lofs of the conquerors ^
did not amount to 500 men ; but 10,000 foldiers perifti- Scots
ed on the fide of the vanquished. A multitude of pri- defeated
fone’> were taken : and among thefe the earl of Huntly, !,v 1^ Ar^at
the loid high chancellor. '’(laughter.
Amid ft
SCO [ 687 ] SCO
Scotland. Amidft the confternation of this decilive vi&ory, the
' ^u],e 0£ Somerfet had a full opportunity of effe&ing the
marriage and union projected by Henry VIII. and on
the fubjedt of which fuch anxiety was entertained by
the Englilh nation. But the cabals of his enemies
threatening his deltiu6tion at home, he yielded to the
^ neceffilies of his private ambition, and marched back
Duke of into England. He took precautions, however, to fe-
Somerfet cure an entry into Scotland, both by fea and land. A
EnU[ai'd° Sarr^on 200 rnen was piaced in the ide of St Colum-
* ‘ ba in the Eorth, and two ihips of war were left as a fur¬
ther guard. A garrifon was alfo llationed in the caflde
of Broughty, fituated in the mouth of the Tay. When
he palled through the Merfe and Teviotdale, the lead¬
ing men of theie counties repaired to him j and taking
an oath of allegiance to King Edward, furrendered their
places of ftrength. Some of thefe he demolilhed, and
to others he added new fortifications. Hume cattle wTas
garrifoned with 200 men, and intrufted to Sir Edward
Dudley *, and 300 foldiers were ported with 200 pio¬
neers, in the cattle of Roxburgh, under the command
of Sir Ralph Bulmer.
The only refource of the regent now was the hope of
aiiiftance from France. The young queen was lodged
in the cartle of Dumbarton, under the care of the lords
Ertkine and Livingftone •, and ambaffadors were fent to
53s Henry II. of France, acquainting him with the difafter
fuccetfcs at Pinkey> anc* imploring his afliftance. The regent
cfths ^ kaci fonght permirtion from the protestor to treat of
Englifh. peace, and the earl of Warwick was appointed to wait
An. 1548. for them at Berwick •, but none were ever tent on the
part ot Scotland. It was not long, therefore, before
hortilities recommenced by the Englith. Lord Gray
led an army into Scotland, fortified the town of Had¬
dington, took the cattles of Yeftcr and Dalkeith, and
laid wafte the Merfe, and the counties of Eaft and Mid
Lothian. On the other hand, in June 1548, Monfieur
de Defle, a French officer of great reputation, landed
at Leith with 6000 foldiers, and a formidable train of
artillery.
In the mean time, the regent was in difgrace on ac¬
count of the difafter at Pinkey j and the queen-dowager
being difpofed to fuperfede his authority, attempted to
improve this circumftanee to her own advantage. As
the perceived that her power and intereft could be beft
Ihpported by I ranee, the refolvcd to enter into the
ftrifteft alliance ivith that kingdom. It had been pro-
pofed that the dauphin of France tliould marry the
queen of Scotland; and this propofal new met with
many partizans, the hoftilities of the Englith having
loft a great number of friends to the caufe of that coun¬
try. It was refolved to fend the queen immediately to
France, which would remove the caufe of the prefent
contentions, and her fubfequent marriage with the dau¬
phin would in the fulleft manner cement the friendthip
betwixt the two nations. The French government alio
entered deeply into the fcheme ; and in order to pro¬
mote it made prefents of great value to many of the
Scottilh nobility. The regent himfelf was gained over
539 by a penfion of 12,000 livres, and the title of duke of
The queen Chatelherault. Monfieur de Villegagnon, who com-
France. [our gapeys in the harbour of Leith, making a
feint as if he intended to proceed inftantly to France,
tacked about to the north, and, failing round the itles,
received the queen at Dumbarton 5 whence he convey¬
ed her to France, and delivered her to her uncles the Scotland,
princes of Lorraine, in the month of July 1548. 111 ■
Thefe tranfa&ions did not put au end to the military
operations. The fiege of Haddington had been un¬
dertaken as Poon as the French auxiliaries arrived, and
was now condu&ed with vigour. To reinforce the gar¬
rifon, 1500 horfe advanced from Berwick ; but an am-
bufeade being laid for them, they were intercepted, and .
almoft totally deftroyed. Another body of Englifti The Eng-
troops, however, which amounted only to 300 perfons,nieet
was more fuccefsful. Eluding the vigilance of the Scots
and the French, they were able to enter Haddington,
and to fupply the belieged with ammunition and provi-
fions. The lord Seymour, high-admiral of England,
made a defeent upon Fife with 1200 men, and fome
pieces of artillery } but was driven back to his (hips with
great {laughter by James Stuart, natural brother to
the young queen, who oppofed him at the head of the
militia of the county. A fecond defeent was made by
him at Montrofe; but being equally unfuccefsful there,
he was obliged to leave Scotland without performing
any important or memorable achievement.
Having collected at army of 17,000 men, and add¬
ing to it 3000 German Proteftants, the proteftor put
it under the direftion of the earl of Shrewlbury. On
the approach of the Engliih, Drifie, though he had been
reinforced with 15,000 Scots, thought it more prudent
to retreat than to hazard a battle. Fie raifed the fiege
of Haddington, and marched to Edinburgh. The earl Quarrels"
of Shrewlbury did not lollow him to force an engage-between
ment 3 jealoufies had arifen between the Scots and thetlls Scots
French. The infolence and vanity of the latter, en.and Frenclji
couraged by their fupevior Ikill in military affairs, had
offended the quick and impatient fpirit of the-former.
The fretfulnei's of the Scots was augmented byThe ca¬
lamities infeparable from war 3 and after the conveyance
of the young queen to France, the efficacious and pe¬
culiar advantage conferred on that kingdom by this
tranfaflion was fully underftood, and appeared to them
to be highly difgraceful and impolitic. In this ftate of
their minds, Deffe did not find at Edinburgh the recep¬
tion which he expedled. The quartering of his foldiers
produced difputes, which ended in an infurredtion of the
inhabitants. The French fired upon the citizens. Se¬
veral perfons of diftindlion fell, and among thefe were
the proveft of Edinburgh and his fon. The national
difeontents and inquietudes v/ere driven, by this event,
to the moft dangerous extremity 3 and Deffe, who was
a man of ability, thought of giving employment to his
troops, and of flattering the people by the fplendour of
fome martial exploit.
The earl of Shrewfbury, after fupplying Hadding- Unfuccefs-
ton with troops, provifions, and military ftores, retiredful attempt *
with his army into England. Its garrifon, in the en-onHatl-
joyment of fecurity, and unfbfpicious of danger, might (knSton“
be furprifed and overpowered. Marching in the night,
Deffe reached this important port; 3 and deftroying a fort
of obfervation, prepared to ftorm the main gates of the
city, when the garrifon took the alarm. A French de-
ferter pointing a double cannon againft the thickeft
ranks of the affailants, the ftiot was incredibly deftruc-
tive, and threw'them into confufion. In the height of
their confternation, a vigorous fally was made by the
befieged. Deffe renewed the affault in the morning,
and was. again difeomfited. He now turned his arms
againft
s c
Scotland, againft Broughty cattle ;
it, he recovered the neighbouring town
vantages.
544
Farther fuc
he recovered the neighbouring town of Dundee,
Defi^the w^‘c^ fallen into the poffeflion of the enemy. Hume
French ge- cattle was retaken by ftratagem. Deffe entered Jed-
neral gains burgh, and put its garrifon to the fword. Encouraged
fome ad- ky |-}-jjs luccefS) be ravaged the Engliih borders in dif¬
ferent incurfions, and obtained feveral petty victories.
Leith, which from a fmall village had now grown into
a town, was fortified by him ; and the ifland of Inch-
keith, nearly oppofite to that harbour, being occupied
by Englifh troops, he undertook to expel them, and
made them prifoners after a briik encounter.
His activity and valour could not, however, com-
pofe the difeontents of the Scottifh nation •, and the
queen-dowager having written to Henry II. to recal
him, he was fucceeded in his command by Monfieur de
Thermes, who was accompanied into Scotland by Mon-
luc bithop of Valence, a perfon highly etteemed for his ad-
drefs and ability. This ecclefiaftic was intended to fupply
the lofs oi Cardinal Beaton, and to difeharge the office
of lord high chancellor of Scotland. But the jealoufies
ot the nation increafing, and the queen-dowager herfelf
fulpeffing his ambition and turbulence, he did not at¬
tain to this dignity, and foon returned to his own coun¬
try.
De Thermes brought with him from France a rein-
CFrSSch°fthef0rCement IOCO 2000 horfe, and ICO men-at-
arms. He ereffed a fort at Aberlady, to dittrefs the
garrifon of Haddington, and to intercept its fupplies of
provifions. At Coldingham he cut in pieces a troop of
Spaniards in the Engliih pay. Faft-cattle was regained
by furprife. DiftraSions in the Engliffi court did not
permit the prote£for to aft vigoroufly in the war. The
earl of^Varwick was diverted from marching an army
into Scotland. An infeftious diftemper had broken out
in the garrifon at Haddington ; and an apprehenfion
prevailed, that it could not hold out for a confiderable
time againft the Scots. The earl of Rutland, therefore,
with a body of troops, entered the town j and after fet-
ting it on fire, condufted the garrifon and artillery to
Berwick. The regent now in pofleffion of Hadding¬
ton, was felicitous to recover the other places which
were yet in the power of the Englifh. Dc Thermes
laid fiege to Broughty cattle, and took it. He then be-
fieged Lawder; and the garrifon was about to furren-
der at diferetion, when the news arrived that a peace
was concluded between France, England, and Scot¬
land.
By this treaty the king of France obtained the refti-
tution of Boulogne and its dependencies, which had
been taken from him by the king of England, and for
which he paid 400,000 crowns. No oppofition was
to be given to the marriage of the queen of Scotland
■with the dauphin : the fortrefles of Lawder and Dou¬
glas wTere to be rettored to the Scots, and the Englilh
were to deftroy the cattles of Roxburgh and Eymouth.
The queen- After the ratification of thefe articles, the queen-dowager
embarked with Leon Strozzi for France, attended by
France andmany n°bilfty. Having arrived there, Ihe com-
tchemes a- municated to the king her defign of affuming the go¬
vernment of Scotland, and he promifed to affift her to
the utmoft of his power. But the jealoufy which pre¬
vailed between the Scots and French rendered the ac-
compliffiment of this defign very difficult. To remove
the regent by an aft of power might altogether endanger
I .•    ‘ ' 4
O [ 688 ] SCO
and, though unable to reduce the fcheme j but it might be poffible to perfuade him Scotland.
voluntarily to refign his office. For this purpofe in-
tiigues ivere immediately commenced j and indeed the
regent himfelf contributed to promote their fchemes by
his violent perfecution of the reformed. The peace was
fcarcely proclaimed, when he provoked the public re-
fentment by an aft of fanguinary infolence. Adam Adam Wal.
Wallace, a man ©f fimple manners, but of great zeal lace fuflers
545
Peace con-
-cluded.
An. 1550,
54<»
gainft the
regent.
for the reformation, was accufed of herefy, and brought0” account
to trial in the church of the Black Friars at Edinburgh.01 'e'l^‘on‘
In the prefence of the regent, the earls ol Angus, Hunt-
ly, Glencairn, and other perfons of rank, he was char¬
ged with preaching without any authority of law, with
baptizing one of his own children, and with denying
the doftrine of purgatory ; and it was ftrenuoufiy objec¬
ted to him, that he accounted prayers to the faints and
the dead an ufelefs fuperftition, that he had pronounced
the mafs an idolatrous fervice, and that he had affirmed
that the bread and wine in the facrament of the altar,
after the words of the confecration, do not change their
nature, but continue to be bread and wine. Thefe of- 1
fences were efteemed too terrible to admit of any par¬
don.—The earl of Glencairn alone protefted againtt his
puniffiment. The pious fufferer Lore with refignation
the contumelious infults of the clergy 5 and by his cou¬
rage and patience at the flake gave a fanftion to the
opinions which he had embraced.
Other afts of atrocity and violence ftained the admi-Other in-
niftration of the regent. In his own palace, W illiam ftances of ^
Crichton, a man of family and reputation, was aifaffina-1'10 regei;t9
7 j 1 7 innumamty
ted by the lord Semple. No attempt was made toaR(j
punifir the murderer. His daughter was the concubine tree,
of the archbiffiop of St Andrew’s, and her tears and in¬
treaties were more powerful than juttice. John Melvil,
a perfon refpeftable by his birth and fortune, had wuit-
ten to an Engliffi gentleman, recommending to his care
a friend who at that time was a captive in England.
This letter contained no improper information in mat¬
ters of ftate, and no fufpicion of any crime againft Mel¬
vil could be inferred from it. Yet the regent brought
him to trial on a charge of high treafon; and, for an
aft of humanity and friendftiip, he was condemned to
lofe his head. The forfeited eftate of Melvil, was given
to David the youngeft fon of the regent. ^
Amidft the pleafures and amufements of the French Schemes of
court, the queen-dowager was not inattentive to the die queen-
fcheme of ambition which ffie had projefted. The earls f'°wagei,t0
of Huntly and Sutherland, Marifchal and Caffilis, with
the lord Maxwell, and other perfons of eminence who b
had accompanied her to France, were gained over to her
interefts. Robert Carnegie of Kinnaird, David Panter
bilhop of Rofs, and Gavin Hamilton commendator of
Kilwinning, being alfo at this time in that kingdom,
and having moft weight with the regent, were treated
with a mott punftilious refpeft, Henry declared to
them his earneft wifti that the queen-dowager might ac¬
quire the government of Scotland. In cafe the regent
ftiould confent to this meafure, he expreffed a firm in¬
tention that no detriment Ihould happen to his confe-
quence and affairs; and he defired them to inform him,
that he had' already confirmed his title of duke of Cha~
telherault, had advanced his fon to be captain of the
Scots gendarmes in France, and was ready to befiow
other marks of favour on his family and relations. On
this bufinefs, and with this meffage, Mr Carnegie was
difpatched
sco
55°
She returns
to Scot¬
land.
An. 1551*
551
Rapacity
and in-
juftice of
the regent.
Scotland, difpatched to Scotland $ and a few days after, he was
 ^ followed by the bifhop of Rofs. The bifhop who was a
man of eloquence and authority, obtained, though with
great difficulty, a promife from the regent to refign his
high office *, and for this fervice he received, as a recom-
penfe, an abbey in Poitou.
The queen-dowager, full of hope, now prepared to
return to Scotland, and in her way thither made ufe of
a fafe-condu6t obtained from Edward VI. by the king
of France. The Englilh monarch, however, had not
yet forgotten the beautiful queen of Scotland j and did
not fail to urge his fuperiority of claim to her over the
dauphin. The queen-dowager did not feriouily enter
upon the bufinefs ; but only in general terms complained
of the hoftilities committed by the Englith j and two
days after this converfation, {he proceeded towards Scot¬
land, and was conduced by the earl of Bothwel, lord
Hume, and fome other noblemen, to Edinburgh, amidft
the acclamations of the people. She had not long re¬
turned to the capital, when the bad conduft of the re¬
gent afforded her an opportunity of exerting her in¬
fluence and addrefs to the advantage of her projeft.
The regent having propofed a judicial circuit through
the kingdom, under pretence of repreffing crimes and
diforders, molefted the people by plunder and rapine.
Great fines were levied for offences pretended as well as
real j and the Proteftants in particular feemed to be the
obje&s of his difpleafure and feverity. In his progrefs
be was accompanied by the queen-dowager ; and as ffie
affefted to behave in a manner dire&ly oppofite, the
moft difagreeable comparifons were made between her
and the regent. The bifhop of Rofs, to whom he had
promifed to refign his office, did not fail to put him in
mind of his engagements; but he had now altered his
mind, ami wifhed ft ill to continue in power. His refo-
lution, however, failed him on the firft intimation of a
parliamentary inquiry into the errors of his adminiftra-
tion. An agreement with the queen-dowager then took
place •, and it was ftipulated, that he Ihould fucceed to
the throne upon the death of the queen without iffue 5
that his fon ffiould enjoy the command of the gen¬
darmes j that no inquiry ffiould be made into his expen-
An. 155 4. diture of the royal treafures j that no fcrutiny into his
government ftiould take place ; and that he fhould en¬
joy in the moft ample manner his duchy and his pen-
fion. Thefe articles were ratified at an affembly of par¬
liament, and the queen-dowager was formally invefted
with the regency.
_ Mary of Lorraine, the new regent, though {he had
with great difficulty attained the fummit of her wiffies,
SS3 feemed to be much lefs converfant with the arts of go-
She renders vernment than thofe of intrigue. She was fcarcely fettled
popular111* ^er nevv °®ce when {he rendered herfelf unpopular in
1 two refpe£ts; one by her too great attachment to France,
and the other by her perfecution of the reformed reli¬
gion. She was entirely guided by the councils of her
brothers the duke of Guife and the cardinal of Lor¬
raine } and paid by far too much attention to M. d’Oy-
fel the trench ambaffador, whom they recommended to
her as an able and faithful minifter. Several high of-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
[ 689 ]
SCO
55*
He refigns
his office,
which is
given to
the queen-
dowager.
fices were filled with Frenchmen, which excited in the Scotland,
higheft degree the refentment ot the Scottifh nobility j *
and the commonalty were inftantly prejudiced againft
her by the partiality which ihe {bowed to the Papifts.
At firft, however, Are enafted many falutary laws; and
while (lie made a progrefs through the fouthern pro¬
vinces of the kingdom to hold jufticiary courts, (he
endeavoured to introduce order and law into the weftern
counties and ides ; firft by means of the earl of Huntly,
and afterwards of the earls of Argyle and Athole, to
whom ftie granted commiffions for this purpofe with ef- ^
feftual powers. In another improvement, which the Attempts
queen-regent attempted by the advice of her French m vain to
council, ffie found herfelf oppofed by her own people. a
It was propofed that the poffeffions of every proprietor
of land in the kingdom ffiould be valued and entered in
regifters 5 and that a proportional payment ftiould be
made by each. The application of this fund was to
maintain a regular and {landing body of troops. This
guard or army, it was urged, being at all times in readi-
nefs to march againft an enemy, would proteft effedftu-
ally the frontiers j and there would no longer be any
neceffity for the nobles to be continually in motion oit
every rumour of hoftility or incurfion from Engliffi in¬
vaders. No art, however, or argument, could recom¬
mend thefe meafures. A perpetual tax and a Handing
army were conceived to be the genuine charafteriftics
of defpotifm. All ranks of men confidered themfelves
infulted and abufed j and 300 tenants of the crown
affembling at Edinburgh, and giving way to their in¬
dignation, fent their remonftrances to the queen-regent
in fuch ftrong and expreffive language, as induced her
to abandon the fcheme. Yet ftill the attempt which ffie
had made left an impreffion in the minds of the people.
They fufpe&ed her to be a fecret enemy to their go¬
vernment and liberties j and they were convinced that
the king of France was engaging her in refinements
and artifices, that he might reduce Scotland to a pro¬
vince of France. CI.
While an alarm about their civil rights was fpread- folin^Rnos.
ing itfelf among the people, the Proteftants were rifing encourages
daily in their fpirit and in their hopes. John Knox (p),^6 reforjr-
whofe courage had been confirmed by misfortunes, and^r5°
whofe talents had improved by exercife, was at this time
making a progrefs through Scotland. The chara&erii-
tic peculiarities of Popery were the favourite topics of
his declamation and cenfure. He treated the mafs, in
particular, with the moft fovereign contempt, reprefent-
ing it as a remnant of idolatry. Many of the nobility
and gentry afforded him countenance and prote£Hon,
They invited him to preach at their houfes, and they
partook with him in the ordinances of religion after the
reformed method. Religious focieties and affemblies
were publicly held, in defiance of the Papifts j and ce¬
lebrated preachers were courted with affiduity and bribes
to refide and officiate in particular diftrifts and towns,,
The clergy cited Knox to appear before them at Edin¬
burgh, in the church of the Black-friars. On the ap¬
pointed day1! he prefented himfelf, with a numerous at¬
tendance of gentlemen, who were determined to exert
4 S themfelves
(p) When he was fent to France (fays Dr Stuart), with the confpirators againft Cardinal Beaton, he was coq-
fmed to the galleys; but had obtained his liberty in the latter end of the year 1349.
Scotland.
?5<S
Writes an
offenflve
letter to
the queen-
tegent.
Au. 1556.
557
Goes to
Geneva,
and is burnt
in effigy.
558
Progrefs of
tire refor-
ijiatiop.
v
SCO [ 690 ] SCO
themfelves in his behalf. The prienhooi did not chooie
to proceed in his profecution ; and Knox, encoura¬
ged by this fymptom of their tear, took the refolmion
to explain and inculcate his doftrines repeatedly and
openly in the capital of Scotland. In 15^6, the earl
of Giencairn allured the earl Mariichai to hear the ex¬
hortations of this celebrated preacher \ and they were
fo much affedled with his reafonings and rhetoric, that
they requested him to addrefs the queen-regent up¬
on the iubjedl of the reformation of religion. In com¬
pliance with this requetl, he wrote a letter in very djfa-
greeable terms ; and the earl of Giencairn delivered it
■with his own hand, in the expectation that fome advan¬
tage might in this manner be obtained for the reformed.
But the queen regent was no lefs offended with the free¬
dom of the nobleman than of the preacher ; and, after
perufing the paper, the gave it to James Beaton arch-
bithfep of Glatgow, with an expreflion of d.iidain, “ Here,
my lord, is a palquil.”
Amidft thefe occupations, John Knox received an in¬
vitation to take the charge of the Englith congregation
at Geneva 5 which he accepted. The clergy called
on him, in his abtence, to appear before them, condemn¬
ed him to death as a heretic, and ordered him to be
burned in effigy.
This injurious treatment of John Knox did not in the
leaft obftiudt the progrefs of the reformation. Defer-
tions were made from Popery in every town and village •
and even many members of the church, both lecular
and regular, were forward to embrace the new princi¬
ples, and to atone for their pad miftakes by the molt
bitter railleries againft the corruptions and the folly of
the Romifh faith. The priefxs were treated in all places
with ridicule and contempt. The images, crucifixes,
and relics, which ferved to roufe the decaying fervours
of fuperilition, were taken from the churches, and tram¬
pled under foot. The bithops implored the adiftance of
the queen-regent. Citations were given to the preach¬
ers to appear in their defence. They obeyed; but
with fuch a formidable retinue, that it was with diffi¬
culty die wTas permitted to apologife for her condudf.
James Chalmers of Gaitgirth, preding fonvard from the
crowd, thus addreffed her : “ We vow to God, that the
devices of the prelates diall not be carried into exe¬
cution. We are opprefled to maintain them in their
idlenefs. They feek to undo and murder our preachers
and us; and we are determined to fubmit no longer to
this wickednefs.” The multitude, applauding his fpeech,
put their hands to their daggers.
A trudy melfenger was difpatched to Geneva, invi¬
ting John Knox to return to his owm country. But in
the infancy of their connexion, the Protedants being
apprehendve of one another, uncertain in their counfels,
or being deferted by perfons upon whom they had re¬
lied, it appeared to them that they had adopted ibis
roeature without a due preparation } and, by other dif-
patches, Knox w’as requeded to delay his journey for
fome time.
To this zealous reformer their undeadinefs was a mat¬
ter of ferious affliction ; and in the anfvver he tranfmit-
ted to their letters, he rebuked them with feventy : but
amidfl this correction, he intreated them not to faint
under their purpofes, from apprehenfions of clanger,
which, he faid, was to feparate themfelves from the fa¬
vour of God, and to provoke his vengeance. To par,
ticular perfons he wrote other addrefTts •, and to all of Scotland,
them the greated attention was paid. In 1557, a for-1
mal bond of agreement, which obtained the appellation pp"
of the. JirJl covenant, was entered into, and all the more covenant,
eminent perlons who favoured the reformation were in- An. 1^57.
vited to fubferibe it. The earls of Argyle, Glcncairn,
and Morton, with the lord Lorn, and John Eifkine of
Dun, led the way, by giving it the function of their
names. All the iublcribers to this deed, renouncing
the fuperilitions and idolatry of the church of Rome,
promifed to apply continually their whole power and
weakh, and even to give up their lives, to forward and
effabliih the word of God. They difl.inguil.hed the re¬
formed, by calling them the Congregation of Chrijl; and
by the opprobrious title of the Congregation of Satan,
they peculiarized the favourers of Popery. ^
After the leaders of the reformation had fubfenbedJohn Knox
the firft covenant, they addreiled letters to John Knox,a,'c' C'a.vin
urging in the flrongeit terms his return to bcotland j V t J
and that their hopes of his ailitlance might not be dii-
appointed, they fent an addreis to John Calvin, the ce¬
lebrated reformer, begging him to join his commands to
their intreaties. The archbifhop of St Andrew’s, who
perceived the riling fform, was now in a difficult fitua-
tion. A powerful combination threatened ruin to the
church •, and he had feparated himieli from the politics
of the queen-regent. The zeal of the Roman Catholics
pointed out ftrong meafuies to him ; and his dilpofitions
were pacific. The clergy were offended with bis re-
miffnels and neglcbi of duty. The reformers detefted
his loofe.nefs of principles, and were fliocked with the
diffolute depravity of his life and converfation. He re-
folved to try the force of addrefs, and did not fucceed.
He then refolved to be fevere, and was ilill more unfue-
cefsful. 561
The earl of Argyle was the moft powerful of the re-The areh-
formed leaders. To allure him from his party, the h|fficP °f
archbifhop of St Andrew’s employed the agency of S:i ^ ^v'Cat_
David Hamilton. But the kindnels he affetled, andttAlpts m
the advices he bellowed, were no compliment to the un-vaintofe-
derflanding of this nobleman ; and his threats were re-duce ^
garded with contempt. The reformers, inffead of lC-e'T! of Ar-
fing their courage, felt a fentiment of exultation and tri- '
uniph ; and the earl of Argyle happening to die about
this time, he not only maintained the new dobfrines in
his laff moments, but intreated his fon to feek for ho¬
nour in promoting the public preaching of the gofpel
of Jefus Cliriff, and in the utter ruin of fuperffition and
idolatry.
It w'as determined by the arebbifhop and the prelates,
that this difappointment fhould be iucceeded by the furi- 563
ous peri’ecution of the reformed. Walter Mill, a prieff,^a^ttr
had neglebled to officiate at the altar ; and having been^j^j6*®*
long under the fufpicion of fierefy, was carried to Staccountof
Andrew’s, committed to piifon, and accuftd before therdigion.
arefibifhop and his fuffragans. He was in extreme old
age-, and he had ftruggled all his life with poverty.
He funk not, however, under his fate. To the articles
of his accufation he replied with fignal recolledh’on and
fortitude. The firmnefs of his mind, in the emaciated
ftate of his body, excited admiration. The infulls of
his enemies, and their contempt, ferved to difeover his
• fuperiority over them. When the clergy declared him
a heretic, no temporal judge could be found to condemn
him to the fire. He was refpited to another day ; and
fo
S ’otlanil.
fogl
SCO [
real fympathy prevailed for his misfortunes, that it
was neceilary to allure one of the archbithop’s domeltics
to fupply the place of the civil power, and to pronounce
the Sentence of condemnation. When brought to the
flake, the refolution of this fufferer did not forfake him.
He praifed God, that he had been called to feal the
truth with his li'e ; and he conjured the people, as they
5^3
The Pro
tenants re
folve to af
fert their
rights.
5^4
Petition
tiie queen
regent.
would efcape eternal death, not to be overcome by the
errors and the artifices of monks and priefts, abbots and
biihcps.
The barbarity of this execution affetfled the refor-
- mers with inexpreflible horror. Meafures for mutual
defence were taken. The leaders of the reformation,
difperfing their emiiTaries to every quarter, encouraged
the vehemence of the multitude. The covenant to
cftablifh a new form cf religion extended far and wide.
The point of the fword, not the calm exertions of in¬
quiry, was to decide the difputes of theology.
When the leaders of the reformation were apprifed
of the ardent zeal of the people, and confidered the
great number of fubfcriptions which had been collefted
in the different counties of the kingdom, they affembled
to deliberate concerning the fieps to be purfued. It
was refolved, accordingly, that a public and common
fupplication of the whole body of the Proteflants (hould
be prefented to the queen-regent; which, after com¬
plaining of the injuries they had fuffered, {hould require
her to beflow upon them her fupport and affiftance, and
urge her to proceed in the work of a reformation. To
explain their full meaning, a fcbedule, containing parti¬
cular demands, was at the fame time to be prefented
to her ferutiny. To Sir James Sandilands of Calder
they committed the important charge of their manifefto
and articles of reformation ; and in appointing him to
this commitfion, they confulted the refpeft which was
due both to the government and to themfeives. His
character was in the higheft effimation. Plis fervices to
his country were numerous •, his integrity a honour
were above all fufpicion \ and his age and experience
gave him authority and reverence.
The petition or fupplication of the Prcteflants was
expreffed in flrong but refpeftful terms. They told
the queen-regent, that though they had been provoked
by great injuries, they had yet, during a long period,
abftained from affembling themfeives, and from making
known to her their complaints. Banifinnent, confifca-
tion of goods, and death in its moft crgel fhape, were
evils with which the reformed had been afflidted ; and
they were ftill expofed to thefe dreadful calamities.
Compelled by their fufferings, they prefumed to afk a
remedy againft the tyranny of the prelates and the eftate
ecclefiaftical. They had ufurped an unlimited domina¬
tion over the minds of men. Whatever they command¬
ed, though without any fan&ion from the word of God,
rnuft be obeyed. Whatever they prohibited, though
from their own authority only, it was neceffary to avoid.
All arguments ru'd remonftranees were equally fruitlefs
and vain. The fire, the faggot, and the fword, were
the rveapons with which the church enforced and vindi¬
cated her mandates. By thefe, of hue years, many of
their brethren had fallen •, and upon this account they
were troubled and wounded in their confciences. For
conceiving themfeives to be a part of that power which
God had eftablifhed in this kingdom, it was their duty
to have defended them, or to have concurred with them
691 ] SCO
in an open avowal of their common religion. They
now take the opportunity to make this avowal. They
break a filence which may be mifinterpreted into a jui-
tification of the cruelties of their enemies. And dif-
daining all farther diflimulation in matters which con¬
cern the glory of God, their prefent happinefs, and
their future falvation, they, demand, that the original
purity of the Chriftian religion (hall be reflored, and
that the government (hall be fo improved, as to afford
to them a fecurity in their perfons, their opinions, and
their property.
With this petition or (upplication of the Proteftants,
Sir James Sandiiands preiented their fchedule of de¬
mands, or the preliminary articles of the reformation.
They were in the fpirit of their fupplication, and of the
following tenor.
COtlanJ.
S^S
I. It {hall be lawful to the reformed to perufe the Articles of
Scriptures in the vulgar tongue; and to employ alfo !‘tie !etor*
their native language in prayer publicly and in private. maU<Jn'
II. It {hall be permitted to any perfon qualified by
knowledge, to interpret and explain the difficult paf-
fages in the Scriptures.
III. The eleftion of minifters fhall take place ac¬
cording to the rules of the primitive church ; and thofe
who cleft fhall enquire diligently into the lives and
doftrines of the perfons whom they admit to the clerical
office.
IV. The holy facrament of baptifm fhall be celebra¬
ted in the vulgar tongue, that its inflitution and nature
may be the more generally underftood.
V. The holy facrament cf the Lord’s flipper fhall
likewife be adminiftered in the vulgar tongue ; and in
this communion, as well as in the ceremonial of bap¬
tifm, a becoming refpeft fhall be paid to the plain in¬
flitution of Chrift Jefus.
VI. The wicked and licentious lives of the bifhops
and efiate ecclefiaftical fhall be reformed ; and if they
difeharge not the duties of true and faithful paftors,
they fhall be compelled to defift from their miniftry and
funftions.
The queen-regent now found it neceffary to flatter TIic: Protef-
the Proteflants. She affured them by Sir James San-tants flat"
dilands, their orator or commiffioner, that every thin0-Ifred by ,
they could legally defire {hould be granted to them ; regent.eU!*
and that, in the mean time, they might, without mo-
leftation, employ the vulgar tongue in their prayers and
religious exercifes. But, upon the pretence that no
encouragement might be given to tumults and riot, the
requefted that they would hold no public affemblies in
Edinburgh or Leith. The Congregation, for this name
was now affumed by the Proteflants, were tranfported
with thefe tender proofs of her regard ; and while tbev
fought to advance flill higher in her etteem by the in-
offenfive quietnefs of their carriage, they were encou¬
raged in the undertaking they had begun, and anxious
to accompliffi the work of the reformation.
Nor to the clergy, who at this time were holding a
provincial council at Edinburgh, did the Congregation
'.eruple to communicate the articles of the intended re¬
formation. The clergy received their demands with a
ftorm of rage, which died away in an innocent debility. ^
Upon recovering from their paffions, they offered to They offer
fubmit the controverfy between them and the reformed > >difpute
to a public deputation. The. Congregation did not Wlt!l.the
refufe this mode of trial; and defired, as their only con-
4 S 2 ditions," e‘Sy'
SCO [ 692 ] SCO
Scotland, ditions, that the Scriptures might be confidered as the
 1 ftandard of orthodoxy and truth, and that thofe of
their brethren who were in exile and under perfecution
might be permitted to aflilf them. Thele requefts,
though highly reafonable, were not complied with;
and the church would allow of no rule of right but
the canon law and its own councils. Terms of recon¬
ciliation were then offered on the part of the elfate ec-
clefiallical. It held out to the Proteftants the liberty
of praying and adminiitering the facraments in the vul¬
gar tongue, if they would pay reverence to the mafs,
acknowledge purgatory, invoke the faints, and admit
of petitions for the dead. To conditions fo ineffeftual
and abfurd the Congregation did not deign to return
any anfwer.
The meeting of parliament approached. The parties
in contention were agitated with anxieties, apprehen-
fions, and hopes. An expedlation of a firm and open
aififtance from the queen-regent gave courage to the
reformed ; and, from the parliamentary influence of
their friends in the greater and the lefl'er baronage, they
expefted the molt important fervices. They drew up
with eagernefs the articles which they wifhed to be
Pref-ent palled into a law 5 and as the fpirit and fenfe of their
their arti- tranfa&ions are to be gathered in the completeft man-
clestothe ner from the papers which were framed by themielves,
queen-re- ^ Js proper to attend to them with exa&nefs. Their
£en“ petitions were few and explicit.
I. They could not, in confequence of principles w'hich
they had embraced from a convi&ion of their truth, par¬
ticipate in the Romilh religion. It was therefore their
defire, that all the a£ts of parliament, giving authority
to the church to proceed againll them as heretics, fhould
be abrogated ; or, at leaft, that their power Ihould be
fufpended till the difputes which had arifen were brought
to a conclufion.
II. They did not mean that all men fhould be at li¬
berty to profefs what religion they pleafed, without
the controul of authority. They confented that all
tranfgreffors in matters of faith fhould be carried before
the temporal judge. But it was their wTifh that the
clergy fhould have the powTer of accufing j and they
thought it conformable to juftice, that a copy of the
criminal charge fhould be lodged with the party upon
trial, and that a competent time fhould be alknved him
to defend himfelf.
III. They infilled, that every defence confident with
law fhould be permitted to the party accufed ; and that
obje&ions to witneiTes, founded in truth and reafon,
fhould operate in his favour.
IV. They defired that the party accufed fhould have
permiflion to interpret and explain his own opinions •,
and that his declaration ihould carry a greater evidence
than the depofition of any witnefs •, as no perfon ought
to be punifned for religion, wrho is not obflinate in a
wicked or damnable tenet.
V. In fine, they urged, that no Proteflant fhould be
condemned for herefy, without being convifted by the
word of God, of the want of that faith which is necef-
fery to falvation.
The Congregation prefented thefe articles to the
queen-regent, expe£ling that fhe would not only pro-
pofe them to the three eflates affembled in parliament,
but employ all her influence to recommend them.
But finding themfelves difappointed, they began to
doubt her fincerity } and they w?ere fenfible that their Scotland,
petitions, though they fhould be carried in parliament,
could not pafs into a law without her conlent. They
therefore abfxained from prefenting them } but as their
complaints and defires were fully known in parliament,
they ordered a folemn declaration to be read there in
their behalf, and demanded that it fhould be inlerted in
the records of the nation. In this declaration, after ex-^ ^
prefling their regret at having been difappointed in he"
their fcheme of reformation, they protefted, that nOprocee£U
blame fhould be imputed to them tor continuing in their ings.
religion, which they believed to be founded in the word
of God ; that no danger of life, and no political pains,
fhould be incurred by them, for difregarding ftatutes
which fupport idolatry, and for violating rites which
are of human invention 5 and that, if infurredlions and
tumults fhould difturb the realm, from the diverfity of re¬
ligious opinions, and if abufes fhould be corrected by
violence, all the guilt, diforder, and inconvenience thence
arifing, inftead of being applied to them, fhould be afcri-
bed to thofe folely who had refufed a timely redrefs of
wrongs, and who had defpifed petitions prefented with
the humility of faithful fubjefts, and for the purpofts of
eftablifhing the commandments of God, and a moft juft
and falutary reformation.
The three eftates received this formidable proteft with
attention and refpeft j but the intention of inferting it in
the national records was abandoned by the Congregation,
upon a formal promife from the queen-regent, that all
the matters in controverfy fhould fpeedily be brought by
her to a fortunate iflue.
While the Proteftants were thus making the moft vi¬
gorous exertions in behalf of their fpiritual liberties, the
queen regent, in order to eftablifh herfelf the more ef-
fedtually, ufed every effort to promote the marriage of
her daughter with the dauphin of France. In 1557,
commiflioners were appointed to negociate this marri¬
age j b'.« while thefe negociations were going on, the
court of France a6led in the moft perfidious manner.
At the age of 15, after folemnly ratifying the indepen-Perfidious
dence of Scotland, and the fucceflion of the crown in condudt of
the houfe of Hamilton, Oueen Maty was influenced by of
the king and her uncles the princes of Lorraine to fignmnce*
privately three extraordinary deeds or inftruments. By
the fir ft fhe conveyed the kingdom of Scotland to the
king of France and his heirs, in default of children of
her own body. By the ftcond fhe afligned him, if (lie
fhould die without children, the poffefiion of Scotland,
till he fhould receive a million of pieces of gold, or
be amply recompenfed for the fums expended by him
in the education of the queen of Scotland in France.
By the third fhe confirmed both thefe grants in an ex-
prefs declaration, that they contained the pure and ge¬
nuine fentiments of her mind j and that any papers
which might be obtained, either before or after her
marriage, by means of the Scottifli parliament, fhould
be invalid, and of no force or efficacy. On the 24th MarJia^e'
of April, the nuptials were celebrated*, and the dau-0f
phin, Francis, w?as allowed to affume the title of king queen of
of Scotland. The French court demanded for him the Scots with
crown and other enfigns of royalty belonging to Scot- *
land j but the commiffioners had no power to coniply Frar.cC<.
with this demand. It was then defired, that when
they returned home, they fhould ufe all their influence
to procure the crown matrimonial of Scotland for thje
dauphim
Scotland.
572 .
He obtains
the crown
of Scot¬
land, but
under cer¬
tain reltric-
tions.
573
The queen
of Scots
claims the
crown of
England,
574
which lays
the founda¬
tion of a
quarrel
with Eliza
beth.
57S
Scheme to
deftroy all
the leaders
of the lJro-
teftant par¬
ty in Scot¬
land.
Treacher¬
ous beha¬
viour of
the queen-
regent.
SCO
dauphin. This alfo was refufed
was difgufted •, and four of the commiffioners died, it
was fuppofed of poilon, given them by the princes of
Lorraine. This fubjeft, however, was prefled, on the
return of the. furviving commiflioners, by the king of
France himfelf, the queen of Scotland, and the queen-
regent. The Proteftants alfo joined their intereft, ho¬
ping by that means to gain over the queen and queen-
regent to their party ; lb that an aft of parliament was
at length pafled, by which the crown matrimonial was
given to the dauphin during the time of his marriage
with Queen Mary } but without any prejudice to the li¬
berties of the kingdom, to the heirs of her body, or to
the order of fucceflion. With fo many reftraints, it
is difficult to fee the advantages which could accrue
from this gift fo earneftly fought after j and it is very
probable, that the ufurpations of France in confequence
of it, would have been produftive of many difturbances j
but thefe were prevented by the death of Francis in De¬
cember 156c.
Before this event took place, however, Scotland was,
by the intrigues of France, involved in confufion on ano¬
ther account. After the death of Mary queen of Eng¬
land, and daughter to Henry VIII. the princes of
Guife inflfted on the claim of Mary queen of Scots to
the crown of England, in preference to that of Eliza¬
beth, whom they looked on as illegitimate. This
claim was fupported by the king of France, who pre¬
vailed with the queen of Scots to afliime the title
of queen of England, and to ftamp money under that
charafter. The arms of England were quartered
with thofe of France and Scotland; and employed
as ornaments for the plate and furniture of Mary
and the dauphin. Thus was laid the foundation of
an irreconcileable quarrel between Elizabeth and Ma¬
ry $ and to this, in fome meafure, is to be afcribed
the inveteracy with which the former perfecuted the
unhappy queen of Scotland, whenever ihe had it in her
power.
But while they imprudently excited a quarrel with
England, they Hill more imprudently quarrelled with
the majority of the people of Scotland. As Eliza¬
beth profefled the Proteftant religisn, it was eafily
forefeen, that the Congregation, or body of the reform¬
ed in Scotland, would never confent to aft againft her
m favour of a Popifli power ; and as they could not
be gained, it was refolved to deftroy them at once,
by putting to death all their leaders. The queen-re¬
gent gave intimation of her defign to re-eftablilh Po¬
pery, by proclaiming a folemn obfervance of Eafter, re¬
ceiving the facrament according to the Romiffi commu¬
nion, herfelf, and commanding all her houfehold to re¬
ceive it in the fame manner. She next exprefled her¬
felf in a contemptuous mgriner againft the reformed, af¬
firmed that they had infulted the royal dignity, and de¬
clared her intention of reftoring it to its ancient luftre.
The preachers of the Congregation were next cited to
appear at Stirling, to anfwer the charges which might
be brought againft them. Alexander earl of Glen-
cairn, and Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, were depu¬
ted to admonilh her not to perfecute the preachers, un-
lefs they had been obnoxious by circulating erroneous
doftrines, or difturbing the peace of government. The
queen regent in a paffion told them, that the preachers
(hould all be banifhed from Scotland, though their doc-
[ 693 ] SCO
the court of France trines might be as found as thofe of St Paul.
The de* Stotfancb
puties urged her former kind behaviour and promifes j u
but the queen-regent anfwered, that “ the promifes of
princes ought not to be exafted with rigour, and that
they were only binding when fubfervient to their conve-
niency and pleafure.” To this they replied, that in fuch
a cafe they could not look on her as their fovereign, and
muft renounce their allegiance as fubjefts. 577
Soon after this traniaftion, the queen-regent recci-Proceed-
ved the news that the reformation was eftablilhed in ings againfi.
Perth. Lord Ruthven the provoft of the city was'
fummoned to aniwer for this innovation j but his reply
was, that he had no dominion over the minds and con-
fciences of men. The provoft of Dundee, being or¬
dered to apprehend an eminent preacher, named Paul
Methven, lent him intelligence of the order, that he
might provide for his fafety. The proclamation for
obierving Eafter was everywhere defpifed and negleft-
ed, and people exclaimed againft the mafs as an idol.
New'citations, in the mean time, had been given to They be-
the preachers to appear at Stirling. They obeyed the come for-
fummons j but attended by fuch multitudes, that the m1(|able by
queen regent, dreading their power, though they were |^‘r nura"
without arms, intreated Mr Erlkine of Dun, whom
they had fent before as a deputy, to flop their march j
affuring him that all proceedings againft the preachers
fhould be flopped. In confequence of this, the multi¬
tude difperfed; yet, when the day came on which the
preachers Ihould have appeared, the queen-regent, with
unparalleled folly and treachery, caufed them to be de¬
clared traitors, and proclaimed it criminal to afford them
any fubfiftence.
Mr Erfkine, exafperated by this (hameful conduft,
haftened to the Congregation, apologifed for his con¬
duft, and urged them to proceed to the laft extremi-
ties. At this critical period John Knox returned from John Knox:-
Geneva, and joined the Congregation at Perth. The returns to
great provocations which the Proteftants had already Scotland-
received, joined to the impetuous paffions of the mul¬
titude, were now produftive of the greateft diforders.
Images were deftroyed, monafteries pulled down, and
their wealth either feized by the mob or given to the
poor. The example of Perth was followed by Cupar
in Fife; and fimilar infurreftions being apprehended
in other places, the queen-regent determined to punifti
the inhabitants of Perth in the moft exemplary manner.
With this view ihe collefted an army : but being oppo-
fed w’ith a formidable power by the Proteftants, ihe
thought proper to conclude an agreement. The Pro- 5Sa
teftants, however, dreaded her inflneerity *, and there- Second co*-
fore entered into a new- covenant to ftand by and defend
each other. Their fears w^ere not groundlefs. The ot the
queen-regent violated the treaty almoft as foon as it w-as queen-re¬
made, and began to treat the Proteftants with fever!ty.gent*
The earl of Argyle, and the prior of St Andrew’s, who
about this time began to take the title of Lord James
Stuart, now openly headed the Proteftant party, and
prepared to colleft their whole ftrength. The queen-
regent oppofed them w’ith what forces (lie had, and
which indeed chiefly confifted of her French auxiliaries j
but, being again afraid of coming to an engagement,
ffie confented to a truce until commiffioners fliould be
fent to treat with the lords for an effeftual peace. No
comraiffioners, however, were fent on her part > and the
nobles, provoked at fuch complicated and unceafing
treachery^.
SCO
Scotland,
5 Si
Perth ta¬
ken by the
Protef-
tants.
[ ]
C O
5s*
The queen-
regent flies
to Dunbar,
and the
Proteftants
become
matters of
Edinburgh.
5S3
T hey k)fe
their popu¬
larity, and
fall into
diftrefs.
Ss4
A treaty
concluded-
An. 1559.
5S5
Third co-
treadiery, refolvcd to pu-Qi matters to the utmofl extre¬
mity. The fird exploit of the reformed was the taking
of the town of Perth, where the queen-regent had pla¬
ced a French garrilon. The multitude, elated with this
achievement, deftroyed the palace and abbey of Scone,
in fpite of all the endeavours of their leaders, even of
John Knox himfelf, to fave them. The queen-regent,
apprehcniive that the Congregation would commit far¬
ther ravages to the fouthward, rcfolved to throw a gar-
rifon into Stirling ; but the earl of Argle and Lord James
Stuart were too quick for her, and arrived there the very
day after the demolition of the abbey and palace of
Scone. The people, incapable of redraint, and provo¬
ked beyond meafure by the perfidious behaviour of the
Catholic party, demolithed all the monadtries in the
neighbourhood, together with the fine abbey of Cam-
bulkenneth, fituated on the north bank of the Forth.
From Stirling they went to Linlithgow, where they com¬
mitted their ufual ravages *, after which, they advanced
to Edinburgh. The queen-regent, alarmed at their
approach, fied to Dunbar ; and the Protedants took up
their refidence in Edinburgh.
Having thus got pofledion of the capital, the Con¬
gregation affumed to themfelves the ruling power of
the kingdom, appointed preachers in all the churches,
and feized the mint, with all the indruments of coin¬
ing. The queen-regent, unable to difpute the matter
in the field, publilhed a manifedo, in which die fet
forth their feditious behaviour, commanding them to
leave Edinburgh within bx hours, and enjoining her
fubjefts to avoid their fociety under the penalties of
treafon. The Congregation having already lod fome-
what of their popularity by their violent -proceedings,
were now incapable of contending with government.
As they had not edablidied themfelves in any regular
body, or provided a fund for their fupport, they felt
their drength decay, and multitudes of them returned
to their habitations. Thofe who remained found them¬
felves obliged to vindicate their conduft •, and, in an
addrefs to the regent, to difclaim all treafonable inten¬
tions. Negociations again teok place, which ended as
ufual } the queen-regent, who had taken this opportu¬
nity of colleiling her forces, marched againd the Con¬
gregation on the 23d of July 1559. The Protedants
now found themfelves incapable of making head againd
their enemies; and therefore entered into a negociation,
by which all differences were for the prefent accommo¬
dated. The terms of this treaty were, that the town
of Edinburgh fiiould be open to the queen dowager
and her attendants *, that the palace of Holyroodhoure
and the mint diould be delivered up to her •, that the
Protedants diould be fubjeff to the laws, and abdain
from moleding the Catholics in the exercife of their re¬
ligion-. On the queen’s part, it was agreed, that the
Protedants diould have the free exercife of their reli¬
gion, and that no foreign troops diould enter the city of
Edinburgh.
Notwithdanding this treaty, however, the reformed
had no confidence in the queen’s fincerity. Having
heard of the death of Henry II. of France, winch
took place on the 8th of March 1559, and the ac-
ceflion of Francis II. and Mary to the throne of
that kingdom, they feem to have apprehended more
danger than ever. They now entered into a third cove¬
nant 3 in which they engaged to refufe attendance to the
2
queen-dowager, in cafe of any meffage or letter 3 and Scothind,
that immediately on the receipt of any notice from her
to any of their number, it thould be communicated
without referve, and be made a common fubjedf of iciu-
tiny and deliberation. It was not long belore they had $$£
occafion for all their condancy and drength. The queen-The tieaty
regent repented of the favourable terms die had granted'jr0*ien
the reformed 3 and being denied the favour which dietlie *euu
requeded of faying mats in the high church of Edin- a
burgh, the ordered them to be everywhere didurbed in
the exercile of their religion. ^
In this imprudent meafure the queen-regent w-as con-FrailCe fup„
firmed by letters which now came from Francis and ports the
Mary, promifing a powerful army to fupport her inte-<-'athollG
reds. The envoy who brought thefe difpatches alfo^iany"
carried letters to the lord James Stuart, now the prin¬
cipal leader of the Protedants, and natural brother to the
queen. The letters were filled with reproaches and me¬
naces, mixed with intreaties 3 and along with them the
envoy delivered a verbal meffage, that the king his ma-
der was refolved rather to expend all the treafures of
France than not to be revenged on the rebellious nobles
who had didurbed the peace of Scotland. The lord
James Stuart was not to be frightened by thefe mena¬
ces. He returned a cool and deliberate anfwer, apolo¬
gizing for the Protedants, and vindicating them from
the charge of rebellion 3 but at the fame time intima¬
ting his full refolution of continuing to head the reform¬
ed as he had already done.
The letters of Francis and Mary were foon followed French au-
by 1000 French foldiers, with money and military K'har‘es.ar-
llores 3 and the commander was immediately difpatchtd’1,''6’U^IC^
again to France, to folicit the adidance of as many natjon.
more foldiers, with four drips of war, and 100 men-at- An. 1550.
arms. But before he could fet out, La Erode, ano¬
ther French commander, arrived with 2000 infantry 3
and that the Congregation might be defeated not only
by arms but in dilputation, the lame thip brought three
do£tors of the Sorbonne, to fhow the pernicious ten¬
dency of the new dofhines. Thus matters were pufh-
ed on beyond all hopes of reconciliation. The nation
was univerfally alarmed on account of the introduc¬
tion of French troops, to which they faw no end. The
queen-regent attempted to quiet the minds of the pub¬
lic by a proclamation : but their fears increafed the
more. The Congregation affcmbled at Stirling, where
they were joined by the earl of Arran, and foon after
by his father the duke of Chatelherault. They next
deliberated on the meafures to be followed with the
queen regent 3 and the refult of their confultations was,
that an expodulatory letter drould be addreffed to her.
This was accordingly done 3 but as the queen behaved
with her ufual duplicity, the nobles called the people
to arms. Mutual manifetloes were now publifhed 3 and
both parties prepared to decide the conteft by the
fword. The Congregation having feized Brougbty ^Sp
caftle, marched thence to Edinburgh. The queen-Th-whies
regent retired to Leith, which Ihe had fortified and |'e‘^ th'l!r
filled with French troops. Thither the nobles fent t^c a3e
their laft meffage to her, charging her with a defign tOqueen.re_
overthrow the civil liberties of the kingdom. They re-gent,
quelled her to command her Frenchmen and mercena¬
ries to depart from Leifch, and to make that place open,
not only to the inhabitants who had been difpoffeffed of
their houfes, but to all the inhabitants of Scotland.
They
y-
SCO
Srofland.
593
Receive an-
unfavour¬
able an-
I'.ver.
59i
They de-
gra'le her
fr iin her
office, an
lay fie
Leith.
They declared, that her denial of this requeft ihould be
conquered by them as a proof of her intention to re¬
duce the kingdom to flaveryj in winch cafe, they were
determined to employ their utmoft power to preserve its
independence. Two days after this mellhge, the queen-
regent fent to them the lord Lyon, whom (he enjoined
to tell them, that the confidered their demand not. only
as prefumptuous, but as an encroachment on the royal
authority ; that it was an indignity to her to be dicta¬
ted to by fubjebts j that Frenchmen were not to be
treated as foreigners, being entitled to the fame privi¬
leges with Scotlmen ; and that ihe would neither dif-
band her troops, nor command the town of Leith to
be made open. The lord Lyon then, in the name of
the queen regent, commanded the lords of the Congre¬
gation to depart from Edinburgh, and difperfe, under
the pain of high treakm. The Protedants irritated by
this anfwer, after feme deliberation degraded the queen-
regent ; and for this purpofe the nobility, barons, and
j j‘ c t0 burgtffts, all agreed in fubferibing an edift, which was
Leith. ^enl t0 principal cities in Scotland, and publiihed in
them.
The next flep taken by the Congregation was to
fummon Leith to furrender ; but meeting with defiance
inltead of fubiniflion, it was refolved to take the town
by fealade. For this fervice ladders were made in the
church of St Giles $ a bulinefs which, interrupting the
preachers in the exercife of public worfnip, made them
prognollicate misfortune and mifearriage to the Con¬
gregation. In the difpleafure of the preachers, the
common people found a iburce of complaint; and the
emiiTaiiesof the queen-dowager afling with indefatigable
indudry to divide her adverfaries, and to fpread chagrin
and didatisfadion among them, difeontent, animofity,
and terror, came to prevail to a great degree. The
duke of Cbatelherault difeouraged many by his example.
Defection from the Protedants added drength to the
queen-dowager. The mod fecret deliberations of the
conlederated lords were revealed to her. The foldiery
were clamorous for pay j and it was very difficult to
procure money to fatisfy their claims. Attempts to
ibothe and appeafe them, difeovering their confeqaence,
engendered mutinies. They put to death a domedic of
the earl of Argyle, who endeavoured to compote them
to order : they inlulted feveral perfons of rank who dif-
covered a folicitude to pacify them ; and they even
ventured to declare, that, for a proper reward, they
were ready to fupprefs the reformation, and to re-eda-
blifh the maf«.
was abfolutely neceffary to give fatisfa&ion to
info diftrefs the Protedant foldiers. The lords and gentlemen of
wit^Quecn ^-'onSreSa-'OT1 collected a confiderable fum among
Liizibeth. ^ was not equal to the prefent exigency.
The avarice of many taught them to withhold what
they could afford, and the poverty of others did not
permit them to indulge their generofity. It was re¬
folved, that each nobleman ffiould furrender his filver-
plate to be coined. By the addrefs, however, of the
queen dowager, the officers of the mint were bribed to
conceal, or to convey to a didance, the damps and in-
ftruments of coinage. A gloomy defpair gave difquiet
to the Congregation, and threatened their ruin. Queen
Elizabeth, with whole nuniders the confederated^lords
maintained a correfpondence at this time, had frequently
promifed them her affiftance j but they could not now
f 695 ]
SCO
592
D-vffions
take place
among
them.
393
They
wait the event of a deputation to the court of England. Scotland.
In an extremity fo prefling, they therefore applied for a —v—J
fum of money to Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Croft,
the governors of Berwick 3 and Cockburn of Ormidon,
who was entruded with this commiffion, obtained from s<)4
them a fuppiy ol qoco crowns. Arabovs, however,Englifii
in the councils of the Congregation, having informed fublidy
the queen-dowager of his errand and expedition, the earl
of Bothwel, by her order, intercepted him upon his re-regent?611"
turn, difeomrked his retinue, and made a prize of the °
Englith lubfidy.
To roufe the fpirit of the party, an attack was pro-
jebled upon Leith, and fome pieces of artillery were
pla'nted againd it. But before any charge could be
made, the French foidiers iailied out to give battle to
the troops of the Congregation, poffeffed themfelves of The Fro-
their cannon, and drove them back to Edinburgh. At2flants
report that the viftors had entered this city with the fu-Lfeated.
gitives, filled it with diibrder and difmay. The earl of
Argyle and his Highlanders hallened to recover the
honour of the day, and haraffed the French in their
retreat. This petty couihbf, while it elated the queen-
dowager, ferved to augment the defpondence oi the
Protedants.
Vain of their prowefs, the French made a new Tally
from Leith, with a view to intercept a fuppiy of pro-
vifions and doies for the Congregation. The earl of
Arran and the lord James Sluait advanced to attack
them, and obliged them to retire. But purfuing them
with too much precipitation, a frdh body oi’French troops 596
made its appearance. It was prudent to retreat, but ^ Pro*
difficult. An obdinate refidance was made. It was-j1'^
the ©bjefl of the French to cut off the foldiery of thetesnecl?6'
Congregation from Edinburgh, and by thefe means to
divide the drength of that ftation. The earl of Arran
and the lord James Stuart had occafion for all their
addrefs and courage. Though they were able, how-'
ever, to effebt their efcape, their lols was confiderable,
and the vibtory was manifedly on the fide of their ad-
veifaries. '
About this time William Maitland of Lethington,Maitland,
fecretary to the queen-dowager, withdrew fecretly fromthe
Leith, and joined himfelf to the confederated nobles.
He had been difguded with the jealoufies of the French
counfellors, and was expofed to danger from having the Prote-
embraced the doblrines of the reformed. His reception ftants*
was cordial, and correfponded to the opinion enter¬
tained of his wifdora and experience. He was Ikilled
in bufinefs, adorned with literature, and accullomed
to refieclion. But as yet it w’as not known, that his want
of integrity was in proportion to the greatnefs of his ta¬
lents.
The acceffion of this ffatefman to their party could
not confole the lords of the Congregation for the un-
promifing afpebt ef their affairs. The two difeomfi-
tures they had received funk deeply into the minds of
their followers. Thofe who affebied prudence, retired
privately from a caufe which they accounted defperate 3
and the timorous fled with precipitation. The wailings
and diftruil of the brethren were melancholy and infec¬
tious ; and by exciting the ridicule and fcorn of the par-
tifans of the queen-dowager, were augmented the more.
A diftrefs not to be comtorted feemed to have invaded
the Proteftants 3 and the affociated nobles confented to
abandon the capital. A little after midnight, they re¬
tired .i
SCO [
'Scotland, tired from Edinburgh j and fo great was the panic
which prevailed, that they marched to Stirling without
They retire making any halt.
from Edin- John Knox, who had accompanied the Congregation
burgh to to Stirling, anxious to recover their unanimity and
Stirling. courage, addrefled them from the pulpit. He repre-
John Knox fenteci their misfortunes as the confequences of their
encourages
them.
600
Elizabeth
fins 5 and entreating them to remember the goodnefs
of their caufe, aflured them in the end o'f joy, honour,
and vidtory. His popular eloquence correfponding to
all their tvarmeft wifhes, diffufed fatisfadtion and cheer-
fulnefs. They pafled from defpair to hope. A coun¬
cil was held, in which the confederated nobles deter¬
mined to folicit, by a formal embaffy, the aid of Queen
Elizabeth. Maitland of Lethington, and Robert Mel-
vil, were chofen to negociate this impotaant bufinefs j
and they received the fulleft inftrudtions concerning the
Rate and difficulties of the Congregation, the tyranni¬
cal defigns of the queen-dowager, and the danger which
threatened England from the union of Scotland with
France.
The queen of England having maturely confidered
tletermines the cafe, determined >to affift the reformers j whofe lead-
tcyafiiit the ers now dilperfed, and went to different parts of the
e ormers. to employ their aftivity there for the common
caufe. The queen-dowager, imagining that the lords
were fled, conceived great hopes of being able at once
to cruffi the reformed. Her fanguine hopes, however,
were foon checked, on receiving certain intelligence that
Queen Elizabeth was refolved to affift them. She now
took the heft meafures poffible, as circumftances then
flood 5 and determined to cruffi her enemies before they
6ct could receive any affiflance from England. Her French
troops took the road to Stirling, and wafted in their
march all the grounds which belong«d to the favourers
of the reformation. After renewing their depredations
at Stirling, they paffed the bridge *, and proceeding
along the fide of the river, exercifed their cruelties and
oppreffions in a difirift which had diftinguiflied itfelf by
an ardent zeal againft popery. While the terror of
their arms was thus diffufing itfelf, they refolded to
feize on the town and caftle of St Andrew’s, which
they confidered as an important military ftation, and as
a convenient place of reception for the auxiliaries which
they expedted from France.
But the lord James Stuart exerted himfelf to inter¬
rupt their progrefs and fruftrate their attempts j and
it was his object at the fame tima to keep the force of
Lon)3Tamesfl16 Congregation entire, to hazard no adtion of import-
Stuart. ance, and to wait the approach of the Engliffi army.
A fmall advantage was obtained by the French at Pet-
ticur ; and they poffeffed themfelves of Kinghorn. The
lord James Stuart, with 500 horfe and 100 foot, enter¬
ed Dyfart. With this ineonfiderable force he propofed
to adt againft an army of 4000 men. His admirable
Ikill in military affairs, and his great courage, were
eminently difplayed. During 20 days he prevented the
march of the French to St Andrew’s, intercepting their
provifions, haraffing them with (kirmiflies, and intimi¬
dating them by the addrefs and the boldnefs of his ftra-
tagems.
Monfieur d’Oyfel, enraged and affiamed at being dif-
concerted and oppofed by a body of men fo difpropor-
lioned to his army, exerted himfelf with vigour. The
•lord James Stuart was obliged to retire. Dyfart and
696 ] SCO
Wemyfs were delivered up to the French troops to ba Scotland,
pillaged 5 and when d’Oyfel was in full march to St*-y—
Andrew’s he difcovered a powerful fleet bearing up the 603
frith. It was concluded, that the fupplies expe&ed A-rnyal of
from France were arrived. Guns svere fired by his ^
foldiers, and their joy was indulged in all its extrava- L
gance. But this fleet having taken the veflels which
contained their provifions, and the ordnance with
which they intended to improve the fortifications of
the caftle at St Andrew’s, an end was put to their
rejoicings. Certain news was brought, that the fleet
they obferved was the navy of England, which had
come to fupport the Congregation. A confternation,
heightened by the giddinefs of their preceding tranf- ,
ports, invaded them. Monfieur d’Oyfel now perceived xhe French
the value and merit of the fervice which had been per-o-enerai
formed by the lord James Stuart j and thinking no morefhes'
of St Andrew’s and conqueft, fled to Stirling, in his
way to Leith, from which he dreaded to be intercepted;
but he reached that important ftation after a march of
three days. ^a-
A formal treaty was now concluded between the lords Treaty
of the Congregation and Queen Elizabeth ; and in the !’.etween
The French
troops
wafte the
eftates of
the reform¬
ed.
6*2
They are
oppofed
with fuc-
cefs by
mean time the queen-dowager was difappointed in her
expe&ations from France. The violent adminiftration Scots Pro¬
of the houfe of Guife had involved that nation in trou- teftants.
hies and diftrefs. Its credit was greatly funk, and its
treafury nearly exhaufted. Perfecutions, and the fpirit
of Calvinifm, produced commotions and confpiracies jregemdif-*
and amidft domeflic and dangerous intrigues and ftrug- appointed
gles, Scotland failed to engage that particular diftindlionin her ex-
which had been promifed to its affairs. It was not, j?^at‘ons
however, altogether neglected. The count De Mar- ,prance
tigues had arrived at Leith with 1000 foot and a few
horfe. The marquife D’Elbeuf had embarked for it
with another body of foldiers ; but, after lofing feveral
ffiips in a furious tempeft, was obliged to return to the
haven whence he had failed. 607
In this fad reverfe of fortune many forfook the queen- She is de¬
dowager. It was now undeftood that the Engliffi army lerted bX
was on its march to Scotland. The Scottiffi lords whoj^^™'’
had affe&ed a neutrality, meditated an union with the fubjedts.
Proteftants. The earl of Huntly gave a folemn affurance
that he would join them. Proclamations were iffued
throughout the kingdom, calling on the fubje&s of Scot¬
land to affemble in arms at Linlithgow, to re-eftablilh
their ancient freedom, and to affift in the utter expulfion
of the French foldiery.
The Engliffi fleet, in the mean time, under Winter
the vice-admiral, had taken and deftroyed feveral fhips,
had landed feme troops upon Inchkeith, and difeomfit- 60S
ed a body of French mercenaries. On being apprifed^ he PriI?ces
of thefe a£b of hoftility, the princes of Lortaine difpatch-“ttej^ine
ed the chevalier de Seure to Queen Elizabeth, to make to negociate
reprefentations againft this breach of peace, and to urge with Queen
the recal of her ffiips. This ambaffador affefted like- Elizabeth
wife to negociate concerning the evacuation of Scot-111 vain’
land by the French troops, and to propofe methods by
which the king of France might quarter the arms of
England without doing a prejudice to Queen Elizabeth;
but to prevent the execution of vigorous refolutions
againft the queen-dowager, and to gain time, were the
only objefts which he had in view. With fimilar in¬
tentions, John Monluc biftiop of Valence, a man of
greater addrefs and ability, and equally devoted to the
houfe
i
SCO
609
AnEnglifli
army enters.
Scotland
610
The queen
dowager
retires to
Edinburgh
caftle.
Scotland. houTe of Guife, was alfo fent at this time to the court
of England. Oueen Elizabeth, however, and her mini-
fters, were too wife to be amufed by artifice and dex¬
terity. The lord Grey entered Scotland with an army
of 1200 horfe and 6000 foot 5 and the lord Scroop,
Sir James Croft, Sir Henry Percy, and Sir Francis Lake,
commanded under him. By a cruel policy, the queen-
dowager had already wafted all the country around
the capital. But the defolation which Ihe had made,
while it was ruinous to the Scottifti peafants, affeft-
ed not the army of England. The leaders of the
Congregation did not want penetration and forefight,
and had themfelves provided againfl: this difficulty.
The duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Argyle, Glen-
cairn, and Menteith, the lord James Stuart, and the
lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Ochiltree, with a numerous
and formidable force, joined the Engliffi commander at
Prefton.
Struck with the fad condition of her affairs, defpair-
ing of a timely and proper fuccour from France, and
reminded by ficknefs of her mortality, the queen-dowa¬
ger retired from Leith to the caftle of Edinburgh, and
put herfelf under the prote&ion of the lord Erfkine.
At the period when fire was appointed to the regency,
the lord Erfkine had received from the three eftates the
charge of this important fortrefs, with the injun&ion to
hold it till he fhould know their farther orders; and
he giving way to the folicitations of neither fattion,
had kept it with fidelity. By admitting the queen-dowa¬
ger, he yielded to fentiments of honour and humanity,
and did not mean to depart from his duty. Only a
few of her domeftics accompanied her, with the archbi-
ffiop of St Andrew’s, the biftiop of Dunkeld, and the
earl Marifchal.
The confederated nobles now affembled at Dalkeith
to hold a council \ and comforming to thofe maxims
of prudence and equity which, upon the eve of hoftili-
ties, had been formerly exercifed by them, they invited
the queen-dowager to an amicable conclufion of the
prefent troubles. In a letter which they wrote to her,
they called to her remembrance the frequent manifeftos
and meffages in which they had preffed her to difmifs
the French foldiery, who had fo long oppreffed the
lower ranks of the people, and who threatened to re¬
duce the kingdom to fervitude. The averfion, how¬
ever, with which fhe had conftantly received their fuit
and prayers, was fo great, that they had given way to a
ftrong neceffity, and had intreated the affiftance of the
queen of England to expel thefe ftrangers by force of
arms. But though they had obtained the powerful pio-
tecfion of this princefs, they were ftill animated with a
becoming refpeft for the mother of their fovereign •, and,
abhoring to ftain the ground with Chriftian blood, were
uifnofed once more to fokeit the difnnffion of thefe mer¬
cenaries, with their officers. And that no juft objection
might remain againft the grant of this laft'requeft, they
affined her, that a fafe pafiage by land, to the ports of
England, fliould be allowed to the French 5 or that, if
they judged it more agreeable, the navy of Queen Eliza¬
beth fhould tranfport them to their own country. If
thele propofals ffiould be rejedled, they appealed and
protefted to God and fo mankind, that it ftiould be un-
derftoed and believed, that no motive of malice, or ha¬
ired, or wickednefs of any kind, had induced them to
employ the fatal expedient of arms and battles : but
Vol. XVIII. Part II. ?
[ 697 f
SCO
611
The Pro- .
teftants in¬
vite her to
an accom¬
modation.
that they had been compelled to this difagreeable and Scotland,
diftrefsful remedy, for the prefervation of their com-
monwealth, their religion, their perfons, their eftates,
and their pofterity. They begged her to weigh the
equity of their petition, to confider the inconveniences
of war, and to think of the reft and quiet which were
neceffary to relieve the affliftions of her daughter’s
kingdom ; and they befought her to embalm her own
memory, by an immortal deed of wifdom, humanity,
and juftice.
To give authority and weight to the letter of the
affociated lords, the lord Grey directed Sir George
Howard and Sir James Croft to wait on the queen-
dowager and ftipulate the peaceable departure of the 612
Engliffi troops, on condition that the French metcen-r>lie
aries ffiould be immediately difmiffed from her fervice, *
and prohibited from refiding in Scotland. Returning1 
no direft anfwer to the applications made to her, ffie de-
fired time to deliberate upon the refolution which it be¬
came her to adopt. This equivocal behaviour corre-
fponded with the fpirit of intrigue which had uniformly
diltinguiffied the queen-dowager; and it is probable,
that her engagements with France did not permit her to
be open and explicit. ^ ,
The combined arimes marched towards Leith. A The French
body of the French, polled on a riling ground called df^ated by
Hawk-hilt, difputed their progrefs. During five hours
the confliift: was maintained with obftinUte valour. At
length the Scottiffi horfemen charged the French with a
fury which they were unable to refift. They fled to
Leith with precipitation; and might have been cut off
from it altogether, if the Engliffi cavalry had exerted
themfelves. Three hundred of the French foldiers pe¬
ri ihed in this aflion, and a few combatants only fell on
the fide of the Congregation.
Leith was inverted. The pavilions and tents of the who lay
Englilh and Scottiffi nobility were planted at Reftal- fisfe to
rig, and around it. Trenches were call j and the ord-Leith-
nance from the town annoying the combined armies, a
mount was raifed, upon which eight cannons were erect¬
ed. A continued fire from thefe, again!! St Anthony’s
tower in South Leith, being l^ept up and managed with
fkill, the walls of this fabric were ftiaken, an^ the
French found it neceffary to difmount their artillery 
Negligent from fecurity, and apprehenfive of no attack,
the Englilh and Scottiffi officers occupied tihemfelves in
arnufements, and permitted a relaxation of military dif-
cipline. The French, informed of this fupinenefs and
levity, made a fally from Leith. While fome of the 615
captains were diverting thcmfelves at Edinburgh, and t^epartcyujf
the foldiery were engaged at dice and cards, they en-0q- m
tered the trenches unobferved, and, improving their ad¬
vantage, put 600 men to the fword. After this {laugh¬
ter, the Proteftants were more attentive to their af¬
fairs.—Mounts were built at proper diftances, and thefe
being fortified with ordnance, ferved as places of retreat
and defence in the event of hidden incurfionsj and thus
they continued the blockade in a more effefhial man¬
ner.
The army under the marquis D’Elbeuf, promifed fo
often to the queen-regent, was in vain expefted by her ;
but Ihe received, at this time, fupplies in money and mi¬
litary ftores j and Monluc biffiop of Valence, though
defeated in dexterity by Elizabeth and her minifters,
had arrived in Scotland to try once more the arts of
4 T delay
SCO [ 698 ] SCO
Scotland, delay and negceiation. Conferences tvere held by him
' v " with the queen-dowager, with the Englifh comman-
Fruitlefs ^ers> an<^ with the confederated nobles ; but no con-
negociation traft or agreement could be concluded. His credentials
with Eng- extended neither to the demolition ot Leith, nor to the
land. recal of the French mercenaries : and though he ob¬
tained powers from his court to confent to the former
of thel'e meafures, they were yet burdened with condi¬
tions which were difgraceful to the Congregation } who,
in the prefent profperous ftate of their affairs, were
not difpofed to give up any of the objedls for which
they had ftruggled fo long, and to the attainment of
which they now looked forward with a fettled hope and
expedition.
Though the grave and meafured orations of Monluc
could not overpower the plain and ftubborn fenfe of the
Congregation, yet as he affefted to give them admoni¬
tions amt warnings, and even ventured to infult them
with menaces, they appear to have conceived a high in¬
dignation againft him. Under this impulfe, and that,
in lo advanced a ftage of their affairs, they might exhi¬
bit the determined firmnefs of their refolutions, and bind
$0 them by an indiffoluble tie the earl of Huntly and the
other perfons who had joined them in confequence of
617 the Englifti alliance, they thought of the affurance and
The fourth lability of a new league and covenant, more folemn, ex¬
covenant. prefl]ve) anq refolute, than any which they had yet en¬
tered into and fubferibed.
The nobles, barons, and inferior perfons, who were
parties to this bond and affociation, bound themfelves
in the prefence of Almighty God, as a fociety, and as
individuals, to advance the reformation of religion, and
to procure, by all poffible means, the true preaching of
the gofpel, with the proper adminiftration of the facra-
ments, and the other ordinances in connexion with it.
Deeply affefted, at the fame time, with the mifeondutt
of the French ilatefmen, who had been promoted to
high offices with the oppreffions of the French merce¬
naries, whom the queen-dowager kept up and main¬
tained under the colour of authority ; with the tyranny
of their officers ; and with the manifeft danger of con-
queft to which the country w'as expofed, by different
fortifications on the fea-coaft, and by other dangerous
innovations •, they promifed and engaged, colledfively
and individually, to join with the queen of England’s
army, and to concur in an honeft, plain, and unrefer-
ved refolution of expelling all foreigners from the realm,
as oppreffors of public liberty ; that, by recovering the
ancient rights, privileges, and freedom of their nation,
they might live for the future under the due obedience
of their king and queen, be ruled by the laws and cu-
ftoms of the country, and by officers and ftatefmen born
and educated among themfelves. It was likewife con-
trafted and agreed by the fubferibers to this bond and
covenant, that no private intelligence by writing or
meffage, or communication of any kind, fliould be kept
up with their adverfaries j and that all perfons who re¬
mitted the godly enterprife in which they were united,
ffiould be regarded as their enemies, and reduced to fub-
613 jeftion.
The queen-" When the ftrong and fervid fentiment and expreffion
dowager 0f ^ new a{fociation were communicated to the queen-
Slv“hde^elt dowager, the abandoned herfelf to forrow. Her mind,
fpair! * inclined to defpondence by the increafe of her malady,
felt the more intenfely the cruel diftradtions and dif- Scotlara.
quiets into which the kingdom had been driven by the
ambition of France, her own doating affection for the
princes of Lorraine, and the vain prognoftications of
flatterers and courtiers. In the agony of paffion, flie
befought the maledidtion and curfe of God to alight up¬
on all thofe who had counfelled her to perfecute the
preachers, and to refufe the petitions of the molt ho¬
nourable portion of her fubjedts.
In the mean time the fiege of Leith was profecuted.
But the ftrength of the garrifon amounting to more
than 4OCO foldiers, the operations of the beflegers were
flow and languid. Au accidental Are in the town,
which deftroyed many houles and a great part of the
public granary, afforded them an opportunity of play- ^
ing their artillery with fome advantage 5 and a few The Pro
days after they made a general affault. But the foaling-teftants
ladders which were applied to the walls being too ffiort, make an
and Sir James Croft, who had been gained over to the
queen-dowager, having adled a treacherous part, the at-
tempt failed of luccefs, and 1000 men were deftroyed.
The combined armies, however, did not lofe their refo¬
lution or their hopes. The Englifh and Scots animated
the conftancy of each other ; and in the ratification of
the treaty of Berwick, which was now made, a new
fource of cordiality opened itfelf. Letters had alfo
come from the duke of Norfolk, promiftng a powerful
reinforcement, giving the expeftaticn of his taking on
himfelf the command of the troops, and ordering his pa¬
vilion to be erefted in the camp. Leith began to feel
the mifery of famine, and the French gave themfelves (-2Q
up to defpair. The befiegers abounded in every thing ; a. rem¬
and the arrival of 2COO men, the expefted reinforce- forcement
ment from England, gave them the moft decifive fupe-j^wes
riority over their adverfaries. Frequent failles were
made by the garrifon, and they were always unfuccefs-
ful. Difcouraged by defeats, depieffed with the want
of provifions, and languifhing under the negligence of
France, they were ready t© fubmit to the mercy of the
Congregation. _ 621
Amidft this diftrefs the queen-dowager, wafted with Death of
a lingering diftemper and with grief, expired in the Jbe ciue2r--
caftle of Edinburgh. A few days before her death, foe Gth
invited to her the duke of Chatelherault, the lord James ^ ,56o<
Stuart, and the earls of Argyle, Glencairn, and Mari-
fchal, to bid them a laft adieu. She expreffed to them
her forrow for the troubles of Scotland, and made it
her earneft fuit, that they would confult their conftitu-
tional liberties, by difmifling the French and Englifh
from their country ; and that they would preferve a du¬
tiful obedience to the queen their fovereign. She pro-
feffed an unlimited forgivenefs of all the injuries which
had been done to her *, and entreated their pardon for
the offences fhe had committed againft them. In to¬
ken of her kindnefs and charity, ffie then embraced
them by turns $ and, while the tear ftarted in her eye,
prefented to them a cheerful and fmiling afpeft. After
this interview, the fhort portion of life which remained
to her was dedicated to religion } and that fhe might al¬
lure the Congregation to be compaffionate to her Popifh
fubje&s and her French adherents, fhe flattered them,
by calling John "WMocks, one of the moft popular of
their preachers, to affift and comfort her by his exhorta¬
tions and prayers. He made long difeourfes to her
about
SCO
Scotland, about the abominations of the mafs
‘ have died in the communion of the llomilh church; and
her body being tranfported to France, was depolited in
the monaftery of St Peter, at Rhcims, in Champagne,
622 where her filler Renee was an abbefs.
Tlie French The death of the queen-dowager, at a peiiod fo crili-
troops fub- cai? broke altogether the fpirit of the French troops.
They were blocked up fo completely, that it was almoll
impoffible for any fupplies to reach them either by fea
or land; and France had delayed fo long to fulfil its
magnificent promifes, that it was no longer in a capacity
to take any fieps towards their accomplithment. Its in¬
ternal diftrefs and difquiets were multiplying. The no¬
bility, impoverilhed by wars, were courting the rewards
of lervice, and llruggling in hollility. The clergy
were avaricious, ignorant, and vindictive. The popu¬
lace, knowing no trade but arms, offered their fwords
to the factious. Francis II. the hufband of Mary, was
without dignity or underftanding. Catharine de Medi-
cis his mother was full of artifice and falfehood. Infur-
redlions wrere dreaded in every province. The houle of
Guile was encompaffed with difficulties, and trembling
with apprehenfions, fo that they could not think of per-
fifting in their views of diftant conqutfts. It was necef-
fary that they Ihould abandon for a time all the proud
projects they had formed for the extenfion of the French
monarchy. It was chiefly in the exemption from fo¬
reign wars that they could hope to fupport their own
greatnefs, and apply a remedy to the domeffic difturb-
613 ances of France.
Francis and jt appeare(i to Francis and Mary, that they could
iifm a^ne-r not treat in a direct method with the Congregation,
gociation whom they affe&ed to confider as rebellious fubjefls,
with Eliza-without derogating from their royal dignity. In nego-
ciating a peace, therefore, they addrefled themfelves to
Queen Elizabeth. It was by her offices and interfe¬
rence that they projefted a reconciliation with the con¬
federated lords, and that they fought to extinguifh the
animofities which, with f© much violence, had agitated
the Scottifli nation. They granted their commiffion to
John Monluc bilhop of Valence, Nicholas Relieve bi-
fliop of Amiens, Jacques de la Brofle, Henry Clentin
fieur d’Oyfel, and Charles de la Rocbefaucault fieur de
Randan j authorifing them in a body or by two of their
number, to enter into agreements with the queen of
England. The Englifh commiffioners were Sir Wil¬
liam Cecil principal lecretary of ftate, Nicolas Wotton
dean of Canterbury and York, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir
Henry Percy, and Sir Peter Crew •, and the powers of
treaty were to be exercifed by them all in conjunction,
or by four, three, or two of them.
I he plenipotentiaries of France, though empowered
only to treat with England, were yet, by a feparate
625
And at lalt
feeth.
C24
Promife an
indemnity
to the Pro- commiffion, entrufted to affure the Congregation, that,
teftants. notwithftanding the heinous guilt incurred by them,
rrancis and Mary were inclined to receive them into fa¬
vour, upon their repentance and return to obedience ;
and to abftain for ever from all inquiry into their con-
dudl. They had full authority, at the fame time, by
this new deed, to hear, in conjunftion with the com¬
miffioners of Elizabeth, the complaints of the Congre¬
gation, and to grant, with their confent, the relief which
appeared to them to be the moll proper and falutary.
Tha nobility and people of Scotland, choofing for
[ 699 ] SCO
but fine appears to their reprefentatives the lord James Stuart, the lord Scotland.
Ruthven, and Maitland of Lethingtoti, exprefied their' y—~J
wdllingnefs to concur in reafonable meafures for the re-
eftabliihment of the public tranquillity. By the mode
of a formal petition, they enumerated their grievances,
laid claim to redrefs, and befought an uniform protec¬
tion to their conftitution and laws. To this petition the^ t their
interceffion of Queen Elizabeth effeCled the friendly at-
tention of Francis and Mary •, and on a foundation con¬
certed with fo much propriety, Monluc and Randan,
Cecil and Wotton, the acting plenipotentiaries of France
and England, drew up and authenticated the celebra¬
ted deed of relief and conceflion which does lo much
honour to the fpirit, perfeverance and magnanimity of
the Scottifh nation. fob"
By this agreement, Francis and Mary ffipulated and Mature 0;
eoniented, that no French foldiers and no foreign troops
Ihould ever be introduced into Scotland without the coun- prQteftants.
fel and advice of the three eftates. They concurred in
opinion, that the French mercenaries ffiould be fent back
to France, and that the fortifications of Leith fnould be
demolifhed. They agreed that commifiioners ffiould be
appointed to vifit Dunbar, and to point out the works
there which ought to be deflroyed j and they bound
themfelves to build no new fortrefs or place of ftrength
within the kingdom, and to repair no old one, without
a parliamentary fanftion. They confented to extinguiffi
all debts which had been contratffed for the maintenance
of the French and Scotch foldiery in their fervice.
They appointed the eflates of the realm to hold a par¬
liament for the difcuffion of affairs of flate 5 and they
obliged themfelves to confider the afls of this affembly
as valid and effeflual in every refpeiff. They confirmed
the ancient law of the country, which prohibited the
princes of Scotland from making peace and war with¬
out the advice of the three eftates. It was agreed by
them that the three eftates, in concurrence with the
queen, fliould elecl a council for the adminiftration of
affairs during her majefty’s abfence. They became
bound to employ the natives of Scotland in the ma¬
nagement of jurtice both civil and criminal, in the of¬
fices of chancellor, keeper of the feals, treafurer, comp¬
troller, and in other fta'dons of a fimilar nature ; and to
abftain from the promotion of all foreigners to places of
trull and honour, and from invefting any clergyman in
the charge of affairs of the revenue. They determined
to eftablilh an aft of oblivion, and to forget for ever
the memory of all the late tranfaftions of war and of¬
fence. It was concluded by them, that a general peace
and reconciliation fliould take place among all parties.
They expreffed their determination, that no pretence
fliould be affumed by them, from the late contentions,
to deprive any of their fubjefts of their eftates or offices.
And they referred the reparation which might be pro¬
per to compenfate the injuries which had been fuftained
bybiffiops and eccleftaftics, to the judgement of the three
eftates in parliament.
On the fubjeft of the reformation, the plenipotenti¬
aries of England and France did not choofe to delibe¬
rate and decide, though articles with regard to it had
been prefented to them by the nobles and the people.
They referred this delicate topic to the enfuing meeting
of parliament; and the leaders of the Congregation en¬
gaged, that deputies from the three eftates Ihcruld repair*
4 T 2
Scotlaix!
627
Articles re¬
lating to
the French
troops.
62S
Peace pro¬
claimed.
SCO [ 700
to the king and queen, to know their intention concern¬
ing matters of fuch high importance.
After having granted thefe conceffions to the nobility
and the people of Scotland, on the part of their refpec-
tive courts, Monluc and Randan, Cecil and Wotton,
concluded another treaty. Ey this convention it was
determined, that the Englifh and French troops fhould
depart out of Scotland j that all warlike preparations
fliould ceafe ; that the fort of Eymouth fhould be razed
to the ground, in terms of the treaty of Cambray } that
Francis and Mary fhould abflain from bearing the title
and arms of England or Ireland } that it Ihould be con-
fidered, whether a farther compenfation fliould be made
to Elizabeth for the injuries committed againft her j
and that the king and queen of Scots fhould be fully
and fincerely reconciled to the nobility and the people
of their kingdom. The interefts of England and France
were the particular objefts of this agreement. But
though the conceflions to the Proteflants were not in-
ferted in it at full length, an expreffive reference was
made to them ; and they received a confirmation in
terms which could not be mifunderflood. This deed
recorded the clemency of Francis and Mary to their
fubjecis of Scotland, the extreme willingnefs of the no¬
bility and the people to return to their duty and allegi¬
ance, the reprefentation they had offered of their grie
]
SCO
629
Appoint¬
ment of
preachers in
different
places.
vances, and the requeft of Queen Elizabeth that redrefs
fhould be afforded them ; and it appealed to the confe-
quent conceffions which had been flipulated to their ad¬
vantage.
By thefe important negociations, the Proteflants,
while they humbled France, flattered Queen Elizabeth j
and while they acquired a power to act in the eftablifh-
ment of the reformation, reftored to Scotland its civil
conflitution. The exclufion of foreigners from offices
of Hate, the limitation of the Scottifh princes with re¬
gard to peace and war, the advancement of the three
eftates to their ancient confequence, and the aft of obli¬
vion of all offences, were acquifitions moil extenfively
great and ufeful 3 and, while they gave the fulleft fecu-
rity to the reformed, gratified their moil fanguine ex¬
pectations.
The peace, fo fortunately concluded, was immedi¬
ately proclaimed. The French mercenaries embarked
for their own country, and the Englifh army took the
road to Berwick. Amidfl events fo joyful, the preachers
exhorted the confederated nobles to command the fo-
lemnity of a thankfgiving. It was ordered according¬
ly 3 and after its celebration, the commiflioners of the
boroughs, with feveral of the nobility, and the tenants
in capite, were appointed to choofe and depute miniflers
to preach the gofpel in the principal towns throughout
the kingdom. John Knox was called to difcharge the
pailoral funftions at Edinburgh, Chriflopher Goodman
at St Andrew’s, Adam Heriot at Aberdeen, John Row
at Perth, Paul Methven at Jedburgh, William Chrifli-
fon at Dundee, David Fergufon at Dunfermline, and
David Lindfey at Leith. That the bufinefs of the
church, at the fame time, might be managed with pro¬
priety, fuperintendants were elefted to prefide over the
ecclefiailical affairs of particular provinces and diflrifts.
Mr John Spotfwood was named the fuperintendant for
the divifion of Lothian, Mr John Willocks for that
of Glafgow, Mr John Winraxn for that of Fife, Mr
John Erlkine of Dun for that of Angus and Mearns, Scotland,
and Mr John Carfewell for that of Argyle and the Ifles. J
This inconfiderable number of minifters and fuperinten¬
dants gave a beginning to the reformed church of Scot-
land.
Amidfl the triumph and exultation of the Proteflants,The parlia-
the meeting of parliament approached. All perl'ons vvhomelUmeets*
had a title from law, or from ancient cuitom, to attend
the great council of the nation, were called to alfemble.
While there was a full convention of the greater barons
and the prelates, the inferior tenants in capita, or the
Idler barons, on an occafion fo great, inflead of ap¬
pearing by reprefentation, came in crowds to give per-
fonally their afliftance and votes 3 and all the com¬
miflioners for the boroughs, without exception, prefented
themfelves.
It was objefted to this parliament when it was afi-
fembled, that it could not be valid, fince Francis and
Mary were not prefent, and had not empowered any
perfon to reprefent them. But by the terms of the
late conceflions to the nobility and the people, they had
in effeft difpenfed with this formality 3 and the objeftion,
after having been warmly agitated for feme days, was
rejefted by a majority of voices. The lords of the ar¬
ticles were then chofen 3 and as the proteftant parly
were fuperior to the popifh faftion, they were careful, in
elefting the members of this committee, to favour all
thofe why were difpofed to forward the work of the re-
formation. The firft objeft which the lords of the ar-Supplica-
ticles held out to parliament was the fupplication of the bon of the
nobility, gentry, and all the other perfons who pro_ P^oteftant*.
felled the new doftrines. It required, that the Romifh
church fhould be condemned and abolifned. It repro¬
bated the tenet of tranfubftantiation, the merit of works,
papiftical indulgences, purgatory, pilgrimages, and prayers
to departed faints 3 and confidering them as peflilent
errors, and as fatal to falvation, it demanded, that all
thofe who fhould teach and maintain them fhould be ex-
pofed to correftion and punifhxnent. It demanded, that
a remedy fhould be applied againfl the profanation of
the holy facraments by the catholics, and that the an¬
cient difeipline of the church fhould be reftored. In
fine, it infilled, that the fupremacy and authority of the
pope fhould be abolifhed 3 and that the patrimony of the
church fliould be employed in fupporting the reformed
miniflry, in the provifion of fchools, and in the main¬
tenance of the poor.
This fupplication of the Proteflants was received in
parliament with marks of the greatefl deference and re-
fpeft. The popifh doftrines it cenfured, and the itrong
language it employed, excited no difpute or altercation.
The nobility, however, and the lay members, did not
think it expedient that the patrimony of the church, in
all its extent, fhould be allotted to the reformed miniflry,
and the fupport of fchools and the poor. Avoiding,
therefore, any explicit ferutiny into this point, the par- ^
liament gave it in charge to the minillers and the lead- x Confef-
ing men of the reformation, to draw up, under diflinft fionofF^ith
heads, the fubftance and fenfe of thofe doftrines which drawn up.
ought to be ellablifhed over the kingdom. Within four
days this important bufinefs was accomplifhed. The
writing or inftrument to which the reformed committed
their opinions was termed, “ The Confeflion of Faith,
profeffed and believed by the Proteftants within the
realm
SCO
Scotland, realm of Scotland (qJ.” It was read fivfl: to the lords
of the articles. It was then read to the parliament j
and the prelates of the Romilh church were commanded,
in the name of God, to make publicly their ohjetdions
to the doctrines it propofed. They preferved a profound
filence. A new diet was appointed for concluding the
tranfaftion. The articles of the Confeffion were again
read over in their order, and the votes of parliament
were called. Of the temporal nobility, three only re-
fufed to bellow on it their authority. The earl of
Athol, and the lords Somerville and Bothwell, proteft-
ed, that “ they would believe as their fathers had done
before them.5’ The bithops and the eftate eccleliaftical,
from a confcioufnefs of the weaknefs of popery, feemed
to have loll all power of fpeech. No dillent, no vote,
was given by them. “ It is long (faid the earl Marif-
chal), fince 1 entertained a jealoufy of the Romilh faith,
and an affe£tlon to the reformed doftrines. But this
day has afforded me the complete!! conviction of the
falfehood of the one, and the truth of the other. The
bilhops, who do not conceive themfelves to be deficient
in learning, and whofe zeal for the maintenance of the
hierarchy cannot be doubted, have abandoned their re¬
ligion, and their intereft in it, as objefts which admit of
no defence or juftification.” All the other conllituent
members of this great council were zealous for the efta-
blifhment of the reformation, and affirmed the propriety
of its doctrines. Thus the high court of parliament,
with great deliberation and folemnity, examined, voted,
and ratified the confeffion of the reformed faith.
Abolition ^ kW a^ter t^le eftabliffiment of the Confeffion
of the mafs. ^le parliament paffed an a£l againlt the mafs
and the exercife of the Romilh worffiip. And it fcru-
pled not to ordain, that all perfons faying or hearing
mafs ffiould, for the firil offence, be expofed to the con-
fifcation of their ellates, and to a corporeal challifement,
at the difcretion of the magiftrate j that for the fecond
offence, they ffiould be baniffied the kingdom •, and that
6^ for the third offence they Ihould fuffer the pains of death.
PerfecutingThis fiercenefs, it is to be acknowledged, did not fuit
fpirit of the the generofity of victory • and while an excufe is fought
lioteftants.jfbj. it in the perfidioufnefs of the Romiffi priefthood, it
efcapes not the obfervation of the molt fuperficial hillo-
rians, that thefe feveriiies were exa<Rly thofe of which
the Proteftants had complained fo loudly, and with fo
much juftice. By another ordination, the parliament,
a^er having declared, that the pope, or bilhop of Rome,
had intli£led a deep wound and a humiliating injury
upon the fovereignty and government of Scotland, by
his frequent interferences and claims of power, com¬
manded and decreed, that, for the future, his jurifdiction
and authority ffiould be extinft ; and that all perfons
maintaining the ftnalleft connedlion with him, or with
his fed!, ffiould be liable to the lofs of honour and offices,
635 profeription, and banilhment.
Francis and j foefe memorable and decifive ftatutes produced the
to confirrn over^r®w of the Romiffi religion. To obtain for thefe
the acts of proceedings, and to its other ordinances, the appro-
this parlia- bation of Francis and Mary was an objed! of the great-
TOent- eft anxiety, and of infinite moment to the three eliates.
[ 1
SCO
Sir James Sandilands lord St John was therefore ap¬
pointed to go to France, and to exprefs to the king and '
queen the affedlion and allegiance of their fubjedls, to
explain what had been done in confequence of the late
conceffions and treaty, and to folicit their royal ratifica¬
tion of the tranfadfions of parliament. The fpirited be¬
haviour of the congregation had, however, exceeded all
the expectations of the princes of Lorraine ; and the
bulinefs of the embaffy, and the ambaffador himfelf,
though a man of character and probity, were treated not
only with ridicule, but with infult and contumely. He
returned accordingly without any anfwer to his com-
miffion. Indead of fubmitting the heads and topics of
a reformation to Francis and Mary, by a petition or a
narrative, the parliament had voted them into laws j
and from this informality the validity of its proceedings
has been fufpedled. But it is obfervable of the Pro-
tellants, that they had not concealed their views with
regard to religion and the abolition of Popery ; that in
the grant of redrefs and conceffion, and in the deed of
treaty, no aftual prohibition was made to prevent tlie
ellabliffiment of the reformation ; that a general autho¬
rity was given to parliament to decide in affairs of Hate ;
and that Francis and Mary were folemnly bound to au¬
thenticate its tranfaftions. Though a formality was
infringed, the fpirit of the treaties was yet refpeeffed and
maintained. The nation, of confequence, imputed the
conduct of Francis and Mary to political reafons fug-
gelled by the princes of Lorraine, and to the artifices of
the Popiffi clergy 5 and as Elizabeth did not refufe, on.
her part, the ratification of the agreements, and folicited
and preffed the French court in vain to adopt the fame
meafure, a llrength and force were thence communicated
to this conclufion.
When the three ellates difpatched Sir James Sandi¬
lands to France, they inltru&ed the earls of Morton and
Glencairn, with Maitland of Lethington, to repair to
the court of England. By thefe ambaffadors they pre-
fented to Elizabeth their ilncere and refpedlful thanks,
for the attention ffiown by her to Scotland, in her late
moll important fervices. And while they folicited the
continuance of her favour and proteftion, intreated, in
an earnell manner, that her majefty, for the ellabliffi¬
ment of a perpetual peace and amity, rvould be pleafed
to take in marriage the earl of Arran, the next heir af¬
ter his father to the Scottilh monarchy. The queen
made new and fervent protellations of her regard and
attachment 5 and gave the promife of her warmefl aid
when it would be neceffary, in their juft defence, upon
any future occafion. She fpoke in obliging terms of the
earl of Arran ) but as ffie found in herfelf no prefent
difpofidon to marriage, Ihe defired that he might con-
fuit his happinefs in another alliance. She expreffed a
favourable opinion of the Scottiffi nobility 5 and as a de-
monftration of her affeftion and efteem, Ihe took the
liberty to remind them of the pra6tices which had been
employed to overturn their independency, and begged
them to confider the unanimity and concord of their or¬
der as a neceffary guard again!! the ambition and the
artifice ol the enemies of their nation.
The
Scotland*
(Oj It is given at full length in Knox, in the colkaion of ccnfeffions of faith, vol. ii. and in the ftatute book
pari. 1567.
)
SCO t 7°2 ] SCO
Scotland.
636
beath of
Francis II.
4th Dec.
An. 1560.
<5.37
Ecclefiafti-
cal govern¬
ment of
Scotland
new-mo¬
delled.
An. 1561.
63S
The reve-
nues of the
ancient
church re-
fufed to the
reformed
preachers.
The fuccefs of the Congregation, though great and
xiluftrious, was not yet completely decifive. The re-
fufal of Francis and Mary to ratify their proceedings
opened a fource of bitternefs and inquietude. The
Popifli party, though humbled, was not annihilated.
Under the royal protection it would foon be formidable.
Political conliderations might arife, not only to cool the
amity of England, but even to provoke its refentment.
And France, though it could now tranfport no army
againft Scotland, might loon be able to adopt that ex¬
pedient. Great di draft ions and fevere calamities were
dill to be dreaded. In the narrownefs of their own re-
fources they could find no folid and permanent fecurity
againd the rage and weight of domedic faftion, and the
drenuous exertions of an extcnfive kingdom. All their
fair achievements might be bladed and overthrown.
Popery might again build up her towers, and a fangui-
nary domination dedroy alike their religious and civil
liberties.
While the anguilh of melancholy apprehenfions re-
predtd the triumph of the Congregation, the event
which could operate mod to their intereds was announ¬
ced to them. This was the death of Francis II. The
tie which knit Scotland to France was thus broken. A
new fcene of politics difplayed itfelf. Catharine de Me-
dicis, the queen-mother, ruled Charles IX. and was the
pevlonal enemy of the queen of Scots. 'I he power and
the credit which Mary had lent to her uncles, and the
frequent and humiliating difappointments which the
queen-mother had fudered from her influence over Fran¬
cis, were now repaid with a dudied indifference and ne-
gleft. In the full perfection of her charms, with two
crowns upon her head, and looking towards a third, ffie
felt herfelf to be without grandeur and without confe-
quence. Leaving a court where ffie had experienced all
the enjoyments of which humanity is fufceptible, fire re¬
tired to Rheims, to indulge her forrow.
In the humiliation of their queen, and in the change
produced in the councils of France, the Protedants of
Scotland found every podible encouiagement to pro¬
ceed with vigour towards the full edablifhment of the
reformed doftrines. After the parliament had been dif-
folved, they turned their thoughts and attention to the
plan of policy which might bed fuit the tenets and re¬
ligion for which they had contended. The three e-
dates, amidd their other tranfaftions, had granted a
commiflion to John Winram, John Spottifwood, John
Willocks, John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox,
to frame and model a fcheme of eccleffadical govern¬
ment. They were not long in complying with an or¬
der fo agreeable to them, and compofed what is termed
the F'lrjl Book of Difcipline; in which they explained
the uniformity and method which ought to be preferved
concerning doftrine, the adminidration of the facra-
xnents, the eleftion and proviffon of miniders, and the
policy of the church.
A convention of the edates gave its fanftion to the
Prediyterian foim of government. But while the
Book of Difcipline Iketched out a policy beautiful for
its fimplicity, dill it required that the patrimony and
the rich poffedions of the ancient church diould be
allotted to tbe new' edablifhment. The reformers,
however, fo fuccefsful in the doftrines and the policy
which they had propofed, were in this indance very un¬
fortunate. This convention of the edates did not pay
3
a more refpeftful regard to this propofal than had been Scotland,
done by the celebrated parliament, which demolidied "Y""""'
the mats and the jurifdiftion of the fee of Rome. They
affefted to confider it as no better than a dream. The
expredion “ a devout imagination11 v/as applied to it in
mockery 5 and it was not till after long and painful
druggies, Voat the new edablifhment was able to pro¬
cure a becoming and neceffary providon and fupport.
The Romifh clergy w’ere drenuous to continue in their
poffeflions, and to profit by them 5 and the nobles and
the laity having feized on great proportions of the pro¬
perty of the church, were no lefs anxious to retain the
acquifitions they had made.
The averfion entertained to the bellowing of riches
on the Prefbyterian edablilhment, encouraged the ardour
which prevailed for advancing all the other views and
intereds of the reformed. And this end was alfo pro¬
moted in no inconfiderable degree by the inddious po¬
licy of Cathatine de Medicis. She wTas willing to in-
creafe and to foder all the difficulties and dangers in
the fituation of the queen of Scots and her fubjefts. Oh
this account ffie had engaged Charles IX. to difpatch
Monfieur Noailles to the Scotch parliament, to urge it
in drong terms to renew the ancient league between the
tw7o kingdoms, to diffolve the alliance with England,
and to re-edablidr over Scotland the Popiffi doftrines
and the Popifh clergy. A new meeting of the edates
was aflembled, which confidered thefe drange requifi-
tions, and treated them wfith the indignation they me¬
rited. Monfieur Noailles was indrufted to inform his
fovereign, that France having afted with cruelty and
perfidioufnefs towards the Scots, by attacking their in¬
dependence and liberties under pretence of amity and
marriage, did not deferve to know them any longer as
an ally ; that principles of judice, a love of probity, and
a high fenfe of gratitude, did not permit the Scottifii
parliament to break the confederacy with England,
which had genevoufiy protefted their country againd;
the tyrannical views of the French court, and the trea¬
cherous machinations of the houfe of Guife j and that
they were never to acknowledge the Popidi clergy as a
didinft order of men, or the legal poffeiTors of the pa¬
trimony of the church ; fince, having aboliffied the
power of the pope, and renounced his doftrines, they
could bedow no favour or countenance upon his vaffals.
and fervants.
To this council of the edates a new fupplication was
prefented by the Protedants. They departed from the
high claim which they had made for the riches and
patrimony of the Popidi church \ and it was only re-
queded by them, that a reafonable provifion Ihould be
allotted to the true preachers of the gofpel. This ap¬
plication, however, no lefs than their former exorbi¬
tant demand, was treated with negleft. But amidd the
anxiety manifeded by the nobles and the tenants of the
crown to hold the Prediyterian clergy in fubjeftion and
in poverty, they difeovered the warmed zeal for the
extendon and continuance of the reformed opinions. ^
For in this fupplication of the Protedants, an ardent Final de¬
defire being intimated and urged, that all the monu- ftmftion of
ments of idolatry which remained diould be utterly de-™1
droyed, tbe fulled and mod unbounded approbation Yas ever^mark
given to it. An aft was accordingly paffed, which 0fthe p0_
commanded that every abbey-church, every cloider,pifh religi-
and every memorial whatever of Popery, diould be°ninSGOt*
' finally. lar‘d*
SCO
[ 7°3 ]
SCO
640
Mary foli-
own coun¬
try,
Scotland, finally demolithed -7 and the care of this barbarous, but
popular employment, was committed to thofe perfons who
were moft remarkable for their keennefs and ardour in
the work of the reformation. Its execution in the
weilern counties was given in charge to the earls of
Arran, Argyle, and Glencairn j the lord James Stuart
attended to it in the more northern diitridls; and in the
inland divifions of the country, it was intfulfed to the
barons in whom the Congregation had the greateft con¬
fidence. A dreadful devalfation enfued. The popu¬
lace, armed with authority, fpread their ravages over
the kingdom. It vvas deemed an execrable lenity to
fpare any fabric or place where idolatry had been exer-
cifed. The churches and religious houles were every¬
where defaced, or demohlhed 5 and their furniture, uten-
fils, and decorations, became the prize of the invader.
Even the fepulchres of the dead were ranfacked and
violated. The libraries of the ecclefiaflics, and the re-
gilfers kept by them of their own Iran factions and of
civil affairs, were gathered into heaps, and committed
to the tlames. Religious antipathy, the fanftion of
law, the exhortation of the clergy, the hope of fpoil,
and, above all, the ardent defire of putting the laft hand
to the reformation, concurred to drive the rage of the
people to its wildeft fury; and, in the midft of havock
and calamity, the new eftablifhment furveyed its impor¬
tance and its power.
Ihe death of Francis II. having left his queen, Ma-
cited to re- ry, in a very difagreeable fituation while Ihe remained
turn to her in France, it now became neceffary forriter to think of
returning to her own country. To this ihe was foli-
cited both by the Protellants and Papilts; the former,
that they might gain her over to their party ; and the
latter, hoping that, as Mary was of their own perfua-
fion, Popery might once more be edabliihed in Scot¬
land. For this deputation, the Proteffants chofe Lord
James Stuart, natural brother to the queen ■, and the
Papifts, John Lefly, official and vicar-general of the
diocefe of Aberdeen. The latter got the ftart of the
Proteftant ambaffador, and thus had the opportunity
of firfl delivering his meffage. He advifed her ftrong-
ly to beware of the lord James Stuart, whom he re-
prefented as a man of unbounded ambition, who had
efpoufed the Proteftant caufe for no other reafon than
that he might advance himfelf to the higheft employ¬
ments in the flatej nay, that he had already fixed his
tnoughts on the crown. For thefe reafons he advifed
that the lord James Stuart fliould be confined in France
tnl tne government of Scotland could be completely
eftabhfhed. But ii the queen were averfe to this mea-
1L!re’. advifed her to land in fonae of the northern
diftrifts of Scotland, where her friends were moft nu-
meious 5 in which cafe an army of 20,000 men would
accompany her to Edinburgh, to reftore the Popifli
religion, and to overawe her enemies. The next day
the lord James Stuart waited on her, and gave an ad¬
vice very different from that of Lefly. "The fureft
method of preventing infurre&ions, he faid, was the
eftablifhment of the Proteftant religion j that a Hand¬
ing army and foreign troops would certainly lofe the
affections of her fubje&s 5 for which reafon he advifed
her to vilit Scotland without guards and without fol-
diers, and he became folemnly bound to fecure their
obedience, to her. To this advice Mary, though fhe
diftrufted its author, liftened with attention ; and Lord
James, imagining that the was prejudiced in his favour, Scotland,
took care to improve the favourable opportunity j by
which means he obtained a promile of tite earldom of
Marr. 64l
Before Mary fet out from France, fhe received an Her dif-
embaffy from Queen Elizabeth, pretfing her to ratify Putes Wlth
the treaty of Edinburgh, in which fhe had taken care'l'iizal3et''i‘
to have a claufe inlerled, that Francis and Mary fhould
for ever abftain from affirming the title and arms of
England and Ireland. But this was declined by the
queen of Scotland, who, in her conference with the
Englifh ambaffador, gave an eminent proof of her poli¬
tical abilities *. Her refufal greatly augmented the * see
jealoufies which already prevailed between her and be rtf on of
Elizabeth, infomuch that the latter retuled her a fafe bahneny^
paffage through her dominions into Scotland. This was Cj
conlidered by Mary as a high indignity; lire returned (^ieen r,f
a very fpirited anfwer, informing her rival, that ihe Scotland*
could return to her own dominions without any affift-
ance from her, or indeed whether ihe would or not.
In the month of Auguft 1561, Mary let fail from Ca¬
lais for Scotland. She left France with much regret j
and at night ordered her couch to be brought upon
deck, deliring the pilot to awaken her in the morning
if the coait of France ihould be in vievv. The night
proved calm, fo that the queen had an opportunity
of once more indulging herlelf with a light of that oe-
loved country. A favouraole wind now fprang up,
and a thick log coming on, ihe elcaped a iquadron of
men of war which Elizabeth had let out to intercept
her } and on the 20th of the month Ihe landed fafely at Mary land*
Leith. in Scot-
But though the Scots received their queen with the land,
greateft demonllrations of joy, it was not long before
an irreconcileable quarrel began to take place. The
Proteftant religion was now eftablilhed all over the
kingdom 5 and its profeffors had fo far deviated from
their own principles, or what ought to have been their
principles, that they would grant no toleration to the
oppofite party, not even to the fovereign herfelf. In
confequence of this, when the queen attempted to cele¬
brate mafs in her own chapel of Holyroodhoufe, a vio- [s infixed -
lent mob affembled, and it was with the utmoft diffi- by the Pnv
culty that the lord James Stuart and fome other per-
fons of high diltindlion could appeafe the tumult. Ma¬
ry attempted to allay theie ferments by a proclama¬
tion, in which Ihe promifed to take the advice of the
ftates in religious matters; and, in the mean time, de¬
clared it to be death for any perfon to attempt an in¬
novation or alteration of the religion which Ihe found
generally eftablilhed upon her arrival in Scotland. A-
gainlt this proclamation the earl of Arran protefted,
and formally told the herald, the queen’s proclamation
ihould not proteft her attendants and fervants if they
prefumed to commit idolatry and to fay mafs. John
Knox declared from the pulpit, that one mafs was
more terrible to him than if 10,000 armed enemies
had landed in any part of the kingdom to re-eltablilli
Popery. The preachers everywhere declaimed againli
idolatry and the mafs ; keeping up, by their miltaken
zeal, a fpirit of difeontent and fedition throughout the
whole kingdom. John Knox was called before the
queen to anfwer for the freedom of his fpeeches j but
his unbounded boldnefs when there gave Mary much
difquict, as not knowing in W'hat manner to treat him.
The-;
Scotland
644
Bigotry of
the magi-
ftrates of
Edinburgh,
. 645
Difordered
ftate of the
nation.
646
Suppreffed
by lord
James
Stuart.
SCO [7
■ The freedoms, however, which were taken with the
queen, could not induce her to depart from that plan
of government which the had laid down in France. To
the Proteftants die refolved to pay the greateft atten¬
tion } from among them the chofe her privy-council,
and heaped favours upon the lord James Stuart, who for
his activity in promoting the reformation was the molt
popular man in the kingdom ; while to her courtiers
of the Catholic perfuafion the behaved with a didant for-
unality.
In the mean time, the differences between the two
rival queens became every day greater. The queen
of Scotland preffed Elizabeth to declare her the neareft
heir to the crown of England, and Elizabeth urged
Mary to confirm the treaty of Edinburgh. With this
the latter could not comply, as it would in faft have
been renouncing for ever the title to that crown for
which die was fo earneftly contending. Endlefs nego-
ciations were the confequence, and the hatred of Eli¬
zabeth to Mary continually increafed. This year the
queen of Scotland amufed herfelf by making a circuit
through part of her dominions. From Edinburgh die
proceeded to Stirling •, thence to Perth, Dundee, and
St Andrew’s. Though received everywhere with the
greateft acclamations and marks of affection, die could
not but remark the rooted averfion which had univer¬
sally taken place againd: Popery ; and upon her return
to Edinburgh, her attention was called to an exertion
of this zeal, which may be confidered as highly cha-
rafteridic of the times. The magidrates of this city,
after their eleftion, enadted rules, according to cudom,
for the government of their borough. By one of thefe
acts, which they publidied by proclamation, they com¬
manded all monks, friars, and prieds, together wfith
all adulterers and fornicators, to depart from the
town and its limits within 24 hours, under the
pains of correftion and punidiment. Mary, judly inter¬
preting this exertion of power to be an uliirpation of
the royal authority, and a violation of order, difplaced
the magidrates, commanded the citizens to eledt others
in their room, and granted by proclamation a plenary
indulgence to all her fubjedls not convicted of any
crime, to repair to and remain in her capital at their
pleafure.
Befides thefe didurbances on account of religion, the
kingdom was now in confufion from another caufe.
The long continuance of civil w^ars had every where
left a pronenefs to tumults and infurre£Hons •, and thefts,
rapine, and licentioufnefs of every kind, threatened to
fubvert the foundations of civil fociety.' Mary made
confiderable preparations for the fuppreffion of thefe
diforders, and appointed the lord James Stuart her chief
judiciary and lieutenant. He was to hold two criminal
courts, the one at Jedburgh, and the other at Dum¬
fries. To adid his operations againd the banditti, w-ho
were armed, and often affociated into bodies, a mili¬
tary force was neceffary; but as there were at prefent
neither danding army nor regular troops in the king¬
dom, the county of Edinburgh, and ten others, were
commanded to have their drength in readinefs to aflid
him. The feudal tenants, and the allodial or free pro¬
prietors of thefe didridls, in complete armour, and with
provifions for 20 days, were appointed to be fubfervient
to the purpofes of his commidion, and to obey his orders
•in edablifhing the public tranquillity. In this expe-
4
04 ]
SCO
dition he was attended with his ufual fuccefs. He de- Scotland.
droyed many of the drong-holds of the banditti 5 hang-     
ed 20 of the mod notorious edenders j and ordered $0
more to be carried to Edinburgh, there to fuder the
penalties of law on account of their rebellious behaviour.
Fie entered into terms with the lord Grey and Sir John
Foder, the wardens of the Englilh borders, for the
mutual benefit of the two nations 5 and he commanded
the chiefs of the diforderly clans to fubmit to the queen,
and to obey her orders with regard to the fecuring of
the peace, and preventing infurre&ions and depredations
in future.
In the mean time the queen wras in a very difagree- M
able fituation, being fufpe&ed and midruded by both tufted!by-
parties. From the conceflions which the had made tobothpar-
the Protedants, the Papids fuppofed that die had a de-bes.
fign of renouncing theif religion altogether 5 while, on
the other hand, the Protedants could fcarcely allow
themfelves to believe that they owed any allegiance to
an idolater. Difquiets of another kind alfo now took
place. j he duke of Chatelherault, having left the Ca- Characters
tholics to join the oppofite party, was negledled by his 0f her ebb*
fovereign. Being afraid of fome danger to himfelf, he ferent cour-
fortified the cadle of Dumbarton, which he refolved tobers’
defend ; and in cafe of neceffity to put himfelf under
the prote&ion of the queen of England.—The earl of
Arran was a man of very dender abilities, but of bound-
lefs ambition. The queen’s beauty had made an im-
predjon on his heart, and his ambition made him fancy
himfelf the fitted perfon in the kingdom for her huf-
band. But his fanaticifm, and the violence with which
he had oppofed the mals, had difguded her. He bore
her diflike with an uneafinefs that preyed upon his in-
tellefts and difordered them. It was even fuppofed that
he had concerted a fcheme to poffefs himfelf of her per¬
fon by armed retainers' 5 and the lords of her court were
commanded to be in readinefs to defeat any projeft of
this nature. '1 he earl of Bothwel was didinguidied
chiedy by his prodigalities and the licentioufnefs of his
manners. The earl Marifchal had every thing that
ivas honourable in his intentions, but was wary and flow.
The earl of Morton poffeffed penetration and ability,
but was attached to no party or meafures from any
principles of redtitude : His own advantage and inte-
refts were the motives by which he was governed. The
earl of Huntly the lord chancellor, was unquiet, variable,
and vindictive : His paflions, now' fermenting with vio¬
lence, were foon to break forth in the mod dangerous
pradlices. The earls of Glencairn and Menteith were
deeply tindlured with fanaticifm ; and their inordinate
zeal for the new opinions, not lefs than their poverty,
recommended them to Queen Elizabeth. Her ambat-
fador Randolph, advifed her to fecure their fervices, by
addreding herfelf to their necedities. Among courtiers
of this defeription, it was difficult for Mary to make a
fele&ion of miniders in whom die might confide. The
confequence and popularity of the lord James Stuart,
and of Maitland of Lethington, had early pointed them
out to this didinftion •, and hitherto they had afted to
her fatisfa&ion. They were each of eminent capacity :
but the former was fufpe&ed of aiming at the fove-
reignty ; the latter was prone to refinement and dupli¬
city ; and both were more attached to Elizabeth than
became them as the miniders and fubjefls of another
lovereign. f
Befide
SCO
Scotland.
r 7°s ]
SCO
fiaftical re¬
venues.
Befide the policy of employing and trailing ftatef-
v men who were Proteftants, and the precaution of main¬
taining a firm peace with England, Mary had it alfo at
^49 heart to enrich the crown with the revenues of the an-
a^art of'nS cient church. A convention of eftates was alfembled
the eccle- deliberate on this meafure. The bilhops were alarm¬
ed at their perilous fituation. It was made known to
them, that the charge of the queen’s houfehold required
an augmentation ; and that as the rents of the church
had flowed chiefly from the crown, it was expedient that
a proper proportion of them fliould now be refumed to
uphold its fplendour. After long conlultations, the pre¬
lates and ecclefiaftical eftate confidering that they exilt-
ed merely by the favour of the queen, confented to re-
fign to her the third part of their benefices, to be manag¬
ed at her pleafure 5 with the refervation that they fliould
be fecured during their lives againft all farther payments,
and relieved from the burden of contributing to the
maintenance of the reformed clergy. With this offer
the queen and the convention of eftates were fatisfied.
Rentals, accordingly, of all their benefices throughout
the kingdom, were ordered to be produced by the an¬
cient ecclefiaftics ; the reformed miniflers, fuperintend-
ants, elders, and deacons, were enjoined to make out
regifters of the grants or provifions neceffary to fupport
their eftablifliment; and a fupereminent power of judg¬
ing in thefe matters was committed to the queen and
the privy-council.
While the prelates and ecclefiaftical eftate fubmitted
to this offer from the neceflity of their affairs, it was by
no means acceptable to the reformed clergy, who at this
time were holding an affembly. It was their earneft
wifti to effedl the entire deftruftion of the ancient efta¬
blifliment, to fucceed to a large proportion of their emo¬
luments, and to be altogether independent of the crown.
But while the Proteftant preachers were naturally and
unanimoufly of thefe fentiments, the nobles and gentle¬
men who had promoted the reformation were difpofed
to think very differently. To give too much of the
wealth of the church to the reformed clergy, was to in¬
vert them with a dangerous power. To give too great
a proportion of it to the crown, was a ftep ftill more
dangerous. At the fame time it was equitable, that the
ancient clergy ftiould be maintained during their lives ;
and it accorded with the private interefts of the noble¬
men and gentlemen, who had figured during the refor¬
mation, not to confent to any fcheme that would de¬
prive them of the fpoils of i^hich they had already pof-
feffed themfelves out of the ruins of the church, or which
they might ftill be enabled to acquire.
650 1 hus public as well as private confiderations contri¬
buted to feparate and divide the lay Proteftants and the
preachers. The general affembly, therefore, of the
church, was not by any means fuccefsful in the views
which had called them together at this time, and which
they fubmitted to the convention of eftates. Doubts
were entertained whether the church had any title to
affemble itfelf. The petition preferred for the complete
abolition of idolatry, or for the utter prohibition of the
mafs, was rejefted, notwithftanding all the zeal mani-
fefted by the brethren. The requeft that Mary fliould
give authority to the book of difcipline, was not only
refufed, but even treated with ridicule. The only point
preffed by the church which attradled any notice, was
its requifition of a provifion or a maintenance ; but the
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
Bad fuccefs
of' the de¬
mands of
the Prote-
ftants.
meafure propofed for this end was in oppofition to all its Scotland,
warmeft defires. ‘ ‘ “v r
This meafure, however, fo unpromifing to the preach¬
ers in expeftation, was found to be ftill more unfatis-
faftory on trial. The wealth of the Romifh church had
been immenfe, but great invafions had been made on it.
The fears of the ecclefiaftics, on the overthrow of po¬
pery, induced them to engage in fraudulent tranfadlions
with their kinfmen and relations ; in conlequence of
which many poffeflions were conveyed from the church
to private hands. For valuable confiderations, leafes
of church-lands, to endure for many years, or in perpe¬
tuity, were granted to ftrangers and adventurers. Sales
alfo of ecclefiaftical property, to a great extent, had been
made by the ancient incumbents ; and a validity was
fuppofed to be given to thefe tranfadtions by confirma¬
tions from the pope, who was zealous to aflift his vo¬
taries. Even the crown itfelf had contributed to make
improper difpofitions of the ecclefiaftical revenues. Lay¬
men had been prefented to bilhoprics and church-liv¬
ings, with the power of difpofing of the territory in con¬
nexion with them. In this diffufion of the property
of the church, many great acquifitions, and much ex-
tenfive domain, came to be invefted in the nobles and
the gentry.
From thefe caufes, the grant of the third of their be¬
nefices, made by the ancient ecclefiaftics to the queen,
with the burden of maintaining the reformed clergy,
was not nearly fo confiderable as might have been ex-
pefted. But the direXion of the fcheme being lodged
in the queen and the privy-council, the advantage to the
crown was flill greater than that beftowed upon the
preachers. Yet the carrying the projeX into execu¬
tion was not without its inconveniences. There were
ftill many opportunities for artifice and cosruption; and
the full third of the ecclefiaftical benefices, even after
all the previous abftraXions of them wfliich had been
made, could not be levied by any diligence j for the
ecclefiaftics often produced falfe rentals of their bene¬
fices ; and the colleXors for the crown were not always
faithful to the truft repofed in them. The complete
produce of the thirds did not amount to a great fum ;
and it w^as to contribute towards the expences of the
queen, as well as to the fupport of the preachers. A Provifion
fcanty proportion went to the latter j and yet the per- made for
fons who were chofen to fix their particular ftipendsthe Prote*
were the firm friends of the reformation. For this bull- ftant
nefs was committed in charge to the earls of Argyle a
and Morton, the lord James Stuart, and Maitland of
Lethington, with James Mackgill the clerk-regifter,
and Sir John Ballenden the juftice-clerk. One hundred
Scottifli merks were deemed fufficient for a common mi-
nifter. To the clergymen of greater intereft or confi-
deration, or who exercifed their funXions in more ex-
tenfive parifhes, 300 merks w-ere allotted ; and, except¬
ing to fuperintendants, this fum wTas feldom exceeded.
To the earl of Argyle, to the lord James Stuart, to
Lord Erfldne, who had large ecclefiaftical revenues,
their thirds were ufuaily remitted by the queen ; and
on the eftabliihment of this fund or revenue, fhe alfo
granted many penfions to perfons about her court and
of her houfehold. ^
The complaints of the preachers were made with little The whole
decency, and did not contribute to improve their condi- party dif-
tion. The coldnefs of the Proteftarfl laity, and the hu- Satisfied.
4 U manity
SCO [ 706 ] SCO
Scot! and.
<553
Honours
conferred
on Lord
James
Stuart.
fi54
Lnmity of
the eail of
Huntly to-
vvards him.
An. 1562.
635
Huntly
preffes the
queen to
reftore the
P. pifli reli¬
gion-
manky fliown to the ancient clergy, were deep wounds
both to their pride and to their interefts. To a mean
ipirit of flattery to the reigning power, they imputed
the defeftion of their friends ; and againft the queen
they were animated with the bittereft animefity. The
poverty in which they were buffered to remain inflamed
all their paflions. They induftrioufly fought to indulge
their rancour and turbulence ; and inveterate habits of
infult fortified them with a contempt of authority.
To the queen, whofe temper was warm, the rudenefs
of the preachers was a painful and endlefs inquietude,
which, while it foftered her religious prejudires, had
the good effect of confirming her conflancy to her
friends, and of keeping alive her gratitude for their ac¬
tivity. The lord James Stuart, v\ho was infilled to her
refpeft and efteem from his abilities, and his proximity
to her in blood, had merited rewards and honours by his
public fervicts and the vigour of his counfels. After
his fuccefsful difeharge of her commiflion as chief juf-
ticiary and lord lieutenant, (he could not think of allow¬
ing him to defeend from t'acie offices, without bellowing
on him a folid and permanent mark of her favour. She
advanced him to the rank of her nobility, by conferring
on him the eaildom of Mar. At the fame time the
contributed to augment his confequence, by facilitating
his marriage with Agnes the daughter of the earl Ma-
rifchal; and the ceremonial of this alliance was cele¬
brated with a magnificence and oflentation fo extrava¬
gant in that age, as to excite the fears of the preachers
left fome avenging judgement or calamity ftiould afflidt
the land. They exclaimed with virulence againft bis
riotous feafting and banquets 5 and the mafquerades
which wTere exhibited on this occafion, attrafling in a
ilill greater degree their attention, as being a fpecies of
entertainment hitherto unknown in Scotland, and which
was favourable to the profanenefs of gallantry, they
pointed againft them the keeneft ftrokes of their cenfure
and indignation. >
The abilities of the earl of Mar, the afcendency he
maintained in the councils of his fovereign, and the di-
ftindlions which he had acquired, did not fail to expofe
him to uncommon envy. Tire meft defperate of his
enemies, and the moft formidable, tvas the earl of Hunt¬
ly. In their rivalfhip for power, many caufes of difguft
had arifen. The one was at the head of the Proteftants,
the other was the leader of the Papifts. On the death
of Francis II. Huntly and the Popkh faftion had fent
a deputation to Mary, inviting her to return to Scot¬
land, and offering to fupporther with an army of 20,000
men. His advances wrere treated with attention and
civility, but his offer was rejefled. The invitation of
the Proteftants, prefented by the earl of Mar, was
more acceptable to her. Huntly had advifed her to de¬
tain his rival in confinement in Fiance till the Catholic
religion fliould be re-eftablifhed in Scotland. This ad¬
vice fire not only difregarded, but careffed his enemy
with particular civilities. On her arrival in her own
country, Huntly renewed his advances, offering to her
to fet up the mafs in all the northern counties. He
even converfed in a prefting manner upon this fubject
with her uncles and the French courtiers who attended
her. Still no real attention -was paid to him. Fie came
to her palace, and was received only with refpeft. He
was lord high chancellor without influence, and a privy
counfeilov -without truft. The earl of Mar had the
confidence of his fovereign, and was drawing to him the Scotlard.
authority of government. Thcie were cruel mortifica-   
lions to a man of high rank, inordinate ambition, im-
menfe wealth, and who commanded numerous and war¬
like retainers. Put he was yet to feel a iiroke flill
more feverely excruciating, and far more defiiutlive of
his confequence. The opulent eftate of Mar, which
Mary had erefted into an earldom, and conferred on
his rival, had been lodged in his family for fome time.
He confidered it as his property, and that it was never
to be torn from his houfe. This blow was at once to
infult moft fenfibly his pride, and to cut moft fatally the
finews of his greatnefs. ^r/.
After employing againft the earl of Mar thofe arts He accufes
of detradlion and calumny which are fo common in the lord
courts, he drew up and fubferibed a formal memorial,Jaines
in which he acculed him of aiming at the fovereignty ‘C,Ll'art Qi
of Scotland. 'J ins paper he prelented to the queen j
but the arguments with which he fupported his chaige
being weak and inconclufive, fhc w as the more confirm¬
ed in her attachment to her minifter. Huntly then
addreffing himielf to the earl of Bothwel, a man difpofed
to defperate courfes, engaged him to attempt involving
the earl of Mar and the houfe of Hamilton in open
and violent contention. Bothwell reprelented to Mar
the enmity which had long fubfifted between him and
tire houfe of Hamilton. It was an obiiacle to his An(j
greatnefs ; and while its deftrudfion might raife him to tempts to
the higheft pinnacle of power, it would be molt ac- -Mffinate
ceptable to the queen, who, betide the hatred which
princes naturally entertain to their fucceffors, was ani¬
mated by particular caules of offence again ft the duke
of Chatelherault and the earl of Arran, He concluded
his exhortation with making an unlimited offer of his
moft ftrenuous fervices in the execution of this flagi¬
tious enterptife. The earl of Mar, however, abhor¬
ring the bafenefs of the project, fufpicious of the fin-
eerily of the propoler, or fatisfied that his eminence
did not require the aid of fuch arts, rejected all his ad¬
vances. Bothwel, difappointed on one fide, turned him-
felf to the other. He praffifed with the houle of Ha¬
milton to affaflinate the earl of Mar, whom they con¬
fidered as their greateft enemy. The bufinefs, he laid,
might be performed with eafe and expedition. The
queen was accuftomed to hunt in the park of Falkland ;
and there the earl of Mar, not lufpefting any danger,
and ill attended, might be overpew’ered and put to
death. The perfon of the queen, at the fame lime,
might be feized ; and by keeping her in cuftody, a
fandlion and fecurity might be given to their crime.
The integrity of the earl of Arran revolting againft this
confpiracv, defeated its purpofes. Dreading the perpe¬
tration of fo cruel an action, and yet fenfible of the relo-
lute determination of his friends, he wrote privately to
the earl of Mar, informing him of his danger. But
the return of Mar to his letter, thanking him for his
intelligence, being intercepted by the confpirators, Ar-
. ran was confined by them under a guard in Kenneil-
houfe. He effedled his efcape, however, and made a
full difeovery of the plot to the queen. Yet as in a But fails
matter fo dark he could produce no witneffes and no m *'is at*
written vouchers to confirm his accufations, he, accord- U nib,“
ing to the faftiion of the times, ofiered to prove his in¬
formation, by engaging Bothwel in fingle combat. And
though, in his examinations before the privy-council,
his
Scotland.
659
Sir John
Gordon
wounds
lord Opfil-
vy, and is
apprehend¬
ed ;
SCO [ 7
his love lo the queen, his attachment to the earl of
Mar, the atrocity of tbs fcheme he revealed, and,
above all, his duty and concern for his father the duke
of Chatelherault, threw him into a perturbation of mind
which expreiTed itfelf violently in his fpeech, his coun¬
tenance, and his aliens ; yet his declarations, in gene¬
ral, were fo confident and firm, that it was thought
advilable to take the command of the cattle of Dum¬
barton from the duke of Chatelherault, to confine the
other confpirators to different prilbns, and to wait the
farther discoveries which might be made by time and
accident.
The earl of Huntly, inflamed by thefc difappoint-
ments, invented other devices. He excited a tumult
w'hile the queen and the earl of Mar were at St An¬
drew’s with only a few attendants *, imagining that the
latter would fally forth to quell the infurgents, and
that a convenient opportunity would thus be afforded
for putting him to the fword without deteflion. The
caution, however, of the earl of Mar, defeating this
purpofe, he ordered forne of his retainers to attack him
in the evening when he fheuid leave the queen ; but
thefe affaffins being furprifed in their ftation, Huntly
affecled to excufe their being in arms in a fufpicious
place and at a late hour, by frivolous apologies, vvhich,
though admitted, could not be approved.
About this period, too, letters were received by Mary
from the pope and the cardinal of Lorrain, in conf'e-
quence of the intrigues of the earl of Huntly and the
Catholic faftion. They preffed her to confider, that
while this nobleman was the mofl powerful of her fiib-
iefts, he wras by far the moil zealous in the interells of
the church of Home. They intreated her to flatter him
with the hope of her marriage with Sir John Gordon
his fecond fon *, held out to her magnificent promifes of
money and military fupplies, if fhe would fet herfelf fe-
rioufly to recover to powder and fplendour the ancient
religion of her country ; and recommended it to her to
take meafures to deftroy the more flrenuous Proteftants
about her court, of whom a roll was tranfmitted to her,
which included the name of her confidant and miniiler
the earl of Mar. Thefe letters could not have reach¬
ed her at a juncture more unfavourable to their fuccefs.
The earl of Mar, to whom fhe communicated them,
was encouraged to proceed with the greatell vigour
in undermining the defigns and the importance of his
enemies.
New incidents exafperated the animofities of the ene¬
mies of the earl of Mar and his own. Sir John Gor¬
don and the lord Ogilvie having a private difpute, hap¬
pened to meet each other in the high ffreet of Edin¬
burgh. They immediately drew’ their fwords •, and the
lord Ogilvie receiving a very dangerous wound, Sir John
Gordon was committed to priton by the magillrates.
The queen, at this time in Stirling, wTas informed by
them of the riot; and while they expreffed a fear left
the friends of the prifoner ihould rife up in arms to give
him his liberty, they mentioned a fufpicion which pre¬
vailed, tbht the partizans of the lord Ogilvie were to
affemble themfelves to vindicate his quarrel. The queen,
in her reply, after commending their diligence, inilrucl-
ed them to continue to have a watch over their prifo¬
ner •, made knowm her defire that the law fhould take
its courfe ; and counfelled them to have no apprehen-
fions of the kindred of the parties at variance, but to re-
07 ] SCO
ly on the earl of Mar for providing a fufHcient force Scotland,
for their protection. Sir John Gordon, however, found ^^77”
means to break from his confinement ; and flying intohut e^capCJ
Aberdeenfhire, filled the retainers of his family with his from pn-'
complaints, and added to the difquiets of his father the fun,
earl of Huntly.
The queen, on returning to Edinburgh, held a con-
fultation on affairs of Hate with her privy council; and
loon after fet out on a progrefs to the northern parts of
her kingdom. At Aberdeen (he w’as met by the lady
Huntly, a woman of deep diflimulation and of refined
addrefs ; who endeavoured to conciliate her affections,
was prodigal of flattery, expreffed her zeal for the Po-
pilh religion, and let fall infinuations of the great power
of her hufband. She then interceded with the queen
for forgivenefs to her fon : and begged with a keen im¬
portunity, that he might be permitted to have the ho¬
nour to kifs her hand. But Alary having told her, that
the favour lire had folicited could not be granted till
her fon fhould return to the prifon from which he had
efcaped, and fubmit to the juflice of his country, the
lady Huntly engaged that he fliould enter again into
cutfody, and only intreated, that, inilead of being con¬
fined at Edinburgh, he flrould be conduced to the
caftie of Stirling. This requert was complied with ;
and in the profecution of the bufinefs, a court of julli-
ciary being called, Sir John Gordon made his appear¬
ance, and acknowledged himlelf to be the queen’s pri-
foner. The lord Glammis was appointed to conduct him and at-
to the caftie of Stirling. But on the road to this for-tempts to
trefs, he eluded the vigilance of his guards, battened
back, and gathering icoo horfemen among his retain- '11
ers, entrufted his fecurity to the fword.
In the mean time, the queen continued her progrefs.
The earl of Huntly joined himfelf to her train. His
anxiety to induce her to allow him to attend her to his
houfe of Strathbogy was uncommon ; his intreaties
were even preffed beyond the bounds of propriety. The
intelligence arrived of the efcape and rebellion of Sir
John Gordon. The behaviour of the father and the
fon awakened in her the moll alarming i'ufpicions. Af-
fembling her privy-council, who, according to the fafhion
of thofe times, conflituted her court, and attended her
perfon in her progreffes through her dominions; fine,
with their advice, commanded her heralds to charge
Sir John Gordon and his adherents to return to their
allegiance, and to furrender to her their houfes of
flrength and caffles, under the penalties of high trea-
fon and forfeiture. Difdaining now to go to the houfe
of the earl of Huntly, where, as it afterwards appeared,
that nobleman had made fecret preparations to hold her
in captivity, fhe advanced to Invernefs by a different
route. In the caftle of Invernefs Are propofed to take
up her refidence; but Alexander Gordon the deputv
governor, a dependent of the family of Huntly, refafed
to admit her. She was terrified with the profpedt of
certain and imminent danger. Her attendants were
few in number, the town was without walls, and the in¬
habitants were fuipecled. In this extremity, fome ihips
in the river were kept in readinefs as a lafl refuge; and
Hie iffued a proclamation, commanding all her lay al fub-
je6ls in thofe parts immediately to repair to her for her
proteftion. The Frafers and Monroes came in crowds
to make her the offer of their fwords. The Clan Chat-
tan, though called to arms by the earl of Huntly, for-
4 U 2 fook
Scotland.
SCO [ 708 ]
fook his ftandard for that of their fovereign, when they demned to
vS c o
662
Earl of
Huntly de
1'eated by
difcovered that his intentions were hoftile to her. She
employed this ftrength in laying fiege to the caftle,
which furrendered itlelf on the fivft alfault. The lives
of the common loldiers were fpared, but the deputy-go¬
vernor was inftantly executed. The queen, full ot ap-
prehenfions, returned to Aberdeen.
To intimidate the earl of Huntly, to revenge the
troubles which his family had created to the queen, and
to convince him that his utter ruin was at hand, a mea-
fure infinitely humiliating was now concerted and put
in practice. The earl of Mar refigned the rich eiiaie
of that name to the lord Erlkine, who laid claim to it
as his right: and received in recompenfe, after its erec¬
tion into an earldom, the territory of Murray, which
made an extenfive portion of the pofieflions of the earl
of Huntly.
The lady Huntly haftened to Aberdeen to throw
herfelf at the feet of her fovereign, to make offer of the
molt humble fubmiflions on the part of her hulhand, and
to avert by every poflible means the downfal ol his
greatnefs. But all accefs to the queen was refufed her ;
and the earl of Huntly was fummoned to appear in per-
fon before the privy council, to anfwer for his condudf,
and to make a full refignation of all his caflles and for-
treffes. He did not prefent himfelf, and was declared
to be in open rebellion. A new proclamation was cir¬
culated by the queen to colled! a fufficient ftrength to
fubdue the infurgents. The command of her troops
rvas given to the earl of Murray, who put them inftant-
icaicu oy 4 in motion. Huntly advancing towards Aberdeen to
the earl of give them battle, was informed of their approach. He
Murray. halted at Corrichie, folacing himfelf with the hope of a
decifive vidtory. The army of the queen was the more
numerous; but there were feveral companies in it in v/hom
little confidence could be placed. Thefe the earl of
Murray ported in front of the battle, and commanded
them to begin the attack. They recoiled on him in
diforder, according to his expedlation •, but a refolute
band in whom he trufted, holding out their fpears,
obliged them to take a different courfe. Their con-
fufion and flight made Huntly conceive that the day
was his own. He therefore ordered his foldiers to throw
afide their lances, and to ru(h on the enemy fword in
hand. His command was obeyed, but with no precau¬
tion or difcipline. When his men came to the place
where the earl of Murray had ftationed himfelf, the
points of the extended fpears of his firm battalion put a
termination to their progrefs. The panic communicated
bv this unexpefted refiftance was improved by the vigour
with which he preffed the affailants. In their turn
they took to flight. The companies of the queen’s ar¬
my which had given way in the beginning of the con-
ftift were now difpofed to atone for their mifconduft ;
and taking a (hare in the battle, committed a fignal
flaughter upon the retainers of the earl of Huntly.
This nobleman himfelf expired in the throng of the pur-
fuit. His fons Sir John Gordon and Adam Gordon
were made prifoners, with the principal gentlemen who
had aflifted him.
Mary, on receiving the tidings of this fuccefs, dif¬
covered neither joy nor forrow. The paffions, how¬
ever, of the earl of Murray and his party were not yet
completely gratified. Sir John Gordon was brought
immediately to trial, confeffed his guilt, and was con-
fuffer as a traitor. The fentence was ac- Scotland,
cordingly executed, amidft a multitude of fpeftators,
whofe feelings were deeply affected, while they con-
lidered his immature death, the manlinefs of his fpirit,
and the vigour of his form. Adam Gordon, upon ac¬
count of his tender age, was pardoned ; and fines were
levied from the other captives of rank according to
their wealth. The lord Gordon, after the battle of
Corrichie, fled to his father-in-law the duke of Chatel-
herault, and put himfelf under his proteition 5 but was
delivered up by that nobleman, all whofe endeavours
in his favour were ineffectual. He was convidted of
treafon, and condemned •, but the queen was fatisfied
with confining him in prifon. The dead body of the
earl of Huntly was carried to Edinburgh, and kept
without burial, till a charge of high treafon was pre¬
ferred againft him before the three ertates. An often-
tatious dilplay was made of his criminal enterprifes, and
a verdict of parliament pronounced his guilt. His
eftates, hereditary and moveable, were forfeited } his
dignity, name, and memory, were pronounced to be
extinct; his armorial enfigns were torn from the book
of arms ; and his pofterity were rendered unable to en¬
joy any offices, honour, or rank, within the realm.
While thefe fcenes were tranfadting, Mary, who was An jut“er-.
fincerely folicitous to eitablifti a lecure amity between view pro-
the two kingdoms, opened a negotiation to effedt an in- pofcd be-
terview with Elizabeth. Secretary Maitland, whom
employed in this bufinefs, met with a molt gracious re- Zgp)et}ll but
ception at the court of London. Lhe city of \ ork was in vain,
appointed as the place where the two queens fhould ex-
prefs their mutual love and affedtion, and bind them-
lelves to each other in an indiffoluble union ; the day of
their meeting was fixed •, the faflfion and articles of their
interview were adjufted 3 and a fafe-condudt into Eng¬
land was granted to the queen of Scots by Elizabeth.
But in this advanced ftate of the treaty it was unexpedt-
edly interrupted. The difturbances in France, the per-
fecution of the Proleftants there, and the dangerous
confequence which threatened the reformed countries,
feemed to require Elizabeth to be particularly on her
guard, and to watch with eagerncfs the machinations of
the adverfaries of her religion. On thefe pretences flie
declined for a time the projedted interview ; fending to
Mary with this apology Sir Henry Sidney, a minilter of
ability, whom {he inftrudted to dive into the fecret views
of the Scottifti queen. This was a fevere difappointment
to Mary 3 but it is reafonable to believe, that Elizabeth
adted in the negotiation without fincerity, and on prin¬
ciples of policy. It was not her intereft to admit into
her kingdom a queen who had pretenfions to her crown,
and who might there {Lengthen them 3 who might raife
the expedtations of her Catholic fubjedts, and advance
herfelf in their efteem 3 and who far furpaffed her in beau¬
ty, and in the bewitching allurements of converfation
and behaviour.
Amidft affairs of great moment, a matter of fmaller chat;eiar<|
confequence, but which is interefting in its circum-falls in love
fiances, deferves to be recorded. Chatelard, a gentle- with the
man of family in .Dauphiny, and a relation of the che- cluecn*
valier de Bayard, had been introduced to Queen Mary
by the fieur Damville, the heir of the houfe of Mont¬
morency. Poliflred manners, vivacity, attention to pleafe,
the talent of making verfes, and an agreeable figure,
were recommendations of this man. In the court they
drew
Scotland.
SCO [ 709 ] s
drew attention to him. He made himfelf neceffary in return to a foreign alliance.
c o
665
Is put to
death.
666
Mary in¬
clines to a
fecond
marriage,
and is ad-
drefled by
a number
of fuitors.
An. 1563.
all parties of pleafure at the palace. His affiduities
drew on him the notice of the queen ; and, at different
times, (he did him the honour of dancing with him.
His complaifance became gradually more familiar. He
entertained her with Iris wit and good humour ; he
made verfes bn her beauty and accomplifhments ; and
her politenefs and condefcenlion inftilled into him other
fentiments than thofe of gratitude and reverence. He
could not behold her charms without feeling their
power : and intfead of Aiding in its birth the moll
dangerous of all the paffions, he encouraged its growth.
In an unhappy moment, he entered her apartment j
and, concealing himfelf under her bed, waited the ap¬
proach of night. While the queen was undrefling, her
maids difcovered his fituation, and gave her the alarm.
Chatelard was difmilfed with difgrace, but foon after
received her pardon. The frenzy, however, of his love
compelling him to repeat his crime, it was no longer
proper to (how any compalfion to him. The delicate
fituation of Mary, the noif’e of thefe adventures, which
had gone abroad, and the rude fufpicions of her fubjedds,
required that he fhould be tried for his offences and
punifhed. This imprudent man was accordingly con¬
demned to lofe his head j and the fentence was put in
execution.
The difagreeable circumftances in which Mary found
herfelf involved from her quarrel with Elizabeth, the
exceffive bigotry and overbearing fpirit of her Proteffant
fubjeils, together with the adventure of Chatelard, and
the calumnies propagated in confequence of it, deter¬
mined her to think of a fecond marriage. Her beauty
and expectations of the crown of England, joined to the
kingdom which fhe already pofTeffed, brought her many
fuitors. She was addreifed by the king of Sweden, the
king of Navarre, the prince of Conde, the duke of Fer¬
rara, Don Carlos of Spain, the archduke Charles of
Auftria, and the duke of Anjou. Her own inclination
was to give the preference, amopg thefe illuftrious lo¬
vers, to the prince of Spain ; but her determination,
from the firff moment, was to make her wiflies bend to
other confiderations, and to render her decifion on this
important point as agreeable as poffible to Oueen Eliza¬
beth, to the Englifh nation, and to the Proteftants in
both kingdoms. Her fucceffion to the crown of Eng¬
land was the object neareft her heart } and Elizabeth,
who wiihed to prevent her from marrying altogether,
contrived to imprefs on her mind an opinion that any
foreign alliance would greatly obftruft that much defir-
ed event. She therefore pitched on two of her own
fubje&s, whom {he fucceffively recommended as fit
matches for the queen of Scots; and {he promifed, that
on her acceptance of either her right of inheritance
fhould be inquired into and declared. Lord Robert
Dudley, afterwards earl of Leicefter, was the firft per-
fon propofed 5 and except a manly face and fine figure
he had not one quality that could recommend him to
the Scottish princefs. Whilft Mary received this fuitor
with fome degree of compofure, fhe did not altogether
reprefs her fcorn. “ She had heard good accounts (die
owned) of the gentleman •, but as Queen Elizabeth had
faid, that in propofing a hufband to her, (he would con-
fult her honour, fhe afked what honour there could be
in marrying a fubjeft ?” The Englifh queen then pro¬
pofed to Mary anottier fuitor, left her thoughts fhould
This was Lord Darnley, Scotland;
of the houfe of Stuart itfelf, whofe birth was almoft “v——*
equal to her own, and whom the Scottifh princefs was c. 667,
. * . 1 n j 1 • r 1 • 1 ‘5*ie makes
induced to accept as a nufband by motives winch wech0iceof
have detailed elfewhere. (See Mary.) Elizabeth, Lord Darn,
however, was not more fincere in this propofal than in ,ey*
the former ; for after permitting Darnley and his father
the earl of Lenox to vifit Scotland merely with the view
of diverting the attention of the queen from the conti¬
nent, fhe threw, in the way of the marriage, every ob-
ftacle which art and violence could contrive. When
fhe found Mary fo much entangled, that fhe could
fcarcely retracl or make any other choice than that of
Darnley, Elizabeth attempted to prevent her from go¬
ing farther ; and now intimated her difapprobation of
that marriage, which {he herfelf had not only originally
planned, but, in thefe latter ftages, had forwarded by
every means in her power. The whole council of Eli¬
zabeth declared againft the marriage. Even from her
own fubjects Mary met with confiderable oppofition.
An inveterate enmity had taken place between the duke
of Chatelherault and the earl of Lenox, in confequence
of which the former deferted the court, and very few of
the Hamiltons repaired to it. The lord James Stuart,
now earl of Murray, fought to promote the match with
Lord Dudley. In confequence of this he was treated
openly with difrefpedl by the earl of Lenox ; he loft the
favour of his fovereign, and Darnley threatened him
with his vengeance when he fhould be married to the $68
queen. John Knox in the mean time behaved in the Extrava-
moft furious manner, forgetting not only the meek and Sant beha-
peaceable behaviour of a Chriftian, but the allegiance £nox>
of a fubjeft. This preacher even interfered with the
marriage of his fovereign. He warned the nobility,
that if they allowed a Papift or an infidel to obtain her
perfon and the government of Scotland, they would be
guilty, to the full extent of their power, of banifhing
Jefus Chrift from the kingdom, of bringing down on it
the vengeance of God, of being a curfe to themfelves,
and of depriving their queen of all comfort and confola-
tion. As Darnley was a Papift, he was of confequence
execrated by the whole body of Proteftants, laity as
well as clergy 5 while, on the other hand, he was fup-
ported by the earls of Athol and Caithnefs, the lords
Ruthven and Hume, and the whole Popifh fadfion.
It was exceedingly unfortunate for the queen, that
neither Lord Darnley himfelf, nor his father the eail of
Lenox, had any talents for bufinefs ; and as they natu¬
rally had the diredfion of the queen’s affairs, it is no
wonder that thefe were very ill managed. But a fource
of oppofition, more violent than any imperfedfions of
their own, rofe againft them in the attachment which
they difcovered to a perfon on whom the queen had of
late beftowed her favour with an imprudent prodigality. 669
David Rizzio from a mean origin had raifed himfelf to
diftinguifhed eminence. He was born at Turin, where z;0> *
his father earned a fubfiftence as a mufician. Varieties
of fituation and adventure, poverty, and misfortunes,
had taught him experience. In the train of the count
de Morette, the amhaiTador from the duke of Savoy, he
had arrived in Scotland. The queen, defirous of com¬
pleting her band of mufie, admitted him into her fervice.
In this humble ftation he had the dexterity to attradl her
attention 5 and her French fecretary falling into dif¬
grace, from negligence and incapacity, he was promoted
SCO [ 710 ] SCO
Scotland.
C-jo
The carl of
Murray
lofes the
queen’s fa¬
vour.
An. 1565.
to difckarge the duties of that otlice. A necefTary and
frequent admiflion to her company afforded him noiv
the fullelt opportunity of recommending himfelt to her ;
and while the approved his manners, the was lentible of
his fidelity and his talents. His mind, however, was
not fufficienlly vigorous to bear fuch profperity. Am¬
bition grew on him with preferment. He interfered
in affairs of moment, intruded himfelf into the conven¬
tions of the nobles at the palace, and was a candidate
for greatnefs. The queen confulted him on the moft
difficult and important bufinefs, and intrutfed him with
real power. The fupplenefs, fervility, and unbounded
complaifance which had charadlerifed his former condi¬
tion, were exchanged for infolence, pride, and otlenta-
tion. He exceeded the molt potent barons in the itate-
linefs of his demeanour, the fumptuoulnefs of his appa¬
rel, and the fplendour of his retinue. The nobles,
W’hile they defpifed the lownefs of his birth, and deteft-
ed him as a foreigner and a favourite, were mortilied
with his grandeur, and infulted with his arrogance.
Their anger and abhorrence were driven into fury ; and
while this undeferving minion, to uphold his power,
courted Darnley, and with officious affiduities advanced
his fuit with the queen, he battened not only his own
ruin, but laid the foundation of cruel outrages and of
public calamity.
To the earl of Murray the exaltation of Rizzio, fo
offenfive in general to the nation, was humiliating in a
more particular degree. His interference for the earl
of Leicefter, the partiality he entertained for Elizabeth,
his connections with Secretary Cecil, and the favour he
had ffiown to Knox, had all contributed to create in
Mary a fufpicion of his integrity. The practices of
Darnley and Kizzio w’ere thence the more efteCtual ;
and the fulleft weight of their influence was employed
to undermine his power. His paffions and dilgults were
violent; and in his mind he meditated revenge. Mary,
aware of her critical 1Unation, was felicitous to add to
her flrenglh. Botihwel, who had been imprifoned for
-confpiring againit the life of the earl of Murray, and
who had efcaped from confinement, was recalled from
France •, the earl of Sutherland, an exile in Flanders,
was invited home to receive his pardon j and George
Gordon, the fon of the earl of Huntly, was admitted to
favour, and was foon reinftated in the wealth and ho-
noyrs of his family.
As foon as Bothwel arrived, the earl of Murray in¬
filled that he fhould be brought to trial for having plot¬
ted againit his life, and for having broke from the place
of his confinement. This was agreed to ; and on the
day of trial Murray made his appearance with 800 of
his adherents. Bothwel did not choofe to contend with
fuch a formidable enemy he therefore tied to France,
and a proteftation was made, importing that his fear of
violence had been the caufe of his flight. The queen
commanded the judge not to pronounce lenience. Mur¬
ray complained loudly of her partiality, and engaged
more deeply in cabals with Queen Elizabeth. Darn¬
ley, in the mean time, preffied his fuit with eageinefs.
The queen ufed her utmoft endeavours to make Murray
fubferibe a paper exprefling a confent to her marriage •,
but all was to no purpofe. Many of the nobility, how¬
ever, fubferibed this paper ; and the ventured to fum-
mon a convention of the eflates at Stirling, to whom flic
opened the bufinefs of the marriage > and who approved
her choice, provided the Proteftant fhoulu continue to Scot’and.
be the eftablilhed religion of the country.
In the mean time ambafladers arrived from England,
with a mtflfage importing Elizabeth’s entire difapproba-
tion and difallowance of the queen’s marriage with Lord
Darnley. But to thefe ambaffaders Mary replied only,
that matters were gone too far to be recalled ; and that
Elizabeth had no folid caufe of difpleafure, fince, by
her advice, the had fixed her affections not on a foreign¬
er, but on an Englifhman 5 and fince the ptrfon Ihe fa¬
voured was defeended of a diflinguiflied lineage, and
could boafi: of having in his veins the royal blood of
both kingdoms. Immediately after this audience ihe
created Lord Darnley a lord and a knight. The oath
of knighthood was adminiltered to him. He was made
a baron and a banneret, and called Lord Armanendi.
He was belted earl of Rofs. Fie then promoted 14 gen¬
tlemen to the honour of knighthood, and did homage
to the queen, without any refervation of duty to the
crown of England, where his family had for a long
time refided. Flis advancement to be duke of Albany
was delayed for a (hort time ; and this was fo much re-
fented by him, that, when informed of it by the lord
Ruthven, he threatened to flab that nobleman.
In the mean time the day appointed for the affiembly
of parliament, which w’as finally to determine the fub-
jeft of the marriage, was now approaching. The earl
of Murray, encouraged by the apparent firmnefs of Eli¬
zabeth, goaded on by ambition, and alarmed with the
approbation bellowed by the convention ot the eflates
on the queen’s choice of Lord Darnley, perceived that
the moment was at hand when a decifive blow Ihould
be ftruck. To heighten the refentments of his friends,
and to juflify in fome meafure the violence of his pro-
jeds, he affecltd to be under apprehenfions of being af-
faflinated by the lord Darnley. His fears were founded
abroad ; and he avoided going to Perth, where he af¬
firmed that the plot againft him was to be carried into
execution. He courted the enemies of Darnley with An Jp0C]'a_
unceafing affiduity ; and united to him in a confederacy tion againft
the duke of Chatelherault, and the earls of Argyle,the queen
Rothes, and Glencairn. It was not the foie objeCI offn^ l^ara-
their afibciation to oppofe the marriage. They engaged
in more criminal enterprifes. They meditated the death
of the earl of Lenox and the lord Darnley ; and while
the queen was on the road to Calander place to vifit the
lord Livingfton, they propofed to intercept her and to
hold her in captivity. In this Hate of her humiliation,
Murray was to advance himfelf to the government of
the kingdom, under the chara&er of its regent. But
Mary having received intelligence of their confpiracy,
the earl of Athol and the lord Ruthven fuddenly raifed
300 men to proteft her in her journey. Defeated in
this fcheme, the earl of Murray and his affociates did
not relinquifh their cabals. They projedled new achieve¬
ments ; and the nation was filled with alarms, fufpicions,
and terror.
Amidfl the arts employed by the Scottifli n'ia^con'Diftuib3n-
tents to inflame the animofilies of the nation, they for-ces raif;.(j
got not to infill on the dangers which threatened ihebytheFro-
Proteflant religion from the advancement of Lord Darn- w ft ants,
ley, and from the rupture that mull eniue with Eng¬
land. Letters were everywhere difperfed among the
faithful, reminding them of what the eternal God had
wrought for them in tire abolition of idolatry, and ad-
monifhing
S C O [7
Scotland. moniiKing them to oppofe the jeftoration of the mafs.
' ■v"—' A fupplicadon was prefented to the queen, complaining
of idolaters, and innfling on their punifhment. In the
prefent jundlure of affairs it was received with unufual
refpecl 5 and Mary inftrufted the Popifh ccclenafiics to
abftain from giving offence of any kind to the Protef-
tants. A pried, however, having celebrated the mafs,
was taken by the brethren, and expofed to the infults
and furv of the populace at the market-place of Edin¬
burgh, in the garments of Ids profeffion,' and with the
chalice in his hand ; and the queen having given a
check to this tumultuous proceeding, the Proteflants,
riling in their wrath, were the more confirmed iu the
belief that die meant to overthrow their religion. The
mod learned and able of the clergy held frequent con-
fultations together ; and while the nation was difturbed
with dangerous ferments, the general affembly was call¬
ed to deliberate on the affairs of the church. Their
hope of fuccefs being proportioned to the difficulties in
the fituation of the queen, they were the lefs fcrupulous
in forming their refolutions; and the commiffioners,
whom they deputed to her, were ordered to demand a
parliamentary ratification of their defires.
673 They infifted, that the mafs, with every remnant of
Tfieir d;- popery, ffiould he univerfally fuppreffed throughout the
minds. kingdom •, that in this reformation, the queen’s perfon
and houfehold ffiould be included ; and that all Papills
and idolaters ffiould be puniffied on conviffion accord¬
ing to the laws. They contended, that perfons of every
defeription and degree fhould refort to the churches on
Sunday, to join in prayers, and to attend to exhortations
andfermons; that an independent provifion fhould be
affigned for the fupport of the prefent clergy, and for
their fucceiTors ; that all vacant benefices ffiould be con¬
ferred on perfons found qualified for the miniftry, on
the trial and examination of the fuperintendants •, that
no bifhopric, abbey, priory, deanery, or other living,
ha ving many churches, ffiould be beftowed on a Angle
perfon ; but that, the plurality of the foundation being
diffolved, each church fhould be provided with a mini-
fter; that glebes and manfes ffiould be allotted for the
refidence of the minifters, and for the reparation of
churches ; that no charge in fchools or univerfities, and
no care of education, either public or private, ffiould be
intruded to any perfon who was not able and found in
doflrine, and who was not approved by the fuperintend¬
ants 3 that all lands which had formerly been devoted
to hofpitality, ffiould again be made fubfervient to it ;
that the lands and rents which formerly belonged to
tne monks of every order, with the annuities, alterages,
obits, and the other emoluments which had appertained
to priefts, ffiould be employed in the maintenance of
the poor and the upholding of fchools 3 that all horrible
crimes, iuch as idolatry, blafphemy, breaking of the
fahbatb, witchcraft, forcery, inchantment, adultery, ma-
nifeit whoredom, the keeping of brothels, murder, and
oppreffion, ffiould be puniffied with feverity ; that judges
ffiould be appointed in every diftrift, with powers to
pronounce fentences and to execute them 3 and, in fine,
that for lire cafe of the labouring huffiandmen, fome or¬
der ffiould be devifed concerning a reafonable payment
^ of the tytKes.
Moderation tlie^ requifitions, the queen made an an fiver full
of the moderation and humanity. She was ready to agree
fl'ieen. with the three eftates in eftabliffitrtg the reformed reli-
1 r ] SCO
gion over the fubjecls of Scotland 3 and ffie was fleadily Scotland,
refolved not to hazard the life, the peace, or the fortune, ' v 1
of any perfon whatever on account of his opinions. As
to herfelf and her houfehold, ffie was perfuaded that her
people would not urge her to adopt tenets in contradic¬
tion to her own confcience, and thereby involve her in
remorfe and unealinefs. She had been educated and
brought up in the Romiffi faith 3 (he conceived it to be
founded on the word of Clod 3 and (lie was defirous to
continue in it. But, fetting afide her belief and religi¬
ous duty, fiie ventured to affure them, that (lie was con¬
vinced from political reafons, that it was her intereft to
maintain herfelf firm in the Catholic perfuafion. By de¬
parting from it, ffie would forfeit the amity of the king of
France, and that of other princes who were now firong-
ly attached to her 3 and their difaffeftion could not tie
repaired or Compenfated by any new alliance. To her
fubjefts fixe left the fulleft liberty of confcience 3 and
they could not furely refufe to their fovereign the fame
right and indulgence. With regard to the patronage of
benefices, it was a prerogative and property which it
would ill become her to violate. Her necefiities, and
the charge of her royal dignity, required her to retain
in her hands the patrimony of the crown. After the
purpofes, however, of her ftation, and the exigencies of
government, were fatisfied, fine could not objedf to a
fpecial aflignment of revenue for the maintenance of the
miniftry 3 and, on the fubjedf of the other articles which
had been fubmitted to her, ftie was willing to be dlredi-
ed by the three eftates of the kingdom, and to concur
in the refolutions which fliould appear to them moft rea¬
fonable and expedient.
The clergy, in a new affembly or convention, expref- , ^75
fed great difpleafure with this return to their addrefs.
They took the liberty of informing the queen, that the difpieafed
doeffrines of the reformation which ffie refufed to adopt, with her
were the religion which had been revealed by Jefus arifwer-
Chrift, and taught by his apoftles. Popery was of all
perfuafions the leaft alluring, and had the feweft recom¬
mendations. In antiquity, confent of people, authority
of princes, and number of profelytes, it was plainly in¬
ferior to Judaifm. It did not even reft on a founda¬
tion fo folid as the doctrines of the Koran. They te-
quired her, therefore, in the name of the eternal God,
to embrace the means of attaining the truth, which ’
were offered to her in the preaching of the word, or
by the appointment of public deputations between then?
and their adverfaries. The terrors of the mafs were
placed before her in all their deformity. The performer
ol it, the aflioti itfelf, and the opinions expreffed in i:#
were all pronounced to be equally abominable. To
hear the mafs, or to gaze on it, was to commit the
complicated crimes of facrilege, blafnhemy, and idolatry.
Her delicacy in not renouncing her opinions from the
apprehenfion of offending the king of France and her
other allies, they ridiculed as impertinent in the higheft
degree. They told her, that the true religion of Chrift;
was the only means by which any confederacy could en¬
dure ; and that it was4 far more precious than the al¬
liance of any potentate whatever, as it would bring to
her the friendlhip of the King of kings. As to patro¬
nages, being a portion of her patrimony, they intend¬
ed not to defraud her of her rights : but it was their
judgement, that the fuperintendanls ought to make a
trial of the qualifications of candidates for the miniftry 3
and
676
They rife
in arms,
but are
SCO [71
Scotland, and as it was the duty ot the patron to prefent a perfon
~v to the benefice, it was the bufinefs of the church to
manage his inftitution or collation. For without this
reftraint, there would be no fecurity for the fitnefs of
the incumbent •, and if no trials or examinations of mi-
nifters took place, the church would be filled with mif-
rule and ignorance. Nor wTas it right or juft that her
majefty ftiould retain any part of the revenue of benefi¬
ces ; as it ought to be all employed for the ufes of the
clergy, for the purpofes of education, and for the fup-
port of the poor. And as to her opinion, that a fuitable
affignment fhould be made for them, they could not but
thank her with reverence : but they begged leave to fo-
licit and importune her to condefcend on the particulars
of a proper fcheme for this end, and to carry it into ex¬
ecution 5 and that, taking into due confideration the
other articles of their demands, (he would ftudy to com¬
ply with them, and to do juftice to the religious efta-
blifhment of her people.
From the fears of the people about their religion,
difturbances and infurreftions were unavoidable j and
before Mary had given her anfwer to the petitions or
foon quell- addrefs of the clergy, the Proteftants, in a formidable
number, had marched to St Leonard’s Craig 5 and, di¬
viding themfelves into companies, had chofen captains
to command them. But the leaders of this tumult be¬
ing apprehended and committed to clofe cuftody, it
fubfided by degrees j and the queen, on the interceflion
of the magiftrates of Edinburgh, inftead of bringing
them to trial, gave them a free pardon. To quiet, at
the fame time, the apprehenfions which had gone abroad,
and to controvert the infidious reports which had been
induftrioufly fpread of her inclination to overturn the re¬
formed dodtrines, the repeatedly iffued proclamations,
affuring her fubjedts, that it was her fixed determination
not to moleft or difturb any perfon whatever on account
of his religion or confcience •, and that lire had never
prefumed even to think of any innovation that might en¬
danger the tranquillity or prejudice the happinefs of the
commonwealth.
?77 While Mary was condudling her affairs with difcern-
therebel 0fmcnt and ability, the earl of Murray and his confede-
lious nobles rates continued their confultations and intrigues. After
•with Eliza- their difappointment in the confpiracy againft the queen
beth. and the lord Darnley, they perceived that their only hope
of fuccefs or fecurity depended «n Elizabeth j and as
Randolph had promiled them her protedlion and affift-
anee, they fcrupled not to addrefs a letter to her, ex¬
plaining their views and fituation. The pretences of
their hoftility to their fovereign which they affefted to
infill on, were her fettled defign of overturning the Pro-
teftant religion, and her rooted defire to break off all
correlpondence and amity with England, lo prevent
the accomplifhment of thefe purpofes, they faid, was the
ob]'edl of their confederacy ; and with her fupport and
aid they did not doubt of being able effeflually to ad¬
vance the emolument and advantage of the two king¬
doms. In the prefent ftate of their affairs, they applied
not, however, for any fupply of troops. An aid from
her treafury only was now neceffary to them ■, and they
engaged to bellow her bounty in the manner moll
agreeable to her inclinations and her interefts. I he
plcafure with which Elizabeth received their applica¬
tions was equal to the averfion the had conceived againft
■ the queen of Scots. She not only granted then) the re-
2 ]
SCO
lief they requefted, but affured them by Randolph of Scotland,
her efteem and favour while they Ihould continue to up-
hold the reformed religion and the connexion of the
two nations. Flattered by her affurances and generofi-
ty, they were ftrenuous to gain partizans, and to difu-
nite the friends of their fovereign j and w hile they wrere
fecretly preparing for rebellion, and for trying their
ftrength in the field, they diffeminated among the peo¬
ple the tenets, That a Papift could not legally be their
king^ that the queen was not at liberty of herfelf to
make the choice of a hulband j and that, in a matter
fo weighty, the ought to be entirely directed by the
determination of the three eftates afiembled in parlia-
ment- # 6 s
Elizabeth, at the fame time, carrying her diflimu-Tread,ery
lation to the moll criminal extremity, commanded Ran-ofEliza-
dolph to afk an audience of Mary j and to counfel herb£tb-
lo nourifh no lufpicions of the earl of Murray and his
friends 5 to open her eyes to their fincerity and honour;
and to call to mind, that as their fervices had hitherto
preferved her kingdom in repofe, her jealoufies of them
might kindle it into combuftion, make the blood of her
nobles flow, and hazard her perfon and her crown. Full
of aftonithment at a meffage fo rude and improper, the
queen of Scots defired him to inform his miftrefs, that
Ihe required not her inftrudlions to diftinguifh between
patriotifm and treachery 5 that fire was fully fenfible
when her will or purpofew^as refifted or obeyed ; and that
ftie poffeffed a power W’hich wTas more than fufficient to
reprefs and to punifh the enormities and the crimes of
her fubjefts. The Englifh refident went now to the earl
of Lenox, andlthe lord Darnley, and charged them to re¬
turn to England. The former expreffed an apprehenfion
of the feverity of his queen, and fought an affurance of
her favour before he could venture to vifit her domi¬
nions. The latter, exerting greater fortitude, told him,
that he acknowledged no duty or obedience but to the
queen of Scots. The refident treating this anfwer as
difrefpeftful to Elizabeth, turned his back upon the lord
Darnley, and retired without making any reverence, or
bidding him adieu.
The behaviour of Elizabeth, fo fierce and fo perfidi¬
ous, was wrell calculated to confirm all the intentions of
Mary ; and this, doubtlefs, was one of the motives by
which ftie was afluated. But while the queen of Scots
was eager to accomplifli her marriage, flie was not in¬
attentive to the rifing troubles of her country. 'lire par¬
liament which fire had appointed could not now7 be held:
it was therefore prorogued to a more diftant period ; and
the violence of the times did not then permit it to af-
femble. By letters the invited to her, with all their re¬
tainers, the moft powerful and moft eminent of her fub-
je61s. Bothwel was again recalled from France; and
by general proclamation fire fummoned to her ftandard
the united force of her kingdom. The caftle of Edin¬
burgh was likewlfe amply provided with ftores and am¬
munition, that, in the event of misfortunes, it might
afford her a retreat and defence. The alacrity with
which her fubjedls flocked to her from every quarter, in¬
formed her of her power and popularity ; and while it
ftruck Murray and his adherents with the danger to
which they wrere expofed, it declared to them the opi¬
nion entertained by the nation of the iniquity and the
felfiffmefs of their proceedings.
On the 29th of July 1565, the ceremony of mar-
679
Marriage
of Mary
with Lord
Darnley.
6So
He is pro¬
claimed
king of
Scotland.
SCO [71
Scotland, riage between the queen and Lord Darnley was perform¬
ed. The latter had been previoufly created duke of
Albany. The day before the marriage, a proclamation
was publilhed, commanding him to be llyled hng of the
rea/m, and that all letters after their marriage fliould be
directed in the names of her hufband and herfelf. The
day after it, a new proclamation was iffued confirming
this a6l : he was pronounced king by the found of
trumpets, and affociated with the queen in her govern¬
ment. This meafure feems to have been the effedt of
the extreme love the queen had for her hulband, which
did not permit her to lee that it was an infringement of
the conftitution of the kingdom } though perhaps the
might alfo be urged to it by the prefling eagernefs of
Lord Darnley himfelf, and the partial councils of David
Rizzio. The earl of Murray made loud complaints, re-
monflrated, that a king was impofed on the nation with¬
out the confent of the three eftates, and called on the
nation to arm againft the beginnings of tyranny. The
malecontents accordingly were immediately in arms;
but their fuccefs was not anfwerable to their wiflies.
The bulk of the nation were fatisfied with the good in¬
tentions of their fovereign, and (he herfelf took the ear-
liefl: opportunity of crufliing the rebellion in its infancy.
6g x The earl of Murray was declared a traitor j and fimilar
The rebel- fteps were taken with other chiefs of the rebels. She
lious nobles tjhen took the field againfl: them at the head of a confi-
dnven into - - - . .0 . . .
England.
derable army : and having driven them from one place
to another, obliged them at laft to take refuge in Eng¬
land. Queen Elizabeth received them with that du¬
plicity for which her conduft was fo remarkable.
Though ftie herfelf had countenanced, and even excited
them to revolt, fhe refufed to give an audience to their
deputies. Nay, fhe even caufed them to iflue a public
declaration, that neither die, nor any perfon in her
name, had ever excited them to their rebellious prac¬
tices. Yet, while the public behaviour of Elizabeth
was fo acrimonious, {he afforded them a fecure retreat
in her kingdom, treated the earl of Murray in private
with refpeft and kindnefs, and commanded the earl of
Bedford to fupply him with money. Mary, however,
refolved to proceed againft the rebels with an exem¬
plary rigour. The fubmiflions of the duke of Chatel-
herault alone, who had been lefs criminal than the reft,
were attended to. But even the favour which he ob¬
tained was precarious and uncertain ; for he wras cosn-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
3 ] SCO
manded to ufe the pretence of ficknefs, and to pafs for Scotland,
fome time into foreign countries. A parliament was v ^
called ; and a fummons of treafon being executed againit
the, earls of Argyle, Glencairn, and Rothes, with others
of the principal rebels, they were commanded to appear
before the three eftates ; in default of which their lives
and eftates wrere declared forfeited.
In the mean time Throgmorton the Englifti ambaf-
fador folicited the pardon of the rebels ; tvhich Mary 68*
was at firft inclined to grant. By the perfuafion of the
court of France, however, ftie wTas not only induced totreatyof
proceed againft them with rigour, but acceded to the Bajonne,
treaty of Bayonne, by which the deftru&ion of the
Proteftants was determined. This meafure filled the
whole court with terror and difmay. The rebels were
acquainted with the danger of their fituation ; and being
now rendered defperate, they were ready to engage in the
moft atrocious defigns. Unhappily, the fituation of af¬
fairs in Scotland rendered the accomplifhment of their
purpofes but too eafy. Violent difgulls had taken place 683
between the queen and her hufband. Her fondnefs had Qi,arreb
been exceflive ; but ftie foon perceived that the qualities.,0 'veen
or his mind were not proportioned to his perlonal accom- ami her
plifhmenls. He was proud, difdainful, and fufpicious. hulbanch
No perfuafions could correct his obftinacy j and he was
at the fame time giddy and obftinate, infolent and mean.
The queen in confequence began to fhow an indifference
towards him ; which he took care to augment, by ftiow-
ing the like indifference towards her, and engaging in
low intrigues and amours, indulging himfelf in diflipa-
tion and riot, &c. The defiie of dominion W'as his ruling
paflion however ; and the queen, finding his total in¬
capacity for excrcifing his power to any good purpofe,
had excluded him from it altogether. He was therefore
at prefent a proper objefl for the machinations of the
rebels, and readily entered into an agreement with them
to depofe the queen j vainly thinking by that means to
fecure the crown to himfelf. As the parliament was
foon to affemble, in which the rebels had every reafon
to believe that they Would be condemned for high trea¬
fon, it was neceffary that the kingdom fhould be thrown
into diforder before that time, otherwife their fate was 6S4
inevitable. Praftifing on the imbecility of Darnley, The king
they perfuaded him that a criminal correfpondence fub- c°nfp|res
lifted between the queen and David Rizzio (r). For
this reafon the king refolved on his deftruftion 5 and the vid Rizzio,
4 X confpirators with the
rebellious
  —— nobles.
An. 1566,
(r) That there fubfifted a criminal intercourfe between Mary and Rizzio is a fcandal which is now given up by
her enemies. It Teems to reft on the authority of Buchanan and Knox 5 and their evidence in this cafe is clearly of
no weight, not only from their being the ftrenuous partifans of her adverfaries, but from the mullitade of falfehoods
which they anxioufly detail to calumniate her. The love (he felt for Darnley was extreme, and their acquaintance
commenced a month or two after the appointment of Rizzio to be her fecretary for French affairs. She became
pregnant foon after her marriage ; and it was during her pregnancy that Rizzio was affaflinated. Thefe are ftriking
prefumptions in her favour. And what feems to put her innocence out of all queftion, is the filence of the fpies and
refidents of Elizabeth with regard to this pretended amour; for, if there had been any thing real in it, they could
not have made their court to their queen more effeftually than by declaring to her its particulars; and their want
of delicacy, fo obfervable in other circumftances, would have induced them on this occafion to give the greateft foul-
nefs.and deformity to their information.
It appears that Rizzio was ill-favoured, and of a difagreeable form. Buchanan fays of him, “ Non faciem
cultus honeftabat, fed facies cultum deftruebat. Hy?. Scot. lib. xvii. This expreflion is very ftrong j but it would
have little weight if other authors had not concurred in giving a fimilar defeription of Rizzio. In a book intitled,
1 Ee Livre de la Morte de la Reyne d’Ecoffe, and printed in the year 1587, he is faid to be “ difgracie de corps.”
Can fin, ap. Jebb, p. 37. I his work, too> -ivhile it records the unkindrtefs of nature to his perfon, has obferved, that
he
1
SCO [ 714 ] SCO
Scotland, confpiratafs hoped thus not only to get an indemnity to ven returned into their prefence. She gave a full vent Scotland.
~ themfelves, but to elfeft a total revolution at court, and to indignation and reproach. Ruthven, with an into- ’
the entire humiliation of Bothwel, Huntly, and Athol, lerable coldnefs and deliberation, informed her, that
who were the aflbeiates of Rizzio. In order to fave Rizzio had been put to death by the counfel of her huf-
.themfelves, however, they engaged the king to fubferibe band, whom he had difhonoured ) and that by the per¬
il bond, affirming that the project of affafiinating Rizzio fuafion of this minion the had refufed the crown-malrx-
was altogether ol his own deviling ; acknowledging monial to the king, had engaged to re-eftablilh the an-
ihat he had folicited them to take a part in it, from the cient religion, had refolved to punifh the earl of Murray
apprehenfions that refinance might be made to him ; and his friends, and had entrufted her confidence to
and agreeing, on the word and honour of a prince, to Bothwel and Huntly, who were traitors. The king,
protect and fecure them againft every hazard and injury taking the part of Ruthven, remonftrated againft her
to which they might be expofed from the achievement proceedings, and complained that from the time of her
of his enterprife. Having procured this fecurity, and familiarity with Rizzio, (he had neither regarded, nor
having allured the earl of Lenox the king’s father to ap- entertained, nor trufted him. His fufpicions and in-
prove of their meafures, fhey adjutied the method of gratitude fhocked and tortured her. Plis connedlion
the proje&ed murder j and difpatched a meffenger to with the confpirators gave her an ominous anxiety. Ap-
ihe Engliffi frontier, advertifing the earl of Murray and prehenfiens of outrages itill more atrocious invaded her.
the rebels of their intentions, and inviting them to re- In thefe agitated and miferable moments {he did not
turn to the court. lofe herfclf in the helplefihefs of forrow. The loftinefs
On the 9th day of March, about feven o’clock in the of her fpirit communicated relief to her ; and wiping
evening, armed men, to the number of 500, furrounded away her tears, file exclaimed, that it was not now a
nunJered. pajace 0f Holyroodhoufe. The earl of Morton feafon for lamentation, but for revenge.
and the lord Lindfay entered the court of the palace, The earls of Huntly, Bothwel, and Athol, the lords
with 160 perfons. The queen was in her chamber at Fleming and Levingfton, and Sir James Balfour, who
{upper, having in her company her natural filter the were obnoxious to the conlpirators, and at this time in
eountefs of Argyle, her natural brother Robert com- the palace, found all refiftance vain. Some of them
mendator of Holyroodhoufe, Beton of Creich matter of eluding the vigilance of Morton, made their efcape j
the houfehold, Arthur Erfkine, and David Rizzio. and others were allowed to retire. The provoft and
The king entering the apartment, feated himfelf by her magilliates of Edinburgh getting intelligence of the
fide. He was followed by the lord Rulhven, who be- tumult, ordered the alarm bell to be rung. The citizens,The queen
ing wafted wdth ficknefs, and cafed in armour, exhibit- apprehenfive and anxious, approached in crowds to in-confined
ed an appearance that was hideous and terrible. Four quire into the welfare of their fevereign ; but flie was ^rici^ireat*
ruffians attended him. In a hollow voice be command- not peimitted to addrefs herfelf to them. The con¬
ed Rizzio to leave a place which did not become him. fpirators told her, that if flte prefumed to make any
The queen, in aftonithment and confternation, applied harangue, they would “ cut her in pieces, and caft her
to the king to unfold to her this myfterious enterprife. over the walls.” The king called to the people that
He affedled ignorance. She ordered Ruthven from her fhe was well, and commanded them to drfpeife. The
prefence, under the penalty of treafon 5 declaring at the queen was Unit up in her chamber, uncertain of her
fame time, that if Rizzio had committed any crime, fhe fate, and without the cenfolalion or attendance of her
would produce him before the parliament, and punifh ■women.
him according to the laws. Ruthven drawing his dag- In the morning a proclamation was ilfued by the
ger, advanced towards Rizzio. The queen rofe to make king, without the knowledge of his queen, prohibiting
an exertion of her authority. The unfortunate flranger the meeting of parliament, and ordering the members
laid hold of her garments, crying out for juftice and to retire from the city. I he rebellious lords now re¬
mercy. Other confpirators, rufhing into the chamber, turned from England, and arrived at Edinburgh with- ^
overturned the table, and increafed the difmay and con- in 24 hours after the affaffination of Rizzio. The She endea-
fufion. Loaded piftols were prefented to the bofom of queen, knowing of how much confequence it was forvouisin
the queen. The king held her in his arms. George her to gain the earl of Murray, invited him to wait
Douglas, fnatching the dagger of his fovereign, plunged on her. Notwithftanding the extreme provocation ^jurra^ *
it into the body of Rizzio. The wounded and feream- which fhe had met with, Mary fo far commanded her
ing viffim was dragged into the antichamber •, and fo paffions, that fire gave him a favourable reception,
eager were the affiaffins to complete their work, that be After informing him of the rudenefs and feverity of
was torn and mangled with 56 wounds. the treatment fhe had received, the queen obferved,
While the queen was preffing the king to fatisfy her that if he had remained in friendfhip with her at home,
inquiries into the meaning of a deed fo execrable, Ruth- he would have protefted her againft fuch excefles of
hardffiip
he was in his old age when he made a figure in the court of Mary. “ Elle traittoit ordinairement avec David
Riccio fon fecretaire, homme aage et prudent, qui poffedoit fon oreille.” Ibid. And other authors give their tefti-
monies to the fame purpofe.
It is probable that the panegyrifts of Mary exaggerate fomewhat the imperfe&ions as well as the good qualities
of Rizzio. But there feems in general to be no reafon to doubt his fidelity and talents, any more than his uglinefs
and fenility. He had therefore a better title to be her fecretary than her lover. It is an abfurdity to think that
queen fo young and beautiful would yield herfplf to deformity and old age.
cs5
Rizzio
cruelly
8 C 0 t 7
Scotland, liardlliip and infult. Murray, with a hypocritical com-
1 pafiion, (lied abundance of tears •, while the queen feem-
ed to entertain no doubt of his fincerity, but gave him
room to hope for a full pardon of all his offences. In
the mean time, however, the confpirators held frequent
confultations together, and in thefe it was debated,
whether they fhould hold the queen in perpetual capti¬
vity, or put her to death ; or whether they (hould con¬
tent themfelves with committing her to clofe cuffody in
Stirling caftle till they fhould obtain a parliamentary
fan<ffion to their proceedings, eftablifh the Proteffant
religion by the total overthrow of the mafs, and invelt
the king with the crown-matrimonial and the govern-
6gj ment of the kingdom.
Sutpre- Mary now began to perceive the full extent of her
Vails on the wretchednefs ; and therefore, as her luff refource, ap-
atT” d° the king, whom (he treated with all thofe blan-
the caufe difhments ufually employed by the fair fex when they
®f the con_ want to gain the afcendency over the other. The king,
fpirators. who, with all his faults, had a natural facility of temper,
was eafily gained over. The confpirators were alarmed
at his coldnefs, and endeavoured to fill his mind with
fears concerning the duplicity of his wife : but, finding
they could not gain their point, they at laft began to
treat for an accommodation. The king brought them
a meffage, importing, that Mary was difpofed to bury
in oblivion all memory of their tranfgreflions 3 and he
offered to conduft them into her prefence. The earls
of Murray and Morton, with the lord Ruthven, attend¬
ed him into her prefence 3 and, falling on their knees
before the queen, made their apologies and fubmiffions.
She commanded them to rife 3 and having defired them
to recollect her abhorrence of cruelty and rapacity, (lie
aflured them with a gracious air, that inffead of defign-
ing to forfeit their lives, and poffefs herfelf of their
effates, (lie was inclined to receive them into favour,
and to grant a full pardon, not only to the nobles who
had come from England, but to thofe who had aflaffi-
nated David Rizzio. They were accordingly ordered
to prepare the bonds for their fecurity and forgivenefs,
which the queen promifed to take the earlieft opportu¬
nity of fubferibing 3 but in the mean time the king ob-
ferved, that the confpirators ought to remove the guards
$g9 which they had placed around the queen, that all fu-
Andefcapesfpicion of reftraint might be removed. This meafure
from them, could not with any propriety be oppofed, and the
guards were therefore difmifled 3 on which the queen,
that very night, left her palace at midnight, and took
the road to Dunbar, accompanied by the king and a
few attendants.
The news of the queen’s efcape threw the confpira¬
tors into the utmoft confternation; as (he immediately
iffued proclamations for her fubjecls to attend her in
arms, and was powerfully fupported. They fent there¬
fore the lord Semple, requefting, with the utmort hu¬
mility, her fubfeription to their deeds of pardon and
fecurity 3 but to this meffage flie returned an unfavour¬
able anfwer, and advanced towards Edinburgh with an
army of 8000 men. The confpirators now fled with
690 the utmoft precipitation. Even John Knox retired to
The rebel- Kyle till the ftorm {hould blow over. On the queen’s
lious nobles arrival at Edinburgh, a privy council was inftantly call-
red traitors e^> ’n which the confpirators were charged to appear
’as guilty of murder and treafon; their places of flrength
were ordered to be furrendered to the officers of the
15 ] SCO
crown ; and their effates and pofieffioirs were made 11- Scotian/,
able to confifcation and forfeiture. y—
But wrhile the queen was thus eager to punifh the
confpirators, fire was fenfible that fo many of the nobi¬
lity, by uniting in a common caufe, might raife a
powerful party in oppofition to her 3 for which reafon
fhe endeavoured to detach the earl of Murray from the
reft, by making him offers of pardon. Sir James Mel-
vil accordingly pledged himfelf to produce his pardon
and that of his adherents, if he would feparate from
Morton and the confpirators. He accordingly became
cold and diitant to them, and exclaimed againft the
murder as a moft execrable adlion 5 but notwithftanding
his aftedted anger, when the confpirators tied to Eng¬
land, he furnithed them with letters of recommendation
to the earl of Bedford. After the flight of the confpi-Shameful
rators, the king thought it neceffary for him to deny prevanca-
his having any (hare in the adlion. He therefore em-*lon^of'tlie
braced an opportunity of declaring to the privy council * * "v
his total ignorance of the confpiracy againft Rizzio 3
and not fatisfied with this, he, by public proclamations
at the market-place of the capital, and over the whole
kingdom, protefted to the people at large that he had
never bellowed on it, in any degree, the landlion of his
command, confent, afliftance, or approbation. 692
In the mean time the queen granted a full and am- Murray
pie pardon to the earls of Murray, Argyle, Glencairn,
and Rothes, and their adherents 3 but towards the con'thc rebels
fpiratorsfhe remained inexorable. 'Phis lenity, to Mur-are pard&n*
ray efpecially, proved a fource of the greateft inquietude ed.
to the queen 3 for this nobleman, blind to every motive
of atftion diftinft from his own ambition, began to con¬
trive new plots, which, though difappointed for a time,
foon Operated to the deftruftion of the queen, and al-
moft to the ruin of the nation.
of
693
On the 10th of June 1 366, the queen was delivered ^Irt^
who received the name of This
James VL
prince, x v \.va LUV iiciiiiu wi «/t*//11. • jl ma Jure-
happy event, however, did not exlinguifh the quarrel {^66.
betwixt her and the king. His defire to intrude him¬
felf into her authority, and to fix a (lain on her honour,
his (hare in the murder of Rizzio, and his extreme
meannefs in publicly denying it, could not fail to im-
prefs her with the ftrongefl fentiments of deteftation and
contempt. Unable, however, totally to diveft herfelf
of regard for him, her behaviour, though cold and di- 694
ftant, rvas yet decent and refpe&ful. Caffelnau, at this A- partial
time ambaflador extraordinary from France, conceived
that a reconciliation might be effedfed, and employed tu.Pen jjie
himfelf for fome time in this friendly office. Nor were king and
his endeavours altogether ineffedtual. The king and queen,
queen fpent two nights together 3 and proceeded, in com¬
pany with each other, to Meggatland in Tweeddale, in
order to enjoy the diverfion of the chace, attended by
the earls of Huntly, Bothwel, Murray, and other nobles.
Thence they pafled to Edinburgh, and then took the
road to Stirling. Had the king been endowed with Which is
any prudence, he would have made the belt ufe of this^ro^eno^
opportunity to regain the affeflions of his queen 3 but,!^ l^ejm
inftead of this, finding that he was not immediately in-praaent be<*
trufted with power, his peevifhnefs fuggefted to him thehaviour.
defign of going abroad. To Monfieur du Croc, the
French refident, who had attended Mary at Stirling,
he ventured to communicate his chimerical projeft.
This ftatefman reprefented to him its wildnefs and in-
efficacy ; and could fcarcely believe that he was feri-
4X2 tiUSs
SCO [ 71
Scotland, ous. To his father the earl of Lenox, who paid him
a vifit at this place immediately on Mary’s departure
frerri it, he liketvife communicated his intention ; and
all the intreaties, arguments, and remonllrances of this
nobleman to make him relinquilh his deiign, were with¬
out fuccefs. He provided a vefl'd, and kept it in
rtadinefs to carry him from Scotland. The earl of
Lenox, after returning to Glafgow, where he ufually
redded, gave way to his paternal anxieties, and folicited
the queen by letter to interfere with her authority and
periuafior.s ; and on the evening of the day in which
lire received this difpatch, the king alighted at Holy-
xoodhoufe. But the names of the nobles who were
with the queen being announced to him, he obje&ed
to three of them, and infilled that they flrould be or¬
dered to depart, before he would enter within the
gates of the palace. The queen, alarmed with a de¬
meanour fo rude and fo unwarrantable, condefcended to
leave her company and her palace to meet him; and it
was with great difficulty that lire was able to entice him
into her own apartment. There he remained with her
during the night. She communicated to him his fa¬
ther’s letter, and employed every art and blandifhment
to engage him to abandon his perverfe defign. But he
gave her no fatisfadtion. He was unmoved by her
kindnefs; and his filence, dejedlion, and peevifhnefs,
augmented her dilfrefs. In the morning, Ihe called
her privy council to alTemble in the palace, and invited
to her Monfieur du Croc the French envoy. By the
biiTiop of Rofs fixe explained the intention of the king,
and made known the difpatch of the earl of Lenox.
The privy council were urgent to know the reafons of a
voyage that appeared to them fo inexplicable 5 and
earneftly preffed the king to unbofom himfelf. If his
refolution proceeded from difeontent, and if there were
perfons in the kingdom who had given him caufes of
offence, they affured him, that they were ready, upon
his information, to take the neceffary fteps to make
him eafy and happy. No quality or rank fliould e?:empt
thofe from inquiry and punilhment who had committed
mifdemeanors again!! him. This, they faid, confified
with his honour, with the honour 01 the queen, and
with their own. If, however, he had received no fuffi-
cient provocation to jullify his behaviour, and if he
had no title to complain of adlual injuries, they admo-
niflied him to remember, that his flight from a queen
fo beautiful, and from a kingdom fo ancient and noble,
would expofe him to the greatell ridicule and difgrace.
They pointed out the happinefs of his fortune, and
counfelled him not to part lightly with all its flattering
advantages. The queen herfelf, taking his hand into
her’s, and preffing it with affection, befought him to
fay by what aft or deed Ihe had unfortunately induced
him to conceive fo fatal a purpofe. Her memory did
not reproach her with any crime or indiferetion which
affefted his honour or her integrity : yet if, without any
defign on her part, fixe had incurred his difpleafure,
Ihe wras difpofed to atone for it : and fhe begged him
to fpeak with entire freedom, and not in any degree to
fpare her. Monfieur du Croc then addreffed him, and
employed his intereft and perfuafions to make him re¬
veal his inquietudes. But all this refpeftful attention
and ceremonious duty were ineffeftual. Obftinately
froward, he refufed to confefs that he intended any voy¬
age, and made no mention of any reafons of dilcontent.
6 ] SCO
He yet acknowledged with readinefs, that he could not Scotland,
with juftice accufe the queen of any injury or offence. -y*--''
Opprcffed with uneafinefs and perturbation, he prepared
to retire} and, turning to her, faid, “ Adieu, Madam 1
you {hall not fee me for a long time.” He then bowed
to the French envoy, and to the lords of the privy
council.
He haftened back to Stirling, leaving the queen and
her cbuncil in furprife andailonithment. They refolved
to watch his motions with anxiety, and could not con-
jefture what ftep he would take. Mary, to prevent
the effeft of rumours to her difadvantage, difpatched a
courier to adverlife the king of France and the queen-
mother of iris conduft. It rvas not pofiible that a
prince fo meanly endowed with ability could make any
imprefiion on her allies. Nor did it appear to be in
his powrer to exjcite any domeftic infurreftion or difturb-
ance. He was univerfally odious j and, at this time,
the queen was in the higheft eftimation with the great
body of her fubjefts. After pafling fome days at Stir¬
ling, he addreffed a letter to the queen, in which, after
hinting at his defign of going abroad, he infinuated his
reafons of complaint. He was not trulled by her with
authority, and Ihe wTas no longer ftudious to advance
him to honour. He was without attendants j and the
nobility had deferted him. Her anfvver was fenfible and
temperate. She called to his remembrance the diftinc-
tions fhe had conferred on him, the ufes to which he
had put the credit and reputation accruing from them,
and the heinous offences he had encouraged in her fub¬
jefts. Though the plotters againft Rizzio had repre-
fented him as the leader of their enterprize, fhe had
yet abfiained from any accufation of him, and had even
behaved as if fixe believed not his participation in the
guilt of that projeft. As to the defefts of his retinue,
ihe had uniformly offered him the attendance of her
mvn fervants. As to the nobility, they were the fup-
ports of the throne, and independent of it. Their coun¬
tenance was not to be commanded, but won. He had
difeovered too much ftatelinefs towards them ; and they
were the proper judges of the deportment that became
them. If he wifhed for confequence, it was his duty to
pay them court and attention; and whenever he flxould
procure and conciliate their regard and commendation,
fixe would be happy to give him all the importance that
belonged to him.
In the mean time, the earls of Murray and Both-
wel were induftrioully flriving to widen the breach be¬
tween the king and queen, and at the fame time to fo¬
ment the divifion between the king and his nobles.
The earl of Morton excited diilurbances oxx the bor¬
ders } and as no fettled peace had taken place there
fince Mary’s marriage, there was the greateft reafon to
believe that he would fucceed in his attempts. Pro¬
clamations were therefore iffued by the queen to call her
fubjefts to arms 5 and fixe proceeded to Jedburgh, to
hold juflice-courts, and to punifh traitors and diiorder-
ly perfons. In the courfe of this journey fhe was ta- jyfary fajjs
ken dangeroufly ill; ixxfomuch that, believing her death fickj but
to be at hand, fhe called for the biftxop of Rofs, telling recovers,
him to bear witnefs, that fixe had perfevered in that re¬
ligion in which fixe liad been nourifhed and brought up;
taking the promife of her nobles, that after her death
they would open her lait will and teftament, and pay
to it that refpeft which confified with the laws, recom¬
mending
SCO t 717 ]
SCO
Scotland, friending to ihem the rights of her infant fon, and the
charge of educating him in fuch a manner as might en¬
able him to rule the kingdom of his anceftors with ho¬
nour j and intreating them to abllain from all cruelty
and perfecution of her Catholic fubjeits. Notwith-
llanding her apprehenfions, however, and the extreme
violence of her diilemper, the queen at laft recovered
perfect health. As foon as die was able to travel,
fhe vifrted Kelib, Werk caille, Hume, Langton, and
Wedderburn. 'i'he licentious borderers, on the firit
news of her recovery, laid down their arms. Being
defirous to take a view of Berwick, the queen advanced
to it with an attendance of 1000 horle. Sir John
Foriter, the deputy warden of the Englhh marches,
came forth with a numerous retinue, and cendufted her
to the moft proper Ration for i’urveying it, and paid her
all the honours in his power, by a full difcharge of the
artillery, and other demonftrations of joy. Continu¬
ing her journey, ihe paffed to Eymouth, Dunbar, and
Tantallon; proceeding thence to Craigmillar caftle,
where Ihe propofed to remain till the time of the bap-
tifm of the prince, which was foon to be celebrated at
697 Stirling.
Unkindnefs During the fevere ficknefs of the queen, her huf-
of the king, band kept himfeff at a diftance : but when the was lo
far recovered as to be out of danger, he made his ap¬
pearance ; and being received with feme ccldnefs and
formality, he retired fuddenly to Stirling. This cruel
neglebt was a moil fenfible mortification to her ; and
while lire fuffered from his ingratitude and haughtinefs,
Ihe was not without fufpicion that he was attempting
to difturb the tranquillity of her government. She
was feized with a fettled melancholy ; and, in her an-
guilh, often wilhed for death to put a period to her ex-
ilfence. Pier nobles, who were caballing againft her,
remarked her condition, and took advantage of it.
Bothwel, who had already recommended himfelf by
his fervices, redoubled his efforts to heighten the fa¬
vour which thefe fervices had induced her to conceive
for him. At this time, it is probable, he fought to
698 gain the affeftion of the queen, with a view to marry
A divorce her himfelf, providing a divorce from her hufband
is propo- could be obtained; and this was now become the fubjecl
of coniultation by Murray and his affociates. After
much deliberation, the queen herfelf was made acquain¬
ted with this projebf •, and it was told her, that provided
fire would pardon the earl of Morton and his affociates,
the means Ihould be found of effefting the divorce.
This was urged as a matter of Rate by the earls of
Murray, Lethington, Argyle, and Huntly •, and the
queen was invited to confider it as an affair which
might be managed without any interference on her
part. The queen replied, that Ihe would liffen to
them, on condition that the divorce could be obtained
according to law, and that it Ihould not be prejudicial
to her fon : but if they meant to effefl their pur-
pofe by a difregard to thefe points, they muR think
no more of it 5 for rather than confent to their views,
ftie would endure all the torments, and abide by all the
perils, to which her fituation expofed her.
Lethington on this, in the name of the reR, engaged
to rid her of her hufband, without prejudice to her
Ion ; words which could not be underflood otherwife
than as pointing at murder. Lord Murray (added
he), who is here prefent, fcrupulous as he is, will
connive ; and behold our proceedings without open- Scotland,
ing his lips. The queen immediately made anfwer,
I defire that you will do nothing from which any
Rain may be fixed upon my honour or confidence ; and
I therefore, require the matter to reR as it is, till God
of his goodnefs fend relief: What you think to be
of fervice to me may turn out to my difpleafure and
harm.”
It appears, however, that from this moment a plot was
formed by Murray, Bothwel, and Lethington, againlt
the life of Darnley, and by fume of them probably a-
gainfl the queen herfelf} and that Morton, who with the
other confpirators againfl Rizzio had received a pardon,
was clofely affociated wdth them in their nefarious de~
figns. That profligate peer was, in his way to Scot-1
land, met at Whittingham by Bothwel and the fecrcla-
ry. They propofed to him the murder of the king, and
required his affiRance, alleging that the queen herfelf
confentedto the deed 5 to which Morton by his own ac¬
count replied, that he was difpoled to concur, provided
he were fure of ading under any authority from her 5
but Bothwel and Lethington having returned to Edin¬
burgh, on purpofe to obtain fuch an authority, lent him
back a meifage, That the queen would not permit any
converfation on that matter.
In the mean time, preparations were made for the
baptif’m of the young prince ; to afiifl at which the
queen left Craigmillar and went to Stirling. The ce¬
remony was performed on the 17th of December 1566.
After the baptifmal rites were performed, the name
and titles of the prince were three times proclaimed
by the heralds to the found of trumpets. He was
called and defigned, Charles James, James Charles,
prince and Reward of Scotland, duke of Rothefay,
earl of Garrick, lord of the Lies, and baron of Ren¬
frew. Amidfl the feenes of joy difplayed on this oc-
cafion, the king (bowed his folly more than he had
ever done. As Elizabeth did not mean to acknowledge Abfurd be.,
him in his fovereign capacity, it was confident neither *iavioyir °'
with the dignity of the queen, nor his own, that hst ieiiin^'
fliould be prefent at the baptifm. He did not indeed
prefent himfelf either at the ceremony or the enter¬
tainments and mafquerades with which it was accom¬
panied. At this jundlure, however, though he had
often kept at a greater diflance before, he took up his
refidence at Stirling, as if he meant to offend the queen,
and to expofe their quarrels to the world. Du Croc,
who was inclined to be favourable to him, was fo flruck
with the impropriety of his behaviour, that he affe&ed
to have inffrudfions from France to avoid all intercourfe
with him : and when the king propofed to pay him a
vifit, he took the liberty of informing him, that there
were two paffages in his chamber 5 and that if his ma-
jelly Ihould enter by the one, he fliould be confltained
to go out by the other.
While he relided at Stirling, the king confined him- An. 1567.
felf chiefly to his chamber. His flrange behaviour
to the queen did not give the public any favourable idea
of him ; and as the earl of Murray and his fadlion took
care to augment the general odium, no court was paid,
to him by foreign ambaffadors. His fituation, there¬
fore, was exceedingly uncomfortable 5 but though he
mull have been confcious of his folly and imprudence,
he did not alter his condudf. In a fullen humour he
left Stirling, and proceeded to Glafgow. Here he fell
fickj ,v„
/
Scotland.
and is mur¬
dered.
702
Attempts
to difcover
the mur¬
derers.
SCO [71
Tick, with fuch fymptoms as feemed to indicate poifon.
He was tormented with violent pains, and his body
was covered over with puftules of a bluilh colour 5 lo
that his death was daily expected. Mary did not re¬
pay his coldnefs to her by negligence. She fet out
immediately for Glafgow, and waited on him with all
the affiduity of an affedticnate wife, until he recovered :
atter which Hie returned with him to Edinburgh ; and
as the low fituation of the palace of Holyroodhoufe
was thought to render it unhealthy, the king was
lodged in a houfe which had been appointed for the
fuperior of the church, called St Mary's in the Fields.
I bis houfe Hood on an high ground, and in a falu-
brious air ; and here fhe ftaid with him fome days.—
Here the confpirators thought proper to finifh their
plot in the moft execrable manner. On the icth of
February 1567, about two o’clock in the morning,
the houfe where the king refided was blown up by
gunpowder. The explofioft alarming the inhabitants,
excited a general curiofity, and brought multitudes to
the place whence it proceeded. The king was found
dead and naked in an adjoining field, with a fervant
who ufed to deep in the fame apartment with him.
On neither was there any mark of fire or other external
injury.
The queen was in the palace of Holyroodhoufe, ta¬
king the diverfion of a maiked ball, which was given to
honour the marriage of a favourite dcmeflic, when the
news of the king’s death was brought to her. She
fliowed the utmoll grief, and appeared exafperated to
the lafl degree againft the perpetrators of a deed at
once fo (hocking and barbarous. The moft exprefs
and peremptory orders were given to inquire after the
perpetrators by every poffible method. A proclama¬
tion was ifibed by the privy-council, affuring the people,
that the queen and nobility would leave nothing un¬
done to difcover the murderers of the king. It offered
the fum of 2000I. and an annuity for life, to any per-
fon who fnould give information of the devifers, coun-
fellors, and perpetrators of the murder ; and it held
out this reward, and the promife of a full pardon, to
the confpirator who fliould make a free confeffion of
his own guilt, and that of the confederates. On the
fourth day after this proclamation was publifhed, a
placard rvas affixed to the gate of the city prifon, af-
8 I
SCO
firming, that the earl of Bothwel, James Baifout*, Da- Scotland,
vid Chalmers, and black John Spence, were the mur-
derers. No name, however, was fubferibed to this in¬
telligence, nor was any demand made for the proffered
reward 5 fo that it was difficult to know whether this
advertifement had been diftated by a fpirit of calumny
or the love of juftice. ^0-
In the mean time, the earl of Murray conduced Strong pre-
himfelf with his ufual circumfpe&ion and artifice. On lumpbon of
a pretence that his wife was dangeroufly fick at his^
caftle in Fife, he, the day before the murder, obtained 0f iyiurrav,
the queen’s permiffion to pay her a vifit. By this means
he propofed to prevent all fufpicion whatever of his
guilt. He wTas fo full, however, of the intended pro¬
ject, that while he was proceeding on his journey, he
obferved to the perfon who accompanied him, “ This
night, before morning, the lord Darnley fhall lofe
his life.” When the blow w’as ftruck, he returned to
Edinburgh to carry on his pradtices. Among fo¬
reign nations, the domeftic difputes of the queen and
her hufband being fully known, it was with the greater
cafe that reports could be propagated to her difadvan-
tage. Letters w-ere difpatched to France, exprefling, He accufes
in fervent terms, her participation in the murder. In the queen.
England, the minifters and courtiers of Elizabeth
could not flatter that princefs more agreeably, than
by induftrioufly detradfing from the honour and^the
virtue of the Scottifh queen. Within her own domi¬
nions a fimilar fpirit of outrage exerted itfelf, and not
without fuccefs. As her reconciliation with her huf¬
band could not be unknown to her own fubjedls, it was .
regarded as diflimulation and treachery. The Protef-
tant clergy, who were her moft determined enemies,
pcffeffed a leading diredlion among the populace 3 and
they were the friends and the partizans of the earl of
Murray. Open declamations from the pulpit were
made againft Bothwel, and ftrong infinuations and bit¬
ing furmifes were thrown out againft the queen. Pa¬
pers were difperfed, making her a party with Bothwel
in the murder. Every art was employed to provoke
the frenzy of the people. Voices, interrupting the
filence of the night, proclaimed the infamy of Bothwel j
and portraits of the regicides were circulated over the
kingdom (s).
The queen’s determination, however, to ferutinize
the
(s) In the article Mary ^iicen of Scotland, we have ftated at confiderable length the arguments for and againft
the participation in the murder of Damley, of which Mary has been accufed. As we have concluded that article
with the arguments brought by one of her ableft accufers, juftice and impartiality require that we fhould embrace
this only opportunity of prefenting our readers w-ith the arguments in favour of the queen, brought forward by her
ihoft recent defender Mr Chalmers. “ Mary heffelf (fays Mr Chalmers, Caledortia, v©l. i. p. 850.) feems to have
been the only perfon of any confequence who was unacquainted with a defign which was attended wdth fuch migh¬
ty confequence 3 yet has it been a queftion of debale, from that age to the prefent, whether Mary had been an ac¬
complice in the murder of Darnley her hufband. The prejudice of the late I^ord Orford led him to fay, that a
plea of fuch length ferves rather to confirm than weaken the evidence for the fa£l. But, it had been an obferva-
tion full as juft, as well as logical, to have faid that, fince the criminations of 240 years have not proved her guil¬
ty, fiie ought to be fairly deemed innocent. Party has, however, entered into this quefiion, with its ufual unfair-
nefs 3 and it is fuppofed, that fhe ought to be prefumed to be guilty, rather than innocent 3 it being more likely
that a wife would murder her hufband, and a queen act as an affaffin, than that nobles who were accuftomed to
crimes, fhould perform this atrocious adlion, and cafi; the offence from themfelves on an innocent perfen. I he
fame inconfiftency argues that, as fine ivas educated in a corrupt court, fhe muft have been corrupt 3 yet, her fonnet
and her forrow for the lofs of Francis, her firft hufband, atteft that her heart was yet uncontaminated with corrup¬
tion 3 and the fteadinefs with which fhe adhered to her faith, amidft 20 years perfecution, evinces that religion had
r
7°5
The queen
determines
the mur¬
derers
SCO . t 7
Scotland, the matter was unabated; and to the earl of Lenox,
'’ lJ the king’s father, (he paid an attention which he could
have expefted from her only on an emergency of this
kind. Having prefied her by letter to the moil diligent
to find out inquiry after the regicides, fhe returned an anfwer lo com-
smd puniflr pletely to his willies, that he was fully convinced of the
fincerity and rigour with which fhe intended to proceed
againfl them : and he urged her to aiTemble the three
eltaies, that their advice might diredl; the order and
manner of their trial. She wrote to him, that an af-
fembly of the eflates was already proclaimed ; and that
it was her earneft and determined will and purpofe, that
no ilep fliould be ncgle£led that could promote the ad¬
vancement and execution of juftice. Yielding to his
anxieties, he addreffed her again, intreating that the trial
might not be delayed j obferving, that it was not a
matter of parliamentary inquiry 5 advifing that it would
be more proper to proceed with the greatefl expedition j
and urging her to commit to prifon all the perfons who
Lad been named and deferibed in the papers and pla¬
cards which had been put up in the public places of the
city. The queen informed him, that although fne had
thought it expedient to call a meeting of parliament
at this jun£lure, it was not her intention that the pro¬
ceedings againft the regicides fhould be delayed till it
wras actually ailembled. As to the placards and papers
to which he alluded, they were fo numerous and con-
tradi&ory, that fhe could not well determine on which
lo a£t : but if he would condefcend to mention the
names •which, in his opinion, were moft fufpicious, fire
would inflantly command that thofe fleps fhould be
taken which the laws directed and authorifed. He
named the earl of Bothwel, James Balfour, David Chal¬
mers, black John Spence, Francis Sebaftian, John de
Burdeaux, and Jofeph the brother of David Rizzio ; and
allured her majefly, that his fufpicions of thefe perfons
706
Lenox ac-
cufes feve-
sal perfon?,
19] SCO
were weighty and ftrong. In reply to his information, Scotland.
Mary gave him her folemn promife, that the perfons he
had named fhould undergo their trial in conformity to
the laws, and that they fhould be punifhed according to
the meafure of their guilt : and flie invited him to leave
his retirement immediately, and meet her at court, that
he might witnefs the proceedings againlt them, and the
zeal with which fire was animated to perform the part
that became her.
While the queen carried on this correfpondence wit!:
the earl of Lenox, fhe refided partly at the palace of
the lord Seton, at the difiance of a few miles from the
capital, and partly at Hoi) roedhoufe. By the time that
fhe fent her invitation to him, fhe was refiding in the
capital. She delayed not to confer with her counfellors,
and to lay before them the letters of the earl of Lenox.
Bothwel was earnell in his proteflations of innocence ;
and he even exprefied his wifh for a trial, that he might
efiablifh his integrity. No fa£is indicated his guilt 5
there had appeared no accufer but the earl of Lenox ;
and no witneffes had been found who could edabliih his
criminality. Her privy-council feemed to her to be
firmly perfuaded that he was fufTering under the malice
of defamation. Murray, Morton, and Lethington, what¬
ever their private machinations might be, were publicly
his moft ftrenuous defenders ; and they explained the
behaviour of the earl of Lenox lo be the effeht of hatred
and jealoufy againft a nobleman who had outrun him fo
far in the career of ambition. But though all the arts of
Murray and Bothwel, Morton and Lethington, were
exerted to the utmoft to miflead the queen, they were
not able to withhold her from adopting the conduct
which was the moft proper and the moft honourable to
her. It was her own ardent defire that the regicides
fhould be punifhed; fhe had given her folemn promife
to the earl of Lenox, that the perfons whom he fufpeffted
fhould
its proper influence upon her foul. Hitherto, in this argument, no pofitive evidence has been adduced to prove her
guilt j and therefore fhe ought to be acquitted as innocent. But at length certain letters, fonnets, and contra&s
between Mary and Bothwel, have been introduced as proofs of a guilty inlercourfe, rather than a direift partici¬
pation in the crime ; and thofe letters, fonnets, and contraBs, were firft produced by the earl of Morton, the
queen’s chancellor for life, who pretended to have found them in the cuftody of Dalgliefh, a fervant of Bothwel.
Yet this wretched magiftrate had committed murder and tieafon at the affaflination of Rizzio j he knew of the
defign to affaflinate Darnley, yet he concealed it, and was thereby guilty of mifprifion ; he knew' of the crime,
and was of courfe a paiticipant, for which he was brought to the fcaffold, where he acknowledged his crimes 3
now, this convicled criminal u’ould not be admitted as a witnefs in any court of juftice w'ithin Great Britain 5 and
the produftion of fuch documents by fuch a wretch, at fuch a time, cafts ftrong fufpicion on fiich papers, which
vvere contaminated by his guilty touch. When thofe fufpicicus epiftles were firft introduced into the privy-coun¬
cil, they appeared, as the regifter afferts, to have been written and fubferibed by her own hand, and fent to James
Earl of Bothwel. When thofe previe letters were firft brought into the Scottith parliament, they appear only to
have been healie written with her own hand, as the record evinces, and not fubferibed by her. When thofe du¬
bious letters were firft produced before the commiflioners at York, for iudging of the proofs of her guilt, they
feem to have been fuperferibed to Bothwel j yet, they afterwards appeared before Elizabeth’s commiflioners at
Weftminfter, without any fuperfeription to any man ; and thofe letters finally appear to have been neither fub-
icribed by Mary, nor fuperferibed to Bothw'el. When thofe letters were firft produced before the privy-council
of Scotland, they were written in the Scottifti language ; fo they appeared to the commiftioners at York ; but
when they were produced to the commiflioners at Weflminfler, they were written in French. The whole thus
appears to have been a juggle of flate, to cozen the people into obedience. The fonnets and contra&s have
oeen equally convi&ed, by their own contents, of forgery. I have read the whole controverfy on the genuinenefs
•or forgery of thofe documents j I have ranfacked the Paper office for information on this interefting fubje&, and
there does not appear to me to be a tittle of evidence, exclufive of thofe defpicable forgeries, to prove that Mary v
Stuart had any knowledge of the murder of her hufband.”
SCO [7
[ 1 fiiould be profecuted j and amldft all the appearances in
favour of Bothwel, and all the influence employed to
ferve him, it is to be regarded as a ftriking proof of her
honour, vigour, and ability, that Are could accomplifli
this mealure. An order of the privy-council was ac¬
cordingly made, which direfted, that the earl of Both¬
wel, and all the perfons named by Lenox, fhould be
brought to trial for the murder of the king, and that
707 the laws of the land fliould be carried into execution.
vitecTto1' 1 was appointed for the trial. A ge-
prove his neral invitation rvas given to all perfons to prefer their
accufations. accufations. The earl of Lenox was formally cited to
do himfelf juftice, by appearing in the high court of
jufticiary, and by coming forward to make known the
guilt of the culprits.
In the mean time, it was proper to reprefs that fpirit
of outrage which had manifefted itfelf againft the queen.
No difcoveries, however, were made, except againfl:
James Murray, brother to Sir William Murray ol Tul-
libardin, who at different times had publifhed placards in¬
jurious to her. He was charged to appear before the
privy-council: but refufing to obey its citation, it was
made a capital offence for any commander of a veffel to
convey him out of the kingdom ; and the refolution
was taken to punifli him wflth an exemplary feverity.
Effecting his efcape, however, he avoided the punith-
ment due to his repeated and deteftable afts of calumny
and treafon.
The day for the trial of Bothwcl approached. The
eonfpirators, notwithflanding their power, were not with¬
out apprehenfions. Their preparations, however, 'for
their fafety had been anxious j and, among other prac-
^cS tices, they negledled not to attempt to infufe a panic in-
He is inti- to the earl of Lenox. They were favoured by his con-
xnidated, fcioufnefs of his unpopularity, and his want of iirength,
by his timidity and his fpirit of jealoufy. Sufpicions of
the queen’s guilt were infinuated ; and the dangers to
tyhich he might be expofed by infilling on the trial were
placed before him in the flrongeft colours. He was
fenfible of her averfion to him ; and his w’eaknefs and
the fovereign authority were contrafled. His friends
concurred wTith his enemies to intimidate him, from the
fpirit of flattery, or from a real belief that his fituation
was critical. By the time he reached Stirling on his
709 way to Edinburgh, his fears predominated. He made
and willies a full flop. He was no longer in halle to proceed a-
to defer the gajnfj; ^he regicides. He addreffed a letter to the queen,
in which he laid he had fallen into fuch ficknefs, that
lie could not travel 5 and he affirmed, that he had not
time to prepare for the trial and to aflemble his friends.
He complained, too, that Bothwrel and his accomplices
had not been committed to cuftody ; he infilled, that
this (lep ihould be taken 5 and he requelled, that a more
diffant day might be appointed for the trial. After the
lengths to which matters had been carried, this conduft
was moll improper ; and it is only to be accounted for
from terror or caprice. His indifpofition was affedfed j
he had been invited by Mary to wait on her at Edin¬
burgh at an early period, to concert his meafures ; and
the delay he alked was contradictory to his former in¬
treaties. After the invitation fent to him, he might
have relied with fafety on the protedlion of the queen,
without any gathering of his friends; from the time of
her private intimation to him, and of the legal citations
of her officers, there had palled a period more than fuf-
20 ] SCO
ficient for the purpofe of calling them together; and Scotland,
indeed to fuppofe that there was any neceffity for their y-
affiltance, was an infult to government, and a matter of
high indecency. There was more jufiice in the com¬
plaint, that the earl of Bothwel and his accomplices had
not been taken into cullody j and yet even in this pecu¬
liarity he was to blame in a great degree. For he had
not obferved the precaution of that previous difplay of
evidence, known in the Scottilh law under the term of
a precognition, which is common in all groffer offences,
and which the weighty circumftances of the prefect cafe
rendered fo neceffary as a foundation for the confinement
and conviftion of the criminals. ylo
An application for the delay of a trial fo important, but his pe¬
on the night immediately preceding the day Hated fon'1'0” >s re*
it, and reciting inconclufive reafons, could not with pro-fure<i'
priety be attended to. The privy-council refufed the
demand of the earl of Lenox. The court of jufticiary
was aflembled. The earl of Argyle afted in his cha-
racler of lord high jufticiary 5 and was aided by four
affeffors, Robert Pitcairn, commendator of Dumfermline,
and the lord Lindfay, with Mr James Macgill and Mi-
Henry Balnaves, two lords of feffion. The indidlment
was read, and the earls of Bothwel and I^enox w^ere
called on ; the one as the defender, the other as the ac-
cufer. Bothwel, who had come to court with an at¬
tendance of his vaffals, and a band of mercenary fol-
diers, did not fail to prefent bimfelf: but Lenox appear¬
ed only by his fervant Robert Cunnyngham } who, after
apologizing for his abfence, from the Ihortnefs of the
time, and the want of the prefence of his friends, defired
that a new day might be appointed for the trial j and
proteiled, that if the jury ffiould now enter on the bufi-
nefs, they ffiould incur the guilt of a wfllful error, and
their verdidl be of no force or authority.
This remonftrance and proteilation did not appear to
the court of fufficient importance to interrupt the trial.
They paid a greater refpeft to the letters of the earl of
Lenox to the queen infilling on an immediate profecu-
tion, and to the confequent order of the privy-council.
The jury, who confided of men of rank and condition,
after confidering and reafening on the indidlment for a
confiderable time, were unanimous in acquitting Both- rjrj
wel of all fliare and knowhidge of the king’s murder. Bothwel
The machinations however of Morton, -which we have acquitted,
mentioned in the life of Mary, were fo apparent, that
the earl of Caithnefs, the chancellor of the affize, made
a declaration in their name and his own, that no wilful
error ought to be imputed to them for their verdifl j
no proof, vouchers, or evidence, to confirm or fupport
the criminal charge having been fubmitted to them.
At the fame time, he offered a proteftation for himfelf,
that there w^as a millake in the jndidlment, the 9th day
of February inftcad of the 10th being expreffed in it as
the date of the murder. It is not to be doubted, that
this flaw in the indidlment was a matter of defign, and
with a view to the advantage of Bothwel, if the earl of
Lenox had made his appearance againll him. And it
has been remarked as moll indecent and fufpicious, that
foldiers in arms fliould have accompanied him to the
court of juftice } that during the trial, the earl of Mor¬
ton flood by his fide to give him countenance and to
affift him ; and that the four affeffors to the chief juf¬
ticiary were warm and (Irenuous friends to the earl of
Murray.
Immediately
Scotland.
SCO [ 721 ]
Immediately after his trial, Bothwel placed a writing cit, and
in a confpicuous place, fubfcribed by him, challenging
to tingle combat, any perfon of equal rank with himtelf,
who fhould dare to affirm that he was guilty of the
king’s murder. To this challenge an anfwer was pub-
lilhed, in which the defiance was accepted, on the con¬
dition that fecurity ffiould be given for a fair and equal
conflict : but no name being tiibfcribed to this paper, it
was not underflood to correi’pond with the law of arms ;
and of confequence no tlep was taken for the fighting
of the duel. Two days after parliament met, and there
the party of Bothwel appeared equally formidable. The
verdift in his favour was allowed to be true and juft.
He was continued in his high offices ; and obtained a
parliamentary ratification of the place of keeper of Dun¬
bar caftle, with the eftates connefted with it j and other
favours w’ere conferred on Murray, with the reft of the
nobles fufpefted as accomplices in the murder.
A very ftrort time after the final acquittal of Bothwel,
he began to give a greater fcope to his ambition, and
conceived hopes of gaining the queen in marriage. It
has been already remarked, that he had infidioufly en¬
deavoured to gain her affection during the lifetime of
her hufband j but though he might have fucceeded in
this, the recent death of the king in fuch a ffiocking
manner, and the ftrong fufpicions which muft unavoida¬
bly ft ill reft on him, notwithftanding the trial he had un¬
dergone, neceffarily prevented him from making his ad-
dreffes to her openly. He therefore endeavoured to
ffiTnobild - ^ain tIie nobllity over to b‘s fide > which having done
as Vproper one one’ by means of great promifes, he invited them
hufband forto an entertainment, where they agreed to ratify a deed
her. pointing him out to the queen as a perfon worthy of her
hand, and expreffing their refolute determination to fup-
714 port him in his pretenfions. This extraordinary bond
71a
He afpires
at a mar¬
riage with
the queen.
7*3
Is recom-
Schemes of was accordingly executed ; and Murray^ name was the
Murray to ^ in of fubferibers, in order to decoy others to
hurt the hgn after him 5 but that he might appear innocent of
queen. what he knew was to follow, he had, before any ufe
was made of the bond, afked and obtained the queen’s
permiffion to go to France. In his w'ay thither he vi-
fited the court of Elizabeth, where he did not fail to
• confirm all the reports which had arifen to the difad-
vantage of Mary j and he now circulated the intelli¬
gence that (lie was foon to be married to Bothwel. Her
partizans in England were exceedingly alarmed 5 and
even Queen Elizabeth herfelf addrefied a letter to her,
in which fhe cautioned her not to afford fuch a mifehiev-
ous handle to the malice of her enemies.
Mary, on the diffolution of parliament, had gone to
Stirling to vifit the young prince. Bothwel, armed
with the bond of the nobles, affembled 1000 horfe, un¬
der the pretence of proteaing the borders, of which he
was. the warden *, and meeting her on her return to her
capital, difmiffed her attendants, and carried her to his
caftle of Dunbar. The arts which he ufed there to ef-
fe£l the accomplilhment of his willies we have mention¬
ed under another article, (fee Mary). But having
been married only fix months before to Lady Jane Gor¬
don, filler to the earl of Huntly, it was neceffary to pro¬
cure a divorce before he could marry the queen. This
was eafily obtained. The parties were coufins within
the prohibited degrees, and had not obtained a difpenfa-
tion from Rome. Their marriage, therefore, in the
opinion of the queen and her Catholic fubiefts, was illi-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
715
Bothwel
carries her
off to Dun¬
bar.
SCO
a profane mockery of the facrament of the Scotland,
church. The hulband had alio been unfaithful j fo that v——^
two a6lions of divorce were inllituted. The lady com-|s
menced a fuit again!! him in the court of the commif-from his
faries, charging him as guilty of adultery with one of wife,
her maids. The earl himfelf brought a fuit again!! his
wife before the court of the archbilhop of St Andrew’s,
on the plea of confanguinity. By both courts their mar¬
riage tvas declared to be void j and thus two fentences
of divorce were pronounced.
Bothwel now condufted the queen from Dunbar to
her capital. But inftead of attending her to her palace
of Holyroodhoufe, his jealouly and apprehenfions induced
him to lodge her in the caftle of Edinburgh, where he
could hold her in fecurity again!! any attempt of his
enemies. To give fatisfailion, however, to her people,
and to convince them that Ihe was no longer a prifoner,
a public declaration on her part appeared to be a mea-
fure of expediency. She prefented herfelf, therefore, in
the court of feffion •, the lords chancellor and prefident,
the judges, and other perfons of diftin£Hon, being pre-
fent. After obferving that feme flop had been put to
the adminiftration of juftice on account of her being de¬
tained at Dunbar again!! her will by the lord Bothwel,
ffie declared, that though fhe had been highly offended
with the outrage offered to her, fire was yet inclined to
forget it. His eourteoufnefs, the fenfe ffie entertained
of his part fervices to the ftate, and the hope with which
ihe was impreffed of his zeal and adlivity for the future,
compelled her to give him and his accomplices in her
imprifonment a full and complete pardon. She at the
fame time defired them to take notice, that Ihe was now
at liberty 5 and that Ihe propofed, in confideration of
his merits, to take an early opportunity of promoting
him to new and diftinguifhed honours.
It w’as underftood that the queen was immediately Banns of
to advance him to be her huffiand The order was given lx- mar-
for the proclamation of the banns ; and Mr John Craig, na£e P10-*
one of the minifters of Edinburgh, was defired to per-ciaiineci'
form this ceremony. But though the order was fub¬
fcribed by the queen, he abfolutely retufed his com¬
pliance without the authority of the church. The bre¬
thren, after long reafonings, granted him permiffion to
difeharge this duty. His fcruples and delicacy were
not yet removed. He protefted, that, in obeying their
defire, he ffiould be allowed to fpeak his ow n lentiments
concerning the marriage, and that his publifiiing the
banns fhould infer no obligation in him to officiate in
the folemnity. In his congregation, accordingly, before
a crowded audience, and in the preience of feveral noble¬
men and privy-counfellors, he declared that the mar¬
riage of the queen and the earl of Bothwel was unlaw¬
ful, and that he wras prepared to give his reafons for this
opinion to the parties themfelves. He added, that if
leave to do this was denied him, he w^ould either ab-
ftain altogether from proclaiming the banns, or take the
liberty, after proclaiming them, to inform his people of
the caufes of his difapprobation of the marriage,
anfwered, that the church had prohibited the marriage0f Mr Joha
of perfons feparated for adultery ; and that the divorce Craig,
between him and his wife muft have been owing to col-
lufion ; fince the fentence had been given w'ith preci¬
pitation, and fince his new contra6! was fo hidden panel
he objected to him the abduftion and ravifhment of the
queen, and his fufpicion of his guilt of the king’s muv-
4 Y der.
TT 7lS
.tie Fortjtuffe
/
SCO [ 7
Scotland, aer. This bold language drew no reply from Bothwel
*<-—v-- was fatisfaclory to Mr Craig, or that could intimi¬
date him. He proclaimed in his church the banns of
marriage j but he told the congregation, that he di{-
charged the fugged ions of his confcience in pronouncing
it to be a deteilable and fcandalous engagement. He
enpreffed the forrow he felt for the conduct of the no¬
bility, who feemed to approve it from their flattery or
filence ; and addrefling himfelf to the firithful, he be-
fought them to pray to the Almighty that he would
turn a refolution intended againft lawg reafon, and reli¬
gion, into a comfort and benefit to the church and the
kingdom. Thefe freedoms were too great to pafs un¬
noticed. Mr Craig was ordered again to attend the
privy-council ^ and he was reprimanded with feverity
for exceeding the bounds of his commiffion. He bad
the courage to defend himfelf. His commiflion, he laid,
was founded in the word of God, pofitive law, and na¬
tural reafon j and on the foundation of thefe topics he
was about to prove that the marriage mull be universal¬
ly odious, when the earl of Bothwel commanded him to
be filent. The privy-council, ftruck with the vigour of
the man, and apprehenfive of the public difcontents, did
not dare to intlift any punifhment on him ; and this
viflory over Bothwel, while it heightened all the fuf-
picions againft him, ferved to encourage the enemies of
the queen, and to undermine the refpeft of her fubjefls.
The mar- Mary, before fhe gave her hand to Bothwel, created
nage cele- him duke of Orkney. The ceremony was performed
brated, jn a private manner, after the rules of the Popifh church ;
but, to gratify the people, it was likewife folemnizcd
publicly according to the Proteftant rites by Adam
Bothwel bifbop of Orkney, an ecclefiaftic who had re¬
nounced the epifeopal order for the reformation. It
was celebrated with little pomp and feftivity. Many
of the nobles had retired to their feats in the country ;
and thofe who attended were thoughtful and fad. Du
Croc, the French ambaffador, fenlible that the match
■would be difpleafing to his court, refufed to give his
countenance to the folemnity. There were no accla¬
mations of the common people. Mary herfelf was not
inconfcious of the imprudence of the choice flie had
made, and looked back with furprife and forrow to the
train of circumftances which had conduced her to this
fatal event. Forfaken by her nobles, and imprifoned at
Dunbar, ftie was in fo perilous a fituation that no remedy
could fave her honour but death. Her marriage was
the immediate and neceffary confequence of that fitua¬
tion (t). It was the point for which her enemies had
laboured with a wdcked and relentlefs policy.
Mary was unfortunate in her fecond marriage, hut
much more fo in her third. Bothwel had neither ta¬
lents for bufinefs nor affedlion for his wife. Ambitious
22 i SCO
and jealous to the laft degree, he fought only to efta- ScM?3ti<L
blifla himfelf in power, v, ' lie his fears and jealcuiks "" v"~ '
made him take the moft improper means. The mar¬
riage had already thrown ike nation into a ferment •, and
the leaft improper exercife of power, or indeed an ap¬
pearance of it, even on the part of the queen, would
have been fufhcient to ruin them both for ever. Per¬
haps the only thing which at this juncture could have
pacified the people, would have been the total abolition
of Popery, which they had often required. But this
W'as not thought of. Inftead of taking any ftep to Bothwel
pleafe the people, Bothwel endeavoured to force the attempts to
earl of Mar to deliver up the young prince to his cu- ?et he
ftody.—This was fufhcient to rekindle the flame which ^
had hitherto been fmothered, and make it burft outj;0i1is
with all its violence. It was univerfally believed that power.
Bothwel, who had been the murderer of the father, de-
figned alfo to take away the life of the fon, and the
queen wras thought to participate in all his crimes. The
earl of Murray now took advantage of the queen’s un¬
fortunate fituation to aggrandize himfelf and effeft her jn
ruin. After having vifited the Englifh court, he pro- Murray ca-
ceeded to France, where he affiduoufly difieminated allkmmates
the reports againft the queen which were injurious t0dUL-'‘*
her reputation ; and where, without being expofed to
fufpicion, he was able to maintain a dole correspond¬
ence with his friends Morton and Lethington, and to
infpirit their machinations. His affociates, true to his
ambition and their own, had promoted all the fehemes
of Bothwel on the queen with a power and influence
which infured their fuccefs. In confederacy with the
earl of Murray, they had confpired wdth him to murder
the king. Aflifted with the weight of the carl of Mur¬
ray, they had managed his trial, and promoted the ver-
di£t by which be was acquitted. By the fame arts, and
with the fame views, they had joined with him to pro¬
cure the bond of the nobles recommending him to the
queen as a hufhand, affevting his integrity and inno¬
cence, recounting his noble qualities, expreflmg an unal¬
terable refolution to lilpport the marriage againft every
oppofer and adverfary, and recording a wifh that a de¬
fection from its objeCts and purpofes Ihould be branded
with everlafting infamy, aud held out as a moft faithlefs
and perjured treachery. When the end, however, was
accomplithed for which they had been fo zealous, and
when the marriage of the queen was actually celebrated,
they laid afide the pretence of friendlhip, and were in
hafte to entitle themfelves to the ignominy which they
had invited to fall on them. The murder of the king,
the guilt of Botbwell, his acquittal, his divorce, and his
marriage, became the topics of their complaints and de- ^
clamat-ion. On the foundation of this hated marriage,
they even ventured privately to infer the privity of the
queen
(t) “ The queen (fays Melvil) could not but marry him ; feeing he had ravilhed her and lain with her againft:
her will.” Memoirs, p. 159. In the following paffage, from a writer of great authority, in our hiftory, this topic
is touched with no lefs exaiftnefs, but with greater delicacy. w Adder Mary had remained a fortnight under the
power of a daring profligate adventurer,” fays Lord Hailes, “ few foreign princes would have folicited. her hand.
Some of her fubjefts might ftill have fought that honour ; but her compliance would have been humiliating beyond
meafure. It would have left her at the mercy of a capricious hufband 5 it would have expofed her to the difgrace
of being reproached, in feme fullen hour, for the adventure at Dunbar. Mary was fo fituated, at this critical period,
^ihat ftie was reduced to this horrid alternative, either to remain in a friendlefs and hazardous celibacy, or to yield
her hand to Bothwel.” Remarks on the Hiftory of Scotland, p. 204.
722
A confede-
BothweL
SCO t 7
Scotland, queen to all bis iniquitous tranfactiuns 5 and this ftcp
leemed doubtlds, to the mafs of her own fubjefts and
to more dittant obfervers, a ftrong confirmation of all
the former lul'picions to her thame which had been cir¬
culated with io much artifice. Their imputations and
devices excited againft her, both at home and abroad,
the moft indignant and humiliating odium. Amidlt the
ruins of her fame, they thought of burying for ever her
tranquillity and peace j and in the convulfions which
they had meditated, they were already anticipating the
downfal of Bothwel, and fnatching at the crown that
tottered on her head.
But while this cabal were profecuting their private
racy ibrmeil ends, feveral noblemen, not lefs^ remaricable for their
agahUt virtue than their rank, were eager to vindicate the na¬
tional integrity and honour. The earl of Athol, on
the king’s murder, had retired from court, and was
waiting for a proper feafon to take revenge on the re¬
gicides. The earl of Mar, uneafy under the charge
of the young prince, was folicitous to make himfelf
ftrong, that he might guard him from injury. Mo¬
tives fo patriotic and honourable drew applaufe and
partizans. It was fuflicient to mention them. By pri¬
vate conference and debate, an afdciatioa was infenfibly
formed to puniftr the murderers of the king, and to pro¬
tect the perfon of the prince. Morton and Lethington
encouraged and promoted a combination from which
they might derive fo much advantage. A convention
was accordingly appointed at Stirling, for the purpofe
of confulting on the meafures which it was moft expe¬
dient-to purfue. They agreed to take an early oppor¬
tunity of appearing in the field j and when they fepa-
rated, it tvas to colled! their retainers, and to infpirit
their paifions.
Of this confederacy, the leading men were the earls
of Argyle, Athol, Morton, Mar, and Glencaim ; the
lords Hume, Semple, and Lindfay the barons Kir-
kaldy of Grange, Murray of Tullibardin, and Maitland
of Letbington. The earl of Bothwel was fenfible,
that if he was to fit on a throne, he muft wrade to it
through blood. By his advice, two proclamations were
iflued in the name of the queen, under pretence of
fupprefling infurredlions and depredations on the bor-
The’queen ders. By the former, flie called together in arms, on
prepares for an early day, the earls, barons, and freeholders of the
war; diftridts of Forfar and Perth, Strathern and Menteith,
Clackmannan, Kinrofs, and Fife. By the latter ftie
charged the greater and leffer baronage, with all the
inferior proprietors of the (hires of Linlithgow and
Edinburgh, and the conftabulary of Haddington and
Berwick, to prepare immediately for war, and to keep
themfelves in readinefs to march at her order. Thefe
military preparations admonilhed the aflbciation to be
•firm and adlive, and added to the public inquietudes
and difcontents. The rumours againft the queen were
moft violent and loud. It was faid, that (he meant to
overturn the cosiftitution and the laws that (he had
been carelefs of the health of her fon, and was altogether
inditfi rent about his prefervation ; that (he had feparated
herfelf from the councils and afliftance of her nobles;
mid that fhe wifiied to make her -whim or difcretion
the only rule of her government. Agitated with the
hazardous ftate of her affairs, (he published a new pro¬
clamation, in which fhe employed herfelf to refute thefe
accufations; and in which Hie took the opportunity of
23 J
SCO
exprefling in a very forcible manner, not only her at- Scotland,
tachment to her people and the laws, but the fond affiec-
tion which fire bore to the prince, whom fhe confidered
as the chief joy of her life, and without whom all her
days would be comfortlefs.
The declarations of the queen were treated with
fcorn. The nobles, abounding in vaffals, and having
the hearts of the people, were loon in a fituation to
take the field. They were advancing to the capital.
The royal army was not yet affembled ; and the queen
and Bothwel fufpetfted that the caftle of Edinburgh
would ftiut its gates upon them. The fidelity of Sir
James Balfour the deputy-governor had been fhaken
by the practices of the earl of Mar and Sir James
Melvil. Mary left her palace of Holyroodhoufe, and
was condu&ed to Borthwick caftle. The affociated
lords, informed of her flight, took the road to this for- „2,
trefs with 2000 horfe. The lord Hume, by a rapid But is oblf-
march, prefented himfelf before it with the divifion un-gC(1 to fly
der his command : but being unable to guard all itst0
avenues, the queen and Bothwel effeclcd their efcape
to Dunbar; where the ftrength of the fortifications
gave them a full fecurity againft a furprife.
On this fecond difappointment, the nobles refolved to
enter Edinburgh, and to augment their ftrength by new
partizans. The earl of Huntly and the lord Boyd
were here on the fide of the queen, with the archbilhop
of St Andrew’s, the biihop of Rofs, and the abbot of
Kilwinning. They endeavoured to animate the inhabi¬
tants to defend their town and the caufe of their fove-
reign. But the tide of popularity was favourable to
the confederated lords. The magiftrates ordered the
gates of the city to be fhut j but no farther refiftance
was intended. The lords, forcing St Mary’s port,
found an eafy admittance, and took poiTeftion of the ca¬
pital. The earl of Huntly and the queen’s friends fled
to the caftle, to Sir James Balfour, who had been the
confidant of Bothwel, and who agreed to protect them,
although he wms now concluding a treaty with the infur-
gent,S' . 725
The affociated lords now formed themfelves into a Prodama-
council, and circulated a proclamation. By this paper tion by the
they declared, that the queen being detained in capti-rebelll0us
vity, was able neither to govern her realm, nor to com- nob‘e5,
mand a proper trial to be taken of the king’s murder.
In an emergency fo prefling, they had not defpaired of
their country ; but were determined to deliver tbe queen
from bondage, to proteft the perfon of the prince, to
revenge the murder of the king, and to vindicate the
nation from the infamy which it had hitherto fuffered
through the impunity of the regicides. They therefore
commanded in general all the fubjefts of Scotland, and
the burgeffes and inhabitants of Edinburgh in particular,
to take part with them, and to join in the advancement
of purpofes fo beneficial and falutary. The day after
they publifhcd this proclamation, they iffued another in
terms that were ftronger and more refolute. They de¬
finitively exprefled their perfuafion of Bothwel’s guilt in
the rape and feduftion of the queen, and in his perpe¬
tration of the king’s murder, in order to accomplifh his
marriage. They inculcated it as their firm opinion, that
Bothwel had now formed the defign of murdering the
the young prince, and that he was collecting troops with
this view. Addrefling themfelves, therefore, to all the
fubjefts of the realm, whether they refided in counties
4 Y 2 or
SCO
[ 724 ]
SCO
Scotland, or in boroughs, they invited them to come forward to
'"“'“v'-—' their ftandard ; and defired them to remember, that all
perfons why ihouid prefeme to difobey them would be
treated as enemies and traitors.
Bothwel, in the mean time, was not inaftive ; and
the proclamations of the queen had brought many of
her vaffals to her affiitance. Four thoufand comba¬
tants ranged themfelves on her fide. This force might
augment as fhe approached to her capital 5 and Both¬
wel was impatient to put his fortunes to the iflue of a
battle. He left the Itrong caftle of Dunbar, where the
nobles were not prepared to aflail him, and where he
might have remained in fafety till they difperfed ; for
their proclamations were not fo fuccefsful as they had
expe&ed j their provifions and ftores w'ere fcanty j and
the zeal of the common people, unfupported by profpe-
rity, would foon have abated. Imprudent precipitation
lerved them in a molt effectual manner. When the
queen had reached Gladfmuir, (he ordered a manifeito
iy2(5 to be read to her army, and to be circulated among her
Manifefto fubje£ts. By this paper, fire replied to the proclama-
by the tions of the confederated nobles, and charged them with
queen. treachery and rebellion. She treated their reafons of
hoftility as mere pretences, and as inventions which
could not bear to be examined. As to the king’s mur¬
der, the prctefted, that Ihe herfelf was fully determined
to revenge it, if the could be fo fortunate as to difcover
its perpetrators. With regard to the bondage from
which they were fo defirous to relieve her, Ihe obferved,
that it was a falfehood fo notorious, that the fimpleft of
her fubjefts could confute it; for her marriage had been
celebrated in a public manner, and the nobles could
fcarcely have forgotten that they had fubfcribed a bond
recommending Bothwel to be her hulhand. With regard
to the induftrious defamations of this nobleman, it was
urged, that he had difcovered the utmoft folicitude to
cftablilh his innocence. He had invited a fcrutiny into
his guilt ; the juftice of his country had abfolved him ;
the three etlates affembled in parliament were fatisfied
with the proceedings of his judges and jury ; and he
had oftered to mairttain his quarrel againft any perfon
whatever who was equal to him in rank and of an ho¬
ned reputation. The nobles, file faid, to give a fair ap¬
pearance to their treafon, pretended, that Bothwel had
fchemed the deftruftion ol the prince, and that they
were in arms to protect him. The prince, however,
was actually in their own cuftody ; the ufe they made
of him was that of a cover to their perfidioufnefs 5 and
ihe real purpofes by which they were animated, were the
overthrow of her greatnefs, the ruin of her pofterity,
and the ufurpation of the royal authority. She there¬
fore entreated the aid of her faithful fubje&s ; and as
the prize of their valorous fervice, flie held out to them
the eftates and pofleflions of the rebels.
The affociated nobles, pleafed with the approach of the
queen, put themfelves in motion. In the city of Edin¬
burgh they had received an addition to their force ;
and it happened that the Scottifh officer who command¬
ed the companies, which, in this period, the king of
Denmark was permitted to enlifi: in Scotland, had been
gained to affift them. He had juft completed his levies 5
and he turned them againft the queen. The nobles,
after advancing to Muffelburgh, refreffied their troops.
Intelligence was brought that the queen was on her
march. The two armies were nearly equal in num¬
bers*, but the preference, in point of valour and difci- Scotland.
pline, belonged decifively to the foldiers of the nobles.' v *
The queen polled herfelf on the top of Carberry hill. T-ne7t^0
The lords, taking a circuit to humour the ground, feem- arm;es ;tp_
ed to be retreating to Dalkeith 5 but wheeling about, proach
they approached to give her battle. They were ranged each other,
in two divifions. The one was commanded by the earl
of Morton and the lord Hume ; the other by the earls
of Athol, Marr, and Glencairn, with the lords Lind-
fay, Ruthven, Sempil, and Sanquhar. Bothwel was the
leader of the royal forces ", and the lords Seton, Yeller,
and Borthwick, ferved under him. yis
It was not without apprehenfions that Mary furvey-Du Croc
ed the formidable appearance of her enemies. Du regociates
Croc, the French ambaflador, haftened to interpofe his
good offices, and to attempt an accommodation. He
affured the nobles of the peaceful inclinations of the
queen ; and that the generofity of her nature difpofed
her not only to forgive their prefent infurreftion, but
to forget all their former tranfgreffions. The earl of
Morton informed him, that they had not armed them¬
felves againft: the queen, but againft the murderer of
the late king ; and that if file would furrender him up
to them, or command him to leave her, they would f
confent to return to their duty. The earl of Glencaim
defired him to obferve, that the extremity to which they
had proceeded might have inftrudled him that they
meant not to alk pardon for any offences they had com¬
mitted, but that they were refolved to take cognizance
of injuries which had provoked their difpleafure. This
afpiring language confounded Du Croc, who had been
accuftomed to the worffiipful fubmiffions which are paid
to a defpot. He conceived that all negociation was
fruitlefs, and withdrew from the field in the expectation
that the fword would immediately give its law and de¬
termine every difference.
Mary was full of perturbation and diftrefs. The ftate
into which (lie had been brought by Bothwel did not
fail to engage her ferious reflection. It was with in¬
finite regret that (he confidered the confequences of her
fituation at Dunbar. Nor had his behaviour fince her
marriage contributed to allay her inquietudes. 1 he
violence of his paffions, his fufpicions, and his guilt, had
induced him to furround her with his creatures, and to
treat her with infult and indignity. She had been al-
moft conftantly in tears. His demeanor, which was
generally rude and indecent, was often lavage and bru¬
tal. At different times his provocations were fo infult-
ing, that fiie had even attempted to arm her hand againfl:
her life, and was defirous of relieving her wretchednefs
by fpilling her blood. On this account, (he was now
encompaffed with dangers. Her crown wras in hazard.
Under unhappy agitations, fire rode through the ranks
of her army, and found her foldiers difpirited. What¬
ever refpeCt they might entertain for her, they had none
for her hufband. His own retainers and dependents
only were willing to fight for him. He endeavoured ^7^
to awaken the royal army to valour, by throwing downchallenge^j
the gauntlet of defiance againft any of his adverfariest0 flngie
who fiiould dare to encounter him. His challenge wascembat.
inftantly accepted by Kirkaldy of Grange, and by Mur¬
ray of Tullibardin. He objeCted that they were not
peers. The lord Lindfay difcovered the greateft im¬
patience to engage him, and his offer was admitted ;
but the queen interpofing her prerogative, prohibited
the
Scotland.
73° .
He is obli¬
ged to fly.
73*
Mary fur-
renders
herfelf to
the rebels.
732
By whom
the is cruel
ly ufed.
SCO [7
the combat. All the pride and hopes of Bothwel
funk within him. His foldiers in fmall parties were
fecretly abandoning their itandards. It was equally pe¬
rilous to the queen to fight or to fly. The moft pru¬
dent expedient lor her was to capitulate. She defired
to confer with Kirkaldy of Grange, who remonflrated
to her againll the guilt and wickednefs of Bothwel, and
counfelled her to abandon him. She expreffed her will-
ingnefs to difmifs him on condition that the lords would
acknowledge their allegiance and continue in it. Kirk¬
aldy palled to the nobles, and received their authority to
affure her that they would honour, ferve, and obey her
as their princefs and fovereign. He communicated this
intelligence to her. She advifed Bothwel to provide for
his fafety by flight 5 and Kirkaldy admonifhed him not
to negledl this opportunity of effefting his efcape. O-
verwhelmed with fliame, difappointment, terror, remorfe,
and defpair, this miferable viilim of ambition and guilt
turned his eyes to her for the laft time. To Kirkaldy
of Grange fhe ftretched out her hand : he killed it;
and taking the bridle of her horfe, conducted her to¬
wards the nobles. They were approaching her with
becoming reverence. She faid to them, “ I am come,
my lords, to exprefs my refpeft, and to conclude our
agreement} I am ready to be inftru&ed by the wifdom
of your counfels j and I am confident that you will treat
me as your fovereign.” The earl of Morton, in the
name of the confederacy, ratified their promifes, and ad-
drefled her in thefe words: “ Madam, you are here
among us in your proper place } and we will pay to you
as much honour, fervice, and obedience, as ever in any
former period was offered by the nobility to the princes
your predeceflbrs.”
This gleam of funfliine was foon overcaft. She re¬
mained not many hours in the camp, till the common
foldiers, inftigated by her enemies, prefumed to infult
her with the moft unfeemly reproaches. They exclaim¬
ed indignantly againft her as the murderer of her huf-
band. They reviled her as a lewTd adulterefs in the
moft open manner, and in language the coarfeft and
moft opprobrious. The nobility forgot their promifes,
and feemed to have neither honour nor humanity. She
had changed one miferable fcene for a diftrefs that was
deeper and more hopelefs. They furrounded her with
guards, and conduced her to her capital. She was
carried along its ftreets, and flrown to her people in
captivity and fadnefs. She cried out to them to com-
miferate and protect her. They withheld their pity,
and afforded her no protection. Even new infults wTere
offered to her. The low'eft of the populace, whom the
declamations of the clergy had driven into rage and
madnefs, vied with the foldiery in the licentious out¬
rage of inveftive and execration. She befought Mait¬
land to folicit the lords to reprefs the infupportable
atrocity of her treatment. She conjured him to let
them know, that Ihe would fubmit herfelf implicitly
to the determination of parliament. Her intreaties
and her fufferings made no impreffion on the nobles.
They continued the favage cruelty of their demean¬
our. She implored, as the laft requeft Ihe would pre¬
fer to them, that they wTould lead her to her palace.
This confolation, too, \vas refufed to her. They wilh-
ed to accuftom her fubjeCls to behold her in difgrace,
and to teach them to triumph over her misfortunes. In
the moft mortifying and aftliCfing hour Ihe had ever ex-
25 ] SCO
perienced, oppreffed with fatigue, and disfigured with Scotland,
dull and forrow, they Ihut her up in the houfe of the
lord provoft : leaving her to revolve in her anxious and
agitated mind the indignities Ihe had already endured,
and to fuft'er in anticipation the calamities they might yet
infliCt on her.
The malice of Morton and his adherents was (till far
from being gratified. In the morning, when the queen
looked from the window of the apartment to wThich
fhe had been confined, fhe perceived a white banner
difplayed in fuch a manner as to fix her attention.
There was delineated on it the body of the late king
ftretched at the foot of a tree, and the prince on his
knees before it, with a label from his mouth, contain¬
ing this prayer, “ Judge and revenge my caufe, O
Lord !” This abominable banner revived all the bit-
ternefs of her afflictions. The curiofity of the people The cotn-
drew them to a fcene 10 new and fo affeCting. She mon peoplo
exclaimed againft the treachery of her nobles ; and fhe tahe her
begged the fpeCtators to relieve her from their tyranny. ^au’
The eventful ftory of the preceding day had thrown
her capital into a ferment. The citizens of a better
condition crowded to behold the degraded majefty of
their fovereign. Her Hate of humiliation, fo oppofite
to the grandeur from which fhe had fallen, moved them
with compafflon and fympathy. They heard her tale,
and were filled with indignation. Her lamentations,
her diforder, her beauty, all ftimulated their ardour for
her deliverance. It wras announced to the nobles, that
the tide of popular favour had turned towards the
queen. They haftened to appear before her, and to
affure her, with fmiles and courtefy, tfyat they wrere im¬
mediately to conduCt her to her palace, and to reinftate
her in her royalty. Impofing on her credulous na¬
ture, and that beautiful humanity which charaClerized
her even in the moft melancholy fituations of her life,
they prevailed with her to inform the people, that
flie was pacified, and that fhe wifhed them to difperfe £ut ^tjie.
They feparated in obedience to her defire. The nobles advice of
now conveyed her to Holyroodhoufe. But nothing the nobles
could be farther from their intentions than her re-^ie
eftablifhment in liberty and grandeur. They held athem‘
council, in which they deliberated concerning the man¬
ner in which they ought to difpofe of her. It was re- %
folved, that fhe fhould be confined during her life in the
fortrefs of Lochleven ; and they fubfcribed an order for
her commitment.
A refolution fo hidden, fo perfidious, and fo tyran¬
nical, filled Mary wuth the ulmoft aftonifhment, and
drew from her the moft bitter complaints and exclama¬
tions. Kirkaldy of Grange, perceiving wnth furprife
the lengths to which the nobles had proceeded, felt his fended by
honour take the alarm for the part he had aCted at their Kirkaldy of
defire. He expoftulated wnth them on their breach Gl'anSe*
of truft, and cenfured the extreme rigour of the queen’s
treatment. They counfelled him to rely on the in¬
tegrity of their motives ; fpoke of her paflion for Both¬
wel as moft vehement, and infifted on the danger of
intrufting her wnth power. He was not convinced by
their fpeeches j and earneftly recommended lenient and
moderate meafures. Difcreet admonitions, he faid,
could not fail of imprefling her with a full fenfe of the
hazards and inconveniences of an improper paflion, and
a little time would cure her of it. They affured him,
that when it appeared that fhe detefted Bothwel, and
had;
SCO [ 726 ] SCO
Se'uStu. had utterly abandoned his xnterefl:s; they would think of
'—"T, kindnefs and moderation. l>ut this, they urged, could
But he is Scarcely be expedled j for they had recently intercepted
fitenced by a letter from her to this nobleman, ill which fhe ex-
a forgery otpreffed, in the itrongefl terms, the warmth of her love,
the nobles. anj jier jgxec{ pUrp0fe never to forfake him (u). Kir-
kaldy was defired to perufe this letter j and he preffed
them no longer with his remonitrances. The queen,
in the mean time, fent a meffage to this generous fol-
dier, complaining of the cruelty of her nobles, and
reminding him that they had violated their engagements.
He inflantly addrefled an anfwer to it, recounting the
reproaches he had made to them j dating his advice j
delcribing the furprife with which he had read her in¬
tercepted letter j and conjuring her to renounce and
forget a mod wicked and dagitious man, and, by this
victory over herfelf, to regain the love and refpeft of
her fubjefts. The device of a letter from her to Both-
vrel completed the amazement of the queen. So un¬
principled a contempt of every thing that is mod fa-
cred, fo barbarous a perfeverance in perfidioufnefs and
injudice, extinguilhed every fentiment of hope in her
bofom. She conceived that die was doomed to inevi¬
table dedrubiion, and funk under the pangs of unutterable
737 anguilh.
Mary con- The lords Ruthven and Lindfay arrived during this
Lwhleve Paroj<yfm her didrel’s, to inform her, that they were
raltle commanded to put in execution the order of her com¬
mitment. They charged her women to take from her
all her ornaments and her royal attire. A mean drefs
was put on her *, and in this difguife they conveyed
her with precipitation to the priion appointed for her.
The lords Seton, Yeder, and Borthwick, endeavour¬
ed to refeue her, but failed in the attempt. She was
delivered over to William Douglas the governor of the
cad4e of Lochleven, who had married the mother of
the earl of Murray, and was himfelf nearly related to
i-^g the earl of Morton. See Mary.
The rebel- On the fame day on which the nobles fubferibed
lious lords the order for the imprifonment of the queen, they en-
boml oTaf3 *ered into a bond of concurrence or confederacy. By
-fociation. this deed they bound themfelves to the flrenuous profe-
cution of their quarrel •, and it detailed the purpofes
which they were to purfue. They propbfed to punifh
the muiderers of the king, to examine into the
queen’s rape, to diffolve lier marriage, to preferve her
from the bondage of Bothwel, to protedf the perfon of
the prince, and to rertore juifice to the realm. The Scotland,
fandlion of a mod folemn oath confirmed their reliance '-“■""v
on each other ; and in advancing their meafures, they
engaged to expofe and employ their lives, kindred, and
fortunes.
It is eafy to fee, notwithdanding all the pretended
patriotihn of the rebels, that nothing was farther from
their intentions than to profecute Bothwel and reftore
the queen to her dignity. They had already treated
her in the vilefl manner, and allowed Bolhwel to efcape
when they might have eafily apprehended and brought
him to trial. To exalt themfelves was their only aim.
Eleven days after the capitulation at Carberry hill, they
held a convention, in which they very properly affumed
the name of lords of the fecret council, and ifiued a pro¬
clamation for apprehending Bothwel as the murderer of
the king j offering a reward of 1000 crowns to any
perfon who thould bring him to Edinburgh. A fearch Several
was made for the murderers of the king that very night perfors
in which the queen was confined in Lochleven canle.t:i^en UP
One Sebadian a Frenchman, and Captain Blackader,|'|’t?jcecoan‘'
were apprehended •, and foon after James Edmondftone,king’s mur-
John Blackader, and Mynart Frafer, were taken upder.
and imprifioned. The people expefted full and fatis-
fadfory proofs of the guilt of Bothwel, but were difap-
pointed. The affirmation of the nobles, that they were
pofleffed of evidence which could condemn him, appear¬
ed to he no better than an artifice. Sebaftian found
means to efcape j the other peribns were put to the tor¬
ture and fuftained it without making any confeffion that
the nobles could publifb. They were condemned, how¬
ever, and executed, as being concerned in the murder.
In their dying moments they protefied their innocence.
Sanguine hopes were entertained that Captain Blacka¬
der would reveal the whole fecret at the place of exe¬
cution, and a vaft multitude of fpe&ators were prefent. „ ^
No information, however, could be derived from what But they
he faid with refpeft to the regicides ; but while he fo- make no
lemnly protefted that his life was unjuftly taken away, <cn*el^on•
he averred it as his belief that the earls of Murray and
Morton were the contrivers of the king’s murder. 741
The lords of the fecret council now proceeded to the ^°j5':>e^cs
greateft enormities. They robbed the palace of Holy- r" 5
roodhoufe of its furniture and decorations ; converted cr,nfe(jera-
the queen’s plate into coin ; and pcffeffed themfelves of ted lords,
her jewels, which were of great value \ and while the
fadion at large committed thefe adls of robbery, the
earl
(u) “ Mr Hume is candid enough to give up the authenticity of this letter ; and indeed, fo far as I have ob-
ferved, there is not the ffighteft pretence of a reafon for conceiving it to be genuine 5 (Tfy?. of England, vol. v.
p. 1 20.). It was not mentioned by the earl of Morton and his adherents to Throgmorton, when Elizabeth in¬
terfered in the affairs of Scotland upon the imprifonment of the queen in the caftle of Lochleven : a period of
time when thefe ftatefmen were defirous to throw out every imputation to her prejudice, and when in particu¬
lar they were abufing her with vehemence for her attachment to Bothwel ; [Keith, p. 4x9.). Nor was it made
ufe of by Murray before the Englifh commiflioners. Mary, in the condition to which the nobles had reduced
her, could not well think of a ffep of this fort, although her attachment to Bothwel had been ns ftrong as they
were pleafed to pronounce it. For, not to fpeak of the greatnefs of her diftrefs, fhe was guarded by them fo
ftricffly, as to make it vain for her to pretend to elude their vigilance. In regard, too, to her love of Bothwel,
it is not clear that it was ever real. While the king was alive, there are no traces of their improper intercourfe.
The affair of Dunbar was a criminal feduftion. The arts of a profligate man overcame her. There was no
fentiment of love upon either fide. After her marriage, his rudenefs extinguiflied in her altogether any remain
of kindnefs and refpect: j and hence the coldnefs with which fbe parted with him.” Stuart's Hill ory of Scotland,
vol. i. p. 253. note.
Scrflantf,
Mary com¬
pelled to
llspi a re-
li^r.ation
of her
crown,
24th July,
'SGl-
743.
Coronation
of James
VI,
SCO f 727 ] SCO
eavl of Glencairn tvith foletnn liypocrify ciemolifheil the
altar in the queen’s chapel, and defaced and dedroved
all its pictures and ornaments. Thefe exceffive outra-
'ges, however, loft them the favour of the people, and
an affociation Was formed in favour of the queen. The
court of France, as foon as the news of Mary’s impri-
fonment arrived, ditpatched M. de Villeroy to condole
with her on her misfortunes : but the lords of the
fecret council would not admit him to fee her, on
which he immediately returned to his own country.
The earl of Murray, however, was at this time in
France 5 and to the promifes of this ambitious and
treacherous noble the king trufted, imagining him to
be a Heady friend to the unfortunate queen. Eliiabeth
aifu pretended friendihip, and threatened the alfociated
lords; but as they had every reafon to doubt her hnce-
rity, they paid no regard to her threats, and even refd-
fed to admit her ambaffador to Mary’s prefence.
From all thefe appearances of friendihip Mary nei¬
ther did nor could derive any real affitlance. On the
24th of July 1567, the lord Lindfay, whole imperious
behaviour, fays Dr Stuart, approached' to infanity, rvas
ordered by the lords to wait on the queen at Loch-
leven. He carried vvnh him three deeds or inftruments,
and v.Tas initrufled not to be [paring in rudenefs and
menaces in order to compel her to fubfctibe them. By
the firft, lire was to relign her crown to her infant fon j
bv the fecond, die appointed the earl of Murray regent
of Scotland; and by the third, (he conPdtuted a coun¬
cil to bire£l the prince till this nobleman Ihould arrive
in Scotland, or on the event of his death or refufal of
the office. On the part of the queen all refiftance wras
vain. Sir Robert Melvii affured her, that her belt
friends were of opinion, that what die did by compul-
fion, and in a prifon, could have no power to bind her;
and of this fire was alfo affured by Throgmorton, the
Englith ambaffador, in a letter which Sir Robert Mel¬
vii brought in the fcabbard of his fword. Mary there¬
fore, forlorn and helplefs, could not refill the barbarous
rudenefs with which Lindfay, preffed the fubfcription
of the papers, though ffie would not read them. Five
days after, the lords of the fecret council met at Stir¬
ling, for the coronation of the young prince, and con-
lidered themfelves as reprefenting the three ellates of
the kingdom. A protelfation was made in the name
of the duke of Chatelherault, that this folemnity Ihould
neither prejudge his rights of fucceflion nor thole of
the other princes of the blood. The young prince be¬
ing prefented to them, the lords Lindfay and Ruthven
appeared, and in the name of tVe queen renounced in
his favour her right and title to the crown, gave up the
papers, which Ihe had fubfcribed, and furrendered the
fword, fceptre, and royal crown. After the papers were
read, the earls of Morton, Athol, Glencairn, Mar,
and Menteith, with the mailer of Graham, the lord
Hume, and Bothw’el biffiop of Orkney, received the
queen’s refignation in favour of her fon in the name of
the three ellates. After tins formality, the earl of Mor¬
ton, bending his body, and laying his hand on the Scrip¬
tures, took the coronation-oath for the prince, enga¬
ging that he ffiould rule according to the law-s, and root
out all heretics and enemies to the wrord of God. Adam
Bothwel then anointed the prince king of Scotland; a
ceremony with which John Knox was difpleafed, as be¬
lieving it to be of Jewiffi invention. This prelate next
delivered to him the fword and the fceptre, rr.d finally Scotland,
put the crown on his head. In the proceffion to the y-—
caltle from the church, where the inauguration was per¬
formed, and where John KnOx preached the inaugura¬
tion fermon, the earl of Athol carried the crown, Mor¬
ton the fceptre, Glencairn the fword, and the earl of ^
Mar carried the prince in his arms. Thefe folemnities Difappro-
received no countenance from Elizabeth 5 and Thrqg- ved by
morton, by her exprefs command, W'as not prefent at Elizabeth,
them. _ ?4S
Soon after this ceremony, the earl of Murray return-Murray re¬
ed from France j and his prefence gave fuch a ifrength turns from
and firmnefs to his fadlion, that very little oppofition France,
could be given by the partifens of Mary, who were un-
fettled and defponding for Want of a leader. A ffiort He pays a
time after his arrival, this monllrous hypocrite and trai-vilit to the
tor waited on his dilfreffed and infulted fovereign at clueen at
Lochleven. His deligrt was to get her to delire him to Lo-'‘!e',en.*
accept of the regency, which he otherwife pretended to
decline. The queen, unYufpiciotis of the deepnefs of
his arts, comcrous of the gratitude he owed her, and
trolling to his natural afFeftion, and their tie of a com¬
mon father, received him with a tender welcome. She
was in hade to pour forth her foul to him ) and with
tears and lamentations related her condition and her fuf-
ferings. He heard her with attention : and turned oc-
cafionally his difeourfe to the topics which might lead
her to open to him her mind without difguife in thofe
fituations in which he was moll anxious to obferve it.
His eye and his penetration were fully employed ; but
her dillrefs awakened not his tendernefs. He feemed to
be in fufpenfe ; and from the guardednefs of his conver-
fation ffie could gather neither hope nor fear. She beg¬
ged him to be free with her, as he was her only friend.
He yielded to her intreaties as if with pain and reluc¬
tance ; and taking a comprehenfive furvey of her con¬
duct, deferibed it with all the feverity that could affefl
her moll. He could dilcover no apology for her mif-
government and diforders; and, with a mortifying
plainnefs, he preffed on her confcience and her honour.
At times Ihe wept bitterly. Some errors ffie confeffed;
and againil calumnies Ihe warmly vindicated herfelf.
But all Ihe could urge in her behalf made no impreffion
on him ; and he fpoke to her of the mercy of God as
her chief refuge. She was lorn with apprehenlions, and
nearly diltra&ed with defpair. He dropped fome words
of confolation } and after expreffing an attachment to
her interells, gave her his promife to employ all his
confequence to fecure her life. As to her liberty, he
told her, that to achieve it was beyond all his efforts ,
and that it was not good for her to defire it. Starting
from her feat, ffie took him in her arms, and kiffing
him as her deliverer from the fcaffohl, folicited his im¬
mediate acceptance of the regency. He declared he j 747
had many reafons to refufe the regency. She implored ducesher
and conjured him not to abandon her in the extremity t:> prefc
of her wretchednefs. There was no other method, ffie him to ac-
faid, by which ffie herfelf could be faved, her fon pro-cePt tlie
tected, and her realm rightly governed. He gave way reSer‘c-'
to her anxiety and folicitations. She befought him to
make the moll unbounded ufe of her name and autho¬
rity, defired him to keep for her the jewels that yet re¬
mained with her, and recommended it to him to get an
early poffeffion of all the forts of her kingdom. He
now took his leave of her, and embracing anew this pi¬
ous
SCO
[ 728 ]
SCO
Scotland.
74S
Miferable
fate of
Bothwel.
ous traitor, ftie fcnt her blefling with him to the prince
1 her fon.
In the mean time the wretched earl of Bothwel was
ftruggling with the greateil difficulties. Sir William
Murray and Kirkaldy of Grange had put to fea in
fearch of him. He had been obliged to exercife piracy
in order to fubfilt himfelf and his followers. His pur-
fuers came on him unexpectedly at the Orkney iilands,
and took three of his ffiips ; but he himfelf made his
efcape. Soon after, having feized a Turkith trader on
the coaft of Norway, two (hips of war belonging to the
king of Denmark gave chace to him as a pirate. An
engagement enfued, in which Bothwel was taken. His
officers and mariners were hanged in Denmark j but
Bothwel himfelf, being known by fome Scottith mer¬
chants, had his life fpared. He was thrown, however,
into a dungeon, where he remained ten years; and at
laft died melancholy and diftrafted. The regent fent
commiffioners to the king of Denmark to demand him
as a prifoner } but that prince, confidering him as a trai¬
tor and ufurper, totally difregarded his requeft.
The dreadful fate of Bothwel did not make any alte¬
ration in the fituation of the queen. Her enemies, bent
on calumniating her, produced letters, which they faid
were written and fent by her to that licentious nobleman
during the life of the king. Thefe letters are now ge¬
nerally admitted to have been forged by the rebels
themfelves, who praftifed likewife on fome fervants of
Bothwel to accufe the queen of the murder of her huf-
Satvants of band. The letters for fome time gained credit; but the
confeffions of the fervants were all in her favour. When
on the fcaffold, they addreffed themfelves to the people;
and after having folemnly declared the innocence of the
queen, they protefted before God and his angels, that
the earl of Bothwel had informed them that the earls of
Murray and Morton were the contrivers of the king’s
murder.
It was impoffible that fuch tranfaftions could advance
the popularity of the regent. His unbounded ambition
and cruelty to his fovereign began at laft to open the
eyes of the nation •, and a party was forming itfelf in
favour of the queen. She had been often meditating her
efcape from prifon •, and fire at laft effected it by means
of a young gentleman George Douglas, brother to her
keeper, who had fallen in love with her. On the 2d
from prifor. day of May 1568, about feven o’clock in the evening,
An. 156S. when her keeper was at fupper with his family, George
Douglas, pofleffing himfelf of the keys of the caftle,
haftened to her apartment, and conduced her out of
prifon. Having locked the gates of the caftle, they
immediately entered a boat which waited for them ^ and
being rowed acrofs the lake, the lord Seton received the
queen with a chofen band of horfemen in complete ar¬
mour. That night he conveyed her to his houfe of
Niddrie in Weft Lothian} where having refted a few
hours, ftie fet out for Hamilton.
The efcape of the queen threw her enemies into the
greateft confternation. Many forfook the regent open-
• ly ; and ftill more made their fubmiffions privately, or
The regent concealed themfelves. He did not, however, defpond j
raifes an but refolved to defend himfelf by force of arms. The
queen foon found herfelf at the head of 6000 men, and
the regent oppofed her with 4000. Mary, however,
did not think it proper to rilk a battle ; knowing the
capacity of the regent as a general, and that his officers
749
Letters •
forged be¬
tween
Mary and
Bothwel.
75°
Bothwel
executed,
who de¬
clare the
innocence
of the
queen.
75*
The queen
efcapes
army.
were all men of approved valour and experience. But Scotland.
in this prudent refolution ftie was overruled by the im-1 y——■*
petuofity of her troops. A battle was fought on the
13th of May 1568, at Langfide near Glafgow; inar^yde.
which Mary’s army was defeated, and her laft hopes feated at
blafted. The unfortunate queen tied towards Kirkcud-LangfifJe^
bright j where finding a place of fafety, ftie deliberatedIiear
on the plan (he ftiould afterwards follow. The refultof ^0**
her deliberations, as frequently happens in cafes of per¬
plexity, led her to take the worft poffible ftep. Not-
withftanding all the perfidy which Hie had found in Eli¬
zabeth, Mary could not think that (he would now re-
fufe to afford her a refuge in her dominions; and there¬
fore determined to retire into England. To this (he had she ^elolvea
been folicited by Elizabeth during her confinement in to fly into
Lochleven caftle ; and ftie now refolved, in oppofition -England,
to the advice of her moft faithful counfellors, to make
the fatal experiment. ^
In obedience to her order, the lord Herries addreffed and puts
a letter to Mr Lauder, the deputy-commander at Car-her defign
lille j and after detailing her defeat at Langfide, defiredin execu*
to know7 if ftie might truft herfelf on Englifti ground.tl0n'
This officer wuote inftantly an anfwer, in which he faid,
that the lord Scroop the warden of the frontiers being
abfent, he could not of his private authority give a for¬
mal affurance in a matter which concerned the ftate of
a queen : but that he would fend by port to his court
to know7 the pleafure of his fovereign ; and that if in the
mean time any neceffity ftiould force Mary to Carlifle,
he would receive her with joy, and protedf her againft
her enemies. Mary, however, before the meffenger
could return, had embarked in a fiftiing boat with 16
attendants. In a few hours ftie landed at Wirkington
in Cumberland ; and from thence ftie proceeded to
Cockermouth, where fhe continued till Mr Lauder,
having afiembled the gentlemen of the country, con¬
duced her with the greateft refpeC to the caftle of
Carlifte. 756
To Elizabeth (he announced her arrival in a dif-Announces
patch, wffiich defcribed her late misfortunes in general fier ^.rr*va3
and pathetic terms, and in wffiich ftie expreffed an ear- iza"
neft folicitude to pay her a vifit at court, and the deep
fenfe fhe entertained of her friendftiip and generofity.
The queen of England, by obliging and polite letters,
condoled with her on her fituation, and gave her affu-
rances of all the favour and proteCion that were due to
the juftice of her caufe. But as they were not accom¬
panied with an invitation to London, Mary took the
alarm. She thought it expedient to inftruC Lord Fle¬
ming to repair to France ) and ftie intrufted Lord Her¬
ries with a moft prefling remonftrance to Elizabeth.
Her anxiety for an interview* in order to vindicate her and 7p5rJfl-eJ
conduft, her ability to do fo in the moft fatisfaCory her for an
manner, and her power to explain the ingratitude, the interview,
crimes, and the perfidy of her enemies, were urged to
this princefs. A delay in the ftate of her affairs wras re-
prefented as nearly equivalent to abfolute deftruCion.
An immediate proof w7as therefore requefted from Eli¬
zabeth of the fincerity of her profeffions. If ftie was
unwilling to admit into her prefence a queen, a relation,
and a friend, ftie w:as reminded, that as Mary’s entrance
into her dominions had been voluntary, her departure
ought to be equally free and unreftrained. She valued
the proteftion of the queen of England above that ol
every other potentate on earth j but if it could not be
granted,
Scotland.
758
'Delibera¬
tions of
Elizabeth
and her
ftatefraea
concerning
Mary.
They^e-
folve fo
tonrlne her.
SCO [7
granted, fire would folicit the amity, and implore the
aid, of powers who would commiferate her afRi&ions,
and be forward to relieve them. Amidil remonffranees,
however, which were fo juft and natural, Mary did not
fail to give thanks to Elizabeth for the courtefy with
which the had hitherto been treated in the cattle of Car-
lifle. She alfo took, the opportunity of begging that this
prmcefs would avert the cruelty of the regent from her
adherents, and engage him not to wafte her kingdom
with hoftility and ravages ; and the had the prudence to
pay her compliments in an affe&ionate letter to Secreta¬
ry Cecil, and to court his kind offices in extricating her
from her difficulties and troubles.
But. the queen of England was not to be moved by
remonftrances. The voluntary offer of Mary to plead
her caufe in the prefence of Elizabeth, and to fatisfy
all her fcruples was rejedted. Her difafters were
a matter rather of exultation than of pity. The deli¬
berations of the Engliffi queen, and thofe of her ftatef-
men, were not direefed by maxims of equity, of com¬
panion, or of generolity. They confidered the flight
of Mary into England as an incident that wras fortunate
and favourable to them •, and they were felicitous to
adopt thofe mealures which might enable them to draw
from it the greateft profit and advantage. If the queen
of Scots were allowed to return to her own dominions,
it was probable that (lie would foon be in a condition to
deftroy the earl of Murray and his fadfion, who were
tne friends or England. I he houfe of Hamilton, who
ivere now zealous in the interefts of France, would rife
to confideration and power. England would be kept
in perpetual broils on the frontiers ; Ireland would re¬
ceive moleftation from the Scots, and its difturbances
grow important and dangerous. Mary would renew
with redoubled ardour her defigns againft the Proteftant
religion ; and a French army would again be introduced
into Scotland. For thefe reafons, Elizabeth and her
minifters determining not to reftore the queen of Scots
to her throne, confidered what might be the probable
confequences of permitting her to remain at liberty in
isngiand. In this iituation, fhe would augment the
number of her partizans, fend her emiffaries to every
quarter, and inculcate her title to the crown. Foreign
ambaffadors would afford her aid, and take a ffiare in
her intrigues; and Scotland, where there was fo high
an object to be gained, would enter with cordiality in¬
to her views. This plan being alfo hazardous, it was
deliberated whether the queen of Scots might not be
allowed to take a voyage to France. But all the pre-
tenfions which had hitherto threatened the crown of
Elizabeth would in this cafe be revived. A ftrong re¬
sentment to her would even urge Mary and Charles^IX.
to the boldeft and moft defperate enterprifes. The party
or the queen of Scots in England, ftrong from motives
o ’•eligion and afiedfion, and from difeontents and the
love of change, would ftimulate their anger and ambi¬
tion. England had now no territories in France. A
war with that country and with Scotland would involve
the greateft dangers. On revolving thefe meafures and
topics, Elizabeth and her counfellors were induced to
conclude, that it was by far the wifeft expedient to
keep tne queen of Scots in confinement, to invent me¬
thod to augment her did refs, to give countenance to
the regent, and to hold her kingdom in dependence and
fubjeffion.
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
SCO
29 1
In confequence or this cruel and unjuft refolution, Scotland.
Mary was acquainted, that flie could not be admitted' 
to Elizabeth’s prefence till (he had cleared herfelf of£;i
the crimes imputed to her ; (he was warned not to think refutes m
of introducing French troops into Scotland j and it was admit the
hinted, that for the more Security Ihe ought to be re-'iueen
moved farther from the frontier. This meffage at once - er ^e’
Showed Mary the imprudence of her conduct in truftinglePlCe'
herfelf to Elizabeth. But the error could not now be
remedied. She was watched to prevent her efcape, and
all her remonftrances were vain. The earl of Murray
had offered to accufe her 3 and it was at laft concluded
that Elizabeth could not, confiftently with her own ho¬
nour and the tranquillity of her government, fuffer the
queen of Scots to come into her prefence, to depart out
of England, or to be reftored to her dignity, till her ,
caufe Should be tried and decided. An order was Mary ys
given to remove her from Carlifle caftle to a place ofremoved
itrength at a greater diftance from the borders, to con-from Car-
fine her more cloiely, and to guard againft all poffibility1,|fl71and
of an efcape. c Q el.y 1
In confequence of thefe extraordinary tranfaclions,^ * ^ ’
a trial took place, perhaps the moft remarkable for its
injuftice and partiality of any recorded in hiftory. Mary,
confined and apprehenfive, Submitted to be tried as they
thought proper. The regent, who was to be the accu-
fer, was fummoned into England, and commiffioners
were appointed on both Tides. On the 4th of Oftober, 762
the commiffioners met at York 3 and four days after,Cornmir*
the deputies of the queen of Scots were called to make floners. f?r
known their complaints. They related the moft mate-meetTt
ml cirtumftances of the cruel ufage She had received. York.
I heir accufations were an alarming introduftion to the
bufinefs in which the regent had embarked 3 and not-
withftanding the encouragement Shown to him by Eli¬
zabeth, he was aflailed by apprehenfions. The arti¬
fices of Maitland added to his alarms. Inftead of pro-y f
ceeding inftantly to defend himfelf, or to accufe thebehaviour
queen, he fought permiffion to relate his doubts and of Murray.
Scruples to the Engliffi commiffioners. In his own
name, and with the concurrence of his affociates, he de¬
manded whether they had fufficient authority from Eli¬
zabeth to pronounce, in the cafe of the murder, Guilty
or not guilty, according to the evidence that Should be
laid before them 3 whether they would actually exercife
tnis power ; whether, in the event of her criminality,
their fovereign Should ^be delivered to him and his
fuends, or detained in England in fuch a way as that
no danger Should enfue from her attivity 3 and whether
on her conviction, the queen of England would allow
his proceedings, and thole of his party, to be proper,
maintain the government of the young king, and ftip-
port him in the regency in the terms of the aft of par¬
liament which had confirmed him in that office. To
thefe requisitions, it was anfwered, on the part of the
Engliffi deputies, that their commiffion was fo ample,
that they could enter on and proceed in the controver-
fy 3 and that they had liberty to declare, that their fo¬
vereign would not reftore the queen of Scots to her
crown, if fatisfaftory proofs of her crime Should be pro¬
duced 3 but that they knew not, and were not inftruft-
ed to Say, in what manner ftie would finally conduft
herielf as to her perfon and puniffiment. With regard
to tne fovereignty of the prince, and the regency of the
earl of Murray, they were points, they obferved, which
4 Z
SCO [ 73
Scotland, might be canvafled at a future period, i hefe replies
"V' " '' did not pleafe the regent and his affociates j and they
requeited the £ngliih commiffioners to tranfrait their
doubts and fcruples to be examined and anfwered by
Elizabeth.
But while the regent difcovered in this manner his
apprehentions, he yet affirmed that he was able to an-
fwer the charges brought againft him and his faction; and
this being in a great meafure a matter diilinct irom the
controverfy refpecling the murder, he was defired to
764 proceed. It was contended, that Bothwel, who had
His accufa- the chief concern in the murder of Lord Danrley, pol-
tioa againit feded fuch credit with the queen, that within three
Mary, months after that horrible event, he feized her perfon
and led her captive to Dunbar, obtained a divorce from
his wife, and married her : that the nobility, being mo¬
ved with his crimes, did confederate to puniffi him j to
relieve her from the tyranny of a man who had ravilhed
her, and who could not be her hulband ; and to preferve
the life of the prince : that having taken arms for thefe
purpofes, the earl marched againtt them } but that, pro-
pofing to decide the quarrel by fingle comoat, his chal¬
lenge was accepted : that he declined to enter the lifts,
and tied : that the queen, preferring his impunity to her
own honour, favoured his efcape by going over to the
nobility : that they conduced her to Edinburgh, where
they informed her of the motives of their proceedings,
requefted her to take the proper heps againit him and
the other regicides, and intreated her to dilTolve her
pretended marriage, to take care of her fon, and to con-
fult the tranquillity of her realm : that this treatment
being offenfrve to her, (he menaced them with ven¬
geance, and offered to furrender her crown if they
would permit her to poffefs the murderer of her hufband .
that her inflexible mind, and the neceffities oi the ftate,
compelled them to keep her at a diftance from him, and
out of the way of a communication with his adherents :
that during her confinement, finding herfelf fatigued
with the troubles of royalty, and unfit for them from
vexation of fpirit and the weaknefs of her body and in-
telleft, fire freely and of her own will religned her
crown to her fon, and conftituted the earl of Murray
regent •, that the king accordingly had been crowned,
and Murray admitted to the regency } that the fan&ion
of the three eftates affembled in parliament having con¬
firmed theie appointments, an univerfal obedience of
the people had enfued, and a fteady adminiftration of
juftice had taken place : that certain perfons, however,
envious of the public peace and order, had brought her
out of prifon, and had engaged to. fubvert the govern¬
ment ; that they had been difappointed in their wicked
attempts •, and that it was moft juft and equitable, that
the king and the regent fhould be iupported in power,
in oppofition to a rebellious and turbulent faffion.
765 This apology, fo imperfeft, lo impudent, and fo ir-
by thede- reconcileable with hiftory, received a complete confuta-
puties of tion from the deputies of the queen of Scots. 1 o
Mary, take arms againft her becaufe Bothwel had her favour,
was, they faid, a lame juftification of the earl of Mur¬
ray and his friends; fince it had never been properly
naanifefted to her that he was the murderer of. her huf¬
band. He had indeed been fufpefted of this crime ;
but had been tried by bis peers, and acquitted. His
acquittal had been ratified in parliament, and had ob¬
tained the exprefs approbation of the party who were
o ] SCO
now fo loud in accufxng him, and who had confpired Scot’
againft her authority. Theie rebels had even urged ’ v
her to accomplifh her marriage with him, had recom¬
mended him as the fitteft perfon to govern the realm,
and had fubfcribed a bond afferting his innocence, and
binding themfelves to challenge and punifti all Lis ad-
verfaries and opponents. They had never, either before
or after the mariiage, like true iubjedls, advertile.d
the queen of his guilt, till, having experience of their
ftrength, they fecretly took arms, and invefted her in
Borthwick cattle. The firft mark of. their difpleafure
was the found of a trumpet in hoftility, and the dif-
play of warlike banners. She made her efcape to Dun¬
bar } and they returning to Edinburgh, levied troops,
illued proclamations, lock the field againft her, under
pretence of delivering her from his tyranny, and
got poffeffion of her perfon. She was willing to pre¬
vent the effufion of blood, and was very far. from pre¬
ferring his impunity to her honour. Kirkaldy ot
Grange, in obedience to inftrudtions from them, de¬
fired her to caufe him to retire, and invited her to pafs
to them under the promife of being ferved and obeyed
as their fovereign. She confented, and Kirkaldy ta¬
king Bothwel by the hand, recommended it to him to
depart, and affured him that no man would purfue
him. It was by their own contrivance that he lledj
and it was in their porver to have taken him : but they
ffiowed not the fmalleft defire to make him their pri-
foner. He remained, too, for fome time in the king¬
dom, and was unmolefted by them j and it was not till
he was on the leas that they affeaed to go in fearch
of him. When ihe furrendered herielf in the fight of
their army, the earl of Morton ratified the ftipulauons
of Kirkaldy, made obeifance to her in their names,
and promifed her all the fervice and honour which had
ever been paid to any of her predeceffors. They were
not Haves, however, to their engagements. They car¬
ried her to Edinburgh, but did not lodge her in her
palace. She was committed to the houfe of a burgefs,
and treated with the vileft indignities. She indeed
broke out into menaces, and threatened them ; nor was
this a matter either of blarne or of wonder. But it was
utterly falfe that flie had ever made any offer of giving
away her crown, if file might poffefs Bothwel. In the
midft of her fufferings, ftie had even required them by
Secretary Maitland to fpecify their complaints, and be-
fought them to allow her to appear in parliament, and
to join and affift in feeking a remedy to them from the
wifdom of the three eftates. This overture, however,
fo falutary and fubmiflive, they abfolutely rejcfted.—
They were animated by purpoles of ambition, and had
not in view a redrefs of grievances. They forced her
from her capital in the night, and impnfoned her m
Lochleven *, and there, they affirm, being exhaufted
with the toils of government and the languors of fick-
nefs, ffie, without conftraint or folicitation, refigned her
crown to her fon, and appointed the earl of Murray to
be regent during his minority. This indeed was to
affume an unlimited power over fafts ; but the trutn
could neither be concealed, fubverted, nor palliated.
She was in the vigour of youth, unaffailed by maladies,
and without any infirmity that could induce her to fur-
render the government of her kingdom. Nor was it
unknown to them that the earl of Athol and the ba¬
rons Tullibardin and Lethington, principal men of their
council,
SCO [7
Scotland, council, diipatched Sir Robert Melvil to her with a
v—'■' riag and prefents, with a recommendation to fubfcribe
whatever papers fliould be laid before her, as the only-
means in her power to fave her life, and with an aiTurance
that what Hie did under captivity could not operate to
her injury. Melvil, too, communicated to her an in¬
timation in writing from Sir Nicholas Throgmorton,
which gave her the fame advice and the fame aifurance.
To Sir Nicholas Throgmorton fhe fent an anfw-er, in¬
forming him that die would follow his counfel 5 and en¬
joining him to declare to his midrefs her haplefs date,
and that her refignation of her crown was conftrained.
Nor did this ambafiador negleft her commidion ; and it
was a popular perfuafion that Elizabeth would have
inarched an army to her relief, if die had not been inti¬
midated by the threats of the rebels, that the blood of
the queen of Scots would be the wages of her foldiers.
It rvas alfo not to be contradifted, that when the lord
Lindfay prefented to his fovereign the indruments of
redgnation, he menaced her with a clofer prifon and a
fpeedy death if die diould refufe to fubfcribe them. It
was under an extreme terror, and with many tears, that
die put her name to them. She did not confider them
as her deeds; did not read them ; and proteded, that
when die was at liberty, (he would difavow fubfcriptions
which had been extorted from her. Even Douglas, the
keeper of Lochleven, could not endure to be a witnefs
of the violence employed againd her. He departed out
of her prefence, that he might not fee her furrender her
rights againd her will; and he fought and obtained
from her a certificate, that he wTas not acceflory to this
compulfion and outrage. Nor wras it confident with the
dighted probability or reafon, that die rvould, of her
own accord, execute a refignation of her royal edate,
and retain no provifion for her future maintenance.
Yet by thefe extraordinary deeds, the condition to
which {he was reduced was mod miferable and wretch¬
ed. For no portion of her revenue was referved to her,
and no fecurity of any kind was granted either for her
liberty or her life. As to the coronation of the prince,
it could have no validity, being founded in a pretended
and forced refignation. It was alfo defective in form j
for there were in Scotland more than a hundred earls,
bifiiops, and lords •, and of thefe the whole, or at lead
the major part, ought to concur in matters of import¬
ance. Now there did not adid in it more than four
earls, fix lords, one bidiop, and two or three abbots.
Protedations, too, vrere openly made, that nothing tranf-
acted at that period diould be any prejudice to the
queen, her edate, and the blood-royal of Scotland,
neither could it be rightly conceived, that if the queen
had willingly furrendered her dignities, die would have
named the earl of Murray to the regency in preference
to the duke of Chatelherault, who had a natural and
proper claim to it, and who had deferved well of her
country by difcharging that high office during her mi¬
nority. As to the ratification of the invediture of the
young prince, and the regency of the earl of Murray, by
the edates, it was obfervable, that this was done in an
illegal parliament. It was an invalid confirmation of
deeds which in themfelves had no inherent power or
efficacy. The principal nobility, too, objected in this
parliament to this ratification. Protedations were made
before the lords of the articles, as well as before the
three edate?, to interrupt and defeat tranfadlions which
3T
Scotland.
766
] SCO
were hodile to the conditution and the laws. Nor
was it true that the government of the king and the re¬
gent was univerfally obeyed, and adminidered with
equity and approbation : for a great divifion of the no¬
bility never acknowledged any authority but that of the
queen, and never held any courts but in her name ; and
it was notorious, that the adminidration of the ufurpers
had been marked and didinguidied by enormous cruel¬
ties and oppreffions. . Many honourable families and
loyal fubjefts had been perfecuted to ruin, and plunder¬
ed of their wealth, to gratify the retainers and foldiers
who upheld this infolent domination ; and murder and
bloodffied, theft and rapine, were prevalent to a degree
unheard of for many ages. On all thefe accounts, it
was inferred, that Elizabeth ought to fupport the
queen of Scots, to redore her to her crown, and to
overthrow the power of a mod unnatural and rebellious
fa&ion.
To thefe fafts the regent did not pretend to make The regent
any objection 5 and though required by the Englidi unable u>
commiffioners to produce better reafons for his treat-
ment of the queen, he did not advance any thing in his
own behalf. He even allowed the charges of treafon
and ufurpation to be prefled againd him, without pre¬
fuming to anfvver. This furprifing behaviour, which
might readily have been condrued into an acknowledg¬
ment of his guilt, it feems, proceeded from fome con¬
ferences which he had with the duke of Norfolk. This
nobleman was a zealous partizan for the fucceffion of
Mary to the Englidi crown. He was drongly poffefled
with the opinion, that his midrefs, while the was dif-
pofed to gratify her animofity and jealoufies againd the
queen of Scots, was fecretly refolved, by fixing a dain
on her, to exclude her altogether from the fucceffion,
and to involve her fon in her difgrace. He was eager
to defeat a purpcfe, which he conceived to be not only
unjud in itfelf, but highly detrimental to his country.
It was in his power to act with this view; and he ob-
ferved with pleafure, that Maitland of Lethington was
favourable to Mary. To this datefman, accordingly,
he ventured to exprefs his furprife, that the regent could
be allured to think of an attempt fo blameable as that
of criminating his fovereign. If Mary had really given
offence by mifcarriage and midakes, it was not the bufi-
nefs of a good fiabjeft indudrioufly to hold her out to
fcorn. Anxious and repeated conferences were held
by them ; and at length it was formally agreed, that
the regent fliould not accufe the queen of Scots; and
that the duke in return ffiould proteft him in the favour
of Elizabeth, and fecure him in the pcffeffion of his re¬
gency.
767
But while the regent engaged himfelf in this in- His ex-
trigue with the duke of Norfolk, he was defirous not-tremeinii-
withdanding of gratifying the refentments of Eliza-<i’oulnefo
beth, and of advancing bis own intereds by undermin-*‘Vl ^
ing fecretly the fame and reputation of his fovereign. ’' '
He indrufled Maitland, George Buchanan, James Mac-
gill, and John Wood, to go to the duke of Norfolk,
the earl of Suffex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, and to com¬
municate to them as private perfons, and not in their
charafter of commiffioners, the letters to Bothwel, and
the other proofs on which he affirmed the guilt of
the queen of Scots. It was his defire that they diould
examine thefe papers, give their opinion of them to E-
lizabetb, and inform him whether die judged them fuf-
4 Z 2 ficient
SCO
r 732 ]
SCO
Scotland, ficient evidences of Mary’s concern in the murder of her
—'■v—hulband. If this flrould be her opinion, he teftified his
own readinefs, and that of his affociates, to fwear that
(the papers were genuine, and of the hand-writing of
jthe queen. By tiiis operation, he was folicitous to e-
ftablilh his vouchers as inconteftable, and as teftimonies
of record. The comrniffioners examined his papers, and
heard the comments of Buchanan and his other atlht-
ants; but they do not feem to have given them much
credit. They defcribed them, however, to Elizabeth ;
pointed out the places of them which were Itrongelt
againft Mary; and allowed that their force and mean¬
ing were very great, if their genuinenefs could be de-
monftrated. 'But of their genuinenefs they acknow¬
ledged that they had no other evidence than flout af-
fertions, and the offer of oaths. The earl of buffex, in
a private difpatch to Secretary Cecil, does more than
* ifoAfr/ycw ittfiuuate that he thought Mary would be able to
of Dal- prove the letters palpable forgeries 5 and with refpedl
meny’s^Ih- |-0 jq,e miu-der of the king, he declares in plain terms,
"book C" t^iat fr°m he c°uld learn, Murray and his faftion
would, on a judicial trial, be found by “ proofs hardly
to be denied,” more criminal in that charge than the
queen herfelf. Elizabeth and her minilters, on the re¬
ceipt of fuch difpatches, did not think it expedient to
emporver them to adopt a method of proof fo palpably
fufpicious, and in which lire could not openly concur,
without grofsly violating even the appearance of probity.
The regent had before attempted to engage her in a
direfr affurance of the validity of his papers, when he
iubmitted copies of them to her infpeftion by his fe-
eretary Mr Wood. His attempt at this juncture was of
a fimilar kind; and it could not recommend him to the
Englilh commillioners.
Nor were thefe the only tranfaftions which took
place during the continuance of the commiffioners at
York. The inventive and refining genius of Lething-
ton had fuggeiled to him a project, which he commu¬
nicated in confidence to the bilhop of Rofs. It recei¬
ved the warm approbation of this eccleiiadic 5 and they
determined to put it to a trial. While they attended
the duke of Norfolk to the diverfion of haw king, they in-
finuated the notion of his allying himfelf with the queen
of Scots. Her beauty, her accomplithments, and her
kingdom, were high allurements to this nobleman ; and
as he was the greateft fubjeft ©f England, and perhaps
of Europe, he feemed not to be unworthy of them.
The propofal was very flattering to the admiration he
entertained of Mary, to his ambition, and to his patrio-
tifm. The more he thought of it, he was the more con¬
vinced of its propriety. His accefs to be informed of
the pradlices of the regent, deftroyed in him the opera¬
tion of thefe Handers by which her enemies were fo
aftive in traducing her. In this ftate of his mind, the
lady Scroop, his lifter, who refrded at Bolton Caftle
with Mary, completely confirmed his refolution. For
from her he learned the orderly carriage and the ami¬
able difpolitions of the queen of Scots. He was now
impatient to have a fit feafon to make her formally the
offer of his hand.
Elizabeth in the mean time was thrown into confu-
fion by the refufal of the regent to accufe the queen
of Scots. To give a pofitive anfwer to his doubts and
fcruples wras not confident with her honour; and yet,
without this condefcenfion, fhe was affured that the
Scottifh deputies would not exhibit their charge or ert- Scotland.
mination. Having deceived Mary therefore with fair  *
promifes, fhe was active in gaining over the regent to
her views; which ^having done, he at lafl: confented to
prefer his accufation againlt Mary before the commif¬
fioners, who now met at Weftminfter by the command
of Elizabeth. The charge was expreffed in general and Articles of
prefumptive terms. It affirmed, that as James earl oftlie queen’s
Bothwel was the chief executor of the murder of King accufation.
tlenry, fo the queen was his perfuader and counfel in
the device ; that flie was a maintainer and fortifier of
this unnatural deed, by flopping an enquiry into it
and preventing its punilhment, and by taking in mar¬
riage the principal regicide ; that they had begun to
exercife a cruel tyranny in the commonwealth, and had
formed a refolution of deffroying the innocent prince,
and of transferring the crown from the true line of its
kings to a bloody murderer and a godlefs tyrant ; and
that the eftates of the realm, finding her unworthy of
reigning, had ordered her to refign the crown, her fon
to be crowned, and the earl of Murray to be eltabliffied
in the regency. Before this accufation was preferred,
the earl of Lenox prefented himfelf before the Englifu
commiffioners ; made a lamentable declaration of his
griefs, and produced to them the letters which had
paffed between him asid Mary concerning the murder,
with a ■writing which contained a diredl affirmation of
her guilt. < . . 769
The deputies of Mary were aftonifhed at this accufa- Remon-
tion, being a violent infringement of a proteftation which ftrances of
they had formerly given in, and which had been accept- ^cots
ed, namely, that the crown, eftate, perfon, and honour i
of the queen of Scots, fhould be guarded againrt every
affault and injury ; yet in ail thele particulars the was
touched and affefted. It was underifood that no judi¬
cial proceedings fliould take place agalnfi: her; yet flie
was actually arraigned as a criminal, and her deputies
were called on to defend her. They dilcovered not,
however, any apprehenfion of the validity of the charge;
and while they fully explained the motives which attu-
ated the earl of Murray and his fatffion in their proceed¬
ings, they imputed to perfons among themfelves the
guilt of the king’s murder. They affirmed, that the
queen’s adverfaries were the accomplices of Bothwel ;
that they had fubferibed a bond confpiring the death of
the king ; and that their guilt had been attefted in the
fight of xo,ooo fpeftators by thofe of their confederates
who had already been executed. They exclaimed a-
gainfl: the enormous ingratitude, and the unparalleled
audacity of men, who could forget fo completely all
the obligations which they owed to their fovereign ;
and who, not fatisfied with ufurping her power, could
even charge her with a murder which they themfelves
had committed. They reprefented the ftrong neceffiiy
which had arifen for the fulleft vindication of their mif-
trefs; and they faid, that in fo weighty an extremity,
they could not poflibly fuppofe that flie would be re-
ftrained from appearing in her own defence. They had
her inflructions, if her honour was touched, to make
this requifition ; and till it was granted, they infilled,
that all proceedings in the conference Ihould be at an
end. A refufal of this liberty, in the fituation to which
fhe was driven, would be an infallible proof that no
good was intended her. It was their wifh to deal
with fincerity and uprighlnefs; and they were perfuad-
cd>
SCO
[ 733 ]
SCO
Scotland.
77°
They are
admitted to
an audience
by Eliza¬
beth,
771
and make
propofalsof
accommo¬
dation.
772
Shameful
condudl of
Elizabeth.
ed, that without a proper freedom of defence, their
queen would neceHarily fall a vidtim to partiality and
injuftice. They therefore earneftly preffed the Eng-
liih commiflxoners, that fhe might be permitted to pre-
fent herfeif before Elizabeth, the nobles of England,
and the ambaffadors of foreign nations, in order to ma-
iiifeft to the world the injuries fhe had fullered, and her
innocence.
After having made thefe fpirited reprefentations to
the Englifh eommiflioners, the deputies of Mary de-
fired to have accefs to the queen of England. They
were admitted accordingly to an audience ; and in a
formal addrefs or petition they detailed what had hap¬
pened, infilled that the liberty of perfonal defence fhould
be allowed to their millrefs, and demanded that the earl
of Murray and his aflbciates fhould be taken into cuf-
tody, till they Ihould anfwer to fuch charges as might
be preferred again!! them. She delired to have fome
time to turn her thoughts to matters of fuch great im¬
portance ; and told them, that they might foon e^pedl
to hear from her.
The bilhop of Rofs, and the other deputies of Mary,
in the mean time, ftruck with the perfidious manage¬
ment of the conference, convinced of fhe jealoufies and
paffions of Elizabeth, fenfible that her power over her
commiffioncrs was unlimited, and anxious for the de¬
liverance of their millrefs, made an overture for an ac¬
commodation to the earl of Leiceller and Sir William
Cecil. They propofed, that the original meaning of
the conference Ihould Hill be adhered to, notwithftand-
ing the accufation which had been prefented by the earl
of Murray ^ and that Elizabeth, difregarding it as an
effort of faction, Ihould come to a good agreement with
Mary and her fubjebls. For this fcheme, which is fo
exprefiive of their fufpicions of Elizabeth and of her
commillioners, they had no authority from their millrefs.
They acknowledged accordingly, that it was made with¬
out her inflru£lions, and intimated that they were moved
to it by their anxiety for peace and the re-eftablilhment
of the affairs of the Scottilh nation. They were intro¬
duced at Hampton-court to Elizabeth ; who liflened
to their motion, and was averfe to it. They then re¬
peated the defires of the petition they had prefented to
her j but fire did not think it right that the queen of
Scots fliould as yet have the liberty of defending herfeif
in perron. She confeffed, indeed, that it was reafonable
that Mary {horrid be heard in her own caufe ; but fire
affirmed, that fire was at a lofs at what time fire ffiould
appear, in what place, and to whom fire fiiould addrefs
herfeif. While fire let fall, however, the hope that
Mary might obtain the permiffion fo repeatedly and fo
earneftly requefted, fire expreffed her refolution that tire
earl of Murray ftrould firft be heard in fupport of his
charge, and that (he ftrould attend to the proofs which
he affirmed himlelf in readinefs to produce. After this
bufinefs flrould be tranfafled, fire told the deputies of
Mary that fire would again confer with them. It was
to no purpofe that they objefled to a procedure fo
ftrange and fo improper. An accufation, faid they, is
given ; the perfon accufed is anxious to defend herfeif;
this privilege is denied her } and yet a demand is to be
made for the vouchers of her guilt. What is this but
an open violation of juftice ? It did not become them to
difpute her pleafure in her own dominions : but they
would not, they informed her, confent to a meafure
which was fo alarming to the interefts of their queen ; Scotland,
and if it was adopted, lire might expeft that a protefi •—-y——'
againft its validity would be lodged with her comnrif-
fioners. . _ 7?5
The Englifir commiffioners refumed the conference, Altercation
and were about to demand from the earl of Murray between
the proofs with which he could fupport his accufation. ^ com'
The bifirop of Rofs and his affociates being admitted
to them, expreffed themfelves in conformity to the con-
verfation they had held with Elizabeth. They de¬
clared, that it was unnatural and prepoflerous in their
fovereign to think of receiving proofs of the guilt of the
queen of Scots before fire was heard in her own de¬
fence 5 and they protefted, that in the event of this pro¬
ceeding, the negociation ftrould be diffolved, and Eliza¬
beth be difarmed of all power to do any prejudice to her
honour, perfon, crown, and eftate. The commiffioners
of the Englifir queen were affefted wdth this protefta-
tion, and felt more for the honour of their mifirefs than
for their own. They refufed to receive it, becaufe there
were engroffed in it the words of the refulal which
Elizabeth had given to the petition for Mary. They
did not choofe to authenticate the terms of this refufal
by their fubferiptions •, and rvere folicitous to fupprefs
fo palpable a memorial of her iniquity. They alleged,
that the language of her refufal had not been taken
down with accuracy 3 and they preffed Mary’s deputies
to prefent a limpler form of proteftation. The biftiop of
Rofs and his colleagues yielded not, however, immedi¬
ately to their infidious importunity 3 but, repeating anew
their proteftation as they had at firft planned it, included
the exprefs words of Elizabeth 3 and, when compelled
by the power of the commiffioners to expunge the lan¬
guage of the Englifii queen, they ilill infilled on their
proteftation. An interruption was thus given to the
validity of any future proceedings which might affe£l
the reputation of the queen of Scots. The earls of Mur¬
ray and Morton, with their friends, were very much dis¬
appointed. For they had folaced themfelves with the
hope of a triumph before there was a vi£tory 3 and
thought of obtaining a decree from Elizabeth, which,
while it fliould pronounce the queen of Scots to be an
adulterefs and a murderer, would exalt them to the
fiation and character of virtuous men and honourable
Subjects. 774
Though the conference ought naturally to have ter- Elizabeth
minated on this proteftation of the deputies of Mary demands
againft the injuftice of Elizabeth, yet it did not fatisfy
the latter princefs that the accufation only had been t0 ]yia_
delivered to her commiffioners: ihe was lerioufly dif-ry’s charge,
pofed to propofe a judicial production of its vouchers.
The charge would thus have a more regular afpeCt,
and be a founder foundation on which to build, not only
the infamy of the Scottiffi queen, but her own juftifica-
tion for the part file had aCted. Her commiffioners ac¬
cordingly, after the biftiop of Rofs and his colleagues
had retired, difregarding their proteftation, called on
the earl of Murray and his affociates to make their ap¬
pearance. The pretence, however, employed for draw¬
ing from him his papers was lufficiently artful, and bears
the marks of that fyftematic duplicity which fo fliame-
fully characterizes all the tranfaCtions of Elizabeth at
this period. Sir Nicholas Bacon the lord keeper ad-
drefied himfelf to the earl of Murray. He faid, that, in ■
the opinion of the queen of England, it was a matter.
ftrangs-.-
SCO
[ 734- I
SCO
Scotland.
775
Conclufion
of Mary’s
trial.
An. 1559.
776
Earl of
Murray,
See. char¬
ged with
the king’s
murder,
and chal¬
lenged to
fingle com
bat.
ftrange and furprifing, that lie flioulcl accufe his fovereign
of a crime mod horrible, odious to God and man, againfl:
law and nature } and which, if proved to be true, would
render her infamous through all the kingdoms of the
world. But though he had lo widely forgotten his
duty, yet Elizabeth had not renounced her love of a
good filler, a good neighbour, and a good friend } and
it was her will that he and his company Ihould produce
the papers by which they imagined they were able to
maintain their accufation. The earl of Murray, in his
turn, was not wanting in diflimulation. He expreffed
himfelf to be very forty for the high difpleafure he had
given to Elizabeth by his charge againft Mary, and for
the obftinacy of the Scottilh queen and her deputies,
which made it neceffnry for him to vindicate himielf by
difeovering her dilhonour. Under the load of this dou¬
ble and affefted forrow, he made an aftual and formal
exhibition of the vouchers by which he pretended to fix
and eftablifli her criminality. A particular account and
examination of thefe vouchers, the reader will find in
our life of Mary, and in the works to which we have
there referred.
To enumerate all the fliifts to which Elizabeth and
the adverfaries of Mary were put, in order to make the
ftrange evidence that was produced wear fome degree
of plaufibility, would far exceed our bounds. It is fuf-
ficient to fay, that after having wearied thenifelves with
prevarication and falfehood •, after having prefled Mary
to abdicate her crown, a requifition with which (he never
would comply ; and after having finally refufed to hear
her in her own defence; Elizabeth, on the 10th of
January 1569, gave leave to the earl of Murray and
liis accomplices to depart her dominions ; telling them,
that fince they esme into England, nothing had been
objected to them which could hurt their honour as
men, or aft’eft their allegiance as fubje£ls. At the fame
time the told them, that they had produced no infor¬
mation or evidence by which flie was entitled to con¬
ceive any bad opinion of the queen of Scots. It was
therefore her plealure to allow the affairs of Scotland
to continue precifely in the condition in which they
were fituaied at the beginning of the conference. Three
days after, this, they formally took their leave of the
queen of England. The deputies of Mary remonftra-
ted, protefted, and argued, to no purpofe ; the Eng-
lilh privy-council, with the moil provoking indifference,
told them, that “ the earl of Murray had promifed to
their fovereign, for himielf and his company, to return
to England at any time the ftiould call on him. But,
in the mean time, the queen of Scots could not, for
many ftrong reafons, be permitted to take her departure
out of England. As to her deputies, they would move
Elizabeth to allow them to return to Scotland ; and
they believed that file wouhl not detain them.”
Mary was exceedingly difappointed and chagrined
by this lingular iftue of her caure. Her friends during
this period had increafed, and the cruel and injurious
treatment ftie had met with was fo flagrant, that the
earl of Murray and his faftion were apprehenfive of a
fudden reverfe of fortune. The earls or Argyle and
Huntly protefted againft the injuftice of their proceed¬
ings. at the fame time that they openly accufed the earl
of Murrav and Maitland of Lethington as the affcciates
of Bothwel in the murder of the king. This charge,
according to the cuftom of the times, they offered to
2
prove as true and certain by the law of aims ; and they Scotland,
protefted, that if their adverfaries ftiould delay to anfwer
their challenge, they ftiould be held as confeifmg them-
felves guilty of the murder. Elizabeth, however, fore-
feeing fomething of this kind, had difmiffed Murray and
his adherents with precipitation, fo that there could now
be no formal produdlion of it before the Englifh cornmif-
fioners. It was known and publiftied, however, in the
court of Elizabeth. Murray made an evafive reply,
and Lethington made none at all. 777
This, however, afforded no relief to the unhappy Mary com-
queen of Scotland. Her inveterate and treacherous^.^
enemy held her fall, and endeavoured bv every method finemer.t.
in her power to render her life miferable. Mary, on
the other hand, loft neither her fpirit nor her dig¬
nity. She attempted to roufe in the minds of her nobles
that paffion for liberty which had once fo much diftin-
guifiied the Scottifh nation, but which now feemed to
be exchanged for a fervile fubjeftion to the queen of
England. But fome difpatches which urged thefe to¬
pics being intercepted, Mary rvas removed from Bolton
to Tutbury caftle, where ftie was intrufted to the earl
of Shrewlbury, knd committed to clofer confinement
than ftie had yet experienced ; while Elizabeth difperfed
manifeftoes all over the northern counties of England,
complaining of reports injurious to her honour, and dil-
claiming all hoftile intentions towards the liberties of
Scotland. 77s
In the mean time Murray returned to Scotland,
where he took every method of eftabhthing himfelf in himfelf in
his ill-acquired power. Mary had commanded the duke power,
of Chatelherault to return to Scotland, in order to raife
forces for her advantage ; but this nobleman had been
long detained in England by the artifices of Elizabeth,
fo that Murray had arrived there before him. The
duke, however, began to raife forces, and might have
proved a troublefome antagonift, had not Murray decei¬
ved him by a pretended negociation, and got him into
his power ; immediately after which he imprifoned him,
and forced moft of the other lords who were on that
fide to fubmit.
When the newrs of this important event reached the
queen of Scots, ftie inftrufled the bifliop of Rofs to re- 775;
pair to Elizabeth, and to make remonftrances in their Negocia-
behalf. By the agency of this ecclefiaftic, whom flie
had conftituted her ambaflador, (lie meant to conduft &
her tranfaftions with the queen of England ; and from
the conclufion of the conferences, ftie had been medita¬
ting a proper plan on which to accomplifli her liberty
and reftoration. The biftiop of Rofs, after complain¬
ing loudly of the rigorous proceedings of the regent,
and intimating the general belief which prevailed that
he was fupported by the Englifti court, prefled the pro¬
priety of a final fettlement of the affairs of his miftrefs.
With this view, he wras admitted by Elizabeth and her
privy-counfellors to frequent conferences; and they even
defired him to prefent to them in writing the articles
which he was commanded to propofe as the foundation
of a treaty. He failed not to comply with this injunc¬
tion ; and it was the import of his fchedule of agree¬
ment, that Mary fhould engage never to moleft Eliza¬
beth, and the lawful heirs of her body, refpe&ing the
fucceftion to the crown of England and Ireland, if flie
could obtain fufticient fecurity that on their demife her
rights would be refpefted ; that a new treaty of alliance
and
SCO [7
Scotland, and friendiliip fliould be concluded behveen the two
“““""v queens, by the advice of the eifates of both kingdoms •,
that this league ihould be ratihed by their oaths and
feals, and confirmed by parliamentary a£fs ; and, if any
farther affurance ihould be deemed necenary on the part
of Mary, that fne would procure the kings of France
and Spain to be the guarantees of her punctuality and
concord •, that in compliance with the pleafure of Fhza-
beth, die would extend her clemency to all her fubjecfs
who had offended her, under the provifion that they
would fubmit to her fovereignty, deliver up the prince
her fon, reftore her caflles, give back her jewels, and
furrender to her friends and fervants the eftates and pof-
leffions of which they had been deprived j that the mur¬
der of the king fhould be puniihed againlt all the adtors
in it without delay, and according to the laws ; that to
prevent Bothwel from returning to Scotland, and to
pleafe thofe who imagined that it was in his power to
excite ferments and trouble, Ihe would be bound to in-
ftitute a procefs of divorce againil him ; and that thei'e
articles being adjufled, the queen of England fliould
allow her to proceed to Scotland, under a iafe and ho¬
nourable convoy, to be ve-etlablilhed by the three eftates
in her realm and government, and to be gratified with
the diffolution of all the acts and ftatutes which had
been pafied to her prejudice.
Thefe heads of alliance were received with a refpeff
and cordiality which were not ufually paid to the tranf-
’eoV d '^ar ai^ons Mary in the court of Elizabeth ; and the
diage of bifhop of Rofs was elated with expectation. Their juf-
Mary with tice, however, was not the foie, or even the chief, caufe
the duke of of this attention and complaifance. A combination of
Norioik. t}ie English nobles had taken place againft Cecil, whofe
power and credit were objects of indignation and jea-
loufy 5 and the duke of Norfolk had been aCtive and
fuccefsful in promoting the fcheme of his marriage with
the queen of Scots. Taking advantage of the condi¬
tion of parties, he had pradtifed with the principal no¬
bility to encourage his pretenfions to Mary ; and he
fecretly communicated to them the promifes of fupport
he had received from the earl of Murray. By the ad¬
vice and influence of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, he en¬
gaged in his behalf the earl of Leicefter ; and this
nobleman imparted the matter to the earls of Pem¬
broke and Arundel. The duke himfelf was able to
conciliate the favour of the earls of Derby, Bedford,
Shrewfbury, Southampton, Northampton, Northumber-
v land, Weftmoreland, and Suflex. In the mean time,
he was eagerly prefling Mary herfelf with his fuit and
importunities; and had mutually exchanged the tokens
of a conftant and fincere love. It was in this forward
ftate of the match, that the bifliop of Rofs drew up the
fchedule of articles for the accommodation of the rival
queens.
The Eng- At the defire of Elizabeth, her privy-council conferred
lifli nobles with the biftiop on thefe articles at different times ; and
tides'tx)21' they exPrefi"ed themfelves highly pleafed with their ge-
Mary. neral import. Little doubt was entertained of their fuc-
cefs ; and the earl of Leicefter, in order to complete the
bufinefs, and to ferve the duke of Norfolk, undertook
to give them a more fpecial force, and to improve them
by the introdudlion of a ftipulation about the marriage
of the queen of Scots. According to his fcheme of
agreement, it was required of Mary, that fhe fhould be
a party to no attempt againlt the rights and titles of
783
Advances
are made
35 ] SCO
the queen of England, or her heirs ■, that (he Ihould Scotland,
conient to a perpetual league, offenfive and defenfive, ^
between the two kingdoms; that Ihe fliould finallyefta-
blilh the Proteftant religion in Scotland ; that fhe ftiould
admit to her favour thole of her lubjetts who had ap¬
peared againtt her ; that it the had made any aflignment
of her kingdom to the duke of Anjou, in the expecta¬
tion of a marriage to be contracted between them, it
Ihould be diflblved ; and that inftead of looking to a
foreign prince, whofe alliance would be dangerous, not
only to the religion but to the liberty of the two realms,
flie would agree to marry the duke of Norfolk, the firffc
peer of England. Thefe articles being communicated
to the bilhop of Rofs, he was defired to tranfmit them
to Mary ; but as they touched on lome points concern¬
ing which he had no inftnlCtions, he declined this oftice,
and recommended the propriety of their employing a
fpecial meffenger of their own in a commiflion of fuch
high importance. They accordingly appointed Mr Can-
dilh to go with them to the queen of Scots, and,
in a formal difpatch, they extolled the merits of the
duke of Norfolk ; affured her of the general favour and
fupport of the Engliih nobility, if Ihe fhould approve
of his love : and intimated their belief that Elibabeth
would not be averfe to a marriage which gave the cer¬
tain profpect of tranquillity and happipefs to the two
kingdoms. This difpatch was in the hand-writing of
Leicefter; and it was fubferibed by this nobleman,
and the earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and the lord
Lumley* . . ... 78a
Mary, in the folitude of her prifon, received this ap- Mary a-
plication with pleafure. By the lord Boyd fhe return- grees to the
ed a very favourable anivver to it; but took the liberty tread' Pro*
to admonifh them of the neceftity of their lecuring the ta
good-will of Elizabeth, left her diflike of the treaty of
the marriage fhould excite new difafters and misfortunes,
and involve the duke of Norfolk in inconvenience and
danger. This advice, the iuggettion of her delicacy
and prudence, did not draw their attention fufficiently.
The duke of Norfolk was now impatient to conclude
this great tranfaftion, in which he had engaged himfelf;
and admitted into his councils many nobles whom he
had hitherto neglefted to court, and many gentlemen
who were confiderable from their diftindlion and for¬
tunes. The countenance and confent of the kings of
France and Spain were thought neceffary to the inea-
fures in agitation, and were folicited and obtained. In
the univerfality of the applaufe with which they were
honoured, it was fuppofed that Elizabeth would be al¬
lured into a cordial acknowledgement of their propriety,
or be compelled to afford them a reludfant approbation ;
and fo ardent a belief prevailed of their fortunate ter¬
mination, that the marriage-contradt was adVually in¬
truded to the keeping of M. Fenelon the French am-
baflador.
The a&ivity of the duke of Norfolk with the Eng-
lifh nobles did not fo much engrofs his attention as to
make him forget the regent. He kept up a elofe coi'-
refpondence with him in confequence of the concert in¬
to which they had entered, and received the moft ample
affurances of his fidelity and fervice. The moft fan-
guine and feducing hopes elated him. The regent,
while he ftipulated for terms of favour and fecurity to
himfelf and his fadlion, appeared to be full of the mar¬
riage, as a meafure from which the greateft advantages
would
Scotland.
7S3
The re-
quefts of
Mary.
7S4
Importu¬
nities of
Norfolk.
.SCO [75
would arife to the two kingdoms, to tlie two queens,
and to the true religion. The match, in the mean¬
time, was anxioufly concealed from Elizabeth } but fne
was zealoufly preiTed to conclude an accommodation
with Mary, on the foundation of the fchedule of agree¬
ment prefented by the bilhop of Rofs. After having
had many conferences with her privy-council, fhe feem-
ed inclined to treat definitively for the reftoration of
the queen of Scots, and actually agreed to open the
tranfaction to the regent. The lord Eoyd was fent in¬
to Scotland on this bufinefs j and while he carried her
letters, he was intruded with difpatches from Mary, the
duke of Norfolk, and Sir Nicholas Throgmorton.
.As the regent was returning from his northern ex¬
pedition, he was faluted at Elgin by the lord Eoyd,
who immediately laid before him the difpatches and in-
ftruftions with which he had been charged. The queen
of England, in her letters, made three proportions in
behalf of Mary, and intimated a defire that one of them
fhould be accepted. The queen of Scots, die faid,
might be redored fully and abfolutely to her royal
edate : fhe might be affbciated in the government with
her fon, have the title of queen, and, till the prince
fhould attain the age of 17 years, the adminidratian
might continue in the regent; or fhe might be permit¬
ted to return to Scotland in a private flation, and hare
an honourable appointment to maintain her in a fafe
and happy obfcurity. The difpatches from Mary to
the regent defired, that judges might immediately be
allow'ed to inquire into the legality of her marriage
with Bothwel: and that, if it was found to have been
concluded in oppofition to the laws, it fhould be de¬
clared void, and that the liberty be granted to her of
entering again into a matrimonial engagement. The
duke of Norfolk exprefled to the regent the gratitude
he felt for his frienddup *, promifed him the command
of the fulled exertions of his confequence and power j
intreated him to proceed expeditioufly in promoting the
bufinefs of tbe marriage, and referred him to the indruc-
tions of lord Boyd for a fatisfadlory anfwer to any doubts
which might give him difgud or uneafinefs. By the
letters of'J hrogmorton, the regent wras advertifed that
the marriage of the queen of Scots with the duke of
Norfolk was a certain and decided point ; and he was
counfelled to concur heartily and expeditioufly in this
tranfa&ion, that his content might not fcem to have
been extorted. Maitland of Lethington was recom¬
mended to him by this datefman, as the perfon whom
he fnould choofe to reprefent him in the Englifh court,
as he could negociate bed the terms and mode of his
fecurity and of that of his party. In fine, Throgmor¬
ton intreated him not to be troubled with any precife
fcruples or obje&ions, for that his overthrow, if he re-
fided, would be inevitable \ and, in the view of his fer-
vices and cordiality, he allured him, that no man’s friend-
fhip would be accepted with greater affe£Hon, and no
man’s edimation be higher or more fortunate. The
zeal of Throgmorton induced him alfo, on this occafion,
to addrefs to Maitland a difpatcb, in which he was in¬
finitely importunate to haften his expedition to England,
in the character to which he recommended him. He
complimented him as the fitted perfon to open the
match to the Englifh queen, on the part of the regent
and the Scottifh nobility j and he reprefented the fuc-
cefs of the fcheme to be infallible, as Elizabeth would
3 ] SCO
never be fo unwife as to put her own fafety, the peace Scotland;
of her kingdom, and the prefervation of her people, in
competition with the partial devices that might proceed
from the vanity and the paflions of any perfon whatever.
He enumerated the names of the Engliih nobility who
had confederated to promote the marriage. He enlarg¬
ed on it as an expedient full of wifdom, and as advan¬
tageous in the higheft degree to religion and the date.
He pointed out the lading and infeparable connection
of England and Scotland, as its happy and undoubted
confequence. For, if James VI. fhould die, the feeptres
of the two kingdoms might devolve on an Englifh
prince ", and if he diould attain to manhood, he might
marry the daughter of the duke of Norfolk, and unite,
in his perfon, the two crowns. ^,
Thefe weighty difpatches fully employed the thoughts Delibera-
of the regent. The calls of juttice and humanity weretion of the
loud in the behalf of Mary •, his engagements to Nor- e<lateson
folk were precife and definitive ; and the commiflion of ^pl
Elizabeth afforded him the command of the mott im- the queen,
portant fervices. But, on the other hand, the refto¬
ration of Mary, and her marriage, would put an end
for ever to his greatnefs j and, amidft all the flipula-
tions which could be made for his protection, the enor¬
mity of his guilt was ftill haunting him with fufpicions
and terror. His ambition and his felfifh fenfibilities
were an overmatch for his virtue. He praCHfed with
his partizans to throw obftacles in the way of the treaty
and the marriage j and, on pretence of deliberating
concerning the reftoration of Mary, and on her divorce
from Bothwel, a convention of the eftates was fum-
moned by him to affemble at Perth. To jhis affem-
bly the letters of Elizabeth ivere recited ; and her pro-
petitions were confidered in their order. The full re-
ftoration of Mary to her dignity was accounted injuri¬
ous to the authority of the king, and her affociation
with her fon in the government vras judged improper
and dangerous ; but it was thought that her deliverance
from pnfon, and her reduction to a private ftation,
were reafonable expedients. No definitive treaty, how¬
ever, was pronounced. The letters of Mary were then
communicated to this council, and gave rife to vehe¬
ment debates. She had written and fubferibed them
in her character of queen of Scotland. This carriage
was termed infolent and imperious by the friends of the
regent. They alfo held it unfafe to examine her re-
quefts, till they fhoilld be communicated to Elizabeth 5
and they infinuated, that fome inclement and partial
device was concealed under the purpofe of her divorce
from the earl of Bothwel. The favourers of Mary
endeavoured to apologize for the form of the letters,
by throwing the blame on her fecretaries 5 and engaged,
that while the commiffaries, or judges, were proceed¬
ing in the bufinefs of the divorce, new difpatches in
the proper method fhould be applied for and procured.
They were heard with evident fymptoms of difpleafure 5
and exclaimed, “ that it was wonderful to them, that
thofe very perfons who had lately been fo violent for the
reparation of the queen and Bothwel (hould now be fo
averfe to it.” The partifans of the regent replied,
“ that if the queen was fo eagerly felicitous to procure
the divorce, fhe might apply to the king of Denmark
to execute Bothwel as the murderer of her hufband 5
and that then fhe might marry the perfon who was moft
agreeable to her.” The paffions of the two fa&ions
were
SCO
Scotland.
7S6
Elizabeth
dilapp.ints
the deligns
ot VIary
and Nor¬
folk. *
were inflamed to a mod indecent extremity, and the
convention broke up with ftrong and unequivocal marks
of hoftility and anger.
Notwithftanding the caution with which Mary and
Norfolk carried on their intrigues, intimations of them
had come to Elizabeth. Norfolk himfelf, by the ad¬
vice of the earl of Pembroke, had ventured to difclofe
his lecret to Sir William Cecil, who affedfed to be
friendly to him. The regent, in anfwef to her letters,
tranfmitted to her the proceedings of the convention at
Perth. The application of Mary for a divorce was a
key to the ambitious hopes of the duke of Norfolk.
She commanded Sir William Cecil to apply himfelf
to difcover the confpiracy. This ftatefman betrayed
the confidence with which he had been entrufted ; and
Elizabeth, while the duke was attending her at Farn-
ham, difcovering a mixture of pleafantry and paffion,
ndmonifhed him to be careful on what pillow he repo-
fed his head. The earl of Leicefier, alarmed by his
fears, revealed to her at TitchfieTd the whole proceed¬
ings of the duke of Norfolk and his friends. Her
fury was ungovernable ; and at different times jhe load¬
ed Norfolk with the fevered reproaches and contume¬
ly, for prefuming to think of a marriage with the
queen of Scots without the iandlion of her concurrence.
Infulted with her difcourfe and her looks, abandoned
by Leicefler, and avoided by other nobles in whom
ne had confided, he felt his courage to forfake him.
He left the court at Southampton without taking his
leave, and went to London to the earl of Pembroke.
New intimations of her difpleafure were announced to
him, and he retired to his feat at Kinninghall in Nor¬
folk. _ His friends urged him to take the field, and to
commit his fafety to the fword ; but having no incli¬
nation to involve his country in the miferies of war, he
rejected their advice ; and addrefling an apology to FN
lizabeth, protefted that he never meant to depart from
1 737 J
SCO
but her prudence had induced her to deflroy all the Scotian!
evidences of her tranfa&ions with the duke of Nor-' 
folk j and the officious afliduity of this jailor was only-
rewarded with two cyphers which he could not compre¬
hend. The domeftics whom fhe favoured were fufpe&ed
and difmiffed. Her train of attendants was diminiflied.
An unrelenting watch was kept over her. No couriers
were allowed to carry her difpatches. No mefiengers
were admitted to her prefence; and all the letters from
her friends were ordered to be inteicepted, and to be
conveyed to the queen of England.
The proceedings of the convention at Perth were af- Ncrioii;
flictmg to Elizabeth, to IVIary, and to the duke of betraved
Norfolk. In the firft they created fufpicions of the re- b3'the re-
gent j and they were a certain annunciation to Mary §ei'lC*
that he was refolved to fupport himfelf in the govern¬
ment of Scotland. Uncertain rumours had reached
Elizabeth of the interviews he had held with Norfolk
in the bufinefs of the marriage. Her furprife and in¬
dignation were unbounded. Mr Wood, who brought
from the regent his anfwer to her letter, was treated
with dilrefped. Secretary Cecil difpatched inftrudlions
to the lord HunfJon, the governor of Berwick, to
.watch his operations with a jealous eye. Elizabeth, by
a Ipecial envoy, required from him an explanation of his
ambiguous carriage. The regent, true to his interefts,
apologized to her for his connexions with the duke of
Norfolk, by laying open the defign of that nobleman,
to cut him off, in his way to Scotland, by a full com¬
munication of whatever had palled between them in re¬
lation to Mary, and by offers of an unlimited fubmiffion
and obedience.
While the duke of Norfolk was carrying on his in-dnfurree-
tngues with Mary, the fcheme of an infurreXion for1!011,111
her deliverance was advancing under the direXion 0fEn§:an(!*
the earls of Northumberland and Weftmoreland. Mo¬
tives of religion were the chief foundations of this con-
u- u 1 j 1 1 t • ;: „ V'C1C LU'- <-mer lounuauons or this con-
m J d Jr 1 winch he owed her ; and that it was his fpiracy ; and the more zealous Catholics over England
fixed, relolution to have applied for her confent to his were concerned in it. Mary, however, by the advice
Ci the du.-ve of Norfolk, who was afraid of her marry
787
Mary ex-
pofed to
new indig
nities.
fixed refolution to have applied for her confent to his
marriage wfith the queen of Scots. In return, fhe or¬
dered him to repair to her court at Windfor ; and, as
he appeared to be irrefolute, a meffenger was difpatch¬
ed to take him into cuftody. He was firft confined to
the houfe of Paul Wentworth, at Burnham, in the
neighbourhood of Windfor, and then committed to the
Tower. The earls of Pembroke and Arundel, the lord
Lumley, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and the bifhop of
Rofs,. were alfo apprehended and confined.
Elizabeth, amidil the ferment of her inquietudes,
forgot not to gratify her revenge by mfiilting the queen
of Scots. The name of Mary was fufficient to con-
yufie her with anger. I he earl of Huntingdon, who
afteXed to have pretenfions to the crown of England
.oat vere preferable to thofe of the Scottifh princefs,
was joined with the earl of Shrewfhury in the office of
guarding her. His inftruXions were rigorous, and he
was difpofed to exceed them. The earl of Shrewf-
bury confidered it as an indignity to have an affociate
who was a declared enemy to his charge, who had an
intereft in her death, and who was remarkable for a na¬
tural ferocity of difpofition. Mary exclaimed aguinfl:
the indelicacy and rudenefs of Elizabeth, and protefted
that all her intentions were commendable and innocent.
Huntingdon took a delight in her fufferings. He ran-
facked her coffers with a view of mak’n'* .
Vol. XVIII. Part II. & 7
ing a foreign prince, did not enter into it with cordia¬
lity. It advanced notwithftanding j and the,agents of
the pope were lavifli of exhortations and donatives. The
duke ot Alva, by order of his mafter the king of Spain,
encouraged the confpirators with the offer of 20 000
men from the Netherlands ; and, under the pretence
of adjuftmg.commercial dilutes, he fent into England
Chiapini v itelli marquis of Celona, an officer of abi¬
lity, that he might be at hand, and prepare to take the
command or them.—The report of an infurreXion was
ubiverfal. Elizabeth kept an army of 15,000 men near
her perfon. The queen of Scots was removed to Co¬
ventry, a. place of great ftrength ; and if a fuperior and
commanding force fhould appear before it, her ferocious
keeper, it is faid, had orders to aflaffinate her. Re¬
peated commands were fent to the earls of Northumber¬
land.and Weftmoreland, to repair to court. But ;he
irnprifonment of the duke of Norfolk and his friends'had
ftruck a panic into them. They conceived that their
confpiracy was dilcovered ; and putting themfelves at
tlie head of their followers, they iffued their manifefto.
The reftoration of Popery, the eftabliftiment of the
titles of Mary to the Englifh crown, and the reforma¬
tion of abuies in the commonw-ealtb, vrere the avowed
objecls of their enterprife. But they had embarked
5 A in
Scotland.
790
Elizabeth
liberates
jVorfolk
and his
friends.
79 r
Maitland
of Lething-
ton accufed
of Darn,
ley’s mur-
4£r.
SCO [73
in a bulinefs to which they were altogether unequal.
Their efforts were feeble and defultory. The duke of
Alva forgot his promifes. Wherever the peace was
dirturbed by infurgents, there were troops to oppofe
them. The vigilance of Elizabeth difccncerted with
eafe the operations of men whom no refources or popu¬
larity could have conducted to greatnefs, and who could
neither conquer nor die. The earl of Weftmoreland,
after concealing himfelf for fome time in Scotland, ef¬
fected his efcape into Flanders, where he palled a mi-
ferable and ufelefs exiftence •, and the earl of Northum¬
berland being taken by the regent, was imprifoned in
the caftle of Lochleven.
As the fury of Elizabeth abated, her refentment to
the duke of Norfolk loll its power } and fhe failed not
to diftinguifh between the intrigues of an honourable
ambition, and the practices of an obffinate fuperdition.
It was the refult of the examination of this nobleman,
and of the confetTions of the other prifoners, that Le-
thington had fchemed the bufinefs of the marriage, and
that the earl of Murray had encouraged it 5 that her
confent was underflood to be neceffary to its comple¬
tion ; and that Mary herfelf had warmly recommended
the expedient of confulting her pleafure. On receiving
proper admonitions, the earls of Pembroke, Arundel,
the lord Lumley, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and the
bifhop of Rofs, were releafed from confinement ; and,
after a more tedious imprifonment, the duke of Norfolk
was fet at liberty. This favour, however, was not ex¬
tended to him till he had not only fubraiffively acknow¬
ledged his prefumption in the buiinefs of the marriage }
but had fully revealed whatever had paffed between him
and Mary, and folemnly engaged never more to think
of this alliance, and never more to take any concern
whatever in her affairs.
The regent, in the meanwhile, rvas very anxious to
recover the good opinion of Elizabeth. Her treatment
of Mr Wood, and her difeovery of his prafUces, had
excited his apprehenfions. Ele therefore affembled at
Stirling a convention of the eftates ; and taking her let¬
ters a fecond time into confideration, returned her a
reply by Robert Pitcairn abbot of Dunfermline, in a
ilyle iuited to her temper and jealoufies, and from which
fhe could decifively infer, that no favour of any kind
would be fhown to the queen of Scots. But this bafe
condefcenfion, though aflifted by his treachery to the
duke of Norfolk, not being fufficient, in his opinion, to
draw completely to him the cordiality of the queen of
England, he was preparing to gratify her with another
facrifice. The partiality of Maitland to Mary, and
his intrigues with Norfolk and the Englifh malcontents,
had rendered him uncommonly obnoxious to Elizabeth
and her miniflry. The late Commotions had been chiefly
alcribed to his arts-, and it was natural to dread new ca¬
lamities and tumults from the fertile fpring of his inven¬
tion. Under pretence of employing his ft*vice in dd-
patches to England, the regent invited him to Stirling.
Tie was then with the earl of Athol at Perth ; and fu-
fpefling fome improper defign, he obeyed the fummons
with relu&ance. When he took his place in the privy-
council, Captain Crawford, the minion of the earl of
Lenox, who had diflinguiflied himfelf in the trial of
Mary, accufed him, in direft terms, of being a party
in the murder of the late king. The regent affe&ed
aftonit^ment, but permitted him to be taken into cufto-
S3 SCO
dy. He was foon after fent to Edinburgh under a Scotland,
guard, and admonifhed to prepare for his trial. On ' ""~v' J
fimilar charges, the lord Seton and Sir James Balfour
were feized on and imprifoned. *52
Kirkaldy of Grange, the governor of the caftle oftle is pro-
Edinburgh, who was warmly attached to Maitland, af-te£ted by
ter having in vain remonftrated with the regent on the^irka% °t
violence of his conduct, employed addrefs and ftrata- r s ’
gem in the fervice of his friend. Under the cover of
night, he went with a guard of foldiers to the lodging
where Maitland was confined j and {hawing a forged
warrant for taking his perfon into cuftody, got poffef-
fion of him. Kirkaldy had now in his caftle the duke
of Chatelherault, the lord Herries, and Maitland. Ihe
regent fent for him to a conference j but he refufed to
obey his meffage. He put himielf and his fortrefs un¬
der the direction of his prifoners. The regent, con-
defeending to pay him a vifit, was more lavifti than
ufual of his promifes and kindnefs. His arts, however,
only excited the difuain of this generous foldier. Since
he could not lead cut Maitland to the block, he infli-
tuted a procefs of treafon againft him, in order to for¬
feit his eftates. Kirkaldy, by the mouth of a trumpe¬
ter, defired him to commence fimilar actions again't
the earl of Morten and Mr Archibald Douglas, as it
was notorious that they were parties to the king’s mur¬
der. This meffenger was likewife charged with deli¬
vering a challenge from him to Mr Archibald Doug¬
las, and another from the lord Herries to the earl ot
Morton. This difappointment, and thefe indignities,
made a deep impreffton on the regent j and, in a
thoughtful diffatisfied humour, about this time, he marie
a ftiort progrefs towards the Englifh border, courting
popularity, and deferving it, by an attention to order
andjuflice. 793
Elizabeth, flattered by his fubmiffive'advances, and Elizabeth
plea fed with his ambition, was now diipcfed to gratify agjcesto
his fulleft withes j and die perceived, that by delivering
to him the queen of Scots, (lie would efteffuaily relieve tpie regent,
herfelf of a prifoner whofe vigour and intrigues were a
conftant interruption to her repole. A treaty for this
purpofe was entered into and concluded. I he regent
was to march an army to the Englitn frontiers, and to
receive from her his fovereign into her own dommicns,
the viflim of his power, and the Ipcrt of his paflions.
No hoftages and no fecurity were ftipulated for her en¬
tertainment and good ufage. His authority over her
was to be without any limits. On his part, be was
to deliver to Elizabeth the young prince, to put her
in pofleflion of the principal forts of Scotland, and to
affift her with troops on the event of a war with France,
This treaty, fo fatal to Mary, and fo ruinous to the^in-
dependence of Scotland, efcaped not the vigilance of
the bifhop of Rofs. Lie complained ot it in the ftreng-
eft terms to Elizabeth j and declared it to be equiya*
lent to a fentence of death againft his miftrefs. Ihe
ambaffaders of France and Spain were alfo ftremious in
their remonftrances to her on this fubjeft. All re-
fiftance, however, was unavailing -, and the execution eft
the treaty feemed inevitable. Yet how vain are the
loftieft fchemes of human pride ! The career of the re¬
gent was haftening to its crifis j and the hand of an af-
fitflln put a period to his dream of royalty. Scotland
did not lofe its liberties j but Mary continued to be un¬
fortunate.
James
ScotlaiiJ.
794 .
Desth of
the regent.
An. 1570.
795
Lenox
chofen to
iucceed
him.
796
Articles of
agreement
propofed
to Mary
by Eliza,
beth.
An. 1571.
SCO t 7
James Hamilton of Bothwelhaugf, who had been
taken prifoner at the battle of Langfide, obtained his
liberty and life $ but his eflates were forfeited.-—His
wife, the heirefs of Woodhoufiie, retired on this emer¬
gency to her paternal inheritance, in the hope that it
might efcape the rapacity of the regent. He had, how¬
ever, given it away to one of his favourites, Sir James
Ballenden ; and the inftruments of his power having the
inhumanity to (trip her of her garments, and to tum her
naked out of her houfe, in a cold and dark night, ihe
became diftradted before the morning. Hamilton vow¬
ed revenge ; and the regent made a mockery of his
threats. This contempt infpirited bis paffions •, and the
humiliation of the houfe of Hamilton, to which he was
nearly allied, foflered the eagernefs of his difcontents.
The madnefs of party added fuel to his rage. His mind
became reconciled to affaflination. After watching for
fome time a proper opportunity to perpetrate his horrid
purpofe, he found it at Linlithgow. The regent was
to pafs through this town on his way from Stirling to
Edinburgh. Intimation reached him that Hamilton
was now to perpetrate his defign •, and he unaccountably
frighted the intelligence. The affaflin, in a houfe that
belonged to the archbifhop of St Andrew’s, waited de¬
liberately his approach j and firing his mulket from a
■window, (hot him through the body. The wound,
when examined, rVas not judged to be mortal; but the
regent finding its pain to increafe, prepared himfelf for
death ; and in a few hours after he expired. A fleet
horle of the abbot of Arbroath’s carried the aflaffin to
the palace of Plamilton; and thence he foon after effe£ted
his efcape to France.
The death of the earl of Murray made no favourable
alteration in the affairs of Mary. Confufion and dbor¬
der prevailed throughout the kingdom; and though
the friends of the queen were promifed affiitance from
France, nothing effectual was done for them. At left
the regency was conferred on the earl of Lenox 5 an
enemy to the queen, who treated her friends with the
utrhoft rigour. At the fame time Elizabeth continued
to amufe with negociations her unhappy rival. She
granted liberty to the bifhop of Rofs to repair to the
queen of Scots, who had been removed to Chatfworth,
and to confer with her on the fubjeft of the intended
treaty. Mary, conforming to the advances of Eliza¬
beth, authorifed the lord Levingfion to pafs to her do¬
minions, and defire her friends to appoint a deputation
of their number to give their affiftance in promoting the
falutary purpofe of eftablifhing the tranquillity of their
country : and after meeting with fome interruptions on
the Englilh borders from the carl of Suffex, this noble¬
man fuccefsfully executed his commi(lion. The queen’s
lords gave powers to ten nobles to aft in a body, or by
two ol their number, in the intended negociation :
and a fafe-conduft from Elizabeth allowed them to en¬
ter the Englith realm, and to remain in it during fix
months.
While the lord Levingfion w'as confulting the in-
terells of Mary with her friends in Scotland, the bifhep
of Rofs was making earned fuit with Elizabeth to pro¬
ceed in the projefted negociation. His felicitations
were not ineffeftual; and Sir William Cecil and Sir
Walter Mildmay received the infiruftions of their mi-
ftrefs to vcait on the queen of Scots at Chatfworth. The
heads of accommodation which they propofed were ex-
^9
Scotland.
.V, ] S C O
plicit} and the rigour which they difeoveved towards
the Scottilh prlncefs feemed to prove their lincerity. It w“-\r,“w
was propofed, that a perfeft amity fiiould Lake place be¬
tween the two queens ; that all the treaties which had
formerly been concluded by the two nations fhould re¬
ceive an ample confirmation ; that the queen of Scot-
flrould ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, and forbear to
advance any title or claim to the crowm of England du¬
ring the life of Elizabeth, or to the prejudice of the
heirs of her body ; that in cafe of foreign invafions, the
two realms fiiould mutually aflid each ether; that all
foreign foldiers fiiould be ordered to depart out of Scot¬
land ; that in fiiture, drangers of the profefiion of arms
ihould be prohibited from repairing to it, and from tak¬
ing up their refidence in any of its cadles or houfes of
drength •, that Mary diould hold no correfpondence, di-
reftly or indirectly, with any fubjeft of England, with¬
out the permifiion of the Englifir queen •, that the earl
of Northumberland, and the Englilh rebels in Scotland,
diould be delivered up to Elizabeth ; that red refs diould
be given to the fubjefts of England for the fpcils taken
by them on the Scottilh borders; that the murderers
of the lord Darnley and the earl of Murray diould be
duly and effectually punilhed ; that before the queen of
Scots diould be fet at liberty, the young prince her fon
fiiould be brought into England, and that he fiiould
continue in the keeping of Elizabeth till the death of his
mother, or till her relignation to him of her crown on
his attaining majority that the queen of Scots fiiould
not enter into a negociation for her marriage without
the knowledge of the queen of England, nor conclude
it without her approbation, or that of the greatel! part
of tiie Scottilh nobility ; that none of the fubjefts of
Scotland fiiould be fufiered to go to Ireland without
the fafe-conduft of Elizabeth 5 and that Mary diould
deliver to her filler all the tedimonies and writings
which had been lent from France, renouncing and dif-
avowing the pretended marriage between her and the
duke of Anjou. Befides thefe articles of agreement, it
was propofed by another treaty to adjult the differences
of the queen of Scots and her fubjefts; and Sir William
Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay embraced the prefent op¬
portunity of conferring with her on this budnefs, under
pretence of facilitating its management in the futui'e da-
ges of its progrefs. 797
During their day at Chatfworth, thefe datefmen were Nai7 is de«
completely fatisfied" with the behaviour of the queen of^'ousJ°((>
Scots. The candour, fincerity, and moderation, which *
fine difplayed, were full affurances to them that on her
part there was no occafion for apprehending any im¬
proper policy or art; and the calamities of her condi¬
tion were a dill more fecure pledge of her compliance.
Elizabeth, on hearing their report, affefted to be
highly pleafed with her filter, and lent a meffage to
the earl of Lenox, indrufting him in the conditions '
which had been fubmitted to Mary; and defiling him
to difpatch commlflioners into England to deliberate on
the treaty, and to confult his intered and that of his
faction. Nor did Mary neglect to tranfmit to her
friends in Scotland the propofed terms of agreement ,
nnd the bifhop of Rofs, who had afiided her in the
conferences with Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter
Mildmay, conveyed intimations of them to the pope,
the king of France, and the duke of Alva ; befoughi
their advice, and informed thefe princes, that unlefs an
$ A 2 effeftual
S G O
Scotland.
7SS_
The mdn-
cerlty of
Elizabeth.
[ 7+0 ]
S G O
799
Mary’s
< oinmif-
fioners have
an audience
of Eliza¬
beth.
ciTetlual relief could be expelled from tbeir favour, the
neceffities of her condition tvould compel her to fub-
fcribe to the hard and humiliating di&ates of the queen
of England.
But while Mary and her friends were indulging the
hope of a termination to her troubles, Elizabeth was
fecretly giving comfort to her adverfaries, and encou-
raging them to throw obftacles in the way of the trea¬
ty. Sir William Cecil wrote to the regent, exprefs-
ing his difapprobation of the negociations at Chatf-
vvorth; defiring him not to be apprehenfive of the
headings of the adherents of the queen of Scots; and
advifing him to make choice of commifiioners, in the
name of the king, on whofe conftancy and fortitude he
could rely, and whom no addrefs could allure frong, his
intereft, or from the common caufe in which he and
his friends were embarked. The earl of Suffex alfo lent
him difpatches, in which he admonilhed him to turn his
anxious attention to the approaching negociation, and
to infill on fecure llipulations for the prefervation of
the prince, for his own fafety, and for a general indem¬
nity to the nobles and their adherents, whofe party he
had efpoufed. In every event, he reprefented it as pro¬
per for him to pay the greateft refpeft to Elizabeth ;
and, if no treaty Ihould be concluded, he advifed him
to be prepared for reducing the friends of Mary to o-
bedience, and for defending himfelf againft invafions
from abroad. By thefe artifices, the regent and his
faftion were inclined to intimate to Elizabeth their
warm dilfatisfaflion with the terms of agreement which
Ihe had propofed to Mary •, and Pitcairn abbot of Dun¬
fermline, who had been appointed fecretary of Hate in
the room of Maitland of Lethington, was deputed to
her on this bufinefs. Pie exclaimed againll the treaty
as -wild and impolitic 5 and contended, that no ftipula-
tions could bind Mary, whofe religion taught her to
keep no faith with heretics; that her claims to the
Englifh crown, and her refentment againft the queen of
England, as well as her own fubjefts, would immedi¬
ately on her reftoration, involve the two kingdoms in
blood 5 and that no peace or quiet could be expelled or
enjoyed, but by adhering to the falutary maxim of de¬
taining her in clofe captivity. Elizabeth did not dif-
courage thele inclement fentiments *, and Pitcairn was
aflured by her, that from her natural love to the king,
and her regard to the nobles who upheld his authority,
Hie would faithfully provide for their fecurity ; and
that if juftice fhould appear on their fide, fhe would
even ftrenuoufly maintain their quarrel and their confe-
quence.
Mary had been carried to Sheffield, and was reco¬
vering from a feverifh indifpofition. To this place the
biffiop of Galloway and the lord Levingfton, who had
been fele&ed by her friends to be her acting deputies
in England, repaired in order to impart to her the
fiate of affairs in Scotland, and to receive her com¬
mands. After repeated conferences on the fubjedl of
the approaching treaty, fine gave them her commifiion
and inftrudtions, and joining them to the biffiop ofRofs,
fent them to Elizabeth. They requefted an audience of
this princefs, and were admitted to it at Hamptor.-
court. Having prefented their credentials, they inform¬
ed her, that they were ready to conclude a treaty of
concord and agreement, on principles the moft exten-
five and liberal 3 and, renrefenting to her the impove-1
riffied and tumultuous ftate of their country, they beg- Scotland.
ged her to proceed in the bufinefs with expedition.   
The orders, they faid, which they had received, and
their own inclinations, difpofed them to follow her ad¬
vice and counfel in all points which were honourable
and confiftent with reafon 3 and as her prote&ion was
the only refuge of the adverfaries of their queen, they
took the liberty of obferving, that it was completely in
her power to put a period to all difturbances and ani-
mofity, and to accompliftr an accord, which would not
only confer on her the higheft reputation, but be of the
moft fignal utility to the two kingdoms. Elizabeth de¬
clared, that it would pleafe and flatter her in no com¬
mon degree to advance in the negociation 3 and that it
was painful to her that the regent, by his delay in fend¬
ing commiffioners, fhould difeover any averfion to it.
This anfwer was deemed very favourable by the bifhop
ofRofs and his affociates 3 and they obtained her autho¬
rity to difpatch a meffenger to the regent to haften his
operations. _ _ _ 8co
In the mean time, Mary received difpatches from the rhe Ca-
pope, the king of France, and the duke of Alva 3 and tE pow-
they concurred in recommending it to her to accepter^ ac'vlfe
of the articles of accommodation which were offered by j,c^p.T(°f
Elizabeth. The Turks were giving employment to the the accom-
pope and the king of Spain 3 Charles IX. already en- modatiun.
feebled by the obllinate valour of the Huguenots, was
bufy in deceiving them with appearances of peace, and
in plotting their overthrow 3 and the duke of Alva felt
himfelf infecure in his government of the Netherlands.
But while they ftrongly advifed Mary to conclude
an agreement with the queen of England, they were
yet laviffi to her of their expreflions of a conftant ami¬
ty 3 and if the treaty ftiould mifearry, they promifed to
make the moft ftrenuous exertions in her behalf, and
to affift her adherents with money, ammunition, and
troops. sdr
The earl of Morton, the abbot of Dunfermline, and The regent
Mr James Macgill, had been appointed by the regent ?1:c! lui lac"
and his faflion to be their commiffioners in the name of ’0
the king 3 and at length their arrival was announced juftA the
to Elizabeth. Conforming to the fpirit of their party, depofition
the earl of Morton and his colleagues took an early op- Mary-
portunity of juftifyir.g to her the depofition of the queen
of Scots, and by this means to interrupt the progrefs of
the treaty. In an eleborate memorial, they affefled to
confider Mary as unworthy to reign, and afferted the
conftitutional power of the people to curb her ambi¬
tion, and to degrade her from royalty.- Ihey endea¬
voured to intrench themfelves within the authority of
laws, civil, canon, and municipal 3 and they recited opi¬
nions to her prejudice by many pious divines. But
though the general pofition, that the people have a title
to refill the domination of the fovereign is clear and un-
dubitable 3 yet their application of it to the queen of
Scots was improper. To fpeak of her tyranny, and her 7
violation of the rights of her people, was even a wanton
mockery of truth and juftice 3 for inftead of having af-
fumed an illegal exorbitancy of power, (lie had fuffered
in her own perfon and rights, and had been treated by
her fubjefls with the mofi cruel and tyrannical infolence.
Elizabeth, who was unwilling and afraid to enter again
into the condu£l of Mary, who was fully fenfible of the
infolence of her adverfaries, and who did not approve of
any maxims that prefted againft the majefty of princes,
received
Scotland.
Soi
l^izabeth’s
commif-
fioners hold
conferences
with thofe
of the
queen of
Scots,
SCO [74
received their memorial with furprife and indignation.
She perceived not, flie told them, any reafon that could
vindicate the feverity which had been drown to the
queen of Scots by her enemies ; and advifed them to
conlider, that in the prefent negociation it wras their
proper bufinefs to confult the fecurity of the king and of
their party.
On the part of Elizabeth, the commiflicners were the
lord keeper Bacon, the earls of Suffex and Leicefter, the
lord Clynton, the lord chamberlain, Sir William Cecil,
who about this time was created Lord Burleigh, Sir
Francis Knollys, Sir .Tames Croft, Sir Walter Mildmay,
and Sir Thomas Smith. The deputies of Mary wTere invit¬
ed to meet the Englidi commidioners in the houfe of the
lord keeper ; and after he had dated the general purpo-
fes of the treaty, he intimated to them, that there were
two points which required a particular difeudion. A
proper fecurity, he faid ought to be given by the queen
of Scots for her due performance of the dipulations of
the agreement with Elizabeth ; and it was expedient to
concert the mode of the pardon and indemnity which
Hie was to extend to the fubjefts of Scotland who had
oflended her. As an affurance of the accommoda¬
tion with his midrefs, he demanded, that the duke of
Chatelherault,- the earls of bluntly and Argyle, the
lords Hume and Herries, with another perfon of high
rank, diould be furrendered to her, and remain in Eng¬
land for three years ; that the caftles of Dumbarton and
H ume diould be in her pofiedTon during the fame pe¬
riod ; and as to the article concerning the delivery of
the prince into her cuftody, he obferved, that it diould
be required from the regent, the queen of Scots not hav¬
ing the power of its performance. The deputies of
Mary, furprifed with this language, in treated the Eng-
lidi delegates to redeft, that their queen if deprived of
the mod faithful of her nobles, and of her ilronged
forts, could have little dedre or ambition to return to
her own kingdom ; for die would thus be unable to pro-
te£f herfelf againft the turbulence of her fubjecls, and
be a fovereign without friends, and without ftrength.
They were inclined, they faid, to put their commidion
and powers to the fulled dre.tch, in order to gratify Eli¬
zabeth ; and they would agree, that two earls and two
barons diould be furrendered for two years, as hodages
of the fidelity of their fovereign ; under the redridlion,
that they might be exchanged every fix months for per-
Tbns of an equal condition, if they diould be defirous of
returning to their own country. As to the giving up of
any forts or cadles, they would not agree to it, becaufe
among the other inconveniences of this meafure, fimilar
claims might be made, by the king of France, by the
fpirit of the treaty of Edinburgh, which dipulated, that
no French or Englidi troops diould be admitted into
Scotland, i he lord keeper Bacon, refuming his dif-
courle, told them, that the whole realm, of Scotland, its
prince, nobles, and cadles, were an inadequate pledge to
the queen of England ; and that, if his advice diould
be followed, the queen of Scots would not obtain her li¬
berty on any kind of fecurity which could be granted
by the Scottidi nation. In all public treaties, Lid the
delegates of Mary, no further aiTurance can be required
from a fovereign than what ccnfids with his fafety ;
and when exactions are prefied from a contrafling par¬
ty in a league which are ruinous and impodible, it is
I ] SCO
underdood that a foundation is fought to break off the Scotland,
negociation. The Englidi commifiioners, now interfe-
ring in a body, declared on their honour, that it was
the meaning of Elizabeth to, agree to the redoration of
the queen ol Scots to her crown and realm on receiving
fudicient affurances for the articles of the accommoda¬
tion ; that the fecurity offered for her acceptance, fliould
be fubmitted to her deliberation ; and that they would
immediately proceed to confer with the deputies from the
king of Scots. , ^
The Englidi commiflioners were not unacquainted and with
with the lentiments of the earl of Morton and his col-the king’s
leagues ; and it was frofn this quarter that they expec-deljuties‘
ted a refolute and definitive interruption to the treaty.
Nor did thefe delegates difappoint the expeflations con¬
ceived ot them. After affefling to take a comprehen-
five view of the articles under debate, they declared,
that their commidion gave them authority to treat about
the amity of the two kingdoms, and the maintenance
of the true religion ; but that it conferred on them
na power to receive their queen into Scotland, or to
furrender to Elizabeth the perfon of their king. They
therefore begged not to be urged to accede to a league '
which, at fome future period, might expofe them to a
charge of high treafon. g
This fingular declaration was confidered to be folidElizabeth
and weighty by the Englifli commiflioners : and, in aobftrufls ■
nexv conference, it was communicated by them to the1*16 treat^*
deputies of Mary. The bifiiop of Rofs "and his affo-
c.ates were diigufled with this formal impertinence.
I hey did not hefitate to pronounce the plea of an in-
fufficient commiflion from the king to his delegates to
be an unworthy and mot! frivolous fubterfuge. The
authors, they laid, of the depofition of their fovereign
d:d not need any authority but their own to fet her at
liberty ; the prince was not yet five years of age, and
could give them no infirudtions: and the regent was
wholly dependent on the will and pleafure of the
queen of England. It was reprefen ted in return by the
Englilh delegates, that the commiffion of King James
to his deputies, having been perufed by Elizabeth, v’as
accounted by her to be infufficient ; • and that it was
hei opinion, that tne earl of Morton fiiould return to
Scotland to hold a parliament for obtaining new powders.
The bilhop of Rofs exclaimed, that the queen of Scots
had been amufed with deceitful promifes, that the pru¬
dence of Elizabeth had been corrupted by partial coun-
fels, and that the allegations and pretences held out for
interrupting ^ the. negociation were affe&ed and unreal,
i he inllru&ions, he faid, from his fovereign to her com-
miflioners, were to negotiate and to conclude, and not
to trifle; and they would not by any means confent to
protract, by artificial delays, a treaty which the queen
o* Kngland, if her intentions were "fincere and right,
could immediately terminate on reafonable and ho¬
nourable terms. Flis fpeech and his demeanour he ac¬
knowledged to be free and open ; and he befoueht
them to excufe him, fince, having been made an inftru-
ment to abufe his miftrefs with falfe hopes, be could
not but refent the indignity, and exprefs what he knew
and what he felt. The Englilh deputies, addrefling
him and his colleagues, obferved, that as the friends
ct Mary, and thole of the king her fon, could not
come to an agreement, and as their queen was re-
fufed
SCO
Soot la tul.
t 742 ]
SCO
S05
The agita¬
ted condi¬
tion of the
iufed the aflurance Hie expe&ed, they held their com-
miflion to be at an end, and were no longer at liberty
to negociate.
The infmcerity of Elizabeth, and the failure of the
league or agreement, filled Mary with refentment and
two queens. comPlaints- ^er animofities, and thofe of Elizabeth,
were increafed. She was in hafte to communicate to
her allies the Unworthy treatment the had received ; and
file fent her commands to her adherents in Scotland to
rife in arms, to repofe no trull in truces which were
prejudicial and treacherous, and to employ all their re-
fources and ftrength in the humiliation of the regent and
his faftion. Elizabeth, who by this time apprehended
no enternrife or danger from Charles IX. or the duke of
Alva, refolved, on the other hand, to give a ftrong and
effe&ual fupport to James’s friends, and to dil'unite by
firatagem, and opprefs by power, the partizans of the
Scottifh princefs. The zeal of the bilhop of Eofs having
raifed her anger, Ihe commanded him to depart from
London ; and Mary, in contempt of her mandate, or¬
dered him to remain there under the privilege of her
ambaffador. The high and unbroken fpivit of the Scot-
tilh queen, in the midft of her misfortunes, never once
awakened the generous admiration of Elizabeth. While
it uniformly inflamed her rage, it feems alfo to have ex¬
cited her terror. With a pufillanimous meahnefs, Ihe
fent a difpatch to the earl of Shrewihury, inftruftmg
him to keep his charge in the clofeft confinement, and
to be inceflantly on his guard to prevent her efcape. He
obeyed, and regretted her feverity. The expence, reti¬
nue, and domeftics, of the queen of Scots, were dimi-
niflied and reduced, and every probable means by which
fire might endeavour to obtain her liberty were removed
from ber. The rigours, however, that invaded her per-
fon could not reach her mind ; and Are pitied the tyrant
that could add contumely to oppreflton, and deny her
even the comforts of a prifon.
All this time Scotland was involved in the miferies
of civil war. The friends of Marv were everywhere pu-
niihed with fines and forfeiture. Private families took
the opportunity of the public confufion to revenge their
quarrels againft each other. Individuals of every de¬
nomination ranged themfelves on the fide either of the
regent or of the queen, and took a fiiare in the hottilities
of their country. Fathers divided again!! Ions, and Ions
again!! their fathers. A£ls of outrage and violence were
committed in every quarter, while, amid!! the general con¬
fufion, religion was made the pretence by both parties.
Soy In the mean lime, though many encounters took
The regent p]ace between the two factions, yet neither party feems
taken pn- to ^een condu&ecl by leaders of any fliill in mili-
Zc6
Dreadful
confufion
in Scot¬
land.
foner, and
put to
death.
tary affairs. This year, in one of thefe Ikirmilhes, the
regent himfelf was taken prifoncr by a party of the
queen’s faftion, and put to death. But this event made
little alteration in the affairs of the nation. The earl
of Mar, another of the queen’s enemies, was chofen to
tbe regency : but though he propofed to aft againft her
party with rigour, he was baffled before Edinburgh
caftle, which was ftiil held by her friends; and fome
bloody Ikirmiflies were fought in the north, where vic¬
tory declared in favour of the queen. Thefe advan¬
tages, however, were more than compenfated to the other
party by the following event.
While the negotiations with Elizabeth for Mary’s
relic ration were depending, the fcheme of a con!pi-
3
racy for her deliverance was communicated to her by Scotland.
Robert Ridolphi a Florentine, who lived in London for' r
many years as a merchant, and who was fecretiy an agent
for the court of Rome. But to his letters, while the confpiraCy
fate of the treaty was uncertain, (lie returned no reply.
Its mifearriage, through the duplicity of Elizabeth, re¬
called them forcibly to her attention, and ftimulated her
to ftek the accompliftunent of her liberty by meafures
bolder and more arduous than any which fhe had hi¬
therto employed. She drew up in cipher an ample dif-
courfe of his communications and of her fituation, and
difpatched it to the bithop of Rofs, together with letters
for the duke of Norfolk. Her inftruftions to this eccle-
fiaftic were to convey the difeourfe and letters expediti-
oufly to Norfolk, and to concert an interview between
that nobleman and Ridolphi. The confidential fervants
by whom the duke afted with the bifiiop of Rofs were
Bahnifter and Barker $ and having received from them
the ditcouri'e and the letters, they were deciphered by
Llickford his fecretary. Having confidered them ma¬
turely, he delivered them to Hickford, with orders to
commit them to the flames. His orders, however, were
difobeyed •, and Hickford depofited them, with other pa¬
pers ot confequence, under the mats of the duke’s bed¬
chamber. The contents of the dficourfe and the let¬
ters awakening the hope and ambition of Norfolk, he
was impatient to fee Ridolphi; and the bilhop of Rofs
foon brought them together. Ridolphi, whole ability
was excited by motives of religion and intereft, exert
ed all his eloquence and addfefs to engage the duke to
put himfelf at the head of a rebellion againft his fove-
reign. He reprefented to him, that there could not be
a feafon more proper than the prefent for achieving the
overthrow of Elizabeth. Many perfons who had en¬
joyed authority and credit under her predeceffors were
much dii’gufted } the Catholics were numerous and in-
cenfcd ; the younger fons of the gentry were languifh-
ing in poVeriy and inaftion in every quarter of the king¬
dom } and there were multitudes difpofed to infurreftion
from reitleffnefs, the love of change, and the ardour of
enterprife. He infinuated that his rank, popularity, and
fortune, enabled him to take the command of luch per¬
fons with infinite advantage. He infilled on his im-
prifonment and the outrages he had fuftained from Eli¬
zabeth 5 represented the contempt to which he would
expofe himfelf by a tame fubmiffion to thefe wrongs ^
extolled the propriety with which he might give way to
his indignation and revenge •, and pointed out the glory
he might purchafe by the humiliation of the enemies,
and by the full accomplilhment of his marriage with the
queen of Scots. To give ftrength and confirmation to
thefe topics, he produced a long lift of the names of no¬
blemen and gentlemen with whom he had praftifed,
and whom he affirmed to be ready to hazard their lives
and riches for a revolution in the ftate, if the duke
would enter into it with cordiality. To fix decifively
the duke, he now opened to him the expectations with
which he might flatter himlelf from abroad. The pope,
he affured him, had already provided loo,oco crowns
for the enterprife ; and if Popery firould be advanced in
England, he would cheerfully defray the whole charges
of the war. The king of Spain would fupply 4000
horfe and 6000 foot, which might be landed at Harwich.
Charles IX. was devotedly attached to the queen of
Scots, notwithftaading the treaty which had been enter¬
ed
SCO
809
difcovered
by the mi-
nifters of
Elizabeth.
Scotlar d. cd into vvitli Elizabeth for her marriage with his brother
the duke of Anjou : and when he fhould difcover that,
on the part of the Engliih princefs, this matrimonial
fcheme was no better than a device or a mockery, he
would renounce the appearance of friendfhip which he
had affumed, and return to his natural fentiments, of dif-
dain and hatred with redoubled violence. In fine, he
urged, that while he might depend on the aflirtance and
arms of the greateft princes of Chriftendom, he would
intitle himfeif to the admiration of all of them by his
magnanimous efforts and generous gallantry in the caufe
of a queen fo beautiful and fo unfortunate.
The duke of Norfolk, allured by appearances fo
plaufible and flattering, did not fcruple to forget the
duties of a fubjeft, and the fubmiflive obligation in
which he had bound himfeif to Elizabeth never more to
interfere in the affairs of the Scotthh princefs. Ri-
dolphi, in this forward flate of the bufinefs, advifed
him to addrefs letters to the pope, the king of Spain,
and the duke of Alva, exprcflive of his concurrence in
the defign, and exciting their activity and refolu-
tions. He even produced difpatches framed for this
purpofe ; and while he intreated the duke to fubfcribe
them, he offered to carry them himfeif to Flanders,
Rome, and Spain. The duke of Not folk, who was
ambitious and timid, difpofed to trcaion, and unfit for
it, hefitated whether he fhould fubferibe the letters}
and at length refufed to proceed to that extremity. He
yet allowed the bifhop of Rofs, and Barker his fervant
to go to the Spaniih ambafiador to exprefs his approba¬
tion of the meafures of Ridolphi, to acknowledge that
the letters were according to his mind, and to empower
this ft ate fm an to certify their authenticity to his court.
Ridolphi full of hopes, fet out to execute his commif-
fion. He paffed firft to the duke of Alva, to whom
he communicated the tranfactions in which he had been
engaged, and with whom he held many conferences.
There was at this time at Bruflels Charles Bailly, a
fervant of the queen of Scots •, and Ridolphi, after dif-
clofing to him bis proceedings with Alva, er.trufted
him with letters to her, to the duke of Norfolk, the
Spaniih ambaffador, and the bifhop of Rofs. When this
meffenger reached Calais, a letter was delivered to him
from the bifhop of Rofs, defiring him to leave his dif¬
patches with the governor of that place. From inexpe¬
rience and vanity he neglected this notice ; and being
fearched at Dover, his letters, books, and clothes were
feized, and he himfeif fent to London, and imprifoned
in the MarfhaKea. The biflicp of Rofs, full of apprehen-
fions, applied to Lord Cobbam, the warden of the cinque
ports, who was friendly to the duke of Norfolk ; and
obtaining by his means the packet of difpatches from
Ridolphi, he fubftituted another in its place, which
contained letters of no danger or ufefulnefs. He had
alfo the dexterity to convey intelligence of this trick
to Bailly, and to admoniih him to preferve a profound
fjlence, and not to be afraid. This fimple and un-
praftifed agent had, however, excited fufpreions by the
fymptoms of terror he had exhibited on being taken,
and by exclaiming, that the difpatchis he brought
would involve his own deftru£!ion and that of others.
At his firft examination he confefled nothing: but be¬
ing fent to the tower, and put on the rack, he. re¬
vealed his converfations with Ridolphi, and declared,
that the difpatches which he had brought had been de-
L 74.5 ] . SCO
bifiiop of Rofs. An order was granted
livered to the bifliop of Rofs. An order was granted Scotland',
for taking the biihop into cuffody. Having been aware, 1 1 v " ' J
however, of his perilous filiation, his houle was fearch¬
ed in vain for treafonable papers ; and he thought to
fereen himfeif from anfwering any interrogatories under
the fanclity of h-is character as the ambaffador of an in¬
dependent princefs. gIO
An une.xpeiffed incident excited, in the meantime, The duke’s
new fufpicions and alarms. Mary being defirous of fr‘ends and
tranfmitting 20C0 crowns to the lord Herries to ad-iervarus
vance her interelts in Scotland, the duke of Norfolka_
undertook to convey it to him with 1'afety. He in trull-gainit him.
ed it to the charge of his confidants Hickford and
Barker, who putting it into a bag with difpatches from
their maffer to Lord Herries, ordered a fervant called
Brown to carry it to Bannifter *, who, being at this time
on the border, could forward it to Scotland. Brown,
fufpicious or corrupted, inffead of proceeding on his
errand, carried the bag and its contents to Sir William
Cecil, now Lord Burleigh. The privy-council, deeming
it treafon to fend money out of the realm for the
ufe of the friends of Mary, whom they aft'edted to con-
fkler as enemies, ordered Hickford and Barker to- be
apprehended. The rack extorted from them whatever
they knew to the prejudice of their maffer. Hickford
gave intelligence of the fatal difcourle and the letters
from Mary, which he had preferved in oppofition to
the orders given to him. All the proceedings between
the queen of Scots, the duke of Norfolk, the biffiop
of Rofs, and Ridolphi, were brought to light. A
guard was placed on the houfe of the duke of Nor¬
folk, in order to prevent his efcape. Sir Ralph Sad¬
ler, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Henry Nevil, and Dr
Wilfon, were commiffioned to examine him ; and being
impreffed with the belief that the difeourfe and the let¬
ters had been deftroyed, he pofitively denied that he
had any concern in the affairs ot the queen ol Scots,
or any knowledge of them whatever. He was com¬
mitted to the tower a clofe prifoner. Bannifter by this
time was taken ; and he confirmed the relations of Hick¬
ford and Barker. In the courle of their difeoveries,
there appeared reafons of fufpicion againft many perfons
of rank and diftindlion. The earls of Arundel and
Southampton, the lord Cobham, Mr Thomas Cobham.
his brother, Sir Thomas Stanley, Sir Henry Percy, and
other gentlemen who were friendly to the queen of
Scots and the duke of Norfolk, were ordered to be
lodged in different prifons; and the rack, and the ex-
peflation of a pardon, drew from them the fullell con-
feffions. The duke was altogether unable to defend him¬
feif. The concurring teffimonies of his friends and fer-
vants, with the difeourfe and the letters, which he fond¬
ly imagined had been committed to the dams, were com- -
municated to him. He was overwhelmed with amaze¬
ment and diftrefs j and exclaimed, that he had been be¬
trayed and undone. He made ample acknowledgments
of his guilt, and had no foundation of hope but in the
mercy of his fovereign.
By the confeffion of the duke himfeif, and from all •
the inquiries which had been made by the minifters of
Elizabeth, it appeared obvious beyond a doubt, that Sir -
the biffiop of Rofs had been the principal contriver of Dangerous •
the confpiracy. Ridolphi had a6led under his direc-kcr'
tion, and he had excited the duke of Norfolk. He had
even proceeded to the extremity of advifing that noble-oi Bifliop
manLtfly.v
SCO [ 744 ] SCO
Scotland nian to put hlmfelf at the head of a feleft baud of ad-
herents, and to feize boldly the perfon ol Elizabeth.
In his examinations he tvas treated with great rigour
and iniult. But he made an able defence, and peremp¬
torily refufed to make any anfwer to interrogatories.
The counfellors of Elizabeth were diiturbed with his
obltinacy •, and having certified him, that the rack
would loon render him more pliant, he was ordered in¬
to dole confinement in a dark apartment of the tower.
When he had remained a few days in this melan¬
choly fituation, four privy-counfellors, the lord-ad¬
miral, the lord Burleigh, Sir Francis Knollys, and
Sir Thomas Smith, went to the tower, and caufed
him to be brought to them to the lieutenant’s lodging.'
After having affured him that he was charged by all
the prifoners as the principal contriver of the confpi-
racy, they infilled, in the name of their fovereign, that
he ihould explain fully the part he had afted. The
confefiions of the duke of Norfolk and his fervants, of
the lord Lumley, Sir Thomas Stanley, and other gen¬
tlemen, with the difcourfe and difpatches of the queen
of Scots, were fet before him. They now protelled
on their honour, that if he would make a free and open
declaration of his proceedings, it Ihould be employed
neither agamft himfelf, nor againft any other perfon 5
but that if he thould continue to be refolute in refuting
to give this fatisfaiftion to their queen, who was anxious
to fearch the matter to the bottom, they were infiruft-
ed to let him know, that the would abfolutely confider
him as a private perfon, and order him to be tried and
executed as a traitor. In this extremity he accepted
the conditions held out to him, and difclofed minutely
all the tranfaftions of the principal parties in the con-
fpiracy. But while he defcribed the offences of his mif-
trefs, the duke of Norfolk, and himfelf, he could not
avoid to leffen their blame by apologies. It was natu¬
ral, he faid, for the queen of Scots to exert the moil
ilrenuous endeavours in her power to recover her free¬
dom and crown ; and the methods lire adopted to obtain
her purpofes ought to be confidered in connexion with
the arts of Elizabeth, who pertinacioufly denied her ac-
cefs to her prefence, who kept her a clofe prifoner in
contempt of all the principles of humanity and juffice,
and who afforded an open and powerful affiftance to her
enemies. The duke of Norfolk he was earneft to ex-
cufe on the foundation of the advances which had been
made towards bis marriage with the queen of Scots.
Their plighted love, and their engagements, did not
allow him to forfake her. As for himfelf, he was her
ambaffador and her fervant *, and being highly indebted
to her generofity and kindnefs, he could not abandon
her in captivity and diftrefs without incurring the guilt
of the moft finful treachery find ingratitude. The dar¬
ing propofal he had made to feize the perfon or Eliza¬
beth was the point, he obferved, which feetned to prefs
an him the moft feverely •, and he intreated them to be¬
lieve, that he had moved it only with the view of trying
the courage of the duke of Norfolk.—The privy-coun¬
fellors of Elizabeth were now in pofleflion of all the
evidence they could expedl in this important bufinefs.
Norfolk was admonfthed to prepare for his trial j and
Bifhop Lefty perceived, that though he might efcape
with his life, he would never more be permitted to re-
fide in England, and to act there as the ambaflador, the
minifter, and the friend of the queen of Scots.
4
The defeat of the duke of Norfolk’s confpiracy was Scotland,
a blow to Mary which ihe never recovered. Her moft ’—
faithful friends were languiftving in prifons on her ac- af
count : fire had no longer the counfels of the bithop offajr^u;n((i
Rois; and the Spanifh ambaffador, who had entered into liy the fat¬
her concerns with an unfcrupulous cordiality7, had been’LUreoE\rc,r-
ordered to withdraw from England. The trial and con-2,cou*
o ini racy
demnation of Norfolk loon followed, and plunged her l' “
into the moft calamitous diftrefs. sx^
The tnaffacre of the Proteftants at Paris in 1572 and by the
proved alio extremely detrimental to her. It was in-mallacre ct
terpreted to be a confequence of the confederacy which ^
had been formed at Bayonne for the extermination of
the reformed. The Proteftants were everywhere tranf-
ported with rage againft the Papiits. Elizabeth pre¬
pared herfelf againft an attack from the Catholic powers;
and xvas haunted with the notion that they meant to in¬
vade her kingdom, and to give it to the queen of Scots.
Her ambaffador at Paris, Sir Francis Wallingham, aug¬
mented her apprehenfions and terror. He compared
her weaknefs with the flrength of her enemies, and •af¬
fured her that if they Ihould poffefs themfelveS of Scot- 8x4
land, Ihe would Toon ceafe to be a queen, He repre- Wulfing-
lented Mary as the great caufe of the perils that threat-
ened her perfonal fafeiy and the tranquillity of her beth to p,'s
kingdom ; and as violent difeafes required violent reme-Mary to
dies, he i’crupled not to counfel her to unite Scotland death,
to her dominions, and to put to death a rival whole
life was inconfillent with her fecurity. The more bi-
gotted Proteftants of Scotland differed not very widely
in their fentiments from Sir Francis Walfingham ;
while Inch of them as were more moderate were ftill
more attached to their religion than to Mary ; and a-
midft the indignation and horror into which the fubjefts
of Scotland were thrown by the fanguinary outrages of
Charles IX. and Catharine de Medicis, they furveyed
the fufferings of their fovereign with a diminiftred fym-
pathy. _ . . St^;
This year the regent, finding himfelf befet with dif-xhere-
ficul ties which he could not overcome, and the affairs gent dies,
of the nation involved in confufion from which he could and l'luc-
not extricate them, died of melancholy, and was fuc-^^7
ceeded by the earl of Morton.
During the regency of the earl of Mar, a remark¬
able innovation took place in the church, which de-
ferves to be particularly explained, being no lefs than
the introdudion of Epifcopacy inftead of the Prefbyte- gi(J
rian form of worfhip. While the earl of Lenox xvas Epii'copacy
regent, the archbiihop of St Andrew’s was put to death,introduced
becaufe he was ftrongly fufpefted of having had a con- n.to Scot-
cern in the death of the earl of Murray •, after which the ''ni'
earl of Morton procured a grant of the temporalities of
that fee. Out of thefe he allotted a ftipend to Mr
John Douglas, a Proteftant clergyman, who affumed
the title of archbiihop. This violence excited cenfure
and murmurs. In the language of the times, it was
pronounced to be a profanation of the kirk, and a high
contempt of God ; and it underwent the ferutiny of the
miniftry in applications and complaints to the regent.
The matter xvas doubtlefs of too much importance to be
overlooked ; and a commilTion of privy-counfellors and
clergymen was appointed in the name oi the king to in¬
quire into it, and to reform and improve the policy of
the church. This commiftion, on the part of the privy-
council, confifted of the earl of Morton, the lord Ruth-
ven,
I
SCO
Scotland.
[ 7+5 ]
SCO
ven, Robert abbot of Dunfermline, Mr James Macgill,
^ Sir John Ballenden, and Colin Campbell of Glenorchiej
and on the part of the church there were named John
Erfkine of Dun, and Mr John Winram, Mr Hay, Mr
Lindfay, Mr Pont, and Mr John Craig. The coni'ulta-
tions and debates were long ; and the influence and ma¬
nagement of the earl of Morton diredted their determi¬
nations. It was refolved, that till the majority of the
king, or till the wifdom of the three ellates fhould be
confulted, the titles of archbifhop and bifliop fhould
continue as in the times which preceded the reforma¬
tion ; and that a chapter of learned miniilers fhould be
annexed to every metropolitan or cathedral feat. It
was determined that the fees, as they became vacant,
flrould be given to thofe of the Proteflant miniftry who
were mofl eminent for their qualifications $ that the
archbifhops and bifhops fhould exercife no higher jurif-
diftion than what was permitted to fuperintendants j and
that they fliould be fubject to the controul of the gene¬
ral affemblies of the church. It was agreed, that all
abbots, priors, and other inferior prelates prefented to
benefices, fhould be examined by the bifhop or fuperin-
tendant of the diocefe or precindt where the preferment
•was fituated^ and that their fitnefs to reprefent the
church in parliament fhould be duly inquired into. It
was judged that the king and the regent fhould recom¬
mend qualified perfons to vacant bifhoprics, and that
the eledtions of them fliould be made by the chapters of
the refpedtive cathedrals. It was ordered that all bene¬
fices with cure under prelacies fhould be difpofed of on¬
ly to officiating minifters; that every minifter fhould re¬
ceive ordination from the bifhop of the diocefe, or the
fuperintendant of the province; and that the bifhops and
fuperintendants, on the ordination of miniflers, fhould
exadl an oath from them to recognize the authority of
the king, and to pay canonical obedience to their ordi¬
nary in all things that were lawful.
By thefe artful regulations the earl of Morton did
not mean folely to confult his own rapacity or that of
the nobles. The exaltation of the Proteflant church
to be one of the three eftates was a confequence of
them } and the clergy being the flrenuous enemies of
Mary, he might by their means fecure a decided influ¬
ence in parliament. The earl of Mar, as regent, giving
his fandlion to the proceedings of the commiflion, they
were carried into effedf. The delufive expedlation of
wealth, which this revival of Epifcopacy held out to
the miniflry, was flattering to them; and they bore with
tolerable patience this fevere blow that was ftruck a-
gainfl the religious policy of Geneva. Mr John Dou¬
glas was defired to give a fpecimen of his gifts in
preaching ; and his eledtion took eflfedf, notwithftanding
the oppofition that was made to it by John Knox and
other ecclefiaftics, who flood up for the rules and forms
which had been eifablifhed at the reformation. He was
inaugurated in his office by the bifhop of Caithnefs, Mr
John Spotfwood fuperintendant of Lothian, and Mr Da¬
vid Lindfay, who, violating the book of difcipline, com¬
municated to him his charadler and admiffion by the
impofition of hands. This was a Angular triumph to
Epifcopacy ; and the exaltation of Douglas included
other peculiarities remarkable and offenfive. He denied
that he had made any fimoniacal agreement with the
earl of Morton ; yet it was known that the revenues of
the archbifhopric were almofl wholly engroffed by that
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
Scotland.
nobleman. He had promifed to refign, upon his inflal-
ment, the office of redlor which he held in the univerfity
of St Andrew’s : yet he refufed to execute this engage¬
ment. He was in a very advanced age ; and his men¬
tal qualifications, which had never been eminent, were
in a flate of decay.
A general aflembly, which was held at St Andrew’s,
confidering the high moment of the new regulations
introduced into the church, appointed commiflioners to
go to John Knox, who was at this time indifpofed, and
to confult with him deliberately in his houfe, whether
they were agreeable to the word of God. But from the
arts of the nobles, or from the ficknefs of Knox, it hap¬
pened that this conference was not carried into effeft.
In a general affembly, however, which met at Perth,
the new polity was reported and examined. The
names of archbifhop, dean, archdeacon, chancellor, and
chapter, were excepted againft as Popifli diftindlions,
and as flanderous to the ears of pious Chrillians. A with
was expreffed that they might be exchanged for titles
lefs profane and fuperlfitious j and an unanimous pro-
tellation was made, that the new polity was merely a
temporary expedient, and fhould only continue till a
more perfedl order fliould be obtained from the king,
the regent, and the nobility. This tolerating refolulion
left the new polity in its full force; and a colourable
foundation was now eftablifhed for the laity to partake
in the profits of bifhoprics. The fimoniacal padlion of
Morton and Douglas was not long a matter of Angula¬
rity. Mr James Boyd was appointed to the archbifhop¬
ric of Glafgow, Mr James Paton to the biflioprrc of
Dunkeld, and Mr Andrew Graham to the fee of Dum-
blain ; and thefe compromifing ecclefiaftics, on being al¬
lowed competencies to themfelves, gratified their noble
friends with the greateft proportion of their revenues.
The virtue of the common people approved not this fpi-
rit of traffic 5 and the bifliops of the new polity were
treated openly with reproach or with ridicule.
The year 1572 is alfo remarkable for the death ofDeathof
John Knox, whofe miftaken zeal had contributed not a-fohnKnox.
little to bring on the queen thofe misfortunes with which
ftie was now oppreffed. Neither by his death, however,
nor by the change of the regency, could ftie now be re¬
lieved. The earl of Morton was fo much devoted to
Elizabeth, that he received particular inftruftions from
her how to govern the young king. His elevation, in¬
deed, gave the finifhing ftroke to the queen’s affairs. s g
He employed himfelf with fuccefs in dividing her party
among themfelves, and by his means the duke of Cha- refolved on
telherault and the earl of Huntly were induced to for- patting
fake her. As for Elizabeth, fhe was bent on putting ^ary t0
Mary to death ; but as no crime could be alleged a- “eatl1*
gainft her in England, fhe thought it proper that fhe
fhould be carried back to fuffer death in her own domi¬
nions. This propofal, however, was rejected ; and the
friends who remained true to Mary once more began to
indulge themfelves in hopes of fuccours from France.
New misfortunes, however, awaited them,
of Edinburgh, which had hitherto been held for theof Edin-"
queen by Kirkaldy of Grange, was obliged to furrender burgh ta-
to an Englifh army commanded by Sir William Drury;ken by t*ie
Kirkaldy was folemnly affured by the Englifh comman-,Engllfll
der of his life and liberty ; but Elizabeth violated tfiis1^17'
capitulation, and commanded him to be delivered up to
the regent. A. hundred of his relations offered to be-
5 & come
Sr?
-The caftlexheStrfftIe
SCO
Scotland.
820
Mary treat¬
ed with
greater ri¬
gour than
ever.
An. 1573.
[ 746 ]
SCO
Sir
Death of
Charles IX.
and the
duke of
Lorraine.
An. 1574.
822
Oppreffion
and vio¬
lence of
Morton.
823
Oppofition
to Epifco-
pacy.
come vaflals to Morton, and to pay him 3000 merks
yearly, if he would fpare Iris life 5 but in vain : Kivkal-
dy and his brother Sir James were hanged at Edinburgh.
Maitland of Lethington, who was taken at the lame
time, was poifoned in the prifon houfe of Leith.
The jealoufy of Elizabeth did not diminilh with the
decline of Mary’s caufe. She notv treated her with
more rigour than ever, and patronized Morton in all the
enormities which he committed againft her friends.
Lefly bifhop of Rofs had been long imprifoned in Eng¬
land, on account of his concern in the duke of Nor¬
folk’s confpiracy. Morton earneftly folkited the queen
to deliver him up, and would undoubtedly have put him
to death j but as he had acted in the charafter of am-
balTador from Mary, this was judged impolitic, and the
prelate was fuffered to depart for France. When he
arrived there, he endeavoured in vain to dir up the em¬
peror, the pope, and the duke of Alva, to exert them-
felves in behalf of the queen of Scotland j and, in
1574, the misfortunes of his royal mitlrefs were farther
aggravated by the death of Charles IX. of France, and
her uncle the cardinal of Lorraine. The regent, in the
mean time, ruled with the mod defpotic fway. He
twice coined bafe money in the name of his ibvereign ;
and after putting it into circulation the fecond time, he
iffued orders for its palling only for its intrinfic value.
The duke of Chatelherault happening to die this year,
the regent took every method of ruining all thofe of
his name and family. He committed to prilbn all the
Hamiltons, and every perfon of dhlinftion who had
fought for the queen at the battle of Langfide, and
compelled them to buy their liberty at an exorbitant
price. He indigated Douglas of Lochleven to aflalTi-
nate Lord Arbroath, and it was with difficulty that the
latter efcaped the ambudi that was laid for him. Reid,
the biffiop of Orkney, having left his edate to pious
and charitable ufes, the regent prohibited the execution
of the will, and took on himfelf the adminillration.
To be rich was a fufficient crime to excite his ven¬
geance. He entered the warehoufes of merchants, and
confifcated their property ; and if he wanted a pretence
to judify his conduct, the judges and lawyers were
ready at his call.
In this difaftrous period the clergy augmented the
general confufion. Mr Andrew Melvil had lately re¬
turned from Geneva •, and the difeipline of its affembly
being confidered by him as the mod perfebl model of
ecclefiadical policy, he was infinitely offended wdth the
introdu&ion of Epifcopacy into Scotland. His learn¬
ing was confiderable, and his Hull in languages was
profound. He was fond of deputation, hot, violent,
and pertinacious. The Scottiffi clergy were in a hu¬
mour to attend to him •, and his merit was fufficient to
excite their admiration. Indigated by his prattices,
John Drury, one of the miniders of Edinburgh, called
in quedion, in a general affembly, the lawfulnefs of the
biffiops, and the authority of chapters in ele&ing them.
Melvil, after commending his zeal and his motion, de¬
claimed concerning the flourifliing date of the eftablifh-
pient of Geneva ; and having recited the opinions of
Calvin and Beza on ecclefiadical government, main¬
tained, that there fnould be no office-bearers in the
church whofe titles were not feen in the book of God.
He affirmed, that the term bifhop was nowhere to be
found in it in the fenfe in which it was commonly un-
derdood, a? Chrid allowed not any fuperiority among Sc(Tar<?.
miniders. He contended that Chrid rvas the only lord v *
of his church, and that the miniders ol the word were
all equal in degree arid powder. He urged, that the
edate of the biffiops, befides being unlawful, had
grown unfeemly with corruptions *, and that ii they
were net removed out of the church, it would fall in¬
to decay, and endanger the interefts of religion. His
fentiments were received with approbation ; and though
the archbidiop of Glafgow? with the biffiops of Dun-
keld, Galloway, Brechin, Dumblain, and the Ides,
were prefent in this affembly, they ventured not to de¬
fend their vocation. It was refolved, that the name of
bifhop conferred no didinftion or rank j that the office
was not more honourable than that of the other mi¬
niders •, and that by the word of God their iundlions
confided in preaching, in adminidering the facraments,
and in exercifing ecclefiadical diicipline with the con-
fent of the elders. The Epifcopal edate, in the mean¬
time, was watched with anxious care j and the faults
and demerits of every kind, which were found in indi¬
viduals, were charged on the order with rudenefs and
afperity. In a new affembly this fubjeft was again can-
vaffed. It was moved, whether bidrops, as condituted
in Scotland, had any authority for their functions from
the Scriptures ? After long debates, it was thought pru¬
dent to avoid an explicit determination of this important
quedion. But a confirmation was bellowed on the re-
folution of the former affembly 5 and it was edablidied
as a rule, that every bidrop fhould make choice of a par¬
ticular church within his diocefe, and ffiould a&ually
difeharge the duties of a minider.
The regent, didurbed with thefe proceedings of the
brethren, was difpofed to amufe and to deceive them.
He fent a meffenger to advife them not to infringe
and disfigure the edabliflred forms*, and to admoniffi
them, that if their averfion to Epifcopacy was infur-
mountable, it would become them to think of fome
mode of ecclefiadical government to which they could
adhere with condancy. The aftembly taking ad¬
vantage of this meffage, made a formal intimation to
him, that they would diligently frame a lading form of
polity, and fubmit it to the privy-council. They ap¬
pointed, accordingly, a committee of the brethren for
this purpofe. The bufinefs was too agreeable to be ne-
gle&ed ; and in a ffiort time Mr David Lindfay, Mr
James Lawfon, and Mr Robert Pont, were deputed to
wait on the regent with a new febeme of ecclefiadical
government. After reminding him, that he had been a
notable indrument in purging the realm of Popeiy, and
begging that he would confult with them on any of its
articles which he thought improper or incomplete, they
informed him, that they did not account it to be a per-
fe£l work to which nothing could be added, or from
which nothing could be taken away *, for that they
would alter and improve it, as the Almighty God
might farther reveal his will unto them. The regent,
taking from them their fchedule, replied, that he would
appoint certain perfons of the privy-council to comer
with them. A conference was even begun on the
fubjeft of their new edablidiment ; but from his arts,
or from the troubles of the times, no advances were
made in it. # 824
This year the earl of Bothwel died in Denmark ; Death of
and in his laft moments, being dung with remorfe, he -Bothwei.
confeffed
Scotland.
S G O [ 747 1
confeiTeci that he had been guilty of the king’s murder, matter ?
S15 _
Morton is
compelled
to refign his
office of re¬
gent.
Au. izll-
revealed the names of the perfons who were his accom¬
plices, and with the molt folemn proteftations declared
the honour and innocence of the queen. His confellion
was tranfmitted to Elizabeth by the king of Denmark ;
but was fupprelfed by her with an anxious folici-
tude (x).
The regent Hill continued his enormities, till having
rendered himfelf obnoxious to the beft part ol the no¬
bility, he was, in 1577, compelled to refign his office
into the hands of James VI. 5 but as his majelly was
then only twelve years of age, a general council of twelve
peers was appointed to affiif him in the adminillration.
Next year, however, the earl of Morton having found
means to gain the favour of the young king, procured
the dilTolution of this council ; and thus being left
the foie advifer of the king, he hoped once more to
be raifed to his former greatnefs. This could not be
done, however, without keeping the king in a kind of
captivity, fo that nobody could have accefs to him but
himfelf. The king, fenlible of his fituation, fent a dif-
patch to the earls of Argyle and Athole, intreating
them to relieve him. An army for this purpofe wTas
foon raifed 5 and Morton’s partifans were in danger of
being defeated, had not the oppofite party dreaded the
vengeance of Elizabeth, who wTas refolved to fupport
the earl of Morton. In confequence of this a negocia-
tion wras entered into, by which it was agreed, that the
earl of Argyle, wu’th fome others, ffiould be admitted
into the king’s council ; and that four noblemen ffiould
be chofen by each party to conlider of fome proper me¬
thod of preferving tranquillity in the nation.
This pacification did not greatly diminiffi the power
of Morton. He foon got rid of one of his principal
antagonifts, the earl of Athole, by poifoning him at an
entertainment; after which he again gave a loofe to
his refentments againfl the houfe of Hamilton, whom
he perfecuted in the moft cruel manner. By thefe
means, however, he drew on himfelf a general hatred ;
and he was fupplanted in the king’s favour by the lord
d’Aubigney, who came from France in the year 1579,
and was created earl of Lenox. The next year Mor¬
ton was fufpefted of an intention to deliver up the king
to Elizabeth, and a guard was appointed to prevent
any attempts of this kind. The queen of England
endeavoured to fupport her zealous partifan ; but with-
Iscondemn-out effefl. He was tried, condemned, and executed, as
ed and exe- being concerned in the murder of Darnley. At the
cuted for place 0f execution, it is faid that he confefied his guilt ;
of^amley ^ut t^e ev^ence *s not quite fatisfa£lory. It is
however certain that he acknowledged himfelf privy to
the plot formed againft the life of the king ; and when
one of the clergymen attending him before his execu¬
tion obferved, that by his own confeffion he merited
death in foreknowing and concealing the murder, he re¬
plied “ Ay but, Sir, had I been as innocent as St
Stephen, or as guilty as Judas, I muff have come to the
fcaffold. Pray, what ought I to have done in this
816
He poifons
the earl of
Athole.
An. 1579.
827
SCO
You knew7 not the king’s weaknefs, Sir. If I Scotland,
had informed him of the plot againlt his life, he would
have revealed it even to his enemies and thole concern¬
ed in the defign ; and I would, it may be, have loll
my own life, for endeavouring to preferve his to no pur¬
pofe.” _ 828
The elevation of King James, and the total overthrow Monftrous
of Morton, produced no beneficial confequences to the cruelty of
unfortunate Mary. In the year 15S1, die addrelfed
a letter to Caflelnau the French ambaffador, in which An. 15S1.
(he complained that her body was fo weak, and her
limbs fo feeble, that Ihe was unable to walk. Caftei-
nau therefore intrealed Elizabeth to mitigate a little
the rigours of Alary’s confinement; which being refu-
fed, the latter had thoughts of refigning her claims to
the crown both of England and Scotland into the
hands of her fon, and even of advifing him to ule every
effort in his power to eftabliffi his claim to the Englilh
crown as preferable to that of Elizabeth. But being
apprehenfive of danger from this violent method, Ihe
again contented herfelf with fending to the court of
England ineffe&ual memorials and remonftrances. Eli¬
zabeth, inftead of taking compaffion on her miferable
fituation, affiduoufly encouraged every kind of diforder
in the kingdom, on purpofe to have the queen more
and more in her power. Thus the Scottilh malcon- rlie
tents finding themfelves always fupported, a confpiracy taken pri-
w7as at laft entered into, the defign of which was to ("oner,
hold James in captivity, and to overthrow the authority
of Arran and Lenox, who were now the principal
perfons in the kingdom. The chief actors in this con-
fpiracy w7ere the earls of Gowrie, Mar, and Glen-
cairn, the lords Lindfay and Boyd, with the mafters of
Glammis and Oliphant. By reafon of the youth and
imbecillity of the king, they eafily accomplilhed their
purpofe ; and having got him in their power, they
promifed him his liberty, provided he wTould command
Lenox to depart out of the kingdom. This was ac¬
cordingly done ; but the king found himfelf as much a
piifoner as before. The more effectually to detain him
in cuftody, the rebels ccnltrained him to iffue a procla¬
mation, wherein he declared himfelf to be at perfeCt li¬
berty. Lenox was preparing to advance to the king’s
relief with a confiderable body of forces, when he was
difconcerted by the king’s peremptory command to
leave Scotland ; on which he retired to Dumbarton, in
order to wait for a more favourable opportunity. The
earl of Arran, being more forward, was committed to
clofe cuftody for fome time, but aflenvards confined
only in his houfe of Kinneil. The rebels took on
them the title of “ lords for the reformation of the
ftate.”
The clergy, who had all this time been exceedingly Whxh°is
averfe to Epifcopacy, now7 gave open countenance to approved
the lords of the reformation. On the 13th of OCto-°f by the
ber 1582, they made a folemn ad, by which the
cf Ruthven, as the capture of the king wras called, was An’
deemed a fervice molt acceptable to all who feared God,
5 B 2 refpeCted
(x) .Tebb, vol. ii. p. 227. It has never been publiftied. Keith and other hiftorians have preferved what they
call the earl of Botlivoel's declaration at his death, and account it to be genuine. Their partiality for Alary induced
them the more eafily to fall into this miftake. The paper they give is demonftratively a forgery ; and the want
of the real confeflion of JBothvvel is ftill a deficiency in our hiftory,
\
s c
Scotland, refpe&ed the true religion,
831
Mary
writes to
Elizabeth,
832
who a<fts
with her
itfual per¬
fidy.
An. 1583,
833
The king
efcapes
from cap¬
tivity.
prefervation of the king and ftate ; and every minifter
was commanded to declaim from his pulpit on the
expediency of this meafure, and to exhort the people
to concur with the lords in profecuting the full deli¬
verance of the church, and the perfect reformation of
the commonwealth. Not fatisfied with this approba¬
tion of the clergy, the confpirators got their proceed¬
ings approved by the ftates of Scotland, as “ a good,
a thankful, and a neceffary fervice to the king.” At
the fame time it was enafted, that no civil or crimi¬
nal fuit of any kind (hould ever be inftituted again ft
the perfons concerned in it. Soon after this, Lenox
took his leave of Scotland, and failed for France, where
he died.
The unfortunate Mary was driven to defpair when fhe
heard that her fon was taken prifoner by rebels who
had been inftigated by Elizabeth. In this diftrefs, fhe
addrelfed a molt fpirited letter to Elizabeth, in which
fhe^at once aflerted her own innocence, and fet forth
the conduct of Elizabeth herfelf in fuch language as
muft have put the moft impudent of her adverfaries to
the blufh. Elizabeth could not reply, and therefore
had recourfe to her ufual arts of treacherous negocia-
tion. New terms were propofed to Mary, who W'ould
gladly have fubmitted almoft to any thing, provided Ihe
could procure her freedom. It was propofed, as had
often been done before, to alfociate the queen of Scots
with her fon in the government 5 but as this was to
be referred to the king, who was in the hands of Eli¬
zabeth’s friends, and to the parliament, who were under
the powder of the fame fadftion, it is eafy to fee that no
fuch affociation ever could take place, or indeed was
ever intended.
After the death of Lenox, the confpirators appre¬
hended no further danger, little fuppofing that a prince
fo young and unexperienced could deliver himfelf from
captivity. This, however, in the year 1583, he effefl:-
ed in the following manner. A convention of the
eftates had been fummoned to meet at St Andrew’s.
.Tames, whom the earl of Arran, notwithftanding his
confinement at Kinneil, had found means to inftruft
and advife, pretended a defire of vifiting his grand-uncle
the earl of March, who refided at St Andrew’s, and
was for that purpofe permitted to repair thither a few
days before the convention. The better to deceive the
earls of Goworie, Angus, and Mar, who attended him,
he took up his lodgings in an old inn, which was quite
open and defencelefs. But having expreffed a defire to
fee the caftle of St Andrew’s, he was admitted into it ;
and Colonel Stuart, who commanded the caftle, after
admitting a few of his retinue, ordered the gates to be
(hut. The earls of Argyle, Marifchal, Montrofe, and
Rothes, who were in concert with the king, haftened
to make him an offer of their fvvords. The oppofite
faction, being unprepared for hoftilities, wrere filled with
confternation. Of all the confpirators, the earl of
Gowrie alone w’as admitted into the king’s prefence, by
the favour of Colonel Stuart, and received his pardon.
The earls of March, Argyle, Gowrie, Marifchal, and
Rothes, were appointed to be a council for affifting the
king in the management of his affairs 5 and foon after
this James fet out for Edinburgh. The king no foon-
cr found himfelf at liberty, than, by the advice of his
privy council, he iffued a proclamation of mercy to the
O [ 748 ] SCO
and were anxious for the confpirators; but they, flattering themfelves with the Scotland.
hopes of fupport from Elizabeth, obftinately refufed to
accept of his pardon. In confequence of this, they
were denounced rebels. Elizabeth failed not to give
them fecretly all the encouragement fire could, and the
clergy uttered the moft feditious difcourfes againft the
king and government; and while they railed againft
Popery, they themfelves maintained openly the very
chara&eriftic and diftinguifhing mark of Popery, name¬
ly, that the clerical was entirely independent of the civil
powder. _ 834
At laft the rebels broke forth into open hoflilities 5 Earl of
but by the vigilance of Arran, the earl of Gowrie, who Gowrie
had again begun his treafonable praiftices, was committed ^ execu
to cuftody ; while the reft, unable to oppofe the king, tecjt
who appeared againft them with a formidable army,
were obliged to fly into England, where Elizabeth, with
her ufual treachery, protected them.
The earl of Gowrrie fuffered as a traitor j but the fe-
verity exercifed againft him did not intimidate the clergy.
They ftill continued their rebellious practices, until the,
king being informed that they were engaged in a cor-
refpondence with fome of the fugitive lords, citations
w'ere given to their leaders to appear before the privy- 835;
council. The clergymen, not daring to appear, fled to Proceed-
England ; and on the 2Cth of May 1584, the king
fummoned a convention of the eftates, on purpofe to l^nc ^
humble the pride of the church in an effedtual manner.
In this affembly the raid of Ruthven was declared to
be rebellion, according to a declaration which had for¬
merly been made by the king. And, as it had grown
into a cuftom with the promoters of fedition and the
enemies of order, to decline the judgement of the king
and the council, when called before them to anfvver for
rebellious or contumelious fpeeches, uttered from the
pulpit or in public places, an ordination was made, af-
ferting that they had complete powders to judge concern¬
ing perfons of every degree and funftion •, and declar¬
ing, that every a£T of oppofition to their jurifdicftion
{hould be accounted treafon. ^ It was enafted, that the
authority of parliament, as conftituted by the free votes
of the three eftates, was fupreme ; and that every at¬
tempt to diminifh, alter, or infringe, its power, dignity,
and iurifdiclion, {hould be puniftied as treafon. All
jurifdidfions and judgements, all affemblies and conven¬
tions, not approved of by the king and the three eftates,
were condemned as unlawful, and prohibited. It was
ordained, that the king might appoint commiflioners,
with powers to examine into the delinquencies of clergy¬
men, and, if proper, to deprive them of their benefices.
It wras commanded, that clergymen {hould not for the
future be admitted to the dignity of lords of the feflion,
or to the adminiftration of any judicature civil or cri¬
minal. An ordination was made, which fubjefted to
capital puniftiment all perfons who {hould inquire into
the affairs of ftate with a malicious curiofity, or who
{hould utter falfe and flanderous fpeeches in fermons,
declamations, or familiar difeourfe, to the reproach and
contempt of the king, his parents, and progenitors. It
was ordered that a guard, confifting of 40 gentlemen,
with a yearly allowance to each of 2001. ftiould con- 836
tinually attend on the king. This parliament, which Attempts
was full of zeal for the crown, did not overlook the
hiftory of Buchanan, which about this time was excit-h;ft;0ry,
ing a very general attention. It commanded, that all
perfons
SCO
Scotland.
[ 749 ]
SCO
*37
The clergy
endeavour
to fupport
therafelves
againft the
civil power
perfons who were poffeffed of copies of his chronicle,
and of his treatife on the Scotlilh government, fhould
furrender them within 40 days, under the penalty of
200I. in order that they might be purged of the offen-
five and extraordinary matters they contained. This
llroke of tyranny was furious and ineffeblual. Foreign
nations, as well as his own countrymen, -were filled with
the higheft admiration of the genius of Buchanan. It
was not permitted that his writings fliould fufifer mutila¬
tion ; they wTere multiplied in every quarter ; and the
feverity exercifed againft them only ferved the more to
excite curiofity, and to diffufe his reputation.
While the parliamentary a&s, which ftruck againft
the importance of the church, were in agitation, the
minifters deputed Mr David Lindfay to folicit the king
that no ftatutes ftiould pafs which afte&ed the ecclefi-
aftical eftablifliment, without the confultation of the
general afiembly. But the earl of Arran having in¬
formation of this commiflion, defeated it, by committing
Mr Lindfay to prifon as a fpy for the difcontented
nobles. On the publication, however, of thefe a£ts by
the heralds, Mr Robert Pont minifter ot St Cuthbert’s,
and one of the fenators of the court of feflion, with Mr
Walter Balcanqual, protefted formally in the name of
the church, that it diffented from them, and that they
were confequently invalid. Having made this prote-
ftation, they inftantly fled, and were proclaimed traitors.
By letters and pamphlets, which were artfully fpread
among the people, their paffions were rouzed againft
the king and his council. The minifters of Edinburgh
took the refolution of forfaking their flocks, and retir¬
ing to England. And in an apology circulated by
their management, they anxioufly endeavoured to awak¬
en commiferation and pity. They magnified the dangers
which threatened them •, and they held out, in vindica¬
tion of their conduct, the example of the prophets, the
apoftles, the martyrs, and of Chrift himfelf, who all con¬
curred, they faid, in oppofing the ordinations of men,
when contradi&ory to the wall of heaven, and in declin¬
ing the rage of the enemies of God. The king appoint¬
ed his own chaplains and the archbifhop of St Andrew’s
to perform the minifterial funftions in his capital. The
clergy over Scotland were commanded to fubfcribe a
declaration, which imported the fupremacy of the king
over the church, and their fubmiflion to the authority
of the bifhops. The national ferments ftill increafed in
violence. Many minifters refufed to fubfcribe this de¬
claration, and were deprived of their livings. It was
contended, that to make the king fupreme over the
church -was no better than to fet up a new pope, and to
commit treafon againft Jefus Chrift. It was urged, that
to overthrow affemblies and prefbyteries, and to give
dominion to bifhops, was not only to overfet the efta-
blifhed polity of the church, but to deftroy religion it-
felf. For the bifhops were the (laves of the court, were
fchifmatical in their opinions, and depraved in their
lives. It was affirmed, that herefy, atheifm, and po¬
pery, would ftrike a deep root, and grow into ftrength.
And the people were taught to believe, that the bifhops
would corrupt the nation into a refemblance with them-
felves ; and that there everywhere prevailed diffimula-
tion and blafphemy, perfecution and obfcenity, the pro¬
fanation of the fcriptures, and the breach of faith, co-
vetoufnefs, perjury, and facrilege. It was reported
abroad, that the minifters alone were- entrufted with ec-
clefiaftical fun&ions, and with the fword of the word j Scotland,
and that it was moft wicked and profane to imagine,
that Jefus Chrift had ever committed the keys of the
kingdom of heaven to civil magiftrates and their fer-
vants or deputies.
While the clergy were thus impotently venting their
wrath, Elizabeth, alarmed beyond meafure at this hid¬
den revolution, and terrified by a confeflion extorted by
the rack from one Francis Throgmorton, concerning a
combination of the Catholic princes to invade England,
began to treat with Mary in a more fincere manner than
ufual; but having gained over to her fide the earl of
Arran, the only man of atfivity in Scotland, (he re-
folved to proceed to extremities with the queen of Scots.
The Catholics, both at home and abroad, were inflamed
againft her with a boundlefs and implacable rage. There
prevailed many rumours of plots and confpiracies againft
her kingdom and her life. Books were publiflted, which
detailed her cruelties and injuftice to Mary in the moft
indignant language of reproach, and which recommend¬
ed her affaflination as a moft meritorious adf. The earl
of Arran had explained to her the practices of the queen
of Scots with her fon, and had difcovered the intrigues
of the Catholic princes to gain him to their views. „ p
While her fenfibilities and fears were feverely excruciat-inten^ecj
ing to her, circumltances happened which confirmed invafion of
them, and provoked her to give the fulleft fcope to the England
malignity of her paflions. Crichton, a Scottilh Jefuit,^^covere^
palling into his own country, wras taken by Netherland
pirates 5 and fome papers which he had torn in pieces
and thrown into the fea being recovered, w7ere tranf-
mitted to England. Sir William Wade put them to¬
gether with dexterity; and they demonilrated beyond
a doubt, that the invafion of England was concerted by
the Pope, the king of Spain, and the duke of Guife. S39
About this time, too, a remarkable letter was intercept- Remark¬
ed from Mary to Sir Francis Englefield. She com-a,),e Jettev
plained in it that (lie could have no reliance on the in-^orn Mary
tegrity of Elizabeth, and that ftie expe&ed no happy by^liza.6
iflue to any treaty which might be opened for her re- beth.
ftoration and liberty. She urged the advancement pf
the “ great plot (he intimated, that the prince her
fon w’as favourable to the “ defignment,” and difpofed
to be direfted by her advice j (he intreated, that every
delicacy with regard to her own ftate and condition
fhould be laid afide without fcruple ; and ftie affured
him, that (he would moft willingly fuffer perils and
dangers, and even death itfelf, to give relief to the op-
preifed children of the church. Thefe difeoveries, fo
exafperating to the inquietudes and diftreffes of Eliza¬
beth, were followed by a deep and general confterna-
tion. The terror of an invafion fpread itfelf with ra¬
pidity over England j and the Proteftants, while they
trembled for the life of their champion, w7ere ftill more
alarmed with the dangers which threatened their reli¬
gion.
In this ftate of perplexity and diftraffion, the coun-
fellors of Elizabeth did not forget that they had been
her inftruments in perfecuting the queen of Scots, and
of the feverities with which (he had treated the Catholics.
They were fully fenfible, that her greatnefs and fafety
were intimately connected with their own ; and they
concurred in indulging her fears, jealoufies, and refent-„ 8f° h
ment. It w7as refolved that Mary fhould perifh. An ^refoived
aflbeiation wras formed, to which perfons of every con- 0n.
dition-
M *
/3
SCO [
Scotland, dition and degree were invited. The profefled bufmefs
,"1 v of this alfociation was the prefervation of the life of
Elizabeth, which it was affirmed was in danger, from a
confpiracy to advance fome pretended title to the crown $
and its members vowed and protefted, by the majefty
of God, to employ their whole power, their bodies, lives,
and goods, in her fervice j to withftand, as well by force
of arms as by other methods of revenge, all perfons, of
whatever nation or rank, who fhould attempt in any
form to invade and injure her fafety or her life, and ne¬
ver to defilt from the forcible purfuit of them till they
fhould be completely exterminated. They alfo vowed
and protefted, in the prefence of the eternal God, to
profecute to deftru&ion any pretended fucceffor, by
whom, or for whom, the deteftable deed of the aflaffina-
tion of Elizabeth ftiould be attempted or committed.
The earl of Leicefter was in a particular manner the
patron of this aflbciation ; and the whole influence of
Elizabeth and her minifters was exerted to multiply the
fubfcription to a bond or league which was to prepare
the way, and to be a foundation for accomplifhing the
full deftruftion and ruin of the Scottilh queen.
A combination fo refolute and fo fierce, which point¬
ed at the death of Mary, which threatened her titles to
the crown of England, and which might defeat the
fucceflion of her fon, could not fail to excite in her bo-
fom the bittereft anxieties and perturbation. Weary of
her fad and long captivity, broken down with calami-
ties, dreading affliftions ftill more cruel, and willing to
She propo- take away from Elizabeth every poffible pretext of fe-
fes a fcheme verity, fhe now framed a fcheme of accommodation, to
of accom- which no reafonable objeftion could be made. By Naw,
her fecretary, fhe prefented it to Elizabeth and her pri¬
vy-council. She protefted in it, that if her liberty fhould
be granted to her, {he would enter into the clofeft amity
with Elizabeth, and pay an obfervance to her above
every other prince of Chriftendom ; that fhe would for¬
get all the injuries rvith which {he had been loaded, ac¬
knowledge Elizabeth to be the rightful queen of Eng¬
land, abftain from any claim to her crown during her
life, renounce the title and arms of England, which fhe
had ufurped by the command of her hulband the king
of France, and reprobate the bull from Rome which
had depofed the Englifli queen. She likewife protefted,
that the would enter into the aflfociation which had been
formed for the fecurityof Elizabeth ; and that ftie would
conclude with her a defenfive league, provided that it
fhould not be prejudicial to the ancient alliance between
Scotland and France 5 and that nothing fhould be done
during the life of the Englifli queen, or after her death,
to invalidate her titles to the crown of England, or
thofe of her fon. As a confirmation of thefe articles
flie profefled that Ihe would confent to ftay in England
for fome time as an hoftage; and that if Ihe w^as per¬
mitted to retire from the dominions of Elizabeth, fhe
would furrender proper and acceptable perfons as fure-
ties. She alfo protefted, that fire would make no alte¬
rations in Scotland •, and that, on the repeal of what
had been enabled there to her difgrace, fhe would bury
in oblivion all the injuries fhe had received from her
fubjefls *, that flie would recommend to the king her
fon thofe counfellors who wTere meft attached to Eng¬
land, and that fhe would employ herfelf to reconcile
him to the fugitive nobles; that flic would take no flops
xefpefting his marriage without acquainting the queen
2
modation.
o ] SCO
of England j and that, to give the greater firmnefs to Scotland,
the propofed accommodation, it was her defire that he“'V J
fhould be called as a party : and, in fine, fhe affirmed,
that flie would procure the king of France and the
princes of Lorraine to be guarantees for the perform-
ance of her engagements. Elizabeth, who was fkilful Hvpccnfy
in hypocrify, difeovered the moft decifive fymptoms ofandtrea-
fadsfadlion and ioy when thefe overtures were commu-of,
~ T ' 1 7 ^ ^»I
nicated to her. She made no advances, however, to 1 1
conclude an accommodation with Mary j and her mi¬
nifters and courtiers exclaimed againft lenient and paci¬
fic meafures. It wras loudly infifted, that the liberty of
Mary would be the death of Elizabeth j that her aflb¬
ciation wdth her fon would be the ruin both of England
and Scotland ; and that her elevation to power would
extend the empire of Popery, and give a deadly blow
to the do&rines of the reformation.
In the mean time, an a£t of attainder had pafied
againft the fugitive nobles, and their eftates and ho¬
nours wTere forfeited to the king j who, not fatisfied
wdth this, fent Patrick mafter of Gray, to demand from
the queen of England a furrender of their perfons. As
this ambaflador had refided for fome time in France,
and been intimate with the duke of Guife, he wras re¬
commended to Mary : but being a man of no prin¬
ciple, he eafily fuffered himfelf to be corrupted by E-
lizabeth j and while he pretended friendfhip to the un¬
fortunate queen, he difeovered all that he knew of hex j ^
intenlions and thofe of her fon. The molt fcandalous pa|fe re.
falfehoods were forged againft Mary j and the lefs fhe ports raifed
was apparently able to execute, the more fire was faid aSa'n^ ^lC
to defign. That an unhappy woman, confined and 5“^" °
guarded with the utmoft vigilance, who had not for
many years fufficient intereft to procure a decent treat¬
ment for herfelf, ihculd be able to carry on fuch clofe
and powerful negociations with different princes as
wrere imputed to her, is an abfurdity which it muft for
ever be impoffible to explain. That flie had an amour
with her keeper the earl of Shrewfbury, as was now
reported, might be ; though of this there is no proof.
This, however, could fcarcely be treafon againft Eli¬
zabeth : yet, on account of this, Mary was commit¬
ted to the charge of Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Drue
Drury, zealous puritans, and who, it was hoped, wmuld
treat her with fuch feverity as might drive her to de-
fpair, and induce her to commit fome rafli action.—
The earl of Leiceffer, faid to be Elizabeth’s paramour, Affaffin*
even ventured to fend aflaffins, on purpofe, by the mur-^^®_
der of Mary, at once to deliver his miffrefs from her e
fears. But the new keepers of the caftle, though re- Aa 1585.
ligious bigots, were men of ftriift probity, and rejedled
with fcorn fuch an infamous tranfaefion. In 1585,
Mary began to feel all the rigours of a fevere imprifon-
ment. She had been removed from Sheffield to the
caftle of Tutbury ; and under her new keepers flie ex¬
perienced a treatment which w;as in the higheft degree
unjuft, difrefpe&ful, and acrimonious. Two apartments ^4?
or chambers only w'ere allotted to her, and they w7ere
fmall and inconvenient, meanly furniflied, and fo fellcrueijy
of apertures and chinks, that they could not protect treatec},
her againft the inclemencies of the weather. I he liber¬
ty of going abroad for pleafure or exercile was denied
to her. She was affailed by rheumatifms and other
maladies j and her ph^fician would not undertake to
effe£I a cure, or even to procure her any eafe, unlefs
ftie
SCO [ 75
Scotland, fl^e ftiould be renjoved to a more commodious dwelling.
v Applications for this purpofe were frequently made,
and uniformly rejected. Here, how'ever, her own af-
fli6Hons did not cxtinguifh in her mind her fenfibility
for the misfortunes of others ; and fhe often indulged
herfelf in the fatisfadlion of employing a fervant to go
through the village of Tutbury in fearch of objects of
diftrels, to whom fhe might deal out her charity. But
her inhuman keepers, envying her this pleafure, com¬
manded her to abitain from it. Imputing their rigour
to a fufpicious fidelity, (he defired that her fervant
might, on thefe occafions, be accompanied by one of
the foldieis of their guard, or by the cortftable of the
village. But they would not alter their prohibition.
They refufed to her the exercife of the Chriftian duty
of difpenfing an alms; and they would not allow her
the foft confolation of moiltening her eye with for-
rows not her own. To infult her the more, the caflle
of Tutbury was converted into a common jail. A
young man, whofe crime was the profeflion of the Ro-
mifli religion, was committed to a chamber which was
oppofite to her window, in order that he might be pcr-
fecuted in her fight with the greatelt cruelty. Not-
withftanding his cries and refiftance, he was dragged
every morning to hear prayers, and to join in the Pro-
teilant worlhip ; and after enduring feveral weeks this
extraordinary violence to his confcience, he avas unmer¬
cifully firangled without any form of larv or juftice.
Mary remonfirated with warmth to Elizabeth againft
indignities fo (hocking and fo horrible $ but inftead of
obtaining confolation or relief, (he was involved more
deeply in woe, and expofed to ftill feverer inventions of
malice and of anger.
In the midil of her misfortunes, Mary had ftill fola-
ced herfelf with hope ; and from the exertions of her
fon (lie naturally expefted the greateft advantage. He
had hitherto behaved with a becoming cordiality ; and
in the negcciation which (lie had opened with him for
and her" *ler a^oc^at'on ’n the government, he had been ftudi-
ous to pleafe and flatter her. He had informed her
by a particular difpatch, that he found the greateft
comfort in her maternal tendernefs, and that he would
aecomplifh her commands with humility and expedi¬
tion ; that he would not fail to ratify her union and
nftbciation with him in the government ; that it would
be his mod earneft endeavour to reconcile their com¬
mon fubjedls to that meafure ; and that (he might ex¬
po# from him, during his life, every fatisfa#ion and
duty which a good mother could promife to herfelf
from an affeftionate and obedient fon. But thefe fair
bloflbms of kindnefs and love were all blafted by the
treacherous arts of Elizabeth. By the mafter of Gray,
ivho had obtained an afcendant over James, (lie turned
from Mary his afle#ions. He delayed to ratify her
affociation in the government j and he even appeared
to be unwilling to urge Elizabeth on the fubje# of
her liberty. The mafter of Gray had convinced him,
that if any favour were (hown to Mary by the queen of
England, it would terminate in his humiliation. He
affured him, that if his mother were again to mount
the Scottifh throne, her zeal for Popery would induce
her to feek a hufband in the houfe of Auftria ; that
(he would diffolve his affociation with her in the go¬
vernment, on pretence of his attachment to the re¬
formed doclrines j and that he would not only lofe tht
846
Elizabeth
lows dif-
fenfion be¬
tween Ma¬
ry
fen.
i ] SCO
gloiyofhis prefent power, but endanger his profpe#s Scotland,
of fucceflion. Mary expoftulated with him by letter
on the timidity and coldnefs of his behaviour, and
he returned her an anfwer full of difrefpe#, in which
he intimated his refolution to confider her in no other
charafter than as queen-mother. Her amazement, in¬
dignation, and grief, were infinite. She wrote to Ca-
ftelnau the French ambaffador to inform him of her
inquietudes and anguiih. “ My fon (faid (lie) is un¬
grateful $ and I defire that the king your mafter may
confider him no longer as a fovereign. In your future
difpatches, abltain from giving him the title of king.
I am his queen and his fovereign ; and while I live,
and continue at variance with him, he can at mod be
only an ufuvper. From him I derive no luftre ; and
without me he could only have been Lord Darnley or
the earl of Lenox ; for I raifed his father from being
my fubje# to be my hufband. I a(k from him nothing
that is his ; what I claim is my own *, and if he perfiits
in his courfe of impiety and ingratitude, I will bellow
on him my maleditlion, and deprive him not only of
all right to Scotland, but of all the dignity and gran¬
deur to which he might fucceed through me. My
enemies (hall not enjoy the advantages they expecl from
him. For to the king of Spain I will convey, in the
ampleft form my claims, titles, and greatnefs.”
Elizabeth having thus found means to fow diffenfion
between the queen of Scots and her fon, did not
fail to make the bed ufe of the quarrel for her own ad¬
vantage. The Pope, the duke of Guife, and the king Al,-8^
of Spain, had concluded an alliance, called the tbe^optfh'
league, for the extirpation of the Proteftant religion all powers a-
over Europe. Elizabeth was thrown into the greateft: gahift Eli-
confternation on this account; and the idea of a coun-
ter affociation among the Proteftant princes of Europe
immediately fuggeited xtfelf. Sir Edward Wotton was
deputed to Scotland ; and fo completely gained on the
imbecillity of James, that he concluded a firm alliance
with Elizabeth, without making any ftipulation in fa¬
vour of his mother. Nay, fo far was he the dupe of S4S
this ambaffador and his miitrefs, that he allowed himfelf^.^^”
to be perfuaded to take into bis favour Mr Archibald behaviour
Douglas, one of the murderers of Lord Darnley ; and, of James.-
as if all this had not been fufficient, he appointed the af-
faffin to be his ambaffador to England.
Mary, thus abandoned by all the world, in the hands-
of her mod inveterate and cruel enemy, fell a vidim to
her refentment and treachery in the year 1587. A plot Account of-
of affaffmation had been formed in the fpring of the Rabiny-
year 1586 againft the Englifh queen ; partly with the J0.11’8 con"
view of refeuing the Scottilh princefs ; but chiefly from
a motive to ferve the interefts of the Catholic religion. zabeth.
This confpiracy, which originated with Catholic priefts ad. 15S7,-
and perfons of no diftin6tion, was foon imparted to Mr
Babington, a perfon of great fortune, of many accom-
plifhments, and who had before that time difeovered
himfelf to be the zealous friend of Queen Mary. That
(lie had correfponded with Babington there is no doubt;
but it was fome years previous to the formation of the
plot. A long filence had taken place between them ;
and Morgan, one of the Englifh fugitives in France, and
a vTarm friend of Mary’s, in the month of May 1586,
wrote a letter to her, repeatedly and in the molt pref-
fing manner recommending a revival of that correfpon-
dence. In confequence of which, in her anfwer to
Morgan,
♦ SCO [
.Scotland. Morgan, dated the 27th day of July, {he informed him,
v" that (he had made every apology in her power to Ba-
bington, for not having written to him for fo long a
fpace ; that he had generoufly offered himfelf and all
his fortune in her caufe } and that, agreeably to Mor¬
gan’s advice, (he would do her bed to retain him in her
interefts; but fhe throws out no hint of her knowledge
of the intended affaflination. On the very fame day {lie
likewife wrote to Paget, another of her mod confiden¬
tial friends ; but not a word in it with refpeft to Ba-
bington’s fcheme of cutting off the Englidi queen. To
Morgan and to Paget die certainly would have commu¬
nicated her mind, more readily and more particularly
than to Babington, and have confulted them about the
plot, had die been acceffory to it. Indeed it feems to
have been part of the policy of Mary’s friends to keep
her a dranger to all clandedine and hazardous underta¬
kings in her favour. To be convinced of this, we have
only to recolleft, that Morgan, in a letter of the fourth
of July, exprefsly, and in the dronged terms, recom-
* Mutdin, mended to have no intelligence at all with Ballard *,
5a7‘ who was one of the original contrivers of the plot, and
who was the very perfon who communicated it to Ba¬
bington. The queen, in confequence of this, ftiut the
door againd all correfpondence, if it diould be offered,
f Ibid. 534. with that perfon f. At the fame time, Morgan affign-
'ed no particular reafons for that advice ; fo cautious was
he of giving the queen any information on the fub-
jeft : What he faid was generally and dudioudy ob-
fcure : “ Ballard (faid he, only) is intent on fome mat¬
ters of confequence, the iffue of which is uncertain.”
He even went farther, and charged Ballard himfelf to
abdain by all means from opening his views to the queen
75
of Scots.
The confpiracy which goes under the name of Ba-
bington was completely dete&ed by the court in the
month of June : The names, proceedings, and refi-
dences, of thofe engaged in it were then known : The
blow might have been foon druck : The life of Eliza¬
beth was in imminent danger. Phe confpirators, how¬
ever, were not apprehended j they were permitted to
enjoy complete liberty ; treated asjf there were not the
lead fufpicion againd them *, and in this free and quiet
date, were they differed to continue till the beginning
of Augud, for a period of nearly two months. What
could be the reafons for fuch a conduft ? From what
caufes did the council of England fufpend the jud ven¬
geance of the laws, and leave their queen’s life dill in
jeopardy ? Was it on purpofe to procure more confpira¬
tors, and involve others in the crime ?
Mary queen of Scots continued dill detached from
Babington and his affociates. Their dedru&ion was a
2 ] SCO
fmall matter compared with her’s. Could die be de- Scotland,
coyed into the plot, things would have put on a very
different afpeft. Babington’s confpiracy, which in
reality occafioned little dread, as it was early found out,
and well guarded againd, would prove one of the mod
grateful incidents in Queen Elizabeth’s reign. Eliza¬
beth’s miniders, too, knew how much they had ren¬
dered themfelves judly obnoxious to the Scottilh prin-
cefs: Should die come to mount the throne of England,
their dowmfal was inevitable ; from which, it diould
feem, is to be explained, why they were even more zea¬
lous than their midrefs to accomplidr her ruin. 8-0
Of thefe, Sir Francis Walfingham fecretary of date Art and
appears to have taken on himfelf the chief management trre®
rn concerting a plan ot operations againit the queen oi bet}l aR(j
Scots ; and as a model, he feems to have had in his eye her mini,
that which wras purfuedon a former occalion by the earlfters.
of Murray. His fpies having early got into the confi¬
dence of the lower fort of the confpirators, he now' em¬
ployed the very agency of the latter for his purpofes.
Learning that a packet from France was intended to be
conveyed by them to Queen Mary, and by the hands
of one Gilbert Gifford a pried, whom he had fecretly
gained over from their affociation, he wrote a letter to
Sir Amias Paulet, wdio had now the cuflody of the
Scottidi queen, requeding that one of his domedics
might be permitted to take a bribe for conveying that
packet to the captive princefs. This was on purpofe
to communicate to her a letter forged in the name of
Babington, in which that confpirator was made to im¬
part to the Scottidi queen his fcheme of affafiination, and
to claim rewards to the perpetrators of the deed. Pau¬
let, however, to his honour, refufed to comply with
the requed of Walfingham; on which Gifford corrupted
a brewer in the neighbourhood, W'ho put his letters to
Mary in a hole in the cadle-wall. By the fame con¬
veyance it wras thought that Mary would anfwer the let¬
ters 5 but it appears that die never faw them, and that
of courfe no return wras made (y). It was then con¬
trived that anfw'ers, in the name of the queen of Scots
to Gifford, diould be found in the hole of the wall.
Walfingham, to whom thefe letters w'ere carried, pro¬
ceeded formally to decipher them by the help of one
Thomas Philips, a perfon dulled in thefe matters; and
after exaft copies were taken of them, it is faid that they
w-ere all artfully fealed and fent off to the perfons to
whom they were direfted. It appears, however, that
only the letters dire&ed to Babington w'ere fent to him;
and the anfw'ers which he made to the queen’s fuppofed
letters were carried direftly to Walfingham. A foun¬
dation for criminating Mary being thus laid, the con¬
fpirators were quickly difcovered, as being already
known,
(y) Dr Robertfon of Dalmeny, who, in his hidory of Mary queen of Scots, has thrown much light on
thofe dark tranfadlions of Elizabeth’s nefarious miniders, thinks it not improbable that an anfwer to Babing¬
ton’s letter w-as wnitten by the Scottidi queen’s fecretaries. Although they could not communicate that letter
to herfelf, on account of her known abhorrence of affadination, they perhaps wrote a difpatch in her name, ap¬
proving of ittempted by the profpeft of efcaping from imprifonment, and of their miltrefs being feated on the
throne of England. This difpatch being conveyed through the fame chink of the wall, w'as carried by Gifford
to Walfingham *, opened ; deciphered, and copied by him ; and then fent to Babington. Camden informs us, that
Walfingham artfully forged a podfcript in the fame cipher to this difpatch ; in which Queen Mary was made to
requed of Babington to inform her particularly of the names of his accomplices, and of others who were friends to
Scotland.
85a
Delibera¬
tions on the
. method of
proceeding
. againft her.
SCO [
known, and fuffered the death of traitors. The unhap¬
py princefs, eagerly watched by Paulet, and unac¬
quainted with the late occurrences, received a vifit from
Sir 'Thomas Gorges. This envoy, as inftrufled by Eli¬
zabeth, furprifed her when the had mounted her horfe
to take the pleafure of the chace. His falutation was
abrupt and unceremonious; and after informing her of
the difcovery and circumftances of the confpiracy of Ba-
bington, he rudely charged her with a concern in it.
Her aftonithment was great, and Ihe defired to return to
her chamber; but this favour was refufed to her ; and
after being carried from one houfe to another, in an
anxious and perplexing uncertainty, (lie was committed
to Fotheringay cattle in Northamptonlhire. Naw and
Curl, her two fecretaries, the former a Frenchman, the
latter a native of Scotland, were taken into cuilody.
Paulet, breaking open the doors of her private clofet,
poffeflTed himfelf of her money, which amounted to not
more than 7000 crowns. Her cabinets were carefully
fealed up ; and being fent to London, were examined
in the prefence of Elizabeth. They contained many
difpatches from perfons beyond the fea, copies of letters
which had been dilated by her, and about 60 tables of
ciphers and chara&ers. There were alfo difcovered in
them many difpatches to her from Englifh noblemen,
which were full of admiration and refpedl. Thefe Eli¬
zabeth concealed ; but their authors fufpefting that
they were known, fought to purchafe her forgivenefs
by the moft abject prot.eftations of an attachment to
her perfon, and by the exercife of the mott inveterate
enmity to the queen of Scots. Naw and Curl declared,
that the copies of her letters were in their hand-writing.
They had been dl&ated by her in the French language
to Naw, tranflated into Engliih by Curl, and then put
into cipher. They contained not, however, anv matters
with which (lie could be reproached or criminated. It
was on the foundation of the letters which Gifford had
communicated to Walfingham that her guilt was to be
inferred 5 and with copies of thefe, and with an atteffed
account of the cQnfpiracy of Babington and his affociates,
Sir Edward Wotton was now difpatched into France to
accufe her to Henry III. and to explain to him the dan¬
gers to which Elizabeth was expofed from the machi¬
nations and prafHces of the Englifh exiles.
The privy counfellors of Elizabeth deliberated on the
moft proper method of proceeding againft Mary. To
fome it appeared, that as (he was only acceffory to the
plot, and not the defigner of it, the moft eligible feverity
to be exercifed againft her was a clofer and more rigor¬
ous confinement j and they endeavoured to fortifv this
opinion, by obferving, that (Ire was ftckly, and could
not live long. By others who were haunted by the ter¬
rors of Popery, it was urged, that ihe ought to be put
inftantly to death by the formalities of the law. The
earl of Leicefter recommended it as moft prudent to dif-
patch her fecretly by poifon. But this counfel was re-
jedled as mean, difgraceful, and violent. The lawyers
were of opinion, that fire might be tried on the ftatute
of Edward III. ; by which it Was enabled to be treafon
to imagine the deftmfftion of the fovereign, to make war
againft his kingdom, or to adhere to his enemies. Eli¬
zabeth, however,, and her minifters had provided a more
plaufible foundation for her trial. This was a parlia¬
mentary ftatute approving the aft of affectation. As it
had been naffed while Mary was in England, it was ar-
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
753 3 3 C. 0
gued, that (lie was bound by it in a local allegiance to Scotland.
Elizabeth. The next point of debate was the deiigna-
tion under which it was moft advifable to arraign her.
To employ a foreign name and title as direftly deferip-
tive of her, was not judged to be confident with the law '
of England. It was therefore refolved to defign her
“ Mary, daughter and heir of James V. king of Scot¬
land, and commonly called queen of Scots, and dowager
of France.”
This refolution being once taken, Elizabeth next ap-
pointed above 40 peers or privy-counfellors, and five fiorers ao-
judges, beftowing on them in a body, or on the greater pointed to
part of , them, abfolute power and authority to inquire ^er*
into the matters compaffed and imagined againft her by
the Scottifh princefs, and to pafs fentence according to
the fpirit and tenor of the aft which had been paffed. Of
thefe commiflioners a great majority proceeded to the
caftle of Fotheringay ; and the day after their arrival,
they deputed to Mary, Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Amias
Paulet, and Edward Barker, a public notary, to deliver
to her a letter from Elizabeth. In this letter the Eng-
hfh queen gratified her unhappy paffiofts, and after re¬
proaching Mary with, her crimes, informed her that
commiftioners were appointed to take cognizance of
them. The Scottifh princefs, though aftonifhed with
the projeft of being brought to a public trial, was able
to preferve her dignity, and addreffed them with a com-
pofed manner and air. “ It is a matter (faid (lie) alto- She ohjefts
gether uncommon and ftrange, that Elizabeth (houldto their ju-
command me to fubmit to a trial, as if I were her fub-rifdidtion.
jeft. I am an independent fovereign 5 and will not tar-
nidi by any meannefs my high birth, the princes my pre-
deceffors, and my fon. Misfortunes and mifery have not
yet fo involved me in dejeftion, as that I am to faint
and fink under this new calamity and infult. I defire
that you will remember what I formerly protefted to
Bromley, who is nowr lord chancellor, and to the lord
La War. To fpeak to me of ccmmifiioners is a vain
mockery of my rank. Kings alone can be my peers.
The latvs of England are unknown to me *, and I have
no counfellors to whofe wifdom I can apply for inftruc-
tion. My papers and commentaries have been taken
from me ; and no perfon can have the courage to appear
as my advocate. I have indeed recommended myfelf
and mv condition to foreign princes •, but I am clear of
the guilt of having confpired the deftruftion of Eliza¬
beth, or of having incited any perfon whatever to deftroy
her. It is only by my own words and writings that an
imputation of this kind can be fupported ; and I am
confeious beyond the poffibility of a doubt, that thefe
evidences cannot be employed againft me.” The day
after (he had in this manner refufed to allow the jurifdic-
tion of the commiftioners, Paulet and Barker returned
to her, and informed her that they had put her fpeech
into writing, and defired to know if (he would abide by
it. She heard it read diftinftly, acknowledged it to be
rightly taken, and avowed her readinefs to perfift in the
fentiments fhe had delivered. But (he added, there was
a circuiriftance of which fhe had 'omitted to fpeak.
“ Your queen (faid fhe) affects in her letter to obferve,
that I am fubjeft to the laws of England, becaufe I
have lived under their proteftion. This fentiment and
mode of thinking are very furprifing to me. I came
into England to crave her aftiftance and aid ; and, ever
ftnee, I .have been confined to a prifon. The miferies of
5 C captivity
SCO [ 754 ] SCO
Scotland, captivity cannot be called a prote&ion, and the treat-
" ' ment I have fuffered is a violation of all law.”
This afflidled but undaunted princefs, after having
thus fcerned the competency and repelled the pretexts
of the commiffioners, was induced at laft, by arguments
under the inbdious malk of candour and friend drip, to
depart from the proper and dignified ground which the
had taken, and confent to that mode of trial which
had been propofed. It was reprefented to her by Hat¬
ton the vice-chamberlain, that by reje&ing a trial, the
injured her own reputation and interefts, and deprived
herfelf of the only opportunity of fetting her innocence
in a clear light to the prefent and to future times. Im-
pofed on by this artifice, fire confented to make her ap¬
pearance before the judges ; at the fame time, however,
fire flill protetfed againft the jurifdidlion of the court,
855 and the validity of all their proceedings.
The a ecu- After various formalities, the lord-chancellor opened
rred t^lc ca^e ’ an<* was ^0^0we^ Sergeant Gawdry, who
a-ainft her. proceeded to explain the above ilatute, and endeavoured
to demonftrate that (he had offended againft it. He
then entered into a detail of Babington’s confpiracv ;
and concluded with affirming, “ That Mary knew it,
had approved of it, had promifed her afiiftance, and
had pointed out the means to effect it.” Proofs of this
charge were exhibited againft her, and difplayed with
great art. The letters were read which Sit Francis
Walfingham had forged, in concert with Gifford, &c.
and her fecretaries Naw and Curl. The three fpies had
afforded all the neceffary intelligence refpedling the con-
fpiracy, on which to frame a correfpondence between
Mary and Babington, and on which difpatches might
be fabricated in her name to her foreign friends: and the
Stuart's ciphers rvere furniihed by her two fecretaries. But be-
IJiJltry. p1(}es thefe pretended letters, another fpecies of evidence
was held out againft her. Babington, proud of the dif-
patch fent to him in her name by Walfingham and Gif¬
ford, returned an anfwer to it; and a reply from her
by the fame agency was tranfmitted to him. Deluded,
and in toils, he communicated thefe marks of her atten¬
tion to Savage and Ballard, the moft confidential of his
ftffociates. His confeflion and theirs thus became of im¬
portance. Nor were her letters and the confeffions of
thefe confpirators deemed fufficient vouchers of her
guilt. Her two fecretaries, therefore, who had lately
forfaken her, were engaged to fubferibe a declaration,
that the difpatches in her name were written by them
at her command, and according to her inftru&ions.
Thefe branches of evidence, put together with fkill, and
heightened with all the impofing colours of eloquence,
were preffed on Mary. Though the had been long ac-
cuftomed to the perfidious inhumanity of her enemies,
her amazement was infinite. She loft not, however, her
courage ; and her defence was alike expreflive of her
8 6 penetration and magnanimity.
Mary’b de- “ The accufation preferred to my prejudice is a moft
fence. deteftable calumny. I was not engaged with Babing¬
ton in his confpiracy ; and I am altogether innocent of
having plotted the death of Elizabeth. The copies of
Stuart. Babington’s letters which have been produced, may in¬
deed be taken from originals which are genuine •, but
it is impofiible to prove that I ever received them. Nor
did he receive from me the difpatches addreffed to Inm
in my name. His confeflion, and thofe of his aflbeiates,
which have been urged to eftabliih the authority of my
letters to him, are imperfefl: and vain. If thefe confpj- Scotland,
rators could have teftified any circumftances to my hurt, " "IJ
they would not fo foon have been deprived of their lives.
Tortures, or the fear of the rack, extorted improper
conftflicns ficm them; and then they were executed.
Their mouths were opened to utter falfe criminations ;
and were immediately fliut for ever, that the truth might
be buried in their graves. It was no difficult matter
to obtain ciphers which I had employed ; and my ad¬
versaries are known to be luperior to fcruples. I am
informed that Sir Francis Walfingham has been earneft
to recommend himfelf to his fovereign by practices both
againft my life and that of my fon ; and the fabrication
of papers, by which to efte&uate my ruin, is a fcufinefs
not unworthy of his ambition. An evidence, the moft
clear and inconteftable, is neceffary to overthrow my
integrity ; but proofs, the moft feeble and fufpicious,
are held out againft me. Let one letter be exhibited,
written in my hand, 01 that bears my fuperfeription, and
I will inftantly acknowledge that the charge againft me
is fufficiently lupported. The declaration of my fecre¬
taries is the effeft of rewards or of terror. They are
ftrangers ; and to overcome their virtue was an eafy a-
chievement to a queen whofe power is abfolute, whole
riches are immenfe, and whofe minifters are profound and
daring in intrigues and treachery. I have often had oc-
cafion to fufpeft the integrity of Naw ; and Curl, whofe
capacity is more limited, was always moft obfequious
to him. They may have written many letters in my
name without my knowledge or participation ; and it
is not fit that I Ihould bear the blame of their inconfi-
derate boldnefs. They may have put many things into
difpatches which are prejudicial to Elizabeth ; and they
may even have fubferibed their .declaration to my pre¬
judice, under the prepoffefllon that the guilt which
would utterly overwhelm them might be pardoned in
me. I have never dictated any letter to them which
can be made to correfpond with their teftimony. And
what, let me afic, would become of the grandeur, the
virtue, and the fafety of princes, if they depended upon
the writings and declarations of fecretaries ? Nor let it
be forgotten, that by a<fting in hoftility to the duty and
allegiance which they folemnly fwere to obferve to me,
thev have utterly incapacitated themfelves from ob¬
taining any credit. The violation of their oath of fi¬
delity' is an open perjury ; and of fuch men the protef-
tations are nothing. But, if they are yet in life, let
them be brought before me. The matters they declare
are fo important as to require that they fhould be exa¬
mined in my prefence. It argues not the fairnefs of
the proceedings againft me, that this formality is ne¬
glected. I am alfo without the afiiftance of an advo¬
cate ; and, that I might be defencelefs and weak in the
greateft degree, I have been robbed of my papers and
commentaries. As to the copies of the difpatches which
are faid to have been written by my direction to Men¬
doza, the lord Paget, Charles Paget, the archbithop of
Glafgow, and Sir Francis Inglefield, they are moft un¬
profitable forgeries. For they tend only to (how that
I was employed in encouraging my friends to invade
England. Now, if I (hould allow that thefe difpatches
were genuine, it could not be inferred from them that
I had confpired the death of Elizabeth. I will even
confefs, that I have yielded to the ftrong impulfes of
nature; and that, like a human creature, encompaffed
with
SCO L" 755 ] SCO.
'Scotland, with dangers, and infulted with wrongs, I have exerted
‘“’■“'V"-—' myfelf to recover my greatnefs and my liberty. The
efiorts 1 have made can excite no blulhes in me \ for
the voice of mankind mult applaud them. Religion, in
her flerneft moments of feverity, cannot look to them
with reproach •, and to confider them as crimes, is to
defpife the fanedimonious reverence of humanity, and to
give way to the fufpicious wretchednefs of defpotilm. I
have fought by every art of conceflion and friendftiip
to engage my lifter to put a period to my fufterings.
Invited by her frniles, I ventured into her kingdom., in
the pride and gaiety of my youth ; and, under her an¬
ger and the miferies of captivity, I have grown tinto
age. During a calamitous confinement of 20 years,
my youth, my health, my happinefs, are for ever gone,
'i'o her tendernefs and generofity I have been indebted
as little as to her juftice : and, oppreffed and agonizing
tvith unmerited afRiflions and haidlhips, I fcrupled not
to befeech the princes my allies to employ their armies
to relieve me. Nor will 1 deny, that I have endeavour¬
ed to promote the advantage and intereft of the perfe-
cuted Catholics of England. My entreaties in their be¬
half have been even offered with earnellnefs to Queen
Elizabeth herfelf. But the attainment of my kingdom-,
the recovery of my liberty, and the advancement of
that religion which I love, could not induce me to ft'ain
myfelf with the crimes that areobjefted to me. 1 would
difdain to purchafe a crown by the affaflinatidh of the
meaneft of the human race. To accufe me of fcheming
the death of the queen my lifter, is to brand me with
the infamy which 1 abhor moft. It is my nature to em¬
ploy the devotions of Either, and not the fword of Ju¬
dith. Elizabeth herfelf will atteft, that I have often
admonilhed her not to draw upon her head the refent-
ment of my friends by the enormity of her cruelties
to me. My innocence cannot fincerely be doubted ;
and it is known to the Almighty God, that I could
not pofllbly think to forego his mercy, and to ruin my
foul, in order to compafs a tranfgreftion fo horrible as
that of her murder. Bui amidft the inclement and un¬
principled pretences which my adverfaries are pleated to
invent to overwhelm me with calamities and anguifh, I
can trace and difeover with eafe the real caufes of their
hoftility and provocation. My crimes are, my birth,
the injuries 1 have been compelled to endure, and my
religion. I am proud of the firft ; I can forgive the fe-
cond ; and the third is a fource to me of fuch comfort
and hope, that for its glory I will be contented that my
blood lhall How upon the fcaffold.1'
To the defence of Maty, no returns were made be-
fide unfupported affirmations of the truth of the evi¬
dence produced to her prejudice. In the courfe of the
trial, however, there occurred fome incidents which de-
ferve to be related. My lord Burleigh, wmo was wil¬
ling to difeompofe her, charged her with the fixed re-
folution of conveying her claims and titles to England
to the king of Spain. But though, in a difeontented
humour with her fon, ftie had threatened to difinherit
him, and had even correfponded on the fubiedl with her
feleft friends, it appears that this projeft is to be confi-
dered as only a tranfient effeT of retentment and paf-
fion. She indeed acknowledged, that the Spanifh king
profeffed to have pretenfions to the kingdom of Eng¬
land, and that a book in junification of them had been
communicated to her. She declared, however, that flie
had incurred the difpleafure of many by disapproving of Scotland,
this book 5 and that no conveyance of Iter titles to thev~^v'wJ
Spanifh king had been ever executed.
The trial continued during two days 5 but the com-
miffiioners avoided delivering their opinions. My lord
Burleigh, in whofe management Elizabeth chiefly con¬
fided, and whom the Scottiih queen difeompofed in no
common degree by her ability and vigour, being eager
to conclude the bufmefs, demanded to know if The had
any thing to add to what fhe had urged in her defence. 857
She informed him, that Ihe would be infinitely pleafed ^e^ires
and gratified, if it fhould be permitted to her to be
heard in her juftification before a full meeting of parlia- parliament,
ment, or before the queen and her privy-council. Thisor before
intimation was unexpeefted ; and the requeff implied in the queen,
it was rejected. The court, in confequence of previous
inftrudftions horn Elizabeth, adjourned to a farther day,
and appointed that the place of its convention ihould be
the ftar-chamber at Weftminfler. It accordingly aflem-
bled there 5 and Naw and Curl, who had not been pro¬
duced at Fotheringay-caftle, w'ere now called before the
comniiflioners. An oath to declare the truth was put
to them ; and they definitely affirmed and protefted that
the declaration they iubferibed was in every refpeft juft
and faithful. Nothing farther remained but to pro- 85S
nounce fentence againlt Mary. The commiffioners una-Judgement
nimoufly concurred in delivering it as their verdict or E^en a*
judgement, that fhe “ was a party to the confpiracy ofgainfl; ^er’
Babington ; and that ftie had compaffed and imagined
matters within the realm of England tending to the
hurt, death, and deftrudtion, of the royal perfoirof Eli¬
zabeth, in oppofition to the ftatute framed for her pro-
teefion.” On the fame day in which this extraordinary
fentence was given, the commiffioners and the judges of
England iffiued a declaration, which imported, that it
was not to derogate in any degree from the titles and
hofiour of the king of Scots. .
The fentence againft Mary w^as very foon ratified byThefen-
the Englifh parliament. King James wras ftruck with te,nce rati“
horror at hearing of the execution of his m but Jill'1''
that fpmtlefs prince could fhow his refentment no far-parUamcnt.
ther than by unavailing embaffies and remonftrances. An. 15S6"
France interpofed in the fame ineftetftual manner ; and
on the 6th of December 1586, Elizabeth caufed the
fentence of the commiffioners againft her to be pro¬
claimed. After this fhe was made acquainted with her
fate, and received the news with the greateft compofure,
and even apparent latisfaflion. Her keepers now refu-
/ed to treat her with any reverence or refpedl. They
entered her apartment wfith their heads covered, and
made no obeifance to her. They took down her canopy
of ftate, and deprived her of all the badges of royalty. By
thefe infulting mortifications they meant to inform her,
that the had funk from the dignity of a princefs to the
abjeft flate of a criminal. She fmiled, and faid, “ In
dei’pite of your fovereign and her fubfervient judges, I
will live and die a queen. My royal character is inde¬
lible ; and I will furrender it with my fpirit to Al¬
mighty Gcd, from whom I received it, and to whom my
honour and my innocence are fully known. In this me¬
lancholy fituation Mary addreffed a magnanimous letter
to Elizabeth, in which, without making the leaft feli¬
citation for her life, fire only requefted that her body
might be carried to France ; that fhe might be publicly
executed 3 that her fervants might be permitted to de-
J C ^ part
Scotland.
S6o _
Imbecility
of J ames,
and ex-
ireme info-
lence and
bigotry of
his clergy.
S6i
Elizabeth
feci' fome
rexnofe;
Stuart.
SCO [ 751
part out of England unmolefted, and enjoy tlie legacies
which (lie bequeathed them. But to this letter no an-
fwer was given.
In the mean time James, who had neither addrefs
nor courage to attempt any thing in behalf of his mo¬
ther, announced her lituation to his bigotted fubjefts,
and ordered prayers to be faid for her in all the church¬
es. The form of the petition he prefcribed was framed
with delicacy and caution, that the clergy might have
no obje£tion to it. He enjoined them to pray, “ that
it might pleafe God to enlighten Mary with the light
of his truth, and protect her from the danger which was
hanging over her.” His own chaplains, and Mr David
Lindfay minilter of Leith, obferved his command. But
all the other clergy refufcd to proflitute their pulpits by
preferring any petitions to the Almighty for a Papift.
James, fhocked with their fpirit of intolerance and fedi-
tion, appointed a new day for prayers, to be faid for
Mary, and iffued a drifter injunction to the clergy to
obey him j and that he might be free himfelf from any
infult, he commanded the aichbifhop of St Andrew’s to
preach before him. The ecclefiadics, difguded with
his injunftion, perfuaded Mr John Cowper, a proba¬
tioner in divinity, to occupy the pulpit defigned for
the nrchbifhop. When the king entered the church, he
tedified his furprife-, but told Cowper, that if he would
obey his injunction, he might proceed to officiate.
Cowper replied, “ that he would do as the fpirit of
God would direft him.” The king commanded him
to retire, and the captain of his guard advanced to
compel him to obedience. The enraged probationer ex¬
claimed, that this violence “ w'ould witnefs again!.! the
king in the great day of the Lord 5” and denounced a
Curfe again!! the fpeftators for not exerting themfelves
in his defence. The archbiihop now afcending the pul¬
pit, performed with propriety the funftion to which he
had been called, and took the opportunity of recom¬
mending moderation and charity to the audience. In
the afternoon Cowper u’as cited before the privy-coun¬
cil } and wras accompanied by Mr Walter Balcanqual
and Mr William Watfon, two miniilers remarkable for
their zeal. As a puniihment for his audacious petu¬
lance, he was committed to the ca#a of Blacknefs
and his attendants having diilinguiffied themfelves by an
impudent vindication of him, were prohibited from
preaching during the pleafure of the king.
Elizabeth, in the mean time, felt the torment and
difquiet of unhappy and miferable paffions. At times
fhe courted the fadnefs of folitude, and refufed to be
confoled or to fpeak. In other feafons her fighs w’ere
frequent, and (lie broke out into loud and wild excla¬
mations expreffive of the date of her mind. Her fub-
jefts waited the determination of her will under a dif-
trafting agitation and uncertainty. Her minifiers, who
knew that it is the nature of fear to exclude pity, were
induftrious in inventing terrifying intelligence, and in
circulating it through the kingdom. 1 here were ru¬
mours that the Spaniffi fleet had arrived at Miiford-
haven ; that a formidable army of Scottiffi combatants
was advancing to the capital; that the duke of Guife
had difembarked many troops of veteran foldiers in Suf-
fex •, that Mary had efcaped out of prifon, and w as col-
lefting the Engliffi Catholics; that the northern coun¬
ties had thrown afide their allegiance •, and that there
was a new plot to kill Elizabeth, and to reduce Lon-
5 ] SCO
don to fifties. An aftual confpiracy was eveipmalicioufly Scotland,
charged upon L’Aubefpine the French refident; and he
was forced to withdraw from England in difgrace.
From the panic terrors which the miniiters of Elizabeth
were fo iludious to excite, they fcrupled not loudly and
invariably to infer, that the peace and tranquillity of
the kingdom could be re-eftabli!hed only by the fpeedy
execution of the Scottiffi queen. 862
While the nation was thus artfully prepared for thebutfigns
deftruftion of Mary, Elizabeth ordered Secretary Da- ^
vidfijm to bring to her the warrant for her death. Ha- Mary,s
ving perufed it with deliberation, ffie obferved that it death,
was extended in proper terms, and gave it the authority
of her fubfeription. She was in a humour fomewffiat
gay, and demanded of him if he was not forry for what
ffie had done. He replied, that it was afflifting to him
to think of the ftate of public affairs ; but that he
greatly preferred her life to that of the Scottiffi prin-
cefs. She enjoined him to be fecret, and defiled, that
before he fliould deliver the warrant to the chancellor,
he ffiould carry it to Waliingham. “ I fear much
(faid (lie, in a merry tone), that the grief of it will
kill him.”
This levity was momentary ; and fears and anxieties
fucceeded it. T hough ffie earneftly defired the death
of Mary, fhe was yet terrified to encounter its infamy.
She was folicitous to accomplifli this bafe tranfaftion by
fome method which would conceal her conlent to it. E63
After intimating to Mr Davidfon an anxious with that J iffies ta
its blame ffiould be removed from her, fire counfelled j
him to join with Walfingham in addreffing a letter tomur(jere^._
Sir Amias Faulet and Sir Drue Drury, recommending
it to them to manifeft their love to her by fkedding pri¬
vately the blood of her adverfary. The unlawfulnefs of
this deed affefted Davidfon, and he objefted to it. She
repeated refolutely her injunftipns, and he departed to
execute them. A letter under his name and that of
Walfingham was defpatched to Mary’s keepers, com¬
municating to them her purpofe. Corrupted by her
paffions, and loif to the fenfibiiities of virtue, Elizabeth
had now reached the la!t extremity of human wicked-
nefs. Though a fovereign princefs, and entrulftd with
the cares of a great nation, fire bluthed not to give it in
charge to her miniilers to enjoin a murder j and this
murder was connefted with* every citcumfcance that
could make it moft frightful and horrid. The viftim
for whofe blood fhe thirifed was a woman, a queen, a
relation, who was fplendid with beauty, eminent in abi¬
lities, magnanimous under misfortunes, and finding with
innocence. Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Drue Drury, which her
though the Haves of religious prejudices, felt an eleva- keepers re-
tion of mind which reflefted the greatef! difgrace on thefufe-
fovereign. They confidered themfelves as grofsly in¬
fult ed by the purpofe propofed to them j and in the return
they made to Walfingham, they affurect him, that the
queen might command their lives and their property,
but that they would never confent to part with their ho¬
nour, and llain themfelves and their pofterity with the
guilt of an affaffinalion. When Davidfon carried their
difpatch to her, ffie broke out into anger. 1 heir feru-
pulous delicacy, ffie faid, was a dainty infringement of
their oath of affociation ; and they were nice, precise,
and perjured traitors, who could give great promifes in
words, and achieve nothing. She told him, that the
bufineis could be performed without them j and recom¬
mended
SCO
r 757 3
c o
855
The war¬
rant paffes
the great
feai.
Scotland, mended one Wingfield to his notice, who would not he-
< 1 1 fitate to ftrike the blow. The aftonithed (ecretary ex¬
claimed with warmth againft a mode of proceeding fo
dangerous and unwarrantable. He protefted, that if
fhe ihould take upon herfelf the blame of this deed, it
would pollute her with the blacked di{honour; and
that, if Ihe ihould difavow it, (he would overthrow for
ever the reputation, the eftates, and the children, of the
perfons who lliould affkl in it. She heard him with
pain, and withdrew from him with precipitation.
The warrant, after having been communicated to
Walfingham, was carried to the chancellor, who put
the great feal to it. This formality was hardly conclu¬
ded, when a meffage from Elizabeth prohibited David-
fon from waiting upon the chancellor till he fliould re¬
ceive farther intlnudions. Within an hour after, he re¬
ceived a fecond meffage to the fame purpofe. He ha-
ftened to court; and Elizabeth afked eagerly, if he had
feen the chancellor. He anfwered in the affirmative j
and {he exclaimed with bitternefs againft his hafte. He
{aid, that he had a£ted exactly as {he had diredted him.
She continued to exprefs warmly her difpleafure 5 but
gave no command to Hop the operation of the warrant.
In a ftate of uneafinefs and apprehenfion, he communi¬
cated her behaviour to the chancellor and the privy-
council. Thefe courtiers, however, who were well ac¬
quainted with the arts of their miftrefs, arid who knew
how to flatter her, paid no attention to him. They
perceived, or were fecretly informed, that {he defired
to have a pretence upon which to complain of the fecre-
tary, and to deny that he had obeyed her infirufiions.
They obferved to him, that by fubfcribing the warrant,
{he had performed whatever the law required of her ;
and that it was not proper to delay the execution any
longer. While they were anxious to pleafe Elizabeth,
they were confcious of their own cruelty to Mary, and
did not imagine they could be in perfect fecurity while
{lie lived. They difpatched the warrant to the earls of
Shrewfbury and Kent, with inftructions to them to ful¬
fil its purpofe.
When the two earls and their retinue reached Fo-
theringay caffle, they found that Mary was fick, and
repofing on her bed. They infilled, notwithftanding,
to be introduced to her. Being informed by her fer-
vants that the meflage they brought was important and
prefiing, fire prepared to receive them. They were con¬
ducted into her prefence by Sir Amias Paulet and Sir
Ilrue Drury ; and with little formality they told her,
that Elizabeth had confented to her death, and that fire
was to fuffer the next morning at eight o’clock. Then
Beale, one of the clerks of the privy-council, who ac¬
companied them, read over the warrant, which fire
heard with pious compofure and unffiaken fortitude.
They then affected to juftify their miftrefs by entering
in’.o details concerning the confpiracy of Babington.
She put her hand on the Scriptures, which lay on a ta¬
ble near her, and f.vore in the moft folemn manner,
that flie never devifed, confented to, orpurfued the death
of Elizabeth in any (hape whatever. The earl of Kent,
unwifely zealous for the Proteftant religion, excepted
againft her oath as being made on a Popiih bible.
She replied to him mildly, “ It is for this very reafon,
my lord, to be relied on with the greater fecurity ;
for I eiletm the Popiffi verfion of the Scriptures to
be the moil authentic.” Indulging his puritanical fer¬
855
Mary is
acquainted
with her
fate.
vour, he declaimed againft popery, counfelled her to re- Scotland,
nounce its errors, and recommended to her attention Dr — v~ “
Fletcher dean of Peterborough. She heard him with
fume impatience j and difcovered no anxiety to be con¬
verted by this ecclefiaftic, whom he reprefented as a
moft learned divine. Rifing into paffion, he exclaimed,
that “ her life would be the death of their religion, and
that her death would be its life.” After informing him
that ihe was unalterably fixed in her religious fentiments,
flie defired that her confeffor might have the liberty to
repair to her. The two earls concurred in obferving,
that their confciences did not allow them to grant this
requeft. She intimated to them the favours for which
fire had applied by her letter to Elizabeth, and exprei-
fed a wifh to know if her filler had attended to them.
They anfwered, that thefe were points on which they
had received no inftruflions. She made inquiries con¬
cerning her fecretaries Naw and Curl; and aflced, whe¬
ther it had ever been heard of, in the wickedeft times
of the moft unprincipled nation, that the fervants of a
fovereign princefs had been {uborned for the purpofe ci
dettroying her. They looked to one another, and were
filent. Bourgoin her phyfician, who with her other
domeilics was prefent at this interview, feeing the two
earls ready to depart, belought them with an emphatic
earneftnefs to refledt on the ihort and inadequate portion
of time that they had allotted to his miftrefs to prepare
herfelf for death.- He infilled, that a refpedl for her
high rank, and the multiplicity and importance of her
concerns, required at leall a period of fome days. I hey
pretended, however, not to underftand the propriety of
his petition, and refufed it. 867
On the departure of the two earls, her domeftics gave She pre-
a full vent to then- afflidlions; and while ihe experien-l;a^tor
ced a melancholy plealure in their tears, lamentations, '
and kindnefs, {he endeavoured to confole them. Their
grief, fhe faid, was altogether unavailing, and could
better neither her condition nor their own. Her caufe
had every thing about it that was moft honourable ; and
the miferies from which ftie was to be relieved were the
moft hopelefs and the moft affl fling. Initead of dejec¬
tion and fadnefs, ftie therefore enjoined them to be con¬
tented and happy. That {lie might have the more lei-
lure to fettle her affairs, file fupped early, and, accord¬
ing to her ufual cullom, ftie ate little. While at table,
{he remarked to Bourgoin her phyfician, that the force
of truth was infurmountable ; for that the earl of Kent,
notwithftanding the pretence of her having conlpired
againft Elizabeth, had plainly informed her, that her
death would be the fecurity of their religion. When
fupper was over, {lie ordered all her fervants to appear
before her, and treated them with the kindnefs which
we have mentioned in her life. Having fettled thefe •
attentions, Ihe entered her bedchamber with her wo¬
men j and, according to her uniform praflice, employed
herfelf in religious duties, and in reading in the Lives of
the Saints. At her accuhomed time flie went to fleep; ^arf-
and after enjoying fome hours of found reft, flie awaked.
She then indulged in pious meditation, and partook of
the facrament by the means of a confecrated holt, which
a melancholy prefentiment of her calamities had induced
her to obtain from Pius V.
At the break of day flie arrayed herfelf in rich, but
becoming apparel} and calling together her fervants,
flie ordered her will to be read, and apologifed for the
fmallnefs
SCO
Scotland.
[ 758 1
s c 0
StuarU
imallnefs of her legacies from her inability to be more
generous. Following the arrangement (lie had previ-
ouily made, fhe then dealt out to them her goods, ward¬
robe, and jewels. To Bourgoin her phyfician lire com¬
mitted the care of her will, with a charge that he would
deliver it to her principal executor the duke of Guile.
She alfo entrufted him with tokens of her affection for
the king ol France, the queen-mother, and her relations
of the houfe of Lorraine. Bidding now an adieu to
all worldly concerns, (lie retired to her oratory, where
flie was feen fometimes kneeling at the altar, and fome-
times {landing motionlefs wuth her hands joined, and
her eyes dire bled to the heavens. In thefe tender and
agitated moments, flse was dwelling on the memory
of her fufferings and her virtues, repofing her weakneffes
in the bofom of her God, and lifting and folacing her
Ipirit in the contemplation of his perfections and his
mercy. While {lie wTas thus engaged, Thomas An¬
drews, the high (heriff of the county, announced to
her, that the hour for her execution was arrived. She
came forth drefied in a gown of black fflk 5 her petti¬
coat was bordered with crimfon-velvet j a veil of lawn
bowed out with wire, and edged with bone-lace, was faf-
tened to her caul, and hung down to the ground : an
Agnus Dei was fufpended from her neck by a poman¬
der chain ; her beads were fixed to her girdle ; and file
bore in her hand a crucifix of ivory. Amidtl the
fcreams and lamentations of hdr women {he defcended
the flairs ; and in the porch (he was received by the
earls of Kent and Shrewfbury with their attendants.—
Here, too, fire met Sir Andrew' Melvil the mafter of
her houfehold, whom her keepers had debarred from
her prefence during many days. Throwing himfelf at
her feet, and weeping aloud, he deplored his fad def-
tiny, and the forrowful tidings he was to carry into
Scotland.
After fne had fpoken to Melvil, {be be fought the
two earls that her fervants might be treated with civili¬
ty, that they might enjoy the prefents fhe had bellow¬
ed on them, and that they might receive a fafe con-
du£l to depart out of tlie dominions of Elizabeth.
Thefe flight favours were readily granted to her. She
then begged that they might be permitted to attend her
to the fcaffold, in order that they might be witneffes of
her behaviour at her death. To this requeft the earl of
Kent difcovered a flrong reluftance. He faid that they
would behave with an intemperate pafiion 5 and that
they would praclife fuperftitious formalities, and dip
their handkerchiefs in her blood. She replied, that file
was fure that none of their a&ions would be blameable;
and that it was but decent that fotne of her women
fliould be about her. The earl dill befitating, {he was
affected with the infolent and flupid indignity of his
malice, and exclaimed, “ I am coufin to your miflrefs,
and defcended from Henry VII. I am a dowager of
France, and the anointed queen of Scotland.” The
earl of Shrewfbury interpofing, it was agreed that fire
fliould fele6l two of her women who might afiift her
in her lafl moments, and a few of her men-fervants, who
might behold her demeanour, and report it.
She entered the hall where fhe was to fuffer, and ad¬
vanced with an air of grace and majefty to the fcaf¬
fold, which was built at its fartheft extremity. The
fneflators were numerous. Her magnanimous carriage,
her beauty, of which the luflre tvas yet dazzling, and
3,
her matchlefs misfortunes, affected them. They gave
way to contending emotions of awe, admiration, and
pity. She afcended the fcaffold with a firm ftep and a
feiene afpe<ff, and turned her eye to the block, the axe,
and the executioners. The fpedlators were diffolved in
tears. A chair was placed for her, in which file feated
hertelf. Silence was commanded 5 and Beale read aloud
the warrant for her death. She heard it attentively,
yet with a manner from which it might be gathered
that her thoughts were employed on a fubjedl more
important. Dr Fletcher dean of Peterborough taking
his ftation oppofite to her without the rails of the fcaf¬
fold, began a difcourfe on her life, pall, prefent, and
to come. He affecled to enumerate her trefpaffes againft
Elizabeth, and to defcribe the love and tendernefs which
that princefs had fiiown to her. He counfelled her to
repent of her crimes; and while he inveighed againfl
her attachment to Popery, he threatened her with ever-
lafiing fire if fire fiiould delay to renounce its errors.
His behaviour was indecent and coarfe in the highefl
degree $ and while he meant to infult her, he infulted
ilill more the religion which he profeffed, and the fo-
vereign whom he flattered. Twice file interrupted him
with great gentlenefs. But he pertinaciouily continued
his exhortations. Raifing her voice, fire commanded
him with a refolute tone to withhold his indignities and
menaces, and not to trouble her any more about her
faith. “ I was born (faid file) in the Catholic religion j
I have experienced its comforts during my life, in the
trying feafons of ficknefs, calamity, and forrow 5 and I
am refolved to die in it.” The two earls, afliamed of
the favage obflinacy of his deportment, admoniflied him
to defiff from his {peeches, and to content himfelf with
praying for her converlion. He entered on a long
prayer •, and Mary falling on her knees, and difregard-
ing him altogether, employed herfelf in devotions from
the office of the Virgin.
After having periormed all her devotions, her wo¬
men afiifted her to difrobe \ and the executioners offer¬
ing their aid, fire repreffed their forwardnefs by obfer-
ving, that fhe was not accuilomed to.be attended by
Rich fervants, nor to be undreffed before fo large an af-
fembly. Her upper garments being laid alkie, fire
drew on her arms a pair of filk gloves. Her women
and men fervants buril out into loud lamentations. She
put her finger to her mouth to admonifli them to be
filent, and then bade them a final adieu with a fmile
that feemed to confole, but that plunged them into
deeper woe. She kneeled refolutely before the block,
and faid, “ In thee, O Lord ! do I trull, let me never
be confounded.” She covered her eyes with a linen
handkerchief in which the eucharill had been inclofed ;
and llretching forth her body with great tranquillity,
and fitting her neck for the fatal ilroke, flie called out,
“ Into thy hands, O God ! I commit my fpirit.” The
executioner, from defign, from unfldllfulnefs, or from
inquietude, llruck three blows before he feparated her
head from her body. He held it up mangled with
wounds, and ffreaming with blood j and her hair be¬
ing difeompofed, was difcovered to be already gray with
affliflions and anxieties. The dean of Peterborough
alone cried out, “ So let the enemies of Elizabeth pe¬
ri fin” The earl of Kent alone, in a low voice, anfwer-
ed, “ Amen.” All the other fpe£iators were melted
into the teadereft fympathy and forrow.
Hei
Scotland,
SCO [ 759 ] SCO
Scotland. Her women haftened to protesfl. her dead body from
v the curioflty of the fpeflators j and folaced themfelves
with the thoughts of mourning over it undifturbed
when they ihould retire, and of laying it out in its fune¬
ral garb. But the two earls prohibited them from dif-
charging thefe melancholy yet pleafmg othces to tlieir
departed midrefs, and drove them from the hall with
indignity. Bourgoin her phylician applied to them
that he might be permitted to take out her heart for
the purpofe of preferring it, and of carrying it with
him to France. But they refufed his intreaty with
difdain and anger. Her remains were touched by the
rude hands of the executioners, who carried them into
an adjoining apartment, and who, tearing a cloth from
- an old billiard-table, covered that form, once fo beauti¬
ful. The block, the culhion, the fcaffold, and the gar¬
ments, which were ftained with her blood, were con-
fumed with fire. Her body, after being embalmed and
committed to a leaden cofhn, was buiied with roval
fplendour and pomp in the cathedral of Peterborough.
lUizabeth, who had treated her like a criminal while ihe
lived, feemed difpofed to acknowledge her for a queen
ggp when Hie was dead.
Infamous On the death of his mother, the full government
tliffimula- 0f the kingdom devolved on James her fon. Elizabeth,
Eliza'bnli aPPrehenfive of his refentment for her treatment of his
and indif-' mother, wrote him a letter, in which Ihe difclaimed all
ference in knowledge of the fact. James had received intelligence
James. cf the murder before the arrival of this letter, which was
lent by one Cary. The meffenger was flopped at Ber¬
wick by an order from the king, telling him, that, if
Mary had been executed, lie Ihould proceed at his pe¬
ril. James (hut himfelf up in Dalkeith calfle, in order
to indulge himfelf in grief; but the natural levity and
imbecility of his mind prevented him from acting in
any degree as became him. Inftead of refolutely adhe¬
ring to his frril determination of not allowing Cary to
let foot in Scotland, he in a few days gave his confent
that he Ihould be admitted to an audience of certain
members of his privy-council, who took a journey to
the borders on purpofe to wait upon him. In this con¬
ference, Cary demanded that the league of amity be¬
tween the two kingdoms Ihould be inviolably obferved.
He faid that his miftrefs was grieved at the death of
Mary, which had happened without her confent; and,
in Elizabeth’s name, offered any fatisfaflion that James
could demand. The Scots commiffioners treated Cary’s
fpeech and propofal with becoming difdain. They ob¬
ferved, that they amounted to no more than to know
whether James was difpofed to fell his mother’s blood ;
adding, tnat the Scottiili nobility and people were de¬
termined to revenge it, and to intereft in their quarrel
the other princes of Europe. On this Cary delivered
to them the letter from Elizabeth, together with a de¬
claration of his own concerning the murder of the queen ;
and it does not appear that he proceeded farther. *
This reception of her ambaffador threw Elizabeth in¬
to the utmoft confternation. She was apprehenfive that
James would join his force to that of Spain, and entire¬
ly overwhelm her; and had the refentment or the fpirit
of the king been equal to that of the nation, it is pro¬
bable that the haughty Englifh princefs would have been
made feverely to repent her perfidy and cruelty. It
does not, however, appear, that James had any ferious
intention of calling Elizabeth to an account for the Scotland,
murder of his mother; for which, perhaps, his natural x-—sr-~
imbecility may be urged as an excufe, though it is more
probable that his own neceffity for money had (wallowed
up every other confideration. By the league formerly
concluded with England, it had been agreed that Eliza¬
beth fhould pay an annual penfion to the king of Scot¬
land. James had neither economy to make his own re¬
venue anfwer his purpofes, nor addrefs to get it increa-
fed. He was therefore always in want; and as Eliza¬
beth had plenty to fpare, her friendfhip became a va¬
luable acquifition. To this confideration, joined to his
view of aicending the Englifh throne, mult chiefly be
afenbed the little refentment fliown by him to the atro¬
cious condudt of Elizabeth. s_a
Elizabeth was not wanting in the arts of diflimula-Secretary
tion and treachery now more than formerly. She pro- David fon
fecuted and fined Secretary Davidfon and Lord Bur-amI,I‘orJi
leigh for the active part they had taken in Mary’s
death. Their punifhment was indeed much lefs than
they deferred, but they certainly did not merit fuch
treatment at her hands. Walfingham, though equally
guilty, yet efcaped by pretending indifpofition, or perhaps
etcaped becaufe the queen had new occafion for his fer-
vices. By her command he drew up a long letter ad-
dreffed to Lord ihirllton, King James’s prime minifter;
in which he (bowed the neceffity of putting Mary to
death, and the folly of attempting to revenge it. He
boafted of the fupenor force of England to that of Scot¬
land; (hewed James that he would for ever ruin his
pretenfions to the Englifh crown, by involving the two
nations in a war; that he ought not to truft to foreign
alliances; that the Catholic party were fo divided
among themfelves, that he could receive little or no
afliliance from them, even fuppofing him fo ill advifed
as to change his own religion for Popery, and that they
would not truft his fincerity. Laftly, He attempted t»
fliow, that James had already difeharged all the duty
towards his mother and his own reputation that could
be expected from an affedftionate fon and a wife king ;
that his interceding for her with a concern fo becoming
nature, had endeared him to the kingdom of England ;
but that it would be madnefs to pufli his refentment
farther.
This letter had all the effect that could be defired.
James gave an audience to the Englifh ambaffador; and
bemg affured that his blood was not tainted by the exe¬
cution of Ins mother for treafon againft Elizabeth, but
that he was ftill capable of fucceeding to the crown of
England, he confented to make up matters, and to ad-
dre(s the murderer of his mother by the title of loving
and affediionate After.
^ The reign of James, till his acceflion to the crown of
England by Elizabeth’s death in 1603, affords little
matter of moment. His fcandalous conceffions to Eli-
zabetn, and bis conftant applications to her for monev
filled up the meafure of his meannefs. Ever fince
the expulfion of Mary, the country had in fad been re¬
duced to the condition of an Englilh province. The
fovereign had been tried by the queen of England, and
executed for treafon ; a crime, in the very nature of the
thing impoffible, had not Scotland been in fubjedfion to
England ; and to complete all, the contemptible fuccef-
for of Mary thought himfelf well off that be was not a
traitor r
•SCO [760
Scotland, traitor too, to his fovereign the queen of England we
V’-’—'y—muft fuppofe, for the cafe will admit of no oilier fuppo-
S71 fition.
Difturban- During the reign of Jame1:, the religious diilurbances
the rei^'n^cf Which hegan at the reformation, and that violent lltug-
James. ^ gle of the clergy for power which never ceafed till the
revolution in 1688, went on with great violence. Con¬
tinual clamours were railed againft Popery, at the fame
time that the very fundamental principles of Popery
were held, nay urged in the molt infolent manner, as the
effetls of immediate infpiration. Thefe were the total
independence of the clergy on every earthly power, at
the fame time that all earthly powers were to be fubjecl
to them. Their fantallic decrees were fuppofed to be
binding in heaven ; and they took care that they fliould
be binding on earth, for whoever had offended fo far
as to fall under a fentence of excommunication was de¬
clared an outlaw.
It is eafy to fee that this circumftance muff have con¬
tributed to difturb the public tranquillity in a great de¬
gree. But befides this, the weaknefs of James’s govern¬
ment was fuch, that, under the name of peace, the
whole kingdom tvas involved in the miferies of civil war •,
the feudal animolities revived, and (laughter and murder
prevailed all over the country. James, fitted only for
pedantry, difputed, argued, modelled, and re-modelled,
the conttitution to no purpofe. The clergy continued
their infolence, and the laity their violences on one ano¬
ther ; at the lame time that the king, by his unhap¬
py credulity in the operation of demons and witches, de¬
clared a moll inhuman and bloody war againft the poor
old women, many of whom wTere burnt for the imaginary
crime of converfing with the devil.
King James had for fome time formed a matrimonial
fcheme, and had fixed his eyes on the princefs Anne,
daughter of Frederick II. king of Denmark, (^ueen
Elizabeth attempted to embarrafs this marriage as fire
had done that of his mother, but James overlooked all
obftacles by an effort of gallantry of which he was
deemed incapable. On the 2 2d of Odfober, 1589?
failed to Denmark and married the princefs Anne, then
in the 16th year of her age. The chara&er of this
princefs has been generally reprefenled in a very unta-
vourable light, but probably the imputations which have
been caff on it, arofe more from prejudice than reality.
S72
His fuper-
ftition and
cruelty.
r_ s73
Kirur’s
marriage.
An. 15SP
] SCO
In autumn 1600, a remarkable confpiracy happened Scotland,
againft the liberty, if not the life, of the king. The at- ——\r-—
tainder and execution of the earl of Gowrie for the part £0!^.4
he aftcd in the raid of Ruthven and for iubfequent prac-o[ GoVVrit,_
tices of treafon, have been already mentioned. His (bn, An. i6co.
however, had been reftored to bis paternal dignity and
eftates, and had in confequence profeffed gratitude and
attachment to the king. But the Prtelbyterian clergy
continued to exprefs their approbation of the raid of
Ruthven, and to declare on every occafion that in their
opinion the earl of Gowrie had fuffered by an unjuft:
fentence. One of the moft eminent and popular of that
order of men was preceptor to the younger Gowrie and
his brothers, who, from their frequent converfations
with him, muft have been deeply impreffed with the
belief that their father was murdered. The patTion of
revenge took poffeflion of their breads; and having in¬
vited the king from Falkland to the earl of Cowrie’s
houfe at Perth, under the pretence of (howing him a
fecret treafure of foreign gold, which he might lawfully
appropriate to his own ufe, an attempt was made to
keep him a dole prifoner, with threats of putting him
to inftant death if he (hould make any attempt to regain
his liberty.
The reality of this confpiracy has been queftioned by
many writers, for no other reafon, as it would appear,
but becaufe they could not affign a rational motive for
Gowrie’s engaging in fo hazardous an enterprife ; and
fome have even infinuated that the confpiracy was en¬
tered into by the king againft Gowrie in order to get
poffeflion of his large eftates. It has been fhown how¬
ever by Arnot, in his Criminal Trials, with a force of
evidence which leaves no room for doubt, that ihe con-
fpiracy was the earl’s, who feems to have intended that
the king (hould be cut off by the hand of an affaffin ;
and the fame acute and difcriminating writer has made
it appear highly probable, that he entertained hopes, in
the then diftrafted (late of the nation not ill founded,
of being- able to mount the throne of his murdered fo-
O
vereign (z).
The particulars of this confpiracy, as far as they can
be colleiffed from the trial of the confpirators, and the
depofitions of the witneffes, publilhed by Mr Arnot and
the earl of Cromarty, are as follow's. On the 5th of
Auguft at (even in the morning, while the king was
about
(z) The family of Ruthven had long been looked upon as the head of that party which was attached to Eng¬
land and the reformation •, and the accomplifihments of the latter Gowrie qualified him to be the. leader of an
enterprifing faclion. The importance he derived from ariftocratic influence over his extenfive domains, and from
the attachment of a powerful party in church and ftate, was embelliihed with the luflre of a regal defcent. J. hus
ambition, as well as revenge, might ftimulate him to his daring enterprife. Indeed, it his attempt was to be di¬
rected againft the life of the king, it could no longer be fafe for him to remain in the condition of a fubjeft : and
the indecent and malicious imputation of baftardy, with which the fanatics reproached King James, might afford a
plaufible pretext for fecluding the royal offspring. The family of Hamilton, next heir to the crown, had long
loft its popularity, and the earl of Arran, its head, had loft his judgement j and, though there undoubtedly were
feveral families interpofed between Gowrie and the crown in the ft rift line of fucceflion, none of them probably
poffeffed power and popularity to fupport their right1. But if Gowrie and his brother were really endowed with
thofe perfonal accompliftiments which have been (b highly extolled, and which made their countrymen conceive
the moft [anguine hopes of their earlij virtues; is it abfurd to fuppofe Lord Gowrie to have flattered himfelf, that
in a country where the church was in danger, where the trumpet of fedition was founded by the minifters, who for¬
tified the chief block houfe of the Lord's Jerufalem, his piety, popularity, and bravery, (hould iupply the deleft in
tide, and make him be called, while there were nearer heirs to the crown j as has (lace happened in the fame
country, on a fimiiar occalion.
4
SCO
Scotland.
8?S
The Weft-
ern iflan*
ders civi¬
lised.
876
Acceflion
of James to
the crown
of England,
An. 1603.
about to mount his hoiTe, to hunt in Falkland park,
Alexander Ruthven, brother of the earl of Gowrie,
addreffed him in a very familiar manner. After the
hunt was over, the king defired the duke of Lenox to
accompany him to the earl of Cowrie’s at Perth, telling
him that Alexander Ruthven had invited him to get
fome hidden treafure, but defired the duke to have an
eye to himfelf, and to follow him rvherever he went
with Alexander Ruthven. When they arrived at the
earl of Gowrie’s, it was obferved that the earl’s fervants
were armed. After the king had dined, Ruthven car¬
ried him to the uppermoft part of the houfe, where he
attempted to make him a prifoner, and to bind his
hands j but the king refifted and called out treafon from
the window. Sir John Ramfay, who carried the king’s
hawk, firlt entered the chamber, where he faw Ruthven
itruggling with the king. Ramfay foon difpatched the
traitor, and the earl of Gowrie entering with a fword in
each hand, and followed by armed men, there enfued a
fhort conflict, in which the earl was mortally wounded
by Sir John Ramfay.
For this eminent fervice Sir John Ramfeywas en¬
nobled j and though Gowrie and his brother fell in the
flruggle, they were attainted by an aft of parliament,
which decerned their name, memory, and dignity, to
be extinguifiied •, their arms to be cancelled j their
whole eftates to be forfeited and annexed to the crown j
the name of Ruthven to be abolifiied ; and their pofte-
rity and furviving brethren to be incapable of fucceed-
ing to, or of holding, any offices, honours, or poffeffions.
The moft memorable tranfaftion of James’s reign,
and that moft to his honour, is the civilizing of the
Weftern ifianders. For this purpofe, he inftituted a com¬
pany of gentlemen adventurers, to whom he gave large
privileges for reforming them. The method he propoled
was to tranfport numbers of them to his low countries
in Scotland, and to give their iflands, which were very
improveable, in fee to his lowland fubjefts who ftiould
choofe to refide in the iflands. The experiment was to
be made upon the Lewes, a long range of the Ebudae 5
whence the adventurers expelled Murdoch Macleod, the
tyrant of the inhabitants. Macleod, however, kept the
fea ; and intercepting a ftfip which carried one of the
chief adventurers, he fent him prifoner to Orkney, after
putting the crew to the fword. Macleod was foon after
betrayed by his own brother, and hanged at St An¬
drew’s. The hiftory of this new undertaking is rather
dark j and the fettlers themfelves feem to have been de-
feftive in the arts of civilization. The arrangements
they made were confidered by the inhabitants as very
oppreffive j and one Norman, of the Macleod family,
attacked and fubdued them fo effeftually, that they not
only confented to yield the property of the iflands to
him, but engaged to obtain the king’s pardon for what
he had done.
From the confpiracy of the Cowries there are few
tranfaftions defervingof notice in the reign of James VI.
till the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1603, called him
to the Englifti throne. From that period the affairs of
Scotland are fo intimately blended with thofe of Eng¬
land, that they cannot properly be confidered apart.
We have accordingly given a detail of the tranfaftions
of both countries from the acceffion of James to the
throne of England, in the article Britain. Some cir-
cumftances more peculiarly relating to Scotland, will
Vol, XVIII. Part II.
[ 761 1
SCO
be found under the articles Edinburgh, Leith, and Scotland,
Glasgow.
We (hall conclude the hiftorical part of this article
with a brief review of the ftate of affairs in Scotland
from the introduftion of the reformed religion, and a
general ftatement of the effefts produced, by the ac¬
ceffion of James, on the ftate of his native king-
dof; . , S77
I he period of the reformation may be regarded as Review of
the period of crimes. The people were reformed from public af-
Papacy to Proteftantifm •, but there was no reform intairs frora
their morals. It was the falhion to declaim about re¬
ligion j but if we may judge from the fafts related by
the annalifts of thofe revolutionary times, religion had
but little influence on the lives and manners of the peo¬
ple. Confpiracy followed confpiracy, and crime fuc-
ceeded crime in rapid fucceffion. Hiftory evinces that
every great revolution produces the moft unhappy ef¬
fefts on the human charafter ; and it is certain from the
annals of the reformation in Scotland, that the turbulent
fpirit of the people received an additional incitement
from the civil conflifts of the fuperior claffes.
We have feen that the reformers were more ftudious
to pull down than to build. The whole eftates of the
ancient church were appropriated by the nobles before
any proper eftabliffiment was made for the reformed
clergy. Laws for promoting and fecuring the reforma¬
tion were ratified on every topic, except that of pro¬
viding for the minifters of the new religion. The
church judicatories and the reformed clergy took the
place, and aflumed the praftices, of the Papal eftabliffi¬
ment and the Popifli funftionaries. The minifters cenfured
from the pulpits the conduft of the court j they difpu-
ted the authority of the king, and promoted tumults
and fedition through the nation, fo that the king and
the parliament found it neceffary to enaft a variety of
laws for enforcing the obedience of the ecclefiaftical to
the civil power 5 and fome of the clergy continuing con¬
tumacious, they were expelled the kingdom. From
this meafure, however neceffary it might be deemed, the
king acquired much popular odium ; and it was the
prelude to continual difputes between him and the
leaders of the reformation. In 1580, a convention oi
the clergy affembled at Dundee, and paffed a refolution
aboliffiing Epifcopacy. This was oppofed by a coun¬
ter declaration from the king; and in r597, the parlia¬
ment paffed a law, by which it was enafted, that “ mi¬
nifters, provided to prelacy, ffiould have a place in the
three eftates.”
In order to ereft the affumptions of rhe newly formed
church on the ruins of the ftate, the clergy had proceed¬
ed to fuch lengths, that it became neceffary to oppofe
barriers to their pretenfions. So early as the year 1 584,
the parliament had paffed an aft, declaring, that the ho¬
nour, authority, and dignity, of the eftates fliall ftand
and continue in their ancient integrity, fupreme over all
things and all perfons ; and, to fupport this declaration
by an adequate penalty, it was further declared to be
treafon to call in queftion, or to diminiffi, the power of
the three eftates. All other conventions or aflemblies that
pretended to meet without the king’s authority, were
denounced as illegal. What was thus declared amid
the ravings of anarchy refpefting the fupreme power of.
the ftate, conftituted only new affirmations of the anci¬
ent law; but thefe wife provifions were followed by a
5 D whole
the refor¬
mation.
sec t ?
Scotland, whole code refpefting the conftituent tnembers, the
' mode of lilting, and the authority of the three eiiates.
This code was drawn up in the nth parliament of
James VI.
As a new power had arifen rather in the church than
in the ftate, difputing the king’s legal capacity, the
18th parliament in its zeal paffed an adl, acknowledging
the royal prerogative and the privilege of the crown
over all eftates, perlons, and caufes j and this preroga¬
tive and privilege the three eifates engaged to maintain
with their lives, lands, and goods. Befides this, they pro¬
vided a Handing guard for the fafety of the king’s perlbn.
The judicial power of the Hate had acquired a ufefu).
improvement by the edablifhment of the college of
juflice in the preceding reign ; but if the fenators could
not a£l without queHion by individuals, juHice held her
feales in vain. Amid the wildnels and irafeibility of
thofe times, fome of the judges had been thus queltion-
ed, and the parliament interpofed in behalf of juHice,
by declaring, that, whoever Hiould challenge a fenator
for his opinion, (hculd be punilhed with death.
During the early ages of the Scottilh nation, clan-
fhip from blood had exiHed in every part of North Bri¬
tain. Throughout the whole Scoto-Saxon period there
exiHed, as we have feen, from conqueH and from biith,
a Hate of univerfal villenage, which difappeared in the
15th century. Amid the anarchy of fubfequent times,
there arofe various clans, which were divided, accord¬
ing to the policy of thofe times, into clans of the borders
and clans of the Highlands. From fuch a Hate of fo-
ciety, and from the want of employment, we may ac¬
count for the facility with which great bodies of
men were then drawn together at the call of every petty
chieftain. In fome meafure to counteract this facility
of exciting diHurbance and rebellion, the parliament of
1587 had paffed an a£t, by which the chiefs of all the
clans were obliged to give fecurity for their peaceable
demeanour, and were made anfwerable for the enormi¬
ties committed by their adherents. By the union of
the two crowns, however, the clans of the borders were
in a great meafure diflblved, and the quiet of that part of
the kingdom finally effablilbed *.
The Scots had fo long confidered their monarch? as
next heirs to the Englifii throne, that they had full
leifure to refieff on ail the confequences of their being
advanced to that dignity. But dazzled with the glo¬
ry of giving a fovereign to their powerful enemy, re¬
lying on the partiality of their native prince, and in full
expectation of (haring liberally in the wealth and ho¬
nours which he would now be able to beHow, they at¬
tended little to the moH obvious confequences of that
great event, and rejoiced at his accefiVm to the throne
of England, as if it had been no lefs beneficial to the
kingdom than honourable to the king. They foon had
reafon, however, to adopt very different fentiments, and
from that period we may date a total alteration in the
political conHitution of Scotland.
The feudal ariffocracy which had been fubverted in
moff nations of Europe by the policy of their princes,
or had been undermined by the progreft of commerce,
Hill fubfiffed with full force in Scotland. Many caufes
had contributed gradually to augment the power of the
Scottifh nobles; and even the Reformation which, in
every other country where it prevailed, added to
authority of the monarch, had mcreafed their
* Chal-
mers'sCale •
Aonia,
vol. i.
87S
Effects of
James’s ac-
ceffion on
the ftate of
Scotland.
62 ) SCO
wealth and influence. A king pcffefftd of a final! re- Srct’mnfc
venue with a prerogative extremely limited, and un-——
fupported by a Handing army, could not exercile much
authority over fuch potent fubjc&s. He was obliged
to govern by expedients } and the laws derived their force
not from his power to execute them, but from the vo¬
luntary fubmilfion of the nobles. But though this pro¬
duced a fpecies of government extremely feeble and ir¬
regular, though Scotland, under the name and with all
the outward enfigns of a monarchy, was really fubjeft
to an ariHocracy, the people were not altogether unhap¬
py, and even in this wild form of a conHitution there
were principles, which tended to their lecurity and ad¬
vantage. The king, checked and overawed by the no¬
bles, durft venture upon no aft of arbitrary power. The
nobles, jealous of the king, whofe claims and pretenfions
were many, though his power was fmall, were afraid
of irritating their dependants by unreafonable exaftions,
and tempered the rigour of ariHocratical tyranny with
a mildnefs and equality to which it is naturally a Hran-
ger. As long as the military genius of the feudal go¬
vernment remained in vigour, the vaffals both of tlie
crown and of the barons were generally not only free
from oppreffion, but were courted by their fuperiors^
whofe power and importance were founded on their at¬
tachment and love.
But, by bis acceflion to the throne of England, James
acquired fuch an immenfe acceffion of wealth, cf power,,
and of fplendour, that the nobles, afloniflied and intimi¬
dated, thought it vain to Hruggle for privileges which
they were nor; unable to defend. Nor was it from fea*
alone that they fubmitted to the yoke. James, partial
to his countrymen, and willing that they fhould partake;
in his good fortune, loaded them with riches and ho¬
nours ; and the hope of his favour concurred with the
dread of his power in taming their fierce and indepen¬
dent fpirits. The will of the prince became the fu-
preme law in Scotland •, and the nobles Hrewe, with
emulation, who (hould mofi implicitly obey commands
which they had formerly been accuHomed to contemn.
Satisfied with having fubjefted the nobles to the crown,
the king left them in full poffeflion of their ancient ju-
rifdiftion over their own vaffals. The extenfive rights,
vefied in a feudal chief, became in their hands dreadful
infiruments of oppreffion ; and the military ideas, on
which thefe rights were founded, being gradually loH
or difregarded, nothing remained to correft or to miti¬
gate the rigour with which they were exercifed. The
nobles, exhauffing their fortunes by the expence of fre¬
quent attendance upon the Engliffi court, and by at¬
tempts to imitate the manners and luxury of their more
wealthy neighbours, multiplied exaftions upon the peo>-
pie, who durff hardly utter complaints, which they knew
wmuld never reach the ear of their fbvereign, nor move
him to grant any redrefs.
At their acceffion to the throne of England, the
kings of Scotland, once the moff limited, became, in
an inffant, the molt abfolute princes in Europe, and ex¬
ercifed a defpotic authority, wdiich their parliaments
were unable to controul, or their nobles to refill.
The church felt the effefts of the abfolute power
wThich the king acquired by his acceffion ; and its revo¬
lutions, too, are worthy of notice. James, during the
latter years of his adminiffration in Scotland, had revi¬
ved the name and office of bilhops. But they poffeffed
no
Scotland.
# Robert-
fort's Scot-
kind
S79
Scottifh an¬
tiquities.
SSo
Druidical.
f Caledo¬
nia, vol. i.
p. 90.
SSx
lloxuan.
SCO [7
no cccleliafticaljurifdiclion or pre-eminence; llieir reve¬
nues were inconfiderable ; and they were fcarcely didin-
guiihed by any thing but by their feat in parliament,
and by being the object of the clergy’s jealoufy and the
people’s hatred. The king, delighted with the fplen-
dour and authority which the Englifh bithops enjoyed,
and eager to effect a union in the ecclefiaitical policy
which he had in vain attempted in the civil government
of the two kingdoms, refolved to bring both churches
to an exadt conformity with each other. Three Scotf-
men were confecrated bifhops at London, from them
their brethren were commanded to receive orders. Ce¬
remonies unknown in Scotland were impoted; and,
though the clergy, lefs obfequious than the nobles,
boldly oppofed the innovations, James, long pradliled
and w'ell ikilled in the arts of managing them, obtained
at length their compliance *.
The monuments of antiquity belonging to North Bri¬
tain may be confidered under three heads, as they be¬
long to the Celtic period, the Roman period, or the
Scoto-Irijh period. Of the firft of thefe periods very
few monuments now remain, and thefe are> chiefly of
the tumular kind ; confiding either of circles of flones,
the evident remains of druidical worfhip, or of the re¬
mains of the hill forts, which appear to have been em¬
ployed by the ancient Caledonians as places of defence.
Of thefe hill forts there is a remarkable example at Bar-
rowhill in Aberdeen .Liref, which is defended and fi¬
gured by Mr Chalmers f ; and a fimilar fort appears
to have exiiled at Barry-hill near Alyth in Perthfhire.
The remains of the Roman period in North Britain
appear chiefly in the celebrated wall built in the reign
of Antoninus Pius, between the friths of Forth and
Clyde ; in the ruins of which many curious inferiptions
have been found. Another ftriking objeff of this epoch
was a fmall edifice, vulgarly called Arthur's oven,
which feems to have been regarded by feme antiquaries
as a fmall temple, dedicated to the god Terminus ; pro¬
bably after the eredlion of the wall of Antoninus, for
we are not to conceive that thefe walls were the abfo-
lute lines, beyond which the Romans pofieffed no terri¬
tory ; while, on the contrary, in the pacific interval,
the garrifons along the wall may have claimed the fo¬
rage of the exterior fields; and the ftream of Carron,
beyond which this chapel flood, may have been confi¬
dered as a neceffary fupply of water. The remains of
the wall and forts, and other Roman antiquities in Scot¬
land, particularly their camps and ftations, many of
which are remarkably entire, are ably illuftrated in a
publication of General Roy, and in the Caledonia of
Mr Chalmers. General Roy, indeed, has too implicit¬
ly followed a common antiquarian error, in aferibing all
thefe camps, ftations, &c. to Agricola; while they
•may be more juftly affigned to Lollius Urbicus, A. D.
140, or to the emperor Severus, A. D. 207, efpecially,
indeed, to the latter; for the emperor’s appearance in
perfon to conduct two campaigns, probably as far as
Invernfcfs, muft have occafioned the ereftion of works
more eminent and durable than ufual the foldiers be¬
ing excited by the animating controul of a military mo¬
narch. In the reign of Domitian, Bolanus, as we learn
from Statius the poet, erefted feveral works in Britain,
probably in the north ; fo that it is idle to impute thefe
remains to any one author : but, to a judicious eye,
the claims of Lollius. Urbicus and of Severus feera pre-
63 ] SCO
ferable. One of the moil northerly Roman camps yet Scotland,
difeovered, is that near the fource of the river Ythan, ■—
Aberdeenfhire ; periphery about two Englifh miles. A
fmaller ftation has alio been obferved at Old Meldrum,
a few miles to the fouth-eaft.
Four remarkable Roman ftations are deferibed and
figured by Mr Chalmers; one on the north bank of the
river Dee, near Peter-Culter in Aberdeenfhire, occupy¬
ing about eight Scotch acres * ; a fecond in Banff-fhire * Cnledo-
on the fouthern bank of the Spey, near its mouth f ; n!'a’ 'j0 'l'
a third on the ealtern bank of the river Findhorn, near1’'
Forres, which is believed to be the Varis of the Ro- ^ ^
mans J ; and a fourth, now called the Green Cqjile, 1 ^ I3I*
near Clattering Brig in Kincardine-fhire, forming a fort
whofe internal area meafures nearly 158 feet, by 262
feet |j.
Roman roads have been traced a confiderable way in
the call of Scotland, as far as the county of Angus, af¬
fording fome evidence of the exiftence of the province
of Vefpafiana; but the chief remains are within the
w'all. A hypocauft was alfo difeovered near Perth,
and another near Muflelburgh, fo that there was proba¬
bly fome Roman ftation near the Scottilh capital; but
the name of Alaterva is a ridiculous error, arifing from
an infeription by fome foreign cohort to obfeure god-
defies of their own country, ftyled Matres Alaterves.
The fmaller remains of Roman antiquity found in Scot¬
land, as coins, utenfils, &e. are numerous.
There remain few monuments of antiquity that can Scoto-IrlE
be referred to the earlier part of the Scoto Irifh period.
Thefe confift principally of ftone pillars and obelifks of
rude workmanfhip, and generally -without inferiptions.
There are, however, fome remarkable fculptured monu¬
ments referable to this period, fuch as the upright Hones
that ftand in a cultivated field near Cargil, and are car¬
ved with figures of the moon and liars; a fculptured pil¬
lar near Forres, fuppofed to refer to the expulfion of the
Danes in the reign of Malcolm II. ; a hieroglyphical
column which Hands confpicuous on the moor of Rhyne
in Aberdeenfhire ; fome carved ftones in the churchyard
of Meigle, and perhaps the chapel of St Regulus at St
Andrew’s.
Among the antiquities of this period we muft not
omit to mention the remarkable terrace-hills, which are
feen in many parts of Scotland (efpecially in Peebles-
Ihire, as in the parilh of Newlands). Thefe hills Ap¬
pear to have ferved the purpofe of amphitheatr es, where
the people witneffed the exhibition of plays and other
public fports.
The monuments of antiquity that have been referred
to the Pi6ls, are rather of doubtful authenticity. Thefe
round towers, compofed of ftones without cement,
which have been called Piifts houfes, and are Hill found
in the Orkney iflands, and in fome parts of the north of
Scotland, are generally confidered as the remains of the
nation whofe name they bear, though Mr Chalmers will
have them to be the remains of the old Celtic architec¬
ture. gs
Many Danifh monuments have been deferibed by an- Dal ^
tiquaries as exifting in North Britain ; but the charac¬
ters of moft of them are not fufticiently difttnfl to afeer-
tain their Dantfii origin. One of the moft certain Da-
niih antiquities is found in the churchyard of Ruthwell
in Dumfries-(hire. When this monument wras entire, it
Appears to hare been about 18 feet high, without its
5 D 2 pedellal,
7£.p. 17S-
SCO
[ 764 ]
SCO
SSS.
Population
of Scotland
Scotland- pedeftal, and to have been fculptured on each of its
four fides with foliage, birds, and marine animals, and
infcribed with Runic letters. This curious pillar, which
leems to be almolt the only Runic remain in Scotland,
was formerly held in fuch high veneration by the com¬
mon people, that a decree of the general affembly of
the kirk in 1644, ordained it to be thrown down as an
object of idolatry.
Of the numerous remains of caftles, cathedrals, and
monafteries, which occur in almoft every part of Scot¬
land, our limits do not permit us to take particular no¬
tice. Many of them have been already defcribed under
the names of the places where they are found ; and
luch of our readers as defire a more particular account of
thefe interefting ruins, may confult the Beauties of
Scotland, where their curiofity will be amply gra¬
tified.
In our tabular view of the counties of Scotland, we
have noted the population of each county as it was af-
certained in 1801, from which it appeared, that, in
that year, the whole population of Scotland amounted
to 1,604,826. From the beft accounts which we can
colledt of the population of North Britain, at fome pre¬
ceding periods, there can be no doubt that the general
population of the country is gradually increafing. Thus
it appears, that, in the year 1755, there were in Scot¬
land about 1,265,000 fouls ; in 1791, I>526,ooo; and
in 1798, about 1,526,492 (a). Hence it appears, that,
notwithftanding the emigrations which for many years
took place to America, efpecially from the Highlands,
the general population has rapidly increafed within the
laft 50 years.
The government of Scotland fince the union has
been blended with that of England. The chief diftinc-
tion between the original conftitution of the two coun¬
tries was, that Scotland had no houfe of commons, the
parliament confifting of all defer!ptions, aifembled in
one hall. That enlightened prince James I, of Scot¬
land, endeavoured to eftablifh a houfe of commons in
imitation of that of England, where he was educated j
but the people moft firmly and vigoroufly defended their
ancient cufioms. The moft fplendid remaining feature
of government in Scotland is the general affembly.
Next to this may be clafled the high courts of juftice,
efpecially that ftyled the Seflion, lately confifting of a
prefident and fourteen fenators. The Lords of Coun¬
cil and Seftion, as they are ftyled in Scotland, upon their
promotion to office, aflume a title, generally from the
name of an eftate, by which they are known and ad-
dreffed, as if peers by creation, while they are only con-
ftituted lords by fuperior interefts or talents. This court
is the laft: refort in civil caufes, and the only appeal is
to the Britifh houfe of peers. The judiciary court,
wdiich is the criminal court of Scotland, confifts of five
judges, who are likewife lords of feftion 5 but with a
refident, ftyled the lord juftice clerk, as he is under-
SS<5
Political
conftitu¬
tion.
flood to reprefent the formerly great office of juftice Scotland.
general, an office which ftill continues, though it may 1 v—
be coniidered rather as a poll of honour and profit.
This is the fupreme court in criminal eaufes, which are
determined by the majority of a jury and not by their
unanimity as in England. There is alfo a court of ex¬
chequer, confifting of a lord chief baron and four barons,
who have the chief juriidiction over the public revenue
of Scotland ; and a high court of admiralty, in which
there is only one judge, who is the king’s lieutenant
and juftice general, on the high leas, and in all ports and
harbours. From this court there is no appeal in mari¬
time cafes. The keepers of the great and privy feals,
and the lord-regifter or keeper of the records, may alfo
be mentioned under this head.
Befides the above national judges, there is in every
county, a Iheriff, who a£ts as chief magiftrate, and whofe
jurifdiiftion extends to fome criminal cafes, and to all
civil matters which are not by fpecial law or cuftom ap¬
propriated to other courts.
The recent changes which have been made in the
court of feffion, by dividing it into two houfes, are well
calculated to favour the dilpatch of buftnefs, and to pre¬
vent that notorious delay which had become the dif-
grace of the Scottiffi court of judicature. At prefent
the court of feffion confifts of two divifions, the firft of
which is compofed of eight judges, having the lord-pre-
fident at their head, while in the econd there are feven
judges whofe prefident is the lord juftice clerk (b).
Sir John Sinclair has ftated the proportion of the Pub* r„
lie revenues furniffied by North Britain to be as fol-venues#
lows, in the year 1789. The produce of the Scotch
cuftoms, in the year ending January 5th 1789, was
250,839k ; from which was deduced for debentures,
bounties, falaries, and incidents, 171,638. The average
yearly amount of the money belonging to the exchequer
is 72,500!. The fait duties in the fame year yielded
18,0431. from which was dedufted for drawbacks, fa-
lanes, &c. 8,749k The duties of excile for that year ex¬
ceeded 422,000!.; the expence of management 83,982k
The ftamp duties amounted to 73,877!. j the charges
of managing and collefling were 8,032k The whole
revenue of Scotland for 1788 was 1,099,148k The
expenditure was as follows : expences of the crown
60,342k •, expenditure of the public 173,921k-, boun¬
ties, drawbacks, &c. 127,629'!. j public expences fet¬
tled by the union, and by fubiequent a£ls of parliament,
64,868 k j caftr remitted to the Engliih exchequer
628,o8i1.j balance remaining for national purpofes
44,3071. According to the fame authority, at leaft
of the revenue raifed by Great Britain is now drawn
from Scotland, whereas, at the time of the union, the
proportion furniffied by North Britain was fuppofed not
more than of the whole *. _ * See
To the above ftatement of Sir John Sinclair muft be fair's Geo-
added the income ariftng from the‘*pofts, which in \%oigraphy,
amounted voi-11*
P- 558.
(a) This laft number is taken from the returns publiffied in Sir John Sinclair’s account. According to the re¬
turns in the population adl in 1801, Scotland, at that period, contained 294,553 inhabited houfes, 9537 uninha¬
bited houfes, 364,079 families, 734,581 males, 864,487 females, making a total of 1,599,068 inhabitants 5 of
whom 365,516 were chiefly employed in agriculture 5 293,373 chiefly employed in trade, manufa6lures, and
handicrafts, and 833,914 were not included in thefe two claffes.
(b) For an account of the. firft eftablilhment of the College of Jufice by James V. fee N° 473-
SCO
[ 765 ]
SCO
vol- ii-
P- SS8-
88S
Scottifli re-
prefenta-
tion in par¬
liament.
Scotland, amounted to 89,817!. j and the product of the income
'——y—J tax, which about the fame time yielded 344,015!. and
was paid by 20,537 perfons of various profeffions, whofe
incomes were afleffed at 4,512,570!. Thus the whole
revenue of Scotland at the end of the 18th century,
may be eftimated at nearly one million and a half.
The great increafe of the public revenues of Scotland
fince the union, will appear from the following ftate-
ment. In the year 1706, the income of the poll-office
was not more than 1,194!.; that arifing from the ex-
cife, only 33,500!.; and that from the cufloms, only
34,oool.; making a total of 68,694!. : whereas in 1801,
the income of the port amounted, as we have faid, to
89,817!.; that from the excife to 833,000!.; and that
from the cufloms, to 578,000!. ; making a total of
I, 500,8x7!. Thus, the increafe of thefe three fources
of revenue above, in lefs than 100 years, amounted to
f CWmerj’1 >432,123!. f Mr Chalmers ellimates the whole re-
Caledenia, venue derived from Scotland at the union, at i6o,oool.
vol.i.p. 882. while in 1800, the fame author Hates it at 1,790,000!.
Hence the increafe on the whole Scottifh revenue lince
the union, according to this ftatement, is 1,630,000!.
It appears that the hereditary revenue of the crown
lPlayfair'sin Scotland was fo much diminifhed during the 18th
Geography, century by lavifh grants made by the crown, and a ne¬
glect in colledting what remained, as to amount in 1788
to only 800I. X
Scotland is reprefented in the Britifh parliament by
16 peers, chofen by the whole body of the Scottifh
• peerage, and by 45 commoners, of whom 30 are defied
by the counties, and the remaining 15 by as many di-
flrifls of royal boroughs, one by each dillrift. The
following table will fliew what royal boroughs belong
to each diftrifl.
D: ft riels. Members.
1. Edinburgh city 1
2. Aberdeen, Aberbrothic, Bervie, Montrofe, and
Brechin 1
3. Ayr, Irving, Inverary, Rothfay, and Campbel¬
town 1
4. Anflruther Eafler and Wefter, Crail, Kilrenny,
and Pittenweem 1
5. Banff, Cullen, Kintore, Elgin and Inverury 1
6. Stirling, Culrofs, Inverkeithing, Dunfermline,
and Oueensferry 1
7. Perth, Dundee, Forfar, St Andrew’s, and Cupar
Fife I
8. Glafgow, Renfrew, Rutherglen, and Dumbarton 1
9. Dumfries, Sanquhar, Annan, Lochmaben, and
Kirkcudbright I
10. Invernefs, Fortrofe, Nairn, and Forres 1
II. Kinghorn, Dyfart, Kirkcaldy, and Burntifland I
12. Jedburgh, Haddington, Lauder, Dunbar, and
North Berwick 1
13. Selkirk, Peebles, Lanark, and Linlithgow 1
14. Stranraer, Wigton, Whitehorn, and New Gal¬
loway 1
15. Kirkwall, Tain, Dingwall, Wick, and Dornoch. 1
The county members are ele6led by gentlemen pof-
feffed of landed property, or fuperiorities of lands valued
in the cefs-books of the county at 400!. Scots yearly
Tent, according to a valuation firft introduced during
the adminiflration of Cromwell, and afterwards fanflion- Scotland
ed by parliament. ’>- 1
—\r
The law of Scotland differs effentially from that of j a^9
England, as the former is founded in a great meafure
on the civil law, while the latter depends chiefly on the
flatutes or a£ts of parliament. The law of Scotland al-
fo confifls partly of flatute law ; but as many of its an¬
cient llatutes have never been enforced, the chief rule
of practice arifes from the decifions of the court of fef-
fion, which are carefully preferved and publilhed, and
afford precedents that are generally deemed unexcep¬
tionable. The civil and canon laws may be faid to
form the two great pillars of Scottifh judicature, for of
common law there is fcarcely a trace. The modes of
procedure in Scotland are in general free from jnany of
thofe legal fidlions which difgrace the laws of fome
other countries, though it may be regarded as a fiftion,
that a debtor who refufes or negledls to pay, fhould be
proclaimed a rebel to the king. The procedure in cafes
of debt is peculiarly mild in Scotland. No man can be
fuddenly arrefled as in England ; but he is firft jbut to
the horn, as it is termed, after which a certain delay is
granted before the caption or arrefl takes place. For
a particular account of the Scottifh laws, fee the article
Law. 890
I he Prefbyterian church government, which, fince-Religions
the revolution in 1688, has formed the eftablifhed re¬
ligion in Scotland, is founded on an equality of autho¬
rity among all its pallors or prelbyters, and is modelled
after the Calviniflic plan adopted at Geneva, and re¬
commended to the Scotch reformers by the celebrated
John Knox. This form of church government, there¬
fore, excludes all pre-eminence of rank, as all the mi-
niflers are on an equal footing. The want of ceremony-
in the ordinances of the Scottifh church is unpleafing
to the eye of a flrangerwho has been brought up in the
Catholic or Lutheran perfuafion. He will particularly
be led to make a comparifon between the form or ra¬
ther mode of burial in Scotland and the burial fervice
of England, very unfavourable to the former. He will
contrail the hurried flep, and indifferent if not noify be¬
haviour of the bearers and attendants, and the uncere¬
monious depofition of the body in the earth, according
to the Scotch cullom, with the flow and meafured pace,
the ferious demeanour and melancholy filence, the folemn
and impreffive burial-fervice, at an Englifh funeral; and
he cannot but give the preference to the latter, as being
alone calculated to produce fentiments of awe and be¬
coming thoughts of death and a future Hate, both on
the aflors and fpedlators of the folemn feene.
The mofl ceremonious ordinance of the Scotch church-
is the adminiflration of the faerament. This takes place
twice a-year, and the communicants are generally very,
numerous, though in mofl parifhes they mufl have pre-
vioufly been examined by the minifler, and received
from him a toketi of their qualification. Before the fa-
crament is adminiflered, a folemn fall is held on the pre ¬
ceding Thurfday, and the communicants attend divine
worfhip in the forenoon, on the Saturday preceding and
the Monday following the facrament Sunday.
The former auflerity of the Scottifh clergy is confi •
derably relaxed ; but lome marks of the ancient ilridl-
nefs of difeipline flill remain. In particular, the ftooi
of repentance, fo commonly ufed in the age of fanati-
cifmt'
Scotland.
891
Ecdefiafti-
cal confti-
tution.
SCO [ 766 ]
cilrn, is flUl occafionally brought forward, efpecially in all the prelbyteries.
the country churches, where a ruftic culprit is fometimes
feen doing penance, and receiving public reproof for
fome flagrant aft ol incontinence.
The ecclefiallical power is dillributed among the ju¬
dicatories of the church in the following manner. Scot¬
land is divided into 935 parifhes, each of which has one
or more miniiters, who difcharge the paftoraj office ac¬
cording to their difcretion, and are accountable only to
the preffiytery of which they are members. In matters
relating to difeipline, the minifters are affifted by elders,
felefted from among the moft intelligent and regular of
his parifliioners j but thefe elders have no right to teach,
or to difpenfe the facraments. Their proper office is to
watch over the morals of the people, to queftion them
as to their knowledge of the church catechifm, and to
vilit the fick. In attending to the intereils of the poor,
they alfo difcharge the office of deacons, or church-war¬
dens, and are commonly called ruling elders. The rul¬
ing elders and the minifter of the parilh form W’hat is
called the kirk feffion, which is the loweft affembly of
ecclefiaftical judicature in Scotland. The kirk-feffion
diilributes among the poor the alms which are collefted
at the church doors every Sunday, and it takes cog¬
nizance of petty offences againft religion and good mo¬
rals. Neither the kirk feffion, nor any other ecclefiaffical
court, however, can impofe any civil penalty, but muff
confine its punifhments to private or public admonitions,
or refufmg to the offender admiflion to the facraments
of the church. Next above the kirk feflion is the pref-
bytery, compofed of an indefinite number of miniflers of
contiguous parifires, with one ruling elder, elefted half-
yearly as the reprefentative of each kirk-feffion j fo that
a preffiytery is compofed of an equal number of mini-
fters and elders. The prefbyteries take cognizance of all
cccleliaflical matters within their bounds ; judge in
cafes of appeal from the kirk-feffions, and judge of the
qualifications of candidates for admiffion to holy orders.
Three or more -adjacent prefbyteries form a fynod, of
which there are 15. The fynod is a court of appeal
from the prefbytery within its bounds, and has the powder
of confirming or reverfing the judgements of thofe in¬
ferior affemblies, an appeal lying from it to the general
aflembly. This is the great ecclefiaiiical court of Scot¬
land, and is compofed of reprefentatives from preflry-
tcries, univerfities, and royal boroughs, in the following
proportion. The prelbyteries fend 200 minifters, and
89 ruling elders \ the royal boroughs 67 elders, and
the univerfities five reprefentatives, w'ho may be either
minifters or elders. Thefe reprefentatives are elefted
annually, and the affembly itfelf meets once a-year, and
holds its fittings for about 10 days, after -which it is
difl'olved by the moderator or the ecclefiaftical prefident,
and by the lord commiflioner, who fits in it as the re¬
prefentative of the king. The general affembly judges in
-appeals from the fynods, and it can alfo enaft laws which
are binding on the whole church for one year. A per¬
manent law can be made only in the following marner.
It muft be decreed by a majority of the general affem-
-fcly, and be afterwards remitted to the confideration of
SCO
If a majority of thefe approve it, Scotland;
and if it is alfo approved by the fucceeding general af~ *
fembly, it becomes a law, and can be repealed only in
the form in which it was enafted (c). The numbers
of prefbyteries and parifhes which compofe each fynod,
will appear from the following table :
Synods.
1. Lothian and Tweedale
2. Merfe and Tiviotdale
3. Dumfries
4. Galloway
5. Glafgow and Ayr
6. Pertli and Stirling
7. Fife
8. Forfar and Mearns
9. Aberdeen
10. Murray
1 t . Rofs
j 2. Sutherland and Caithnefs
13. Argyle
14. Glenelg
15. Orkney
Prefb.
7
6
5
3
7
5
4
6
9
7
3
3
5
5
4
79
Parifli.’S
107
67
54
37
123
79
6?
81
103
53
24
23
52
29
38
935
892
The ftipends or falaries of the minifters are paid by
the proprietors of the lands within their parifhes, called
the heritors, and are fixed by the court of Seflion afting
as a committee of the Scottifti parliament. They are
ufually paid partly in money and partly in kind, and
in general the latter is preferred by the minifter.
There are in Scotland numerous diffenters from the Diffeiiters.
eftabliflied perfuafion. Of thefe, fome difter in no¬
thing but their ideas of church-government, as thofe
which are called the churches of Relief. Thefe corapofe
a fingle fyn6d, comprifing fix prefbyteries, viz. Edin¬
burgh, Glafgow, St Ninian’s, Dyfart, Perth and Dum¬
fries, and about 73 parifhes. Two of the principal fefts
of Scotch diffenters, or as they are called, Seceders, arc
the Burghers and Antiburghers, both independent of
the eftablifhed church, and differing from each other
principally in this circumflance, that the Burghers ad¬
mit the legality of the oaths taken by burgeffes in fome
of the royal boroughs, while the latter deny the legali¬
ty of thefe oaths. The Burghers are the more nume¬
rous body, and comprife a fingle fynod, comprehending
10 prefbyteries, viz. thofe of Edinburgh, Glafgow, Kil¬
marnock, Falkirk and Stirling, Dunfermline, Perth,
Coldftream, Selkirk, Lanark, and Aberdeen. The An¬
tiburgher fynods are three in number, viz. the fynod of
Edinburgh, comprehending the prefbyteries of Edin¬
burgh, Kelfo, and Dumfries • the fynod of Perth, com¬
prehending the prefbyteries of Perth, Kirkcaldy and
Forfar ; and the fynod of Glafgovq containing the
prefbyteries of Glafgow, Kilmarnock, Stirling, Elgin,
and Aberdeen.
Befides thefe diffenters, there are in Scotland feven
diocefes belonging to the Epifcopalian church, viz.
thofe of Edinburgh and Fife, Glafgow, Aberdeen, Mo¬
ray, Rofs, Dunkeld, and Brechin, and the congregations
of
(c) The general affembly owes its inftitution to the parliament that met in 1560, by confent of Francis and
Mary, to regulate the affairs of the nation and the church j and the firft affembly was held in that year.
SCO [ 767 j
Scotland, of this perfusficn are numerous and refpctlable. The colm Canmore,
^ v'w Methodifls and Anabaptiils are alfo numerous, but the
Quakers are few in number.
It is well known that there prevail in Scotland
two languages that are extremely different in their na¬
ture and origin, the Earfe or Gaelic, fpoken in the
Highlands and in the Wefiern Iflands, and the Lowland
Scotch, fpoken in the remaining parts of the country.
Of the Gaelic language we have already treated at fome
893
Language.
SCO
other language but Gaelic was
fpoken in North Britain, except in Lothian, which may
be conffdered as then an Engliih fettlement. He further
declares that the oldeit document which he has met with
in the Scottiih language, is a conlradl with the magi-
ftrates of Edinburgh in 1387.
There can be no doubt of the affinity between the
Lowland Scotch and the Anglo Saxon. The only
matter in difpute is, whether the latter was borrowed
Bcot'aud,
length in the article Philology, N° 205, etfeq. and from the former, or was a dialect of the fame Gothic
iliall here only give a fpecimen of that language in the
Lord’s prayer, cowtraffing it with the Norfe language
as formerly fpoken in the Orkneys, and with the an¬
cient form of the Lowland Scotch.
Lord's Prayer in Gaelic.
A n’Athair ata air Neamh. Gu naamhaichear i-
Tinm. Tigeadh do Rioghachd. Deanthar do Thoil
air an Taiamh mar a nithear air Neamh. Tabhair
dhuinn an diu ar n-Aran laitheil. Agus maith dhuinn
ar Fiacha amhuil mar mhaitmid d’ar luehd-fia chaibh.
Agus na leig am buaireadh finn. Ach faor linn o ole.
Amen.
/
Lord's Prayer xn the Orkney Norfe I^anguage.
Favor ir i chimre. Helleur ir i namthite. Gilla
cofdum thite cumma. Veya thine mota vara gort o
yurn finna gort i chimrie. Ga vus da on da dalight
brow vora. Eirgive vus linna vora fin vee forgive fin-
dara mutha vus. Lyve us ye i tuntation. Min delivi-
ra vus fro olt ilt. Amen j or, on fa meteth vera.
Lord's Prayer in Old Scotch.
tJor fader quhilk beeft i Hevin. Hallowit weird
thyne nam. Cum thyne kingrik. Be dune thyne
wull as is i hevin fva po yerd. Uor deilie breid gif us
thilk day. And forleit us uor Ikaths, as we forleit
tham quha Ikath us. And leed us na intil temtation.
Bulan fre us fra evil. Amen.
By comparing the above fpecimens, it will be evi¬
dent, that both the Norfe of the Orkneys, and the old
Lowland Scotch are effentially different from the Gae¬
lic, but that the two former have fome diftant refemb-
lance to each other, which may lead an etymologift,
without any great ffretch of fancy, to believe that they
originated from the fame fource. It has indeed been
very generally believed, and almofi: taken for granted,
that the language fpoken in the Lowlands of Scotland
is merely a corrupt dialeft of the Anglo Saxon, and
that it was introduced into Scotland from South Britain
at no very early period. The learned author of Caledo¬
nia is decidedly of this opinion, and contends that, pre¬
vious to the ertablilhment of a Saxon monarch on the
throne of Scotland in the perfon of Edgar, ion ox Mal-
language introduced into Scotland at an earlier period.
One oi the moft llrenuous, and perhaps fuccefsful advo¬
cates for the latter opinion is Dr John Jamiefon, who
in his elaborate work on the Scottifh language has ably
controverted the arguments of Mr Chalmers, and plead¬
ed for -the independent origin of the Scottilh language.
This is believed by Dr Jamiefon to have been Ipoken
by the Pifts, and to have been brought by them from
Scandinavia 5 for he is decidedly of opinion, in oppoli-
tion to Mr Chalmers, that the Pi(ffs were not a remnant
of the ancient Caledonians under a new name, but an
independent Gothic tribe, who at a very early period
ertabliihfcd themfelves in the north of Scotland (d).
There are two principal xpeculiarities in the Scottiffi
language ; the ufe of the quh at the beginning of words,
where the Englifh ufe the voh, and the change of the
Anglo-Saxon ih into d; both which peculiarities are
evidently borrowed from the northern Gothic langua-
ges*
In their pronunciation of the vowels, the Scotch fol¬
low the method of the French, and other nations of
the continent, though, as in England, this general
cuftom is fubje£l to many anomalies. Thus the
which in man, and moft; other words, is pronounced
broad, is, in Father, and a few other inftances, pronoun¬
ced open, Feyther. S^.
Scottiffi literature cannot be traced to an early pe-Literature*,
riod. In the middle ages it confifted, like that of other
countries, in little more than meagre chronicles, com-
pofed by ill-informed and credulous monks. Indeed,
according to Mr Pinkerton, the country that produced
Buchanan in the 16th century, could not in the 12th
boaft of a Angle native writer. It firii began to dawn
in the 13th century, when Scotland, filled with a bar¬
barous Scandinavian colony, cannot be compared, in re-
fpeft of literature, with the fouthern countries of Eng¬
land and Ireland -r but with Scandinavia itfelf, with
Holland and with the north of Germany, with Poland,
Pruflia, Ruflia, and Hungary. In all thefe countries
literature is comparatively recent, and compared with
them, Scotland will not be found deficient. It muft not
indeed be forgotten, that in the facred ground of Iona
fiourifned feveral refpeftable Scoto-Irilh writers, who
xvere alio clalled among the apoilles of religion in Eng¬
land, fuch as the biographers of Columba, Cumenius
and Adamnan, the latter the friend of the Engliih hi-
ftorian
(d) We have in the early part of this article, perhaps too haftily, adopted Mr Chalmers’s opinion, that the
Pifts ■were not an independent rare. The arguments which Mr Chalmers has adduced in fupport of this opinion,
lb oppofite to that of molt antiquaries and hiftorians, are ingenious and plaufible ; but as they are drawn chiefly
from the names of places, rivers, &c. in North Britain, which are allowed on all hands to be generally Celtic, and
are in diredl oppofition to the teftimony of Bede, the earlieft Britifh hiftorian, Dr Jamiefon will not allow' that
they have the weight which at firft fight they, appear to merit.
SCO
Scotland.
[ 768 ]
SCO
ftorlan Bede, and among the Strathclyde Gaels, may
' be noticed St Patrick, the apoftle of Ireland.
The earlieft fragment of Scottiih literature is the
Chronicon PiBorum, fuppofed to have been written by
fome Irilh prieit, in the beginning of the nth century.
Of the 12th century there are lome fragments in the
regifter of St Andrew’s, fome ihort chronicles publifhed
by Father Innes ; the chronicle of Melrofe, and that of
Holyrood. Towards the conclufion of the 13th cen¬
tury, appeared fome writers of confiderable eftimation,
particularly Michael Scot, a philofopher, mathemati¬
cian and phyfician, and alfo celebrated as an aftrologer
nnd alehemyft, who publhhed voluminous commentaries
on the works of Arhtotle •, Thomas Learmont of Ercil-
doun, commonly called Thomas the Rhymer, famous
for his poetical compofitions, and his fkill in heraldry,
who wrote a metrical romance called Sir Triftrem \ and
John Scott of Dunfe, or Duns Scotus, a confummate
metaphyfician and voluminous writer. In the 14th
century lived John of Fordoun, the author of Scoto-
Chronicon, a hiftorical work of confiderable merit, and
John Barbour, archdeacon of Aberdeen, who wrote a
poem on the adlions of Robert I. which is no mean mo¬
nument of the induftry and talents of that age. King
James I. who flourifhed in the beginning of the 15th
century, may be ranked as the next Scottifh writer of
eminence. He was a learned and accomplifhed prince,
and was the author of fome excellent poems. James
was followed by Holland and Harry the Rhymer. In
the 16th century we may notice Elphingfton, bifliop
of Aberdeen, who compofed the Scoticorum Chronicum,
and was diilinguifhed both for learning and piety; Dun¬
bar, the chief of the ancient Scottifli poets ; Gavin
Douglas, bifliop of Dunkeld, who publiflied an excel¬
lent poetical tranflation of Virgil’s Eneid, and David
Lindfay of the Mount. John Knox, the chief inftru-
ment and promoter of the reformation ; John Major and
Heftor Boethius, two hiftorians of confiderable note,
alfo belonged to this century; and the admirable Crich¬
ton mull not be forgotten, though the ufual accounts
that bnve been given of his accomplifliments are ftrong-
ly tinftured with fable and romance. At the latter
end of the fame period flouriflied the claflical Buchanan,
an elegant hiftorian and J.atin poet, and John Leflie
bifliop of Rofs, the author of many elleemed works,
who was verfed in theology and philofophy, in the civil
and canon law, and was befides an able ftatefman.
The learned Archbifliop Spottifwood publiflied a judi¬
cious ecclefiaftical hiftory of Scotland ; and the natural
hiftory of this country was illuftvated by Sir Andrew
Balfour and Sir Robert Sibbald, two of its greateft orna¬
ments. The difeovery of logarithms in the beginning
of the 17th century, is the indifputable right of Napier
xif Merchifton ; and fmee his time, mathematical fcience
has been cultivated in Scotland with fmgular fuccefs.
The works of Keil, Gregory, Maclaurin, Sim'fon, Stew¬
art, Robifon, &c. are univerfally read and admired.
During the 18th century this country produced other
eminent writers in various departments of fcience. A-
mong the Scots divine and moral philofophers, we may
particularize Blair, Campbell, Hutchefon, Leechman,
Macknight; among the ftatefmen and lawyers, Sir
George Mackenzie, Vifcount Stair, Sir Thomas Craig,
Lord Karnes; among the hiitorians, Hume, Robertfon,
Henry, Lord Hailes, Fergufon ; among the political
1
and moral writers, Reid, Lord Monboddo, Beattie 5 Scotland,
among the phyficians and furgeons, Bell, Black, Cul-
len, Gregory, William and John Hunter, Hutton, Mon¬
ro, Smellie, Whytt; and among the Scottifli poets,
Blair, Burns, Home, Ramfay, Thomfon, Wilkie.
The names now mentioned, befides Mansfield and Bur¬
net, may be fuflicient to (how that Scotland has pro¬
duced able writers in almoft every ufeful branch of fci¬
ence. Among the few departments of literature in
which Scottifli writers have been lefs fuccefsful, may be
mentioned biography, epic poetry, the critical illuftra-
tion of the claflics, and comedy *. Indeed the efforts * See
of the dramatic mufe have been Angularly damped in ket ton's
Scotland from the fanatical prejudices of its clergy; but^V^*^
we truft that thefe illiberal prejudices have now fubfid- piPyj-air->s
ed, and that the venerable author of Douglas will ftandvoLii.
on record sas the laft example of ecclefiafiical cenfure, on
account of his devotion to the drama.
Within the laft 20 years, the progrefs of Scottifh li¬
terature has perhaps been greater than at any former pe¬
riod. During that interval, bookfellers fhops have been
eftablifhed, where formerly there was fcarcely a book-
ftall, and there are now few towns of any confideration
that do not poffefs a printing-prefs. The increafe of
newfpapers and periodical publications, efpecially in the
capital of Scotland, is alfo very great, there being now
publiflied at Edinburgh not fewer than fix monthly
and quarterly reviews and magazines, and at leaft eight
newfpapers. g9„
The progrefs of the arts in Scotland has of late fcarce-state of
ly fallen fhort of that of the fciences. Skilful workmen the aits,
in the mechanic arts, efpecially in thofe of joinery and
cabinet-making, are numerous in the large towns ; and
even mufical inftruments of confiderable price and excel¬
lent workmanfhip, are conftrufted in Edinburgh. The
liberal arts of painting and engraving have been carried
to great perfe&ion ; and both thefe and the art of print¬
ing are now exercifed in Edinburgh in a ftyle little, if
at all, inferior to that of the London artifts. The nu¬
merous public and private buildings in Edinburgh and
Glafgow, bear ample teftimony to the abilities of Scot¬
tifli architetts, and fliow that they are by no means be¬
hind their brethren of the fouth in grandeur and beauty
of defign, and elegance and folidity of execution.
The mode of education purfued in Scotland is highly Education,,
laudable ; arfd is, perhaps, the beft prattical fyftem pur¬
fued in any country in Europe. The plan which is fol¬
lowed in the cities, is nearly the fame with that in
England, either by private teachers, or at large pub¬
lic fchools, of which the high fchool of Edinburgh is
the moft eminent, and may be traced back to the 16th
century. The fuperior advantage of the Scottifli edu¬
cation confifls in every country parilh poffefling a fchool*
mafter as uniformly as a clergyman ; at leaft, the rule is
general, and the exceptions rare. The fchoolmafter
has a fmall falary, which enables him to educate the
children at a rate eafy and convenient, even to indigent
parents. It may, indeed be computed, that a {hilling
will go as far in this parochial education, as a guinea in
an Englifii fchool. In the Highlands, the poor chil¬
dren attend to the flocks in fummer, and the fchool in
winter. Till within thefe few years, the falaries of the
Scotch parochial fchoolmafters were fo trifling as to hold
out no adequate encouragement to young men of abili¬
ties to engage in that ufeful office; but they have lately
been
SCO [ 769 ] SCO
Scotland, been augmented, and the eftablithment of a fund for the
' widows of fchoolmafters in Scotland, has added to the
refpcftability of the fituation.
A great majority of the Scottifli youth are educated
for the church, and from this clafs the families of the
gentry are generally fupplied with private tutors, and
the fchools and academies with mailers. It has been
obferved by Mr Laing, that “ the poverty of the
church of Scotland is peculiarly unfavourable to the
purfuit of letters ; her univerfities make no provifion for
the independence and cafe of a ftudious life. The
wealthy benefices of the Englilh church may afford a
final retreat, and its well endowed univerfities, an in¬
termediate fan£tuary for literary repofe, where a tafte
for claflical and polite learning is cultivated and prefer-
ved. But the Scottith clergy, who are removed from
the univerfity early in life, to a remote folitude, have
neither accefs to the works of the learned, nor the
means, if they retain the defire, of improving the acqui-
fitions which they have already made. No one is illi¬
terate, but the church has not yet been diftinguilhed by
a man of extenfive or profound erudition. Their edu¬
cation imparts fome fmattering of fcience j their trials
of ordination, require an equal proportion of Greek and
Hebrew ; and the fame parity is obfervable in the learn¬
ing and in the difcipline of the church
There are in Scotland four univerfities, viz. thofe of
St Andrews, Aberdeen, Glafgow, and Edinburgh ; a
particular account of which will be found under thofe
articles. The univerfity of Edinburgh, though of moft
Univerfities.recent origin, is now in the higheft eftimation j from
the numerous departments of fcience and literature there
taught, and the general ability of its profeffors. The
Scotch univerfities, unlike thofe of England, feldom
confiit of more than one college, and St Andrews may
be confidered as the only proper exception to this obfer-
vation, as the colleges of Aberdeen are in diftindt
towns, viz. the one in Old, and the other in New
Aberdeen. There are profeffors of medicine at all thefe
univerfities, but only Edinburgh and Glafgow can be
S98 regarded as medical fchools.
Agricul- We can here only enter on a few general obfervations
tiuc. refpefting Scottilh agriculture, as the ftate of hufbandry
in Scotland may be belt feen from the general defcrip-
tion given of the feveral counties, and from the article
Agriculture. In the lower diftri&s particularly,
agriculture has arrived at a great degree of perfeftion.
In the counties of Berwick, Eaft Lothian, Ayr, La¬
nark, Stirling, Perth, Angus, and Mearns, the face
of the country has, in confequence of the improved cul¬
tivation, afl'umed a new appearance, being highly cul¬
tivated, and generally inclofed with thorn hedges, in-
ftead of the former inclofsres of ftone dykes. Rich
crops of wheat, barley, clover and turnips, are now
raifed on fields which fome years ago afforded only
fcanty paffurage for Iheep ; and potato crops are now
become general and excellent. Of the mountainous
diflridls, black cattle and fheep are the ftaple commo¬
dities, and the rocky fhores produce abundance of kelp.
In a few years the deficiency of timber, fo much com¬
plained of by fouthern travellers, will be abundantly
fupplied, as many proprietors are now covering their
wafle lands with extenfive forefts. One nobleman, the
earl of Moray, from 1767 to 1807, planted upwards of
13,000,000 of trees, of which 1,500,000 are oak. The
Vol. XVIII. Part IL
* Laing's
Hijl. of
Scotland,
vol. iii.
p. 479.
897
value of land in Scotland is within thefe few years pro- Scotland.,
digioufiy increafed, and an Englifhman will fcarcely be- v
lieve, that in fome parts of Scotland extenfive farms are
let at 5I. and even 61. per acre *. *
As the valued rent of land is intimately conne£led^|r f
with the progrefs of agricultural improvement, we p.
fliall here give a table of the rental of the feveral
Scotch counties, as it has been valued in Scotch money.
Counties.
Aberdeen
Argyle
Ayr
Banff
Berwick
Bute and Arran
Caithnefs
Clackmannan
Cromarty
Dumbarton
Dumfries
Edinburgh
Elgin
Fife
Forfar
Haddington
Invernefs
Kincardine
Kinrofs
Kirkcudbright
Lanark
Linlithgow
Nairn
Orkney and Shetland
Peebles
Perth
Renfrew
Rofs
Roxburgh
Selkirk
Stirling
Sutherland
Wigton
Valued rent in Scots Money.
235,665 8 11
149,595 10 o
191,605 o 7
79,200 o o
i78>365 7 3x
15,022 13 8
37,256 2 10
26,482 10 10
12,897 2 8
33>327 J9 0
158,627 10 o
I9L054 3 9
655^03 o 5
362,534 7 5
171,636 o o
168,878 5 10
73,!88 9 o
74,92! 1 4
20.192 11 2
II4»57I 19 3
162,118 16 11
74,93! 19 o
15,163 1 1
56,551 9 1
5I>937 3 10
339,818 5 8
68,076 15 2
75,140 10 3
3I5>594 M 6
80,307 15 6
108,518 8 9
26.193 9 9
67,646 17 o
L.
Total, . L.3,802,574 10 si Scots.
Or, Sterling, L.316,881 4 2i
The inhabitants of North Britain can fcarcely be re-Manufac-
garded as a commercial people before the end of thetures and
eleventh century, when the acceflion of Edgar, by pla-commerce,
cing a line of Saxon monarchs on the Scottith throne,
introduced into Scotland that fpirit of trade and com¬
merce, which at an early period diftinguhhed the Saxon
inhabitants of South Britain. It has indeed been pre¬
tended that the Scotch had a filhery at home, and a fo¬
reign traffick with the Dutch, as early as the beginnings
of the ninth century j but the former is improbable,
fince the religious prejudices of the Gaelic people led
them to regard fifh as unhallowed tood, and fifhery as
an unlawful occupation ; and the latter affertion is at
leaf! incorreft, fince the Dutch did not exift as a com¬
mercial fociety at that early period. The chief feats of
trade have, in all ages, and in every country, been the •
towns 5 but Celtic Scotland had neither towns nor cities,
till the eredlion of cafties and monafteries, fubfequent
5 E to
/
SCO
[ 77° ]
SCO
Scotlard. to tLe eleventh century, produced the formation of vil
v—w ]ages under their walls. Thefe villages became towns,
from the fettlements of the Englith, Anglo-Normans,
and Flemings in them, during the i 2th century ; and
from that time we may properly date the commence¬
ment of Scottilh commerce.
At a period little anterior to this, the Scotch carried
on feveral domeftic manufactures. They manufactured
their own flax into linen, and their hides into leather.
They alfo wrought the wool of their flocks into coarfe
cloth: and thele woollen fabrics were regulated by a
particular aflize during the reign of D?vid I. Necefli-.
ty had early introduced fmiths, tanners, and flioemakers,
into every village, and dyers, goldfmiths, and armour¬
ers into every town. Salt works became an objeft of
attention in the reign of David I. becaufe they furnifh-
ed a revenue to the kings and nobles, and profit to the
monks. In the fame reign, water-mills were fubjeCt
to tithes, and tenants were obliged to grind at particu¬
lar mills. The Scottifli kings had mills at each of their
burghs, and on feveral of their manors j and from thefe
mills they derived a confiderable revenue, and a con-
itant fource of munificent grants to the religious elta-
blifhments. Before the middle of the thirteenth cen¬
tury, wind-mills had been univerfally introduced, and
fhere was a malt-kiln and a brew-houfe in every vil¬
lage. Thefe objects were confidered as domeftic manu¬
factures, arifing from hufbandry, which was at that
time the univerfal purfuit among all ranks, from the
prince to the peafant.
It is curious to obferve, that Scone was rot only the
metropolis of Scotland at the beginning of the Scoto-
Saxon period, but alfo one of the earlielt places of fo¬
reign commerce. Perth had alfo a foreign traffick in
thofe early times, and St Andrew’s partook of the riches
which flow from diftant trade. Next to thefe, in the
advantages refulting from a commercial intercourfe with
foreign nations, followed Stirling, Invertlk, Dunferm¬
line and Aberdeen.
The ereCtion of certain towns into royal burghs,
though founded on the principles of excluflon and mo¬
nopoly, tended to advance the general interefts of trade.
Each of thefe burghs had particular diftriCts through
which their privileges extended, and to which they were
confined. Towards the conclufion of the Scoto-Saxon
period, the Flemings had placed a commercial faCtory at
Berwick, and before the death of Alexander III. a trade
had been opened with Gafcony, for the importation of
wine and corn.
The firft great traders in Scotland feem to have
been the heads of monafteries, as they alone poffefled at
once the fpirit of commercial enterprife, and a lufheient
capital to engage in promifing fpeculations. lo them
belonged the principal (hips} they had at firft the ex-
clufive privilege of fifliing, and they were the chief
bankers of thole times.
After the numerous conflifls and revolutions which
diflurbed the peace of Scotland, previous to its union
with England, its manufactures were not probably in a
much better ftate of improvement at that epoch, than
they had been at the death of Alexander III. They
had been fometimes encouraged, but they feem never to
have advanced beyond the domeftic fupply. 01 courfe
the commerce of North Britain could never have been
■yery extenfive, and its exports muft have been confined
* See Chat*
mers's Ca~
ma*.
chiefly to com, and the raw products of the country. Scotland-.
Since the union, the induftry and manufactures of Scot-
land have been afiiduoufly cultivated, and the attempts
at improvement in the national commerce have, in the
tedious refult, proved fuccefsful beyond expectation.
The eftablifhment of the Royal Bank, and of the focie-
ty for the improvement of agriculture in the reign of
George I. and the fubfequent eftablifhment of a board
of truilees for improving the manufactures, trade, and
fifheries of North Britain, have been the means of ad¬
ding greatly to the riches and profperity of the coun-
try *.
Since the union, this country has fliared in thena-/frfc
tional profperity. Towards the middle of laft century, voi. i.
manufactures began to flourifh, and trade increafed in
due proportion. Without troubling the reader with a
detail on this fubjeCt, it may be i'ufticient to obierve that
about 20 years ago, manufactures in many towns were
carried on to a great extent. Colton cloths alone em¬
ployed in Glafgow, and its neighbourhood, 15,000
looms and 155,000 perfons. Queen’s ware, and the
inkle manufacture, were likewife important branches in
that city. In and near Paiiley, upwards of 10,coo
perfons of all deferiptions, were employed in the ma¬
nufacture of filk gauze, and 12,000 in working lawns,
muflins, and cambrics j befides other trades, which
were very productive. Common and fiint-glafs to a
great amount is prepared in Dumbarton, Leith, anti
other parts of the country. Diapers are wrought in
Dunfermline to the value of 50,000k or 60,cook a year^-
Checks and ticks are ftaple commodities in Kirkaldy.
Coarfe linen, fail-cloth, oinaburgs, &c. are manuraCtu-
red in Dundee, Arbroath, Aberdeen, and Forfar. Pa¬
per-mills, delft houfes, and fugar-houfes have been erec¬
ted in feveral towns and villages. Extenfive iron works
are eftabliftied in Fife, on the Clyde, and at Carron j
in the laft of which more than 1000'workmen are occa-
fionally employed. The whale, herring, and falmon
fiflieries are inexhauftible fources of wealth. The coal
trade is well known, and extremely pioduCHve. Here
it may not be improper to ftate that the limits of the
coal country on the weft coaft, are Saltcoats and Gir-
van ; on the eaft coaft, North Berwick and Fifenefs p
ftretching from foulh-weft to north-eaft in breadth,
about 30 or 40 miles. Beyond thefe limits, no coal
ftrata have hitherto been found. The exportation of
black cattle to England has been highly advantageous
to this country. The coafling trade to the Couth is
carried on from Leith and other eaftern ports, while
Glafgow' is the great emporium with the Weft In¬
dies f. _ t Way-
Some interefting details are furnilhed by Mr ChaW^'Q
mers, refpeCling the progreflive improvement of thevo’“-
manufactures and commerce of Scotland, fince the
union*, and the principal of thefe we fliall here lay before
our readers.
In 1707, the furplus linen over the confumptidn made
in North Britain was eftimated at 1,500,000 yards.
In 172.7, it was eftimated to 2,000,000 yards.
In 1754, it amounted to 8,914,369 yards.
In 1764, it had rifen to 12,823,048,
In 1772, the furplus value of the linen manufacture
amounted to 13,089,006.
In 1782, the fame furplus amounted to 15,348,744.
In x792, it amounted to 22,065,386, and thus it was
gradually
'Ssfet' and.
SCO [7
gradually extended to above 24,000,000 yards, till the
introduction of the cotton manufactories rendered that
of linen of lefs importance, and confequently diminiihed
the quantity made for exportation.
The whole quantity of corn exported from Scotland
at the union has been eltimated at 2 2,93*7 quarters.
The quantity exported in 1749 was 105,573 quar-
ter. From that period, owing partly to bad fealons and
partly to increafed confumption, the export of corn from
one part of the country has generally been equalled by
its import into others.
The importation of cotton wool into Scotland during
the year 175) amounted to 105,851 pounds.
The importation of the fame article in 1789 amounted
to 2,401,661.
Its importation during 1803 was climated at 8,620,996
pounds.
The value of cargoes exported from North Britain in
1754 was 670,000 b
Their value in 1764 was 1,244,000!.
—   in 1774 1,372,143!.
—    in 1792 1,230,884!.
 in 1802 2,602,8581.
Idle fhipping employed in the foreign trade of
North Britain during the year 1763 amounted to 33,352
tons.
In 1782, it amounted to 50,530 tons.
In 1792, it had rifen to 84,027 tons.
And in 1802, it was not lefs than 94,276 tons.
The whole number of fhips belonging to Scotland at
the union has been elfimated at 215, carrying 14,485
tons.
The whole number of Scottifh {hips in 1805 was
at leall 2581, and their whole tonnage was eftimated
at 210,295 tons.
It was eltimated, that in 1792 the whole number of men,
women, and children, occupied chiefly in the woollen,
cotton, and linen manufactories, in the four counties of
Lanark, Renfrew, Ayr, and Dunbarton, amounted to
at lead 90,000, who earned daily 685ol. or yearly
2,137,200!. Iterling.
The union with England was not for many years
productive of thofe advantages which were at firlt ex-
peCted from it. A feeble attempt to obtain a (hare in
the colonial trade was defeated by new regulations,
which the commercial jealoufy of the Englifh mer¬
chants procured. The migration of flock and trade to
the north wras a viflonary expectation. No new manu¬
factures were attracted to Scotland by the cheapnefs of
labour j no improvement was introduced into agricul¬
ture ; on the contrary, commerce was ftill languid, and
the price and rents of ertates inconfiderable. Every
national exertion was difcountenanced *, and, during the
interval between the two rebellions, the country was al¬
ternately difregarded, or treated like a conquered province
prone to revolt. The nation, notwithftanding the gra¬
dual increafe of its linen manufacture, appeared to be
nearly ftationary, and was certainly far lefs progreflive
for half a century than if no union had ever been con¬
tracted.
When the contefts of domeflic faCtion had ceafed,
the turbulent fanaticifm which diftinguifhed the Scotch
during the former century was loft in the purfuits of in-
duftry, of literature, and of the arts of peace. Some
71 ] SCO
attempts had been made before the laft rebellion to in- Scotland.
troduce a better cultivation into the Lothians, which has 1 iT-““
fince extended through the weft and the north to the
richeft provinces beyond the Tay. The gentry, among
other efforts to promote manufactures, had begun to
breed their fons to mechanical arts, in order to retain
them at home. By the abrogation and fale of heredi¬
tary jurifdiCtions, the poverty of the nobles was relie¬
ved, and the people were emancipated from their oppref-
five coercion. The country was gradually enriched by
the troops retained to prevent iniiirreCtion j and from
the advanced price and confumption of cattle in the
Englifti market, the farmers accumulated their firft
flock for the improvement of the foil.
But the beneficial effeCts of the union were peculiarly
referved for the prefent reign. The progrefs of induftry
and trade was immenfe j new manufaftures, particularly
of filk, were introduced with fuccefs. The Scots em¬
ployed in the feven years war returned from abroad with
the means or fpirit to improve their eftates; and the ra¬
pid cultivation of the country has redoubled the produce
and the value of the foil. Before the commencement of
the American war, the merchants of Glafgow had en-
groffed the chief trade in tobacco for exportation. The
interruption of trade during that difaftrous war direfted
their capital and the national induftry to the improve¬
ment of domeftic arts. And from the perfedftion of mo¬
dern machinery, the cotton manufa&ure, a recent ac- * Laing's
quifition, in all its branches fo prodigioufly increafed, H!/l- of
already rivals and fupplants the productions of the an- Scotland,
cient looms of Indoftan *. vol'g!V^
Connefted with the commerce of Sootlond are itscoi™
coins, weights, and meafures. Since the union, the coins weights,
are the fame both in England and Scotland 5 but the mea'
Scotch money of account is ftill occafionally employed.lures*
The pound Scots is equal to 1 {hilling and 8 pence Eng¬
lifti. See Coin. The Scotch weights and meafures
ftill differ from thofe of England. Their proportions
and value according to the Englifti ftandard are ex¬
plained under Weight and Measure.
Another fubjefl connefted with commerce is the in- fnlaild na-
iand navigation. The canals of Scotland are the Forth vigatioru
and Clyde, the Crinan (fee Canal), the Monkland
running 12 miles eaft from Glafgow, the Caledonian,
and the Ardroffan, the two latter yet unfiniftied. Sqj
“ The Scotch (fays Dr Playfair) are commonly divi- Manners
ded into two claffes, viz. the Highlanders and Lowland*and cut*
ers ; the former occupying the northern and mountainoustom!*
provinces, the latter the fouthern diftridts. Thefe claffes
differ from each other in language, manners, and drefs.
The Highlanders ufe the Irilh or Celtic tongue j while,
in the low country, the language is the ancient Scan¬
dinavian dialed blended with the Anglo-Saxon.
“ About half a century ago, the Highlands of Scot¬
land were in a ftate fomewhat fimilar to that of Eng¬
land before the Norman conqueft. The inhabitants
were divided into tribes called clans. The inferior or¬
ders were vaflals of particular chiefs, to whom they
were attached, and on whom they relied for that fafety
which the laws were not alone able to enfure to them. On
the other hand, the fecurity and confequence of a chief¬
tain depended on the number and fidelity of his fervants
and retainers : who, on account of their relation to him,
affumed a dignity, and acquired in their manners a de-
5 E 2 gree
Scotland.
SCO [ 772 ] SCO
gree of politenefs, to which ether uncivilized nations
are ftrangers.
“ The rents of farms which thofe vaffals occupied
were inconfiderable, and paid chiefly in military ler-
vice 5 fo that the value of a proprietor’s land was efti-
mated, not by the money it produced, but by the men
whom it could fend into the field j and that the number
of dependents might be increafed, the farms, or allot¬
ments of land, were fmall, and barely lufficient for a
icanty lubfiftence to the tenants. As an inconfiderable
proportion of the country was cultivated, and as no in-
tercourle fubfifled between the inhabitants and other na¬
tion, little time rvas employed in agriculture and com¬
merce. Molt of it was waited in indolence or amufement,
unlefs when their fuperior fummoned them to avenge, on
fome neighbouring tribe, an infult or injury. No more
grain was railed, and no more raiment manufadtured
by any family, than what barely fufficed itfelf.
“ Villages and hamlets, fituated in valleys for fhelter,
were rudely conftrudted of turf and ftone. In fpring
the natives ploughed, or dug, fome adjacent patches of
foil, in which barley or oats were lown j in fummer
they prepared and collected turf and peat for fuel •, in
autumn they gathered in their fcanty crops of grain
and hay > and the remainder of the year wras devoted to
paltime, or predatory excurfions. In winter evenings,
around a common fire, the youth of both fexes general¬
ly aflembled, for the fong, the tale, and the dance. A
tafte for mufic was prevalent among them. Their vo¬
cal {trains w7ere plaintive and melancholy j their inftru-
mental airs were either lively for the dance, or martial
for the battle. Every family of note retained an hifto-
rian, to narrate its heroic deeds and feats of valour, or
a bard who fung the praifes of the chieftain and his
clan. Some fragments of their poetry have been hand¬
ed down from remote ages, and recently moulded into
heroic poems. Strangers, who have ventured to pene¬
trate into their faftneffes, they received and treated in
the moft hofpitable manner •, but themfelves feldom
w7ent abroad, except for the purpofes of devalfation or
plunder.
“ Their drefs was the laft remain of the Roman ha¬
bit in Europe, well fuited to the nature of the country
and the neceffities of war. It conlifted of a light w'ool-
len jacket, a loofe garment that covered the thigh, and
a bonnet that was the ufual covering for the head all
over Europe, till the hat was introduced towards the
end of the 16th century.
“ Always armed with a dirk and piftols, they were
ready to refill an affault, or revenge a provocation, as
foon as it was given. This circumftance contributed to
render them polite and guarded in their behaviour to
one another. When embodied by their chieftain, they
were armed with a broad fword, a dagger, a target, a
mulket, and two piftols. In clofe engagement, and in
broken ranks, they were irrefiftible. The only foe
they dreaded was cavalry. As foon as the battle was
over, moft of the troops difperfed, and returned home
to difpofe of their plunder, and to provide for their fa¬
milies.
« Their religion was deeply tin&ured with fuperfti-
tion. They believed in ghofts and apparitions 5 by ap¬
pearances in tl e heavens they predicted future events;
they praftifed charms and incantations for the cure of
various dileafes; and to fome individuals they thought
the divinity had communicated a portion of his prefci- Scotland,
ence. .
“ But the ftate of fociety in the Highlands has been
greatly changed and ameliorated lince the rebellions in
1715 and 1745. The Homan drefs and the ufe of arms
were prohibited by government; roads, conftruhted at
vaft expence, opened an ealy communication with the
low country ; and the courts of barons were fupprefled
by the jurifdiftion aft. The heads of clans have now
ceafed to be petty monarchs, and the fervices of their
vafials are no longer requiiite for their defence or ag-
grandifment. Divelled of their legal authority, they
now endeavour to preferve their influence by w'ealth.
With this view their attention is direfted to the im¬
provement of their eftates. Their ancient mode of liv¬
ing is alfo entirely altered and the Highland gentle¬
man, in every refpeft, differs little from a proprietor of
the like fortune in the fouthern counties. A fpirit of
induftry has been excited among the tenants, while in
many places arts and manufaftures are encouraged.
“ The manners, habits, and drefs, of the gentlemen
in the low countries, refemble thofe of their Englilli
neighbours, with whom they have frequent intercourfe.
The peafantry and middle clafs are fober, induftrious,
and good economifts ; hofpitable and difcreet, intelli¬
gent, brave, fteady, humane, and benevolent. Their
fidelity to one another is a linking feature in their cha-
rafter. In their mode of living and drefs there are
fome peculiarities, but thefe are gradually wearing out.
Within thefe few years the ufe of pottage, and bread of* Play-
oatmeal, is almoft difufed among the commonalty ; and/"^ Ger>&
tea, wheaten bread, and animal food, are as frequent
on the north as on the fouth of the Tw^eed §53
Though the diet of the fuperior claffes in Scotland Diet,
differs little from that of the fame rank in England,
there are Hill fome peculiarities not generally known to
ftrangers, which deferve notice. Among the peculiar
Scotch dilhes w7e may enumerate the haggles, a fort of
halh, made of the lungs, heart, and liver, of a Iheep,
minced fine, and mixed with fuet, oatmeal, onions, pep¬
per, and fait, and boiled in the Iheep’s maw or ilo-
mach ; hotchpotch, a Ibup, prepared from mutton or
lamb, cut into fmall pieces, with a large quantity of
green peafe, carrots, turnips, onions, and fometimes ce¬
lery or parlley, ferved up to table with the meat and ve¬
getables in the foup ; cockie-leekie, a foup made of a cock
or capon, with a large quantity of leeks ; crappit-heads,
i. e. the heads of haddocks fluffed with a pudding
made of the foft roe, or butter, oatmeal, onions,
and fpices, and boiled ; fjh andfauce, a fort of flew,
made of haddocks, whitings, or codlings, ftewed with
parfley, onions, butter, and fpices; and the celebrated
old difh offingedJheep's-head, i. e. a Iheep’s-head, with
the {kin on, and the wool finged off with a hot iron,
well boiled with carrots, turnips, onions, &c. fo as to
form a rich broth, which is generally ferved up diftinft:
from the meat.
On the fubjeft of the Scottifh diet the following live¬
ly remarks of an intelligent French naturalift may prove
acceptable to our readers. Thefe remarks refer parti¬
cularly to the higher ranks in the Weftern ifles ; but
they will, with fome limitation, apply to the,fame clafs in
the greater part of Scotland. “ The Englilh eat very
little bread ; the Scots eat more : there were three dif¬
ferent kinds ufed at Mr M‘Lean’s table.
SCO L 77.3 ] SCO
Scotland. “ The firft, which may be regarded as a luxury for
"v 1 the country, is fea-bifcuit, which vefiels from Glaigow
fometimes leave in paffing.
“ The fecond is made of oatmeal, formed into an un¬
leavened dough, and then ipread with a rolling pin into
round cakes, about a foot in diameter, and the twelfth
part of an inch thick. Thefe cakes are baked, or ra¬
ther dried, on a thin plate of iron, which is fufpended
over the fire. This is the principal bread of fuch as
are in eafy circumftances.
“ The third kind, which is fpecially appropriated to
tea and breakfaft, in the opulent families of the Hies,
confifts of barley-cakes, without leaven, and prepared
in the fame manner as the preceding, but fo thin, that,
after fpreading them over with butter, they are eafily
doubled into feveral folds, whicli render them very
agreeable to thofe who are fond of this kind of dain¬
ties.
“ At ten in the morning the bell announces that
breakfaft is on the table. All repair to the parlour,
where they find a fire of peat, mixed with pit-coal, and a
table elegantly ferved up, and covered with the follow¬
ing articles :
“ Plates of fmoaked beef; cheefe of the country, and
Englifti cheefe, in trays of mahogany j frefli eggs j
falted herrings; butter } milk and cream ; a fort of
bouillie of oatmeal and wrater (porritch). In eating
this bouillie, each fpoonful is plunged into a bafon of
cream, which is always befide it. Milk worked up
with the yolks of eggs, fugar, and rum. This lingular
mixture is drank cold, and without being prepared by
fire. Currant jelly j conferve of bilberries, a wild
fruit that grows among the heath ; tea j coffee ; the
three forts of bread above mentioned, and Jamaica
rum.
“ Such is the ftyle in which Mr M‘Lean’s breakfaft-
table w'as ferved up every morning wLile we were at
his houfe. There was always the fame abundance,
with no other difference, in general, than in the greater
or lefs variety of the dilhes (e).
“ Dinner is put on the table at four o’clock. It con-
fifts, in general, of the following particulars, which I
correftly noted in my journal.
“ i. A large difh of Scotch foup, compofed of broth
of beef, mutton, and fometimes fowl, mixed with a little
oatmeal, onions, parfley, and a confiderable quantity of
peafe. Inftead of dices of bread, as in France, fmall
dices of mutton, and the giblets of fowls, are thrown
into this foup. 2. Pudding of bullock’s blood and bar¬
ley-meal, feafoned with plenty of pepper and ginger.
3. Excellent beef-fteaks, broiled. 4. Roafted mutton
of the bed quality. 5. Potatoes, done in the juice ol Scotland.,
the mutton. 6. Sometimes heathcocks, woodcocks,
or water-fowl. 7. Cucumbers and ginger, pickled
wdth vinegar. 8. Milk, prepared in a variety of ways.
9. Cream and Madeira wane. 10. Pudding made of
barley-meal, cream, and currants, done up wdth diet.
“ All thefe various didies appear on the table at the
fame time, the miftrefs of the houfe preddes, and ferves
all around.
“ In a very diort time the toafts commence •, it is the
budnefs of the miftrefs to begin the ceremony. A
large glafs, filled with port-wine, is put into her hand ;
die drinks to the health of all the company, and paffes it
to one of the perfons who fit next to her 5 and it thus
proceeds from one to another round the whole table.
“ The fideboard is furniftied with three large glafies of a
fimilar kind, of which one is appropriated to beer, another
to wine, and the third to water, when it is called for in
its unmixed ftate, which is not often. Thefe glades
are common to all at table : they are never rinfed, but
merely wiped with a fine towel after each perfon
drinks.
“ The defiert, from the w7ant of fruit, condfts for the
moft part only of two forts of cheefe, that of Cheftiire,
and what is made in the country itfelf.
“ The cloth is removed after the deffert ; and a table
of well-poli(hed mahogany appears in all its luftre. It
is foon covered with elegant glafs decanters of Britidi
manufaflure, containing port, cherry, and Madeira
wines , and, with capacious bowls, filled with punch-
Small glades are then profufely diftributed to every one.
“ In England the ladies leave table foon after the
toafts begin. The cuftom is not precifely the fame here,
they remain at leaft half an hour after, and jullly par¬
take in the feftivity of a fcene, in wdiich formality being
laid afide, Scottifti franknefs and kindnefs have full room
to difplay themfelves. It is certain that the men are
benefited by this intercourfe, and the ladies are nothing
the lofers by it. The ladies then left us for a little to
prepare the tea. They returned in about half an hour
after, and the fervants followed them with coffee, fmall
tarts, butter, milk, and tea. Mufic, converfation, read¬
ing the news, though a little old by the time they reach
this, and walking when the weather permits, fill up
the remainder of the evening ■, and thus the time pades
quickly away. But it is fomewhat unpleafant to be obli¬
ged to take one’s feat at table again about ten o’clock,
and remain until midnight over a fupper nearly of the * Sge
fipne fare as the dinner, and in no lefs abundance Saint
The public amufements in Scotland nearly refemblefond's Tra~
thofe of England, efpecially among the higher clafles. w/j, vol. ii~
There P-*7-
(e) The abundance provided at a Scotch breakfaft has been remarked by many travellers. Of thefe Knox,
W'ho travelled more upon the main land than in the idands, gives the following particulars of the breakfafts of the
more wealthy families:—
“ A dram of whifky, gin, rum, or brandy, plain or infufed with berries that grow among the heath, French
rolls, oat and barley bread, tea and coffee, honey in the comb, red and black currant jellies, marmalade, con-
ferves, and excellent cream, fine flavoured butter frefh and falted, Cheftiire and Highland cheefe, the laft very in¬
different *, a plateful of very frefh eggs, frefh and falted herrings, broiled ditto, haddocks and whitings, the Ikin
being taken off; cold round of venifon *, beef and mutton hams. Befides thefe articles, which are commonly pla¬
ced on the table at once, there are generally cold beef and mootfowl to thofe who choofe to call for them. After
breakmft the men amufe themfelves wfith the gun, fifhing, or failing, till the evening, when they dine, whicbi
meal ferves with fome families for fupper.”
SCO [ 77
There are, however, two games which may be confi-
dered as peculiar to the Scotch. Thefe are and
curling. Of the former we have given an account un¬
der the article Golf. The diverfkm of curling, which
is we believe unknown in England, is adapted only to
frolfy weather, and is played on the ice, by Hiding from
one mark to another large itones, of from forty to
fevenly pounds weight, of a hemifpherical lhape, very
fmooth on the flat Tide, and furniilied with an iron or
W'ooden handle at top. The great objeft of the player
is to lay his Hone as near to the mark as poflible, to
guard that of his partner which had before been placed
in a good pofition, or to ftrike off that of his antagonist.
To attain thefe ends much fkill and dexterity are often
required ; and the great art of the game is to make the
ftones bend in towards the mark, when this is fo blocked
up by other ftones that they cannot reach it by being
directed in a Straight line.
To conclude : The union having incorporated the
twro nations of England and Scotland, and rendered
them one people, the diflindtions that had fubfilted for
many ages are gradually wearing away. Peculiarities
difappear ; Similar manners prevail in both parts of the
ifland } the fame authors are read and admired ; the
fame entertainments are frequented by the elegant and
polite ; and the fame Standard of tafte and of language
is established throughout the British empire.
New Scotland. See Nova Scotia.
SCOTO Irish, in Hijlcry^ an epithet applied, by
fome writers on Scottish antiquities, to the colony of
IriSh, commonly called Dalriads or Dalriadinians, w ho,
in the beginning of the Sixth century, established them-
felves in the diltridt of Gallow’ay *, and formed a diStindt
tribe, till, under the reign of their king Kenneth II.
they united with the Pidts, whom they had nearly Sub¬
dued. See Chalmers’s Caledonia, vol. i. and Scot¬
land, from n° 31. to n° 85.
ScoTO-Saxon period, is by Mr Chalmers applied
to that period of Scottish history w'hich elapfed from
the acceSSion of Edgar, the fon of Malcolm Canmore,
to the throne of Scotland in the year 1097, to the reign
of Robert Bruce in 1306. See Scotland from n° 86.
to n° 164.
SCOTOMIA, in Medicine, a vertigo, accompanied
with dimnefs of Sight, frequently the forerunner of an
apoplexy.
SCOTT, John, an eminent English divine, was
born in 1638, and became minister of St Thomas’s in
Southw'ark. In 1684 he was collated to a prebend in
the cathedral of St Paul’s. Dr Hickes tells us, that,
after the revolution, “ he firlt refufed the bishopric of
CheSler, becaufe he wmuld not take the oath of ho¬
mage ; and afterwards another bishopric, the deanery
of Worcester, and a prebend of the church of Wind-
for, becaufe they were all places of deprived men.”
He published Several excellent wmrks, particularly The
Christian Life, &c. and died in 1695. He was emi¬
nent for his humanity, affability, Sincerity, and readi-
nefs to do good j and his talent for preaching was ex¬
traordinary.
SCOT US, Duns. See Duns.
Scotus, John. See Erigena.
SCOUG AL, Henry, fecond fon of Patrick Scougal,
biShop of Aberdeen, was born, June 1650, at Salton
in EaSt Lothian, where his father, the immediate pre-
2
4 ] SCO
deceffor of Bishop Burnet, was re<5tor. His father,
defigning him for the facred ministry, watched over his
infant mind with peculiar care 5 nor was his care be¬
stowed in vain. He had foon the fatisfadtion of per¬
ceiving the molt amiable diSpofitions untold themfelves,
and his understanding rife at once into the vigour of
manhood. Relinquishing the amul’ements of youth,
young Scougal applied to his Studies with ardour; and,
agreeable to his father’s wn’fh, at an early period he di-
redted his thoughts to facred literature. He perufed
the historical parts of the bible with peculiar pleafure,
and then began to examine its contents with the eye
of a philofopher. He was Struck with the peculiarities
of the Jewish difpenfation, and felt an anxiety to under-
Sland the reafon why its rites and ceremonies were
abolished. The nature and evidences of the Christian
religion alfo occupied his mind. Pie perufed fermons
with pleafure, committing to writing thofe paifages
which molt affedted him, and could comprehend and
remember their whole fcope. Nor was he inattentive
to polite literature. He read the Roman claflics, and
made considerable proficiency in the Greek, in the He¬
brew, and other oriental languages. He w7as alfo well
well verfed in hiltory and mathematics. His diversions
v.rere of a manly kind. After becoming acquainted
with the Roman hiltory, in concert with fome of his
companions he formed a little fenate where orations of
their own composition w'ere delivered.
At the age of fifteen he entered the univerfity, where
he behaved with great modeSty, fobriety, and dili¬
gence. He difliked the philofophy then taught, and
applied himfelf to the ftudy of natural philofophy j
that philofophy which has now7 happily got fuch foot¬
ing in the world, and tends to enlarge the faculties. In
confequence of this, w e may here obferve, that when
he was yet about eighteen years of age, he w'rote the
reflections and Short effays fince published ; which, though
written in his youth, and fome of them left unfinished,
breathe forth fo much devotion, and fuch an exalted
foul, as muft convince us his converfation was in hea¬
ven.
In all the public meetings of the Students he wTas
unanimoufly chofen prefident, and had a Singular de¬
ference paid to his judgement. No fooner had he finish¬
ed his courfes, than he was promoted to a profefforShip
in the univerfity of Aberdeen, where he confcientioufly
performed his duty in training up the youth under his
care in fuch principles of learning and virtue as might
render them ornaments to church and Slate. When any
divisions and animofities happened in the fociety, he was
very instrumental in reconciling and bringing them to a
good understanding. He maintained his authority a-
mong the Students in fuch a way as to keep them in
awe, and at the fame time to gain their love and elteera.
Sunday evenings w7ere fpent with his fcholars in difcour-
Sing againft vice and impiety of all kinds, and encoura¬
ging religion in principle and practice. He allotted a
considerable part of his yearly income for the poor ; and
many indigent families, of different perfuafions, were
relieved in their Straits by his bounty ; though fo fe-
cretly that they knew not whence their fupply came.
Having been a profeflbr of philofophy for four years,
he was at the age of twenty-three ordained a minister,
and fettled at Auchterlefs, a fmall village about twenty
miles from Aberdeen. Here his zeal and ability for his
great
SCO [ 775 ] SCR
Jrau^a’. great Mafters fervice were eminently difplayed. He
—■ catechifed with great plainnefs and affedtion, and ufed
the mod endearing methods to recommend religion to
his hearers. He endeavoured to bring them to a clofe
attendance to public wordilp, and joined with them
himfelf at the beginning of it. He revived the ufe of
lectures, looking on it as very edifying to comment upon
and expound large portions of Scripture. And though
he endured feveral outward inconveniencies, yet he bore
them with patience and meeknefs. But as God had de-
hgned him for an eminent ftation, where he could be of
more univerfal ufe in his church, he was removed from
his private charge to that of training up youth for the
holy minidry and the care of fouls. In the twenty-fifth
year of his age lie was admitted profeffor of divinity in
the king’s college, Aberdeen ; and though he was una-
nimouily chofen, yet he declined a ftation of fuch im¬
portance, from a mod til fenfe of his unfitnefs for it :
And as he had been an ornament to his other dations of
life, fo in a particular manner he applied himfelf to the
exercife of this odice. After he had guarded his du-
dents againlt the common artifices of the Romifh mif-
fionarits in making profelytes, he propofed two fubjefts
ior public exercifes 5 the one, of the padoral care } the
other, of cafuidical divinity : but there were no debates
he was more cautious to meddle with than the decrees
of God ; fenfible that fecret things belong to God, and
to us things revealed.
. 'The inward difpofitions of this excellent man are
bed feen in his waitings j and the whole of his outward
behaviour and converfation was the condant pradriice of
what he preached ; as we are allured by the concurring
tedimony of feveral refpedlable perfons who knew him.
How unfuitable then would panegyric be, where the
fiibject was full of humility ? and therefore let it iuffice
to fay, that after he began to appear publicly, you fee
him as a profeiTor, earned at once to improve his fcho-
lars in human and facred learning-, as a pador, he ceafed
not to preach the word, to exhort, to reprove, and to
rebuke with ail authority : and as a profedbr of divinity,
he bellowed the utmod pains to convince the candidates
for the minidry, of the weight and importance of that
high office ; that it was not to be followed for lucre,
but purely to promote the worfnip of God and the fal-
vation of men. Again, if we confider his private life,
how meek, how charitable, and how felf-denied ! how
difintertded in all things, how refigned to the divine
will! and above all, how refined his fentiments with re¬
gard to the love of God ! How amiable mud he then
appear ! How worthy of imitation, and of the univerfal
regret at his death ! In this light we fee clearly that the
memory of the juft is blefled.
At length his health began to be impaired by in-
„ ceffant ftudy, and about the twenty-feventh year of his
age he fell into a confumption, which wafted him by
flow degrees. But during the whole time of his fick-
nefs he behaved with the utmod refignation, nor did he
ever diow the lead impatience.
When his friends came to vifit him, he would fay,
“ he had reafon to blefs God it was no worfe with
him than it was. And (fays he) when you have the
charity to remember me in your prayers, do not think
me a better man than I am j but look on me, as indeed
I am, a miferable finner.” Upon the twentieth day of
June 1678 he died, in the greateft calmnefs, in the
twenty-eighth year of his age, and was buried in the
King’s College church in Old Aberdeen. The princi-
pal work of Scougal is a linall treatife intitled, The
Life of God in the Soul of Man. This book is not only
valuable for the fublime fpirit of piety which it breathes,
but for the purity and elegance of its flyle } qualities
for which few Englifh writers were diftinguidied before
the revolution.
SCOUTS, in a military fenfe, are generally horfemen
fent out before, and on the wings of an army, at the di-
ftance of a mile or two, to diicover the enemy, and give
the general an account of what they fee.
SCRA1 CH pans, in the Engidh falt-works, a name
given to certain leaden pans, which are ufkally made
aoout a foot and an half long, a foot broad, and three
inches deep, with a bow or circular handle of iron, by
which they may be drawn out with a hook when the
liquor in the pan is boiling. Their ufe is to receive a
felenitic matter, known by the name of foft /cratch,
which falls during the evaporation of the fall-water.
See the article Sea-SALT.
SCREED, with plafterers, is the floated work behind-
a cornice, and is only neceffary when a cornice is to be
executed without bracketing.
SCREW, one of the fix mechanical powers, is a cy¬
linder cut into feveral concave furfaces, or rather achan-
nel or groove made in a evlinder, bjr carrying on two
fpiral planes the whole length of the ferew, in fuch a
manner that they may be always equally inclined to the
axis of the cylinder in their whole progrefs, and alfo
inclined to the bafe of it in the fame angle. See Me¬
chanics, p. 66, N° 131.
Archimedes'sScHE tv. See HYDRODYNAMlcs, N° 3 28.
Endlefs or Perpetual SCREJV, one fo fitted in a com¬
pound machine as to turn a dented wheel; fo called, be-
caule it may be turned for ever without coming to an
end. See Mechanics, p. 67. N° 135.
SCRIBE, in Hebrew “ibd fepher, is very common in
feripture, and has feveral fignifications. It fignifies,
1. A clerk, writer, or fecretary. This was a very
confiderable employment in the court of the kings of
Judah, in which the feripture often mentions the fe-
cretanes as the firft officers of the crown. Seraiah was
feribe or fecretary to King David (2 Sam. viii, 17.).
Shevah and Shemaiah exercifed the fame office under
the fame prince (2 Sam. xx. 25.). In Solomon’s time
we find Elihoreph and Ahia fecretaries to that prince
(1 Kings iv. 4.) j Shebna under Heztkiah (2 Kings
xix. 2) 5 and Shaphan under Jofiah (2 Kings xxii. 8.).
As there were but few in thofe times that could write
well, the employment of a feribe or writer was very con—
flderable.
2. A feribe is put for a commiffary or mufter-mafter
of an army, who makes the review of the troops, keeps
the lift or roll, and calls them over. Under the reign
of Uzziah king of Judah, there is found Jeii the feribe-
who had under his hand the king’s armies (-2 Chr.
xxvi. 11.). And at the time of the captivity, it is laid
the captain of the guard, among other confiderable per¬
fons, took the principal feribe of the hod, or fecretary
at war, which muftered the people of the land (2 Kings
XXV. 19.)*
3. Scribe is put for an able and fkilful man, a do&or
of the law, a man of learning that underftands affairs.
Jonathan, David’s uncle by the father’s fide, was a
CGimfelloiy
S C R [7
Scnbc counffellor, a wife man, and a fcribe (i Chr. xxvii. 32.').
Scriboniu? -^aiuc^» ^le difciple and fecretary to Jeremiah, is called
4 y- a fcribe (Jer. xxxvi. 26.). And Ezra is celebrated
as a fldlful fcribe in the law of his God (Ezra vii. 6.).
The fcribes of the people, who are frequently men¬
tioned in the Gofpel, were public writers and profefied
dodlors of the law, which they read and explained to
the people. Some place the original of fcribes under
Moles : but their name does not appear till under the
judges. It is faid, that in the wars of Barak againft
Sifera, “ out of Machir came down governors, and ©ut
of Zebulun they that handle the pen of the writer.”
(Judges v. 14.). Others think that David firft inftitu-
ted them, when he ellablilhed the feveral clafles of the
piielts and Levites. The fcribes were of the tribe of
Levi j and at the time that David is faid to have made
the regulations in that tribe, we read that 6000 men
of them were conftituted officers and judges (1 Chr.
xxiii. 4.) j among whom it is reafonable to think the
fcribes were included. For in 2 Chr. xxiv. 6. we read
of Shemaiah the fcribe, one of the Levites j and in
2 Chr. xxxiv. 13. we find it ivritten, “ Of the Levites
that were fcribes and officers.”
The fcribes and doftors of the law7, in the fcripture
phrafe, mean the fame thing ; and he that in Mat. xxii.
35. is called a doRor of the law, or a lawyer, in Mark
xii. 28. is named a fcribe, or one of the fcribes. And as
the whole religion of the Jew's at that time chiefly
confided in pharifaical traditions, and in the ufe that
was made of them to explain the fcripture; the great-
eft number of the doctors of the law, or of the fcribes,
were Pharifees 5 and we almoft always find them joined
together in fcripture. Each of them valued themfelves
upon their knowledge of the law7, upon their ftudying
and teaching it (Mat. xxii. 32.) : they had the key of
knowledge, and fat in Mofes’s chair (Mat. xxiii. 2.).
Epiphanius, and the author of the Recognitions impu¬
ted to St Clement, reckon the fcribes among the fetts
of the Jews; but it is certain they made no feft by
themfelves ; they were only diftinguilhed by their ftudy
of the law7.
SCRIBONIUS, Largus, an ancient phyfician in
the reign of Auguftus or Tiberius, was the author of
6 ] SCR
feveral works; the beft edition of which is that of John Scrimzeor,
Rhodius. ‘l',"v
SCRIMZEOR or Scrimgeour, Henry, an eminent
reftorer of learning, was born at Dundee in the year
1506. He traced his defcent from the ancient family
of the Scrimzeours of Didupe or Dudhope, who obtain¬
ed the office of hereditary ftandard*bearers to the kings
of Scotland in 1057.
At the grammar-fchool of Dundee our author ac¬
quired the Greek and Latin languages to an uncommon
degree of perfeftion, and that in a fhorter time than
many fcholars before him. At the univerfity of St An¬
drew’s his fuccefsful application to philofophy gained
him great applaufe. The next fcene of his ftudies was
the univerfity of Paris, and their more particular objeft
the civil law7. Two of the moft famous civilians of that
age, Eguinard Baron and Francis Duaren (a), were
then giving their leftures to crowded circles at Bourges.
The fame of thefe profeffors occafioned his removal from
Paris; and for a confiderable time he profecuted his
ftudies under their direftion.
At Bourges he had an opportunity of becoming ac¬
quainted with the celebrated James Amiot, Greek pro-
feflbr in that city, well known in the learned w7orld by
his tranflation of Plutarch’s Lives, and diftinguifhed af¬
terwards by his advancement to great honours in the
church, and finally to the rank of cardinal.
Through the recommendation of this eminent per-
fon, Mr Scrimzeor engaged in the education of two
young gentlemen of the name of Bucherel, wffiom he
inftrufted in the belles lettres, and other branches of
literature, calculated to accomplifh them for their ftation
in life.
This connexion introduced him to Bernard Borne-
tel bilhop of Rennes, a perfon famed in the political
world for having ferved the ftate in many honourable
embaffies. Accepting an invitation from this prelate to
accompany him to Italy, Mr Scrimzeor greatly enlarged
the fphere of his literary acquaintance, by his conver-
fation and connexion with moft of the diftinguiffied fcho¬
lars of that country. The death of Francis Spira (b)
happened during his vifit to Padua; and as the charac¬
ter and conduct of this remarkable perfon at that time
engaged
(a) “ Francis Duaren was the firft of the French civilians who purged the chair in the civil law fchools from
the barbarifms of the Gloffaries, in order to introduce the pure fources of the ancient jurifprudence. As he did
not defire to ffiare that glory with any one, he looked with an envious eye on the reputation of his colleague
Eguinard Baron, who alfo mixed good literature with the knowledge of the law. This jealoufy put him upon
compofing a work, w7herein he endeavoured to leffen the efteem that people had for his colleague. The maxim,
‘ Pafcitur in vivis livorpqft fata quiefcit? w7as verified remarkably in him ; for after the death of Baron, he
fhowed himfelf moft zealous to eternize his memory, and w7as at the expence of a monument to the honour of the
deceafed.” From the Tranflation of Bayle’s Di6t. of 1710, p. 1143-4. ,
(b) Francis Spira was a law’yer of great reputation at Cittadella in the Venetian ftate, at the beginning of the
16th century. He had imbibed the principles of the Reformation, and w7as accufed before John de la Gala, arch-
biffiop of Benevento, the pope’s nuncio at Venice. He made fome conceffions, and alked pardon of the papal
minifter for his errors. But the nuncio infifted on a public recantation. Spira was exceedingly averfe to this
meafure ; but at the preffing inftances of his wife and friends, who reprefented to him that he muft lofe his prac¬
tice and ruin his affairs by perfifting againft it, he at laft complied. Shortly after he fell into a deep melancholy,
loft: his health, and was removed to Padua for the advice of phyficians and divines; but his diforders augmented.
The recantation, which he faid he had made from cowardice and intereft, filled his mind w7ith continual horror
and remorfe ; infomuch that he fometimes imagined that he felt the torments of the damned. No means being
found to reftore either his health or his peace of mind, in 1548 he fell &-~viftim to his miferable fituatxon. See
Collyer’s Di£h—Spita.
I
S C R
Scrlnazear. engaged the attention of the world, Mr Scrimzeor is
^—    faid to have colledded memoirs of him in a publication
entitled, “ The Life of Francis Sjdra, by Henry of Scot¬
land.” This performance, however, does not appear in
the catalogue^ of his works.
After he had ftored his mind with the literature of
foreign countries, and fatisfied his curiotity as a travel¬
ler, it was his intention to have revifiled Scotland. He
might without vanity have entertained hopes, that the
various knowledge which he had treafured up would
have won him a partial reception among his countrymen.
An ambition of being ufetully diltinguithed among them
as a man of letters is juftly fuppofed the principal mo¬
tive of his defire to return : but the moft fanguine pro¬
jects of life are often flrangely diverted by accident,
or rather perhaps are invifibly turned by Providence,
from their purpofed courfe. Mr Scrimzeor, on his
journey homewards, was to pafs through Geneva. His
fame had long forerun his footfleps. The fyndics and
other magiftrates, on his arrival, requelled him to fet
up the profedion of philofophy in that city } pfomifing
a compenfation fuitabie to the exertion of his talents.
He accepted the propofal, and eifablilhed the philofo-
phical chair.
After he had taught for fame time at Geneva, a fire
broke out in his neighbourhood, by which his houfe
was confumed, and himfelf reduced to great diltrefs.
His late pupils, the Bucherels, had not forgotten their
obligations to him, and fent a confiderable llun of mo¬
ney to his relief.
At this time flouriihed at Augfburg that famous
mercantile family (c), the Fuggers. Ulric Fugger
was then its reprefentative ; a man poffefied of prodi¬
gious wealth, palTionately fond of literature, a great
colleftor of books and manufcripts, and a munificent
patron of learned men. Being informed, by means of
his literary correfpondence, of the misfortune which had
befallen Mr Scrimzeor in the burning of his houfe, he
immediately fent him a prelTmg invitation to accept
an afylum beneath his roof till his affairs could be re-
eftablifhed. Mr Scrimzeor, gladly availing himfelf of
fuch a hofpitable kindnefs, loll no time in going to Ger¬
many.
Whilft redding at Augfburg with Mr Fugger, he
was much employed in augmenting his patron’s library
by vaft collections, purchafed from every corner of Eu¬
rope. Manufcripts of the Greek and Latin authors
were then of ineftimable value, and feem to have been
more particularly the objeCt of Mr Scrimzeor’s re-
fearches.
He did not lead a life of yawning indolence nmldff
thefe treafures, and, like a mere unfeeling colledor,
leave them unenjoyed. As librarian, he was not con¬
tented to aft the part of a black eunuch to his literary
feraglio. He feems to have forgotten that he was not
its Grand Sultan, and accordingly ranged at will among
furrounding beauties. He compofed many works of
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
C 777 1
SCR
great learning and ingenuity, whilft he continued in aScrimzecr.
lituation fo peculiarly agreeable to the views and habitsnr^-
of a fcholar.
When his manufcripts were ready for the prefs, he
was deftrous of returning to Geneva to print them. His
patron, Fugger, recommended him for this purpofe to
the very learned Henry Stephens, one of his penfioners,
and at that time one of the molt celebrated printers in
Europe.
Immediately on his arrival at Geneva, 1563, he was
earneftly folicited by the magiftrates to relume the
chair of philofophy. Notwithlianding his compliance,
and in confequence of it the dedication of much of his
time to the ftudy of phyftcs, he, two years afterwards,
inftituted a courfe of leftures in the civil law, and had
the honour of being its firft founder and profeflbr at
Geneva.
As foon as he was fettled again in this city, he
hoped, amidft his other occupations, to profecute the
great objeft of his literary fame, the priming of his va¬
rious works. But a fufpicion which Henry Stephens
entertained, that it was his intention to fet up a rival
prefs at Geneva, occafioned great diffenfions between
them. The refult of the quarrel was, that the republic
of letters, during Mr Scrimzeor’s life, was deprived of
his valuable produftions. They fell moft of them at
his death into the hands of Ifaac Cafaubon, who has
been accufed of publilhing conftderuble portions of them
as his own.
Some account of Mr Scrimzeor’s feveral perform¬
ances will give an idea of his extenfive erudition.
He wrote critical and explanatory notes upon xMhe-
naeus’s (d) Deipnofophijs, or Table converfations of Phi-
lofophers and Learned Men of Antiquity ; having firft;
collated feveral manufcripts of his author. This work
Cafaubon publitbed at Leyden in 1600; but without
diftinguithing his own notes from thefe of Scrimzeor.
A Commentary and Emendations of the Geography
of Strabo were among our author’s literary remains.
Thefe were publithed in Cafaubon’s Parifian edition of
Strabo, 1620. Henry Stephens, from an idea of juf-
tice due to Scrimzeor’s literary fame, notwithftanding
the violent animofity which had fubfifted betwixt them,
reproaches Cafaubon for adopting our Scottifh critic’s
lucubrations on Strabo without acknowledgement—
Dempller allures us, that Scrimzeor, in his manufeript
letters, mentions his defign of publiftring this perform¬
ance •, whence, it is probable, that his work appeared
to himfelf of confiderable confequence, and had taken
up much of his attention. Although Cafaubon, in his
amplr notes exhibited at the foot of Strabo’s text,
makes no confeflion of having derived any thing from
Scrirrzeor, it muff: not be concealed, that in an epiftle
to Sir Peter Young, our critic’s nephew, through whom
the Commentary and Emendations of Strabo came into
his hands, Cafaubon acknowledges how very ufeful to
him they might be madefor fpeaking there of his in-
5 F tended
(c) They w7ere ennobled by the emperor in 1510, under the title of Barons of Kirkberg and Weiftenborn.
(d) Athenoeus was a grammarian of Naucrates in Egypt, and lived in the fecond century. His Deipnofophiftas
is a very curious and learned work, in 15 books. It is full of interefting anecdotes and deferiptions of ancient man
ners, and ha,s preferved many relics of Grecian poetry not to be found elfewhere.
SCR [ 77
tended edition of Strabo, he fays, u It cannot be ex-
preffed how much ailiftance I may obtain from your
notes of Scrirazeor.”
Edward Herrifon, a Scott!fli author, in his Commen¬
tary on Plutarch’s Book concerning the Inconfitlencies
of the Stoics, informs us, that Scrimzeor collated dif¬
ferent manufcripts of all the works of Plutarch. This
undertaking appears fufficient to have occupied half the
life of an ordinary critic. Every one knows how vo¬
luminous an author was the philofopher, the hiflonan,
and orator of Chaeronea. Whether our learned critic
had meant to publifh an edition of Plutarch’s works is
not known ; but fuch an intention feems highly probable
from this laborious enterprife of collating them.
The 10 books of Diogenes Laertius on the Lives,
Opinions, and Apophthegms of the Philofophers, were
collated from various manufcripts by Scrimzeor. His
correfted text of this author, with notes full of erudi¬
tion, came alfo into Cafaubon’s pofleflion, and is fup-
pofed to have contributed much to the value of his edi¬
tion of the Grecian Biographer, printed at Paris in
1593'
The works of Phornutus and Palaephatus were-alfo
among the collations of Mr Scrimzeor. To the latter
of thefe authors he made fuch confiderable additions,
that the work became partly his own. Tbefe were
two ancient authors who explain the fables of the hea¬
then deities. The former wrote De Natura Deorutn,
feu (Je Fabularum Poeticarum Allegoriis Speculatio, “ On
the Nature of tlie Gods, or the Allegorical Fiftions of
the Poets.” The latter entitled his book A^nra, Sive
Je fafs Narrationihus, “ Things incredible, or concern¬
ing falfe Relations.” Thefe works were printed at Ba-
fil, 1570; whether in Greek or Latin is uncertain.
They have been publilhed fince in both languages.
The manufcripts of them were for fome time pre-
ferved in the library of Sir Peter Young, after that of
his uncle Scrimzeor, which was brought into Scotland
in 1 had been added to it. What became of this
valuable bequelt at the death of the former, is uncer¬
tain.
Our learned philologer alfo left behind him in manu-
fcript the orations of Demofthenes, ^Efchines, and Ci¬
cero, and the Ecclefiaftical Hiilory of Eufebius, all care¬
fully collated.
Among his literary remains was a colleftion of his
Latin epitlles. The men of letters in the 15th and
36th centuries feem to have kept their republic, as it is
called, more united and compaft than it is at prefent,
by an epiftolary intercourfe in the Latin language, then
the univerfal medium of literature and fcience. This
general fpirit of communication could not but con¬
tribute greatly to the advancement of learning, as
well as to the pleafure, and, we may add, to the impor¬
tance, of thofe who were engaged in its purfuit. The
intercourfe and union of enlightened men, able and dif-
pofed to promote the happinefs of their fellow-creatures,
cannot be too clofe. From fuch intelledtual combina¬
tion alone it is, that uniformity of religious, moral, and
political principles, to its greateft attainable degree, can
ever be ex peeled ; or, in other words, the greateil pof-
iible benefit derived from the cultivation of letters.
Of the many performances which had exercifed his
pen, it does not appear that any were immediately pu¬
blished by himfelf but his Trariflation pf Juftinian’s No
8 ] s c R
vels into Greek. This was printed at Paris in I558,Serirrzeor,
and again with Holonnder’s Latin verfion at Antwerp Scriptuie..
in 1575. This work has been highly extolled, both " v~"
for the purity of its language and the accuracy of its ex¬
ecution, and is likely, according to feme refpedfable opi¬
nions, to hold its eilimation as long as any ufe or me¬
mory of the civil law (hall exill.
A Latin tranflation of the Baflica, or Bafilics, as
they are called by our civilians, is the lafl we have to
mention of this author’s performances. This is a col¬
lection of Koman Laws, which the eaftern emperors
Bafil and Leo, who reigned in the fifth century, com¬
manded to be tr.inflated into Greek, and which pre-
fervtd their authority till the diffolution of the eaflern
empire. The Bafilics comprehend the inflitutes, di-
gefts, code, and novels, and feme of the edifls of Jufli-
nian and other emperors. Of 60 original books, 41
only remain. Mr Scrimzeor collated them with vari¬
ous manufcripts, probably before he commenced his
tranflation.
From the foregoing recital of the learned labours of
this profound fcholar and critic, it will be concluded,
that almoft the whole of his life, although long, was
fpent in his library, and that the biographer, having
now terminated the catalogue of his writings, is proba¬
bly not diflant from the conclufion of his life. Diffe¬
rent years have been affigned for the time of his death 5
but it appears meft likely, from a comparifon of the
different accounts of this event, that it happened very
near the expiration of 1571, or at the beginning of the
fucceeding year, about the 66th year of his age. He
died in the city of Geneva.
The chara&eviftic features of Scrimzeor are few, but
they are prominent and ftriking, and remote pcflerity
may regard him with no inferior degree of refpeft. His
induffry and perfeverance in the purluit of knowledge
and erudition were equalled only by the exquifite judge¬
ment which he difplayed in his critical annotations and
commentaries on the errors and obfcuritics of ancient
books and manufcripts.
His acquifitions in the Greek, Latin, and oriental
languages, were reckoned much beyond thofe of moft
of the profefled linguifls of his time. The great Cu-
jacius ufed to fay, “ That he never quitted Mr Scrim-
zeor’s converfation without having learned fomething
new.” But that which .gave peculiar grace to fuch fu-
periority, was the amiable modelly which on all oc-
cafions was obferved to accompany it. From the com¬
mendation given him by the illuftrious civilian juft men¬
tioned, it will be concluded, that he did not brood, with
a jealous referve, over unlocked treafures of erudition 3
but that, confcious of poffeffing ftores too ample to be
foon exhaufted, at the fame time that he avoided an
oftentatious profufion of them, he obliged and delight¬
ed bis friends by a liberal communication. From the
period at which he lived, confidered’ with the nature
and extent of his ftudies, and hkf-abilities in profecuting
them, he may be defervedly ranked among thofe emi¬
nent characters who have moft fuccefsfully contributed
their exertions to the revival of letters in Europe. _ j
SCRIPTURE is a word derived from the Latin Scriptures
feriptura, and in its original fenfe is of the fame import
with writing, fignifying “ any thing written.” It is,Tnefta_ew
however, commonly ufed to denote the writings of the ments.
Old and New Teftaments 3 which are fometimes called
the
SCR
r
...... . .77
Saipture. the Scriptures, fometimes the facred or holy Scriptures,
and fometimes canonical Scripture. Thefe books are
called the Scriptures by way of eminence, as they are
the moil important of all writings ; they are faid to be
holy or facred on account of the facred do&rines which
they teach; and they are termed canonical, becaufe when
their number and authenticity were ascertained, their
names were inferted in ecciefiaflical canons, to dillin-
guilh them from other books; wdiich, being of no au¬
thority, were kept as it were out of fight, and there-
a fore ftyled apocryphal (a).
The authenticity of the Old Teflament may be pro¬
ved from the character of the Jews, from internal evi¬
dence, and from teftimony.
i. The ch a rafter of the Jews affords a ftrong pre-
Yhe au¬
thenticity
of die Old
Teftament
proved
3
from the
cliaradler
of the Jews,
fumptive evidence that they have not forged or corrupt¬
ed the Old Teftament. Were a perfon brought before
a court of juftice on fufpicion of forgery, and yet no
prefumptive or pofilive evidence of his guilt could be
produced, it would be allowed by all that he ought to
be acquitted. But farther, if the forgery alleged were
inconfiilent with the character of the accufed ; if it
tended to expofe to difgrace and reproach his gene¬
ral principles and conduct; or if rve rvere aflured that
he confidered forgery as an impious and abominable
crime—it would require very ftrong teftimony to efta-
blilh his guilt. The cafe now mentioned correfponds
exaftly with the chara&er and filuation of the Jews.
If a Jew had forged any book of the Qld Teftament,
he muft have been impelled to fo bold and dangerous
an enterprife by fome very powerful motive. It could
not be national pride, for there is fcarcely one of thefe
books which does not feverely cenfure the national man¬
ners. It could not be the love of fame ; for that paf-
fion would have taught him to flatter and extol the na¬
tional character ; and the punifhment, ifdetetled, would
have been infamy and death. The love of wealth could
not produce fuch a forgery ; for no wealth was to be
gained.
The Jervs were felefled from among the other nations
of the wTorld, and preferved a diftinft people from the
time of their emigration from Egypt to the Babyloniih
captivity, a period of 892 years. The principal pur-
pofes for w’hich they were feleifled was to preferve in a
world running headlong into idolatry the knowledge and
worihip of the one true God, and to be the guardians
of thofe facred books that contained the prophecies
which were to prove to future ages the divine million of
the Redeemer of mankind. To fit them for thefe im¬
portant trufts, the fpirit of their laws and the rites of
their religion had the ftrongeft tendency. Miracles
were openly performed, to convince them that the God
of Ifrael was the God of all the earth, and that he alone
was to be worfhipped. Public calamities always befel
them when they became apoftates to their God ; yet
they continued violently attached to idolatry till their
captivity in Babylon made them for ever renounce it.
The Jews then had twooppofite charaflers at different
periods of their hiflory : At fir ft they were addifted to
idolatry ; afterwards they acquired a ftrong antipathy
againft it.
9 ] S C R
Had any books of the Old Teftament been forged Scripture^
before the Babyloniih captivity, when the Jews were *
devoted to idolatry, is it to be conceived that the itn-
poftor would have inveighed fo ftrongly againft this
vice, and fo often imputed to it the calamities of the
ftate; fince by fuch condubl he knew' that he would
render himfelf obnoxious to the people and to thofe ido¬
latrous mdnarchs who prrfecuted the prophets ?
But it may next be fuppofed, that “ the facred books
were forged after the Babylonith captivity, when the
principles of the Jews would lead them to inveigh
againft the worihip of idols. But thefe principles would
liirely never lead them to expofe the charafter of their
anceftors, and to detail their follies and their crimes.
Never had any people more national pride, or a higher
veneration for their anceftors, than the Jews. Miracles
and prophecies ceafed foon after their return to Jeru-
falem ; and from that period their refpeft for the facred
books approached to fuperftition. They preferved them
with pious care, they read them often in their fyna-
gogues, and they confidered every attempt to alter the
text as an aid; of facrilege. Is it p.oftible that fuch men
could be guilty of forger)', or could falfe waitings be
eafily impofed on them
2. There is an internal evidence in the books of the Old inter*
Teftament that proves them to have been written by !^nce "an(j
different perfons, and at diftant periods ; and enables us
with precifion to afeertain a time at or before which
they muft have been compofed. It is an undeniable
faft that Hebrew ceafed to be the living language of
the Jews during the Babyloniih captivity, and that the
Jew'ifti produftions after that period were in general
written either in Chaldee or in Greek. The Jews aiMeufo on,
Paleftine, fome ages before the coming of our Saviour,
were unable, without the affiflance of a Chaldee para-
phrafe, to underhand the Hebrew original. It nzcei-books of
farily follows, therefore, that every book which is writ-Mofee.
ten in pure Hebrew' was compofed either before or
about the time of the Babylonifh captivity. This be¬
ing admitted, we may advance a ftep farther, and con¬
tend that the period which elapfed between the compo-
fition of the moft ancient and the moft modern book of
the Old Teftament w’as very confiderable ; or, in other
words, that the moft ancient books of the Old Tefta¬
ment were written many ages before the Babylonilh
captivity.
No language continues ftationary ; and the Hebrew,
like other tongues, pafled through the feveral ftages of
infancy, youth, manhood, and old age. If therefore,
on comparifon, the feveral parts of the Hebrew Bible
are found to differ not only in regard to ftyle, but alfo
in regard to charafter and cultivation, we have ftrong
internal marks that they were compofed at different
and diftant periods. No claflical fcholar would believe,
independent of the Grecian hiftory, that the poems
aferibed to Homer were written in the age of Demof-
thenes, the Orations of Demofthenes in the time of Ori-
gen, or the Commentaries of Origen in the time of
Lafcaris and Chryfoloras. For the very fame reafon,
it is certain that the five books which are aferibed to
Mofes were not written in the time of I>avid, the
5 F 2
Pfalms
(a) From <vrro«.%'JTf\c*.i to put out of fight, or conceal.
S C K
[ 7*° 3
S C R
from tefti-
monj.
Scripture. Pfalms of David in the age of Ifaiah, nor the prophe-
—t ' cies of Ifaiah in the time of Malachi j and fince the
Hebrew became a dead language about the time of the
.Babyloniih captivny, the book of Malachi could not
have been written much later. Before that period
therefore were written the prophecies of llaiah, ft ill
earlier the Pialms of David, and much earlier than thefe
c the books which are afcribed to Mofes.
Let us now7 confider the evidence of teftimony for
the Authenticity of the Old leftament. As the Jews
were a more ancient people than the Greeks or Ro¬
mans, and for many ages totally unconnefted with them,
it is not to be expe&ed that we ftmuld derive much
evidence from the hiftorians of thofe nations: it is to
the Jews alone we muft look for information. But it
lias unfortunately happened that few of their w’orks ex¬
cept the Scriptures themfelves have been preferved to
pofterity. Jofephus is the moll ancient of the Jewifli
hiftorians to whom we can appeal. He informs us,
that the Old Ted ament was divided into three parts,
the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa or poeti¬
cal books. No man, fays he, hath ever dared to add
or take away from them. He tells us alio, that ether
books were written after the time of Artaxerxes 5 but
as they were not compofed by prophets, they were not
reckoned worthy of the fame credit.
Since the promulgation of the Chriftian religion, it
is impoffible that any material alterations or corruptions
could have taken place in the books of the Old i efta-
ment; for they have been in the hands both of Jews
and Chriftians from that period. Had the Jews at¬
tempted to make any alterations, the Chriftians would
have detefled and expofed them; nor would the Jews
have been lefs fevere againft the Chriftians if they had
corrupted the (acred text. But the copies in the hands
of Jews and Chriftians agree; and therefore we juftly
conclude, that the Old Teftament is ftiil pure and un¬
corrupted.
The divifion mentioned by our Saviour into the Law,
the Prophets, and the Pfalms, correfponds with that of
Jofephus. We have therefore fufircient evidence, it is
hoped, to convince even a deift, that the Old 1 eftament
exifted at that time. And if the deift will only allow,
that Jefus Chrift was a perfonage of a virtuous and ir¬
reproachable character, he will acknowledge that we
draw a fair conclufion when we affert that the Scrip¬
tures were not corrupted in his time : for when he ac-
cufed the Pharifees of making the law of no effefl by
their traditions, and when he injomed his hearers to
fearch the Scriptures, he could not have failed to men¬
tion the corruptions or forgeries of Scripture, if any in
that age had exifted. But we arc allured, by very re-
fpcflable authority, that the canon of the Old i efta¬
ment was fixed fome centuries before the birth of Jefus
Chrift. Jefus the fon of Sirach, the author of F.ccle-
liafticus, makes evident references to the prophecies of
Ifaiah *, Jeremiah f, and Ezekiel J, and mentions theie
prophets by name. He fpeaks alio of the twelve minor
prophets $. It appears alfo from the prologue, that
the law and the prophets, and other ancient books, ex¬
ifted at the fame period. The book of Ecclefiafticus,
according to the calculations of the beft chronologers,
was written in Syriac about A. M. 3772* that is, 232
years before the Chriftian era, and was tranflated into
Greek in the ncxv. century by the grandfoti of the au¬
* Ecclefi-
afticus
xlviii. 22.
*}• xlix. 6.
j xlix. 8.
\ xlix. 10.
thor. The prologue was added by the tranflator : but Scripture,
this circumftance does not diminilh the evidence for the K-—v—J
antiquity of Scripture ; for he informs us, that the law
and the prophets, and the other books of their fathers,
were iiudied by his grandfather : a fufficient proof that
they exifted in his time. As no authentic books of a
more ancient date, except the facred writings them-
felves, have reached our time, we can afeend no higher
in fearch of teftimony.
There is, however, one remarkable hiflorical fa£I,
which proves the exiftence of the law of Moles at the
diflblution of'the kingdom of Ifrael, when the ten tribes
were carried captive to Affyria by Shalmanefer, and dif-
perfed among the provinces of that ex tenfive empire ;
that is, about 741 years before Chrift. It was about
that time the Samaritans were tranfported from Affyiia
to repeople the country, which the ten captive tribes
of Ifrael had formerly inhabited. The pofterity of the
Samaritans ftill inhabit the land of their fathers, and
have preferved copies of the Pentateuch, two or three
of which were brought to this country in the feven-
teenth century. The Samaritan Pentateuch is written
in old Hebrew charadters (fee Philology, N° 28).
and therefore muft have exifted before the time of
Ezra. But fo violent were the animofities which fub~.
filled between the Jews and Samaritans, that in no pe¬
riod of their hiftory would the one nation have received,
any books from the other. They muft therefore have
received them at their firit fettlcment in Samaria from
the captive pried whom the Affyrian monarch fent to
teach them how they Ihould fear the Lord (2 Kings
xvii.). _ 6
The canon of the Old Teftament, as both Jewifti
and Chriftian writers agree, was completed by Ezra andyp^aemc^t
fome of his immediate lucceflors (lee Bible). In ourfettjtC]>
copies the facred books are divided into 39. I he Jews
reckoned only 22, correfponding to the number of let¬
ters in the Hebrew alphabet. They united the bocks
of Judges and Ruth ; they joined the two books of Sa¬
muel ; the books of Kings and Chronicles were reckon¬
ed one ; Ezra and Nehemiah one ; the Prophecies and
Lamentations of Jeremiah were taken under the fame
head ; and the 12 minor prophets were confidered as
one book—fo that the whole number of books in the
Jewifli canon amounted to 22. 7
The Pentateuch confifts of the five books, Genefis,The Pen-
Exodus, Lev.iicus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. Se- b
veral obfervations have been already made refpeding the^f^n >y
authenticity of thefe under the article PeSTATEUCH ;
but feveral additional remarks have occurred, which may
not improperly be given in this place. For many of
thefe we acknowledge curfelves indebted to a fermon
publilhed by the reverend Mr Marfli, whofe refearch,
learning, and critical accuracy, will be acknowledged
bv every reader of difeernment.
* One of the ftrongeil arguments that have occurred
to us in fupport of the authenticity of the Pentateuch,
and the infpiration of the writer, has already been gi¬
ven under the article Religion, N° 14, &c. which
fee : But we fhall in this place prefent two arguments
of a different kind, which would be fufRcient to
prove at leaf! the former of theie conclufions. We ar¬
gue from the language and contents of the Mofaic
writings, and from the teftimony of the other books of
Scripture.
Frotja
Scripture.
proved by
internal
evidence.
ZiLirJh.
9
fend by te-
itimony.
sen [78
From tlie conlents and language of the Pentateuch
there arifes a very ftrong prefumption that Mofes rvas
its author. The very mode of writing in the four laft
books difcovers an author contemporary with the events
which he relates; every defcription, both religious and
political, is a proof that the writer was prefent at each
refpedtive fcene 5 and the legiflative and hiftoncal parts
are fo interwoven with each other, that neither of them
could have been written by a man who lived in a later
age. The account which is given in the book of Ex¬
odus of the conduit of Pharaoh towards the children of
Ifrael, is fuch as might have been expected from a wri¬
ter who was not only acquainted with the country at
large, but had frequent accefs to the court of its fove-
reign : and the minute geographical defcription of the
paflTage through Arabia is fuch, as could have been gi¬
ven only by a man like Mofes, wdro had fpent 40 years
in the land of Midian. The language itfelf is a proof
of its high antiquity, which appears partly from the
great fimplicity of the ftyle, and partly from the ufe of
archaifms or antiquated expreflions, which in the days
even of David and Solomon were obfolete (b). But
the flrongeft argument that can be produced to fhow
that the Pentateuch was written by a man boin and
educated in Egypt, is the ufe of Egyptian words •, words
which never were, and never could have been, ufed by
a native of Pale dine : and it is a remarkable circum-
ftance, that the very fame thing which Mofes had ex-
prefled by a word that is pure Egyptian, Ifaiah, as
might be expefted from his birth and education, has
expreffed by a wrord that is purely Hebrew (c).
That Mofes was the author of the Pentateuch is pro¬
ved alfo from the evidence of teftimony. We do not
here quote the authority of Diodorus Siculus, o! Lon¬
ginus, or Strabo, becaufe their information mud have
been derived from the Jews. We diall feek no autho¬
rity but that of the fucceeding facred books themfelves,
which bear internal evidence that they were written in
different ages, and therefore could not be forged, unlefs
we were to adopt the abfurd opinion that there was a
fucceffion of impodors among the Jews who united in
the fame fraud. The Jews were certainly bed qualified
to judge of the authenticity of their own books. They
could judge of the truth of the fa£ls recorded, and they
could have no intered in adopting a forgery. Indeed,
to fuppofe a whole nation combined in committing a
forgery, and that this combination (hould continue for
many hundred years, would be the mod chimerical fup-
pofition that ever entered into the mind of man. Yet
we mud make this fuppofition, if we rejefl the hidori-
cal fafls of the Old Tedament. No one will deny that
the Pentateuch exilled in the time of Chrid and his
apodles ; for they not only mention it, but quote it.
li 'Pliis we admit,” reply the advocates for the hvpo-
theds which we are now combating ; “ but you cannot
i ] SCR
therefore conclude that Mofes was the author j for there Scripture,
is realon to believe it was compofed by Ezra.” But v
unfortunately for men of this opinion, both Ezra and
Nehemiah aferibe the book of the law to Mofes ^ ^.zra
2. The Pentateuch was in the poffeffion of the Samari-
tans before the time of Ezra. 3. It exided in thexin. x.
reign of Amaziah king of Judah, A. C. 839 years f. f 2 Chroir^
4. It was in public ufe in the reign of Jehofaphat,xx^-.4-
A. C. 912; for that virtuous prince appointed Levites hvvl^
and pritds who taught in Judah, and had the book of
the law of the Lord with them, and went about
throughout all the cities of Judah and taught the
people J. 5. It is referred to by David in his dying M.^iron#
admonitions to Solomon §. The fame royal bard makes - l
many allufions to it in the book of Pfalms, and fome-i:. 3.
times quotes it *. There remains therefore only one * Corap,
refource to thofe who contend that Mofes was not the
author, viz,, that it was written in the period which
elapfed between the age of Joihua and that of David. xxxiv. <y.
But the whole hidory of the Jews from their letlle-m theori-
ment in Canaan to the building of the temple prefup-S1^1*
pofes that the book of the law was wiitten by Mofes.
6. We have fatisfaftory evidence that it exided in thethe very
time of Jodiua. One puffage may be quoted where this fame,
fatff is Hated. The Divine Being makes ufe of thefe
words to Jofliua : “ Only be thou drong, and very
courageous, that thou mayed obferve to do all accord¬
ing to the law which Mofes my fervent commanded
thee •, turn not from it to the right hand cr to the left,
that thou mayed profper whitherfoever thou goed. This
look of the law dial! not depart out of thy mouth ; but
thou (halt meditate therein day and night, that thou^°^lua.t.
niaved obferve to do according to all that is written^ S* v"7
therein f ■” . . . ™
To the foregoing demondration objections may be General
dated. “ We will admit the force of your arguments,objeehens
and grant that Mofes a&ually wrote a work called the antwered-
book of the law; but how can we be certain that it
was the very work which is now current under his
name ? And unlefs you can {how this to be at lead
probable, your whole evidence is of no value.” To il-
ludrate the force or weaknefs of this objcCtion, let us
apply it to feme ancient Greek author, and fee whether
a cladical fcholar would allow it to have weight. “ It
is true that the Greek writers fpeak of Homer as an
ancient and celebrated poet 5 it is true alfo that they
have quoted from the works which they aferibe to him
various paffages that we find at prefent in the Iliad and
Odyffey : yet dill there is a poffibility that the poems
which were written by Homer, and thofe which we call
the Iliad and Odyjfei/, were totally didinft productions.”
Now an advocate for Greek literature would reply to
this ob]eCt:ion, not with a ferious anfwer, but with a
fmile of contempt } and he would think it beneath his
dignity to filence an opponent who appeared to be deaf
to
(It) For indance, kvt die, and M>5 pucr, which are ufed in both genders by no other writer than Mofes. See
Gen. xxxv. 14. 16. 28. 55. 57. xxxviii. 21. 25.
(c) For indance, tnt: (perhaps written originally Nik, and the ' lengthened into 1 by midake), written by the
Seventy <*.yj or ctyju, Gen. xli. 2. and mn, written by the Seventy or A&j. See La Croze Lexicon TEgijptia-
xum, art. AXI and ©HBI.
The fame thing which Mofes expreffes by TrV; Gen. xli. 2, Ifaiah xix. 7. expreffes by np»; for the Seventy have
txand tled both of thefe words by ayt.
SCR [7
’Scripture, to itie cle'areil conviftion. But fiill more may be faid
in defence of Mofes than in defence of Homer ; for the
writings of the latter were not depofited in any temple
or facred archive, in order to fecure them from the de-
vaftations of time ; whereas the copy of the book of
the law, as written by Mofes, was intruded to the prieds
and the elders, preferved in the ark of the covenant,
and read to the people every feventhyear (d). Sufficient
care therefore was taken not only for the prefervation of
the original record, but that no fpurious produddion
Ihould be fubditiited in its dead. And that no fpurious
produdtion ever has been fubdituted in the dead of the
original compofition of Mofes, appears from the evidence
both of the Greek and the Samaritan Pentateuch. For
as thefe agree with the Hebrew, except in feme triding
Variations (e), to which every work is expofed by
length of time, it is abfolutely certain that the five
books which we now aferibe to Mofes are one and the
fame work with that wrhich was trandated into Greek
in the time of the Ptolemies, and, what is of dill great¬
er importance, with that which exided in the time of
Solomon. And as the Jews could have had no mo¬
tive whatever, during that period which elapfed be¬
tween the age of Jothua and that of Solomon, for fub-
ftituting a fpuiious production indead of the original
as written by Mofes, and, even had they been inclined
to attempt the impodure, would have been prevented by
the care which had been taken by their lawgiver, we
mud Conclude that our prefent Pentateuch is the very
identical wmrk that was delivered by Mofes.
The pofitive evidence being now produced, we lhall
endeavour to anfwer forne particular objections that have
been urged. But as mod of thefe occur in the book of
Genefis, wre (hall referve them for feparate examination,
and diall here only confider the objections peculiar to
the lad four books. They may be comprifed under
one head, viz. expreffions and paffages in thefe books
which could not have been written by Mofes. 1. 'the
‘account of the death of Mofes, in the lad chapter of
Deuteronomy, we allow mud have been added by fome
iucceeding writer 5 but this can never prove that the
book of Deuteronomy is fpurious. What is more com¬
mon among ourfelves than to fee an account of the life
and death of an author fubjoined to his w'orks, without
Particular
objections
obviated.
82 ] . S C R
informing us by whom the narrative was written * 2. It Scripture,
has been objefted, that Moles always fpcaks of himfelf
in the third perfon. This is the objection of foolifh
ignorance, and therefore fcarcely defeives an anfwer.
We fufpcCt that fuch perlons have never read the daf¬
fies, particularly Ctefar’s Commentaries, where the au¬
thor uniformly fpeaks of himfelf in the third perfon, as
every writer of correCt tade will do who redeCls on the
abfurdity of employing the pronoun of the fird perfon
in a work intended to be read long after his death. (See
Grammar, N° 33.) 3. As to the objeCtion, that in
fome places the text is defective, as in Exodus xv. 8. it
is not directed againd the author, but againd fome tran-
feriber ; for what is wanting in the Hebrew is inferted
in the Samaritan. 4. The only other objection that de¬
fer ves notice is made from two pafiages. It is faid in
one place that the bed of Og is at Ramah to this day ;
and in another (Deut. iti. 14.), “ Jair the fon of Ma-
nafieh took all the country of Argob unto the coads
of Gediuri and Maacathi, and called them after his
own name, Bafhan-havbtlvjair, ttnto this day?'' The
lad claufe in both thefe pafiages could not have been
written by Mofes, but it was probably placed in the
margin by fome tranferiber by way of explanation, and
was afterwards by midake inferted in the text. Who¬
ever doubts the truth of this aflertion may have recourfe
to the manuferipts of the Greek Tedament, and he will
find that the fpurious additions in the texts of fome
manuferipts are aCIually written in the margin of
others (f).
That the Pentateuch, therefore, at lead the lad four
books of it, was written by Mofes, we have very fatis-
faclory evidence •, which, indeed, at the didance of
3000 years is wonderful, and which cannot be af¬
firmed of any profane hidory written at a much later
period. 12
The book of Genefis was evidently not written by a Authenti-
perfon who wras contemporary with the fads which he^^0^^
records j for it contains the hidory of 2369 years, a Genefis.
period comprehending aimed twice as many years as all
the red of the hidorical books of the Old Tedament put
together. Moles has been acknowledged the author of
this book by all the ancient Jews and Chridians 5 but it
has been matter of difpute from what fource he derived
his
(d) “ And Mofes wrote this lawr, and delivered it unto the pried* the fons of Levi, which bare the ark of the
covenant of the Lord, and unto all the elders of Ifrael. And Mofes commanded them, faying, At the end of
every feven years, in the folemnhy of the year of releafe, in the fead of tabernacles, when all Ifrael is come to
appear before the Lord thy God, in the place which he dmll choofe, thou {halt read this law before all Ifrael
in their hearing. And it came to pafs, wmen Mofes had made an end of writing the words of this lawT in a book,
until they Mere finiffied, that Mofes commanded the Levites, which bare the ark of the covenant of the Lord, fay¬
ing, Take this book of tire kw, and put it in the fide of the ark of the covenant of the Lord your God.” Deut.
<xxxh 9—-11. 24—-26. There is a paffage to the fame purpofe in Jofephus: AyiXstxi om ra-’v w r<y hqa
yex/itfiitTov, Jofephi Antiquitat. lib. v. c. 1. § 17. ed. Hudfcn.
(e) See the collation of the Hebrew and Samaritan Pentateuch, in the 6th vol. of the London Polyglot, p. 19. of
the Animadverjiones Samaritiae.
(F) To mention only two examples. 1. The common reading, 1 Cor. xvi. 2. is ; but the Codex
Fetavian. 3. has t/,v xvptxKni in the margin •, and in one of the manuferipts which Beza ufed, this marginal ad¬
dition has been obtruded in the text. See his note on this paffage. 2. Another inftance is, 1 John ii. 27. where
the genuine reading is j but Wetftein quotes two manuferipts, in which 7rvtvy,x is written in the margih ;
and this marginal reading has found its way not only into the Codex Covelli 2. but into the Coptic and Ethiopia
verfions.
3
S C R C 7
Srriptitrt. his materials: Tome affirming that all the fails were re-
j vealed by infpiration, and others maintaining that he
procured them from tradition.
Some who have looked on themfelves as profound
philofophers, have rejected many parts of the book of
Genefis as fabulous and abfurd : but it cannot be the
wifdom of philofophy, but the vanity of ignorance,
that could lead to inch an opinion. In fait, the book
of Geneirs affords a key to many difficulties in philofo¬
phy which cannot otbenvife be explained. It has been
funpofed that the diverfities among mankind prove that
they are not defcended from one pair ; but it has been
fully (hewn that all thefe diverfities may be accounted
for from natural caufes. It has been reckoned a great
difficulty to explain how foffil fhells were introduced
into the bowels of the earth ) but the deluge explains
this fail better than all the romantic theories of philo¬
fophers. It is impoffible to account for the origin of
fuch a variety of languages in a more fatisfailory man¬
ner than is done in the account of the confufion of
tongues which took place at Eabel. It would be no
eafy matter to (hew why the fea of Sodom is fo different
from every other fea on the globe which has yet been
explored, if we had not poffcfTed the fcriptural account
of the miraculous deftruilion of Sodom and Gomorrah.
It is faturated with bitumen and fait, and contains no
fifties. Thefe are very fingulnv fails, which have been
fully eflablilhcd by late travellers. The book of Ge¬
nefis, too, has been treated with contempt, becaufe it
makes the world lefs ancient than is necdfary to fup-
port the theories of modern philofophers, and becaufe it
is difficult to reconcile tire chronologies of feveral na¬
tions with the opinion that the world is not above 6000
or 7000 years old. The Chaldeans, in the time of Ci¬
cero, reckoned up 470,000 years. The Egyptians pre¬
tend that they have records extending 50,000 years
back ; and the Hindoos go beyond all bounds of pro¬
bability, carrying back their chronology, according to
Halhed, more than 7,000,000 of years.
An attempt has been made by the unfortunate M.
Bailly, once mayor of Paris, to reconcile thefe magnified
calculations with the chronology of the Septuagint,
which is juflly preferred to the Hebrew. (See Septu-
AGINT.) He informs us, that the Hindoos, as well as
the Chaldeans and Egyptians, had years of arbitrary
determination. They had months of 15 days, and
years of 60 days, or two months. A month is a night
and day of the patriarchs ; a year is a night and day of
the gods; four thoufand years of the gods, are as many
hundred years of men. By attention to fuch modes of
computation, the age of the world will be found very
nearly the fame in the writings of Mofes, and in the cal¬
culations and traditions of the Bramirts. With thefe
alfo we have a remarkable coincidence with the Perfian
chronology. Bailly has eftablifiied thefe remarkable
epochas from the Creation to the.Deluge.
The Septuagint gives
The Chaldeans
The Egyptians
The Peifians
The Hindoos
The Chinefe
83 ] SCR
dence or the age of the world as given by four diilincl Scripture,
and diilantly fituated people.
lUoiaic
chronology
vindicated.
2256 years.
2222
2340
2000
2000
2300
The fame author has alfo {hewn the lingular coinci-
The ancient Egyptians
The Hindoos
The Perfians
The Jews, according to Jofephus,
5544 years-
5532
5501
5555
Having made thefe few remarks, to (hew that the
fa els recorded in Genefis are not inconfiftent with truth,
we (hall now, by a few obfervations, eltablilh the evidence,
from teftimony, that Mofes was the author, and anfvver
the objeelions that feem ffrongelt.
There arifes a great probability, from the book of
Genefis itfelf, that the author lived near the time of Jo-
feph •, for as we advance towards the end of that book,
the facls gradually become more minute. The materials
of the antediluvian hillory are very fcanty. The ac¬
count of Abraham is more complete 5 but the hiflory
ot Jacob and his family is Hill more fully detailed. This
is indeed the cafe with every hiilory. In th<; early part,
the relation is very ffiort and general 5 but when the hi-
itorian'approaches his own time, his materials accumu¬
late. It is certain, too, that the book of Genefis muft
have been written before the reft of the Pentateuch j
for the allufions in the lad four books to the hiilory of
Abraham, of Ifaac, and Jacob, are very frequent. The
fimplicity of the ftyle (hows it to be one of the moil
ancient of the facred books; and perhaps its fimilarity
to the llyle of Mofes would determine a critic to aferibe
it to him. It will be allowed that no man was better
qualified than Mofes to compofe the hiflory of his an-
cellors. Pie was learned in all the wifdom of the Egyp¬
tians, the moll enlightened nation of his time, and he
had the bell opportunities of obtaining accurate infor¬
mation. 'Pile fhort account of the antediluvian world,
could eafily be remembered by Abraham, who might
obtain it from Shem, who was his contemporary. To
Shem it might be conveyed by Methufelah, who was
340 years old when Adam died. From Abraham to
Mofes, the interval was lefs than 400 years. The fplen-
did promifes made to that patriarch would certainly be
carefully communicated to each generation, with the
concomitant fa£ls : and thus the hiilory might be con¬
veyed to Mofes by the moft dillinguifhed perfons. The
accounts refpefling Jacob and his ion Jofeph might be
given to Mofes by his grandfather Kohath, who mult
have been born long before the defeent into Egypt; and
Kohat’n might have heard all the fa Pis refpePting Abra¬
ham and Ifaac from Jacob himfelf. Thus we can eafily
point out how Mofes might derive the materials of the
hook of Genefis, and efpecially of the lull 38 chapters,
from the moil authentic fource.
It will now be neceiTary to confider very fiiortly the Objections
objections which have been fuppofed to prove that Gene- to the au-
fis could not have been written by Mofes. 1. It is ob- thenticity
jected, that the author of the firlt chapters of Genefis
muft have lived in Mesopotamia, as he difeovers * a obviated,
knowledge of the rivers that watered Paradife, of the
cities Babylon, Erech, Refen, and Calneh ; cf the gold
of Pifon ; of the bdellium and onyx ftone. But if he
could not derive this knowledge from the wifdom of the
Egyptians, which is far from being improbable, he
might furely obtain it by tradition from Abraham, who
was born and brought up beyond the Euphrates. 2. In
Genefis .
' Setlptur?.
> v
* Judges
chap, xviii.
SCR [ 78+ ]
Gcneils xiv. 14. it is faul, Abraham puvfxied the four out of the rock.
S C R
There is alfo added an account of the Scripture.
Hie boi k
of Exodus.
16
Leviticus.
* 2 Ciwon
xxx. 16.
Jerem. vii.
22, *3'
is. 16.
Ezek. xx.
T I.
Match,
viiu 4.
Rom. x, 5.
xiii. 9.
0. Cor. \i.
16.
Gal. iii. r2.
1 t’et. i. 16
Numbers,
f Numb. i.
■xxvi.
confederate kings to Dan, yet that name evas not given
till after the conqueit of Paleftine *. We anlvver, this
might be inferted by a tranferiber. But fuch a fuppofi-
tion is not neceffary •, for though we are told in t!he book
of Judges that a city originally called LaiQi received
then the name of Dan, this does not prove that Laiih
was the fame city with the Dan which is mentioned in
Genefis. The fame anfvver may be given to the objec¬
tion which is brought from Genefrs xxxv. 21. where the
tower of Edar is mentioned, which the objeftors fay
was the name of a tower over one of the gates of Jeru-
falem. But the tower of Edar fignifies the tower of the
flocks, which in the paftoral country of Canaan might
be a very common name. 3* ^L^le m°d formidable ob-
jeftion is derived from thele two pafiages, Gen. xii. 6.
“ And the Canaanite rvas then in the land.” Gen. xxxvi.
31. “ Thefe are the kings that reigned over the land of
Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of
Iforael:’’ Now, it is certain that neither of thefe paf-
fages could be written by Mofes. We allow they were
added by a later writer ; but this circumftance cannot
invalidate the evidence which has been already produ¬
ced. It does not prove that Mofes was not the author
of the book of Genefis, but only that the book of Ge¬
nefis has received two alterations fince his death.
According to Rivet, our Saviour and his Apofiles
have cited 27 pa'ffages verbatim from the book of Ge¬
nefis, and have made 38 allufions to the fenfe.
The book of Exodus contains the hiftory of the If-
raelites for about 145 years. It gives an account of the
flavery of the Ifraelites in Egypt ; of the miracles by
which they were delivered j of their pafiage through the
Red fea, and journey through the wildernefs •, of the fo-
lemn promulgation of the Decalogue on Mount Sinai,
and of the building and furniture of the Tabernacle.
This book is cited by David, by Daniel, and other facred
writers. Twenty-five paffages are quoted by our Sa¬
viour and his apoftles in exprefs words, and they make
19 allufions to the fenfe.
The book of Leviticus contains the hiftory of the
Ifraelites for one month. It confifts chiefly of laws.
Indeed, properly fpeaking, it is the code of the Jewifti
ceremonial and political laws. It deferibes the confe-
cration of Aaron and his fons, the daring impiety and
exemplary puniftiment of Nadab and Abihu. It reveals
alfo fome prediftions refpefting the puniftiment of the
Ifraelites in cafe of apoftacy *, and contains an affurance
that every fixth year fhould produce abundance to fup-
port them during the feventh or fabbatical year. This
book is quoted as the prodnftion of Mofes in feveral
books of feripture *.
The book of Numbers comprehends the hiftory of the
Ifraelites for a period of about 38 years, reckoning from
the firft day of the fecond month after their departure
from Egypt. It contains an account of two number¬
ings of the people ; the firft: in the beginning of the fe¬
cond year of their emigration, the fecond in the plains
of Moab towards the conclufior. of their journey in the
wildernefs f. It deferibes the ceremonies employed at
the confecration of the tabernacle, gives an exaft jour¬
nal of the marches and encampments of the Ilraelites,
relates the appointment of the 70 elders, the miraculous
cure performed by the brazen ferpent, and the mifeon-
du& of Mofes when he was commanded to bring water
4
death of Aaron, of the conquett ot bihon and Og, and
the ftory of Balaam, with his celebrated prophecy con¬
cerning the Meffiah §. § Numb.
The book of Numbers is quoted as the work of Mofes xxiv. 17, *
in feveral parts of Scripture*.
The book of Deuteronomy comprehends a period of^.
nearly two months. It coniilts ot an interefting addrels 2 chrom
to the Ifraeliles, in which Moles recals to their remem-xxix. ii;
brance the many inftances of divine favour which they*™'3'
had experienced, and reproaches them for their ingrati-^^jW
tude. He lays before them, in a compendious form,^^/ r
the Inws which he had formerly delivered, and makes,™. 5.
fome explanatory additions. This was the more necef-Dhnvi.
fary, beCaufe the Ifraelites, to whom they had been ori-31* ^^3^;
ginaily promulgated, and who had feen the miracles in
Egypt, at the Red tea, and Mount Sinai, had died inncmy,
the wildernefs. The divine origin of thefe laws, and the
miracles by which they were lanctioned, muit already
have been well known to them ; yet a folemn recapitu¬
lation of thefe by the man who had miraculoufly fed the
prclent generation from their infancy, who by the lilt¬
ing up of his hands had procured them viftory in the
day of battle, and who was going to leave the world to
give an account of his conduct to the God of Ifrael,
could not but make a deep and lafting impreflion on the
minds of all who heard him. He inculcates thele laws
by the moll powerful motives. He prefenls before them
the moft animating rewards, and denounces the fevereft
punilhments againit the rebellious. I he prophecies of
Moles towards the end of this book, concerning the fate
of the Jews, their difperfion and calamities, the conqueft:
of Jerufalem by the Romans, the mkeiies of thebefieged,
and the prefent ftate of the Jewifti nation, cannot be *
read without aftonifliment. They are peripicuous and iv. 4.
minute, and have been literally accomplithed. John i. 4*
This book is quoted as the produftion of Mofes by^s.11!'*2'
Chrift and his apoftles *. wV
4. The hiftorical books are 12 in number, Joftiua, rhe hifto-
Judges, Ruth, Samuel I. and II. Kipgs I. and II. Chro-ric books,
nicies, Ezra, Nehemiah, Efther. Thefe, if confidered
diftinaiy from the Pentateuch, and the writings more
properly ftyled prophetical, contain a compendium of
the Jewifh hiftory from the death of Mofes, A. M. 2552,
to the reformation eftablifhed by Nehemiah after the re¬
turn from the captivity, A. M. 3595, comprehending a
period of 1043 years.
To enable us to difeover the authors of thefe books,
we have no guide to conduft us but conjecfure, inter¬
nal evidence, or the authority of the modern Jews.
Erotn the frequent references in Scripture, and from the
teftimonv of Jofephus, it appears that the Jews were
in poffeflion of many hiftorical records which might
have thrown much light on this fubjeft if they had ftill
been preferved. But during the calamities which befel
that infatuated nation in their wars with the Romans,
and the difperfion which followed, thefe writings have ^
perifhed. But though we can produce no teftimony(|efervi!,g
more ancient than the age of our Saviour to authenti-ot the fuil-
cate the hiftorical books, yet there are fome faffs re-ett creuif,
fpefling the mode of their prefervation which entitle
them to credit. The very circumftance itfelf, that the
Jews have preferved them in the facred volume to this
day, while their other ancient books have been loft, is
a oroof that they confidered them as the genuine re¬
cords
Swipmre
{ Contra
Apion,
Lb. x.
i Ezra ii.
^x, 6?.
21
Authenti¬
city of the
Hebrew
records.
SCR [ 785 ] SCR
corJs of their nation. Jofephusf, whofe authority is
of great importance, informs us, that it was the pecu¬
liar province of the prophets and priefts to commit to
writing the annals of the nation, and tranfmit them to
poiterily. That thefe might be faithfully prefcrved,
the facerdotal function was made hereditary, and the
greateft care was taken to prevent intermarriages either
with foreigners or with the other tribes. No man could
officiate as a prieft who could not prove his defeent in a
right line by unqueftionable evidence J. Regillers were
kept in jerufalem* which at the end of every war wrere
regularly revifed by the Ihrviving priefts; and new ones
were compofed. As a proof that this has been faithful¬
ly performed, Jofephus adds, that the names of all the
Jewifh priefts, in an uninterrupted fuccefiion from father
to fon, had been regiftered for 2000 years; that is, from
the time of Aaron to the age of Josephus.
The national records were not allowed to be written
by any man who might think himfelf fit for the office 5
and if a pfieft falfified them, he wras excluded from the
altar and depofed from his office. Thus we are affined
that the Jevvifh records were committed to the charge
of the prieffs ; and fince they may be confidered as the
fame family from Aaron to the Babylonilh captivity
and downwards, the fame credit is due to them that
would be due to family records, which by antiquarians
are effeemed the moft authentic fources of information.
Of the 22 books which Jofephus reckoned himfelf
bound to believe, the hiftorical books from the death of
Mofes to the reign of Artaxerxes, he informs us, were
written by contemporary prophets. It appears, then,
that the prophets were the compofcrs, and the priefts
the hereditary keepers, of the national records. Thus,
the beft provifton poffible was made that they ffiould be
written accurately, and preferved uncorrupted. The
principal office of thefe prophets was to inftruft the
people in their duty to God, and occafionally to com¬
municate the prediftions of future events. For this
purpofe they were educated in the fchools of the pro¬
phets, or in academies where facred learning was taught.
The prophets were therefore the learned men of their
time, and confequently were beft qualified for the office
of hiftorians. It may be objefted, that the prophets, in
concert with the priefts, might have forged any writings
they pleafed. But before we fufpeft that they have
done fo in the hiftorical books of the Old Teftament,
we muft find out fome motive which could induce them
to commit fo daring a crime. But this is impoffible.
No encomiums are made either on the prophets or the
priefts) no adulation to the reigning monarch appears,
nor is the favour of the populace courted. The faults
of all ranks are delineated without referve. Indeed
there is noliiftory extant that has more the appearance
of impartiality. We are prefented with a fimple detail
of fa£ts, and are left to di (cover the motives and inten¬
tions of the feveral charaflers ; and when a charafter is
drawn, it is done in a few words, without exaggerating
the vices or amplifying the virtues.
It is of no great confequence, therefore, whether we
can afcertaiia the authors of the different books or not.
VOL. XVIII. Part II.
From Jofephus we know that they exiiled in his tune j Scripture-
and from his account of the manner in which they were ^
preferved we are allured they were not in danger of
being corrupted. They exifted alfo when the Septua-
gint tranflation was made. Frequent references are
made to them in the writings of the later prophets j
fometimes the lame facts are related in detail. In fhort,
there is fuch a coincidence between the hiftorical books
and the writings of thofe prophets who were contempo¬
rary, that it is impoflible to fuppofe the latter true
without receiving the former.
Indeed, to luppofe that the Jews could have recei¬
ved and preferved with fuch care for fo many hundred
years falfe records, which it mult have been in the power
of every perfon to difprove, and which at the fame
time do fo little credit to the character of their nation,
is to fuppofe one of the greateft abfurdities in the
world 3 it is to fuppofe that a whole nation could aft
contrary to all thofe principles which have always pre¬
dominated in the human mind, and which muft always
predominate till human nature undergo a total revolu¬
tion. 22
The book which immediately follows the Pentateuch Jofiiua.
has been generally aferibed to Joflbua the fucceilbr of
Mofes. It contains, however, fome things which mull
have been inferted after the death of Joftiua. It is ne-
ceffary to remark, that there is fome accidental derange¬
ment in the order of the chapters of this book, which
was probably occafioned by the ancient mode of fixing
together a number of rolls. If chronologically placed,
they ftiould be read thus, ift chapter to the 10th verfe,
then the 2d chapter j then from the 10th verfe to the
end of the lit chapter 3 afterwards fhould follow the
vi. vii. viii. ix. x. and xi. chapters 3 then the xxii.; and
laftly the xii. and xiii. chapters to the 24th verfe of the
latter.
The fafts mentioned in this book are referred to by
many of the facred writers §. In the firft; book off 1 Giron.
Kings xvi. 34. the words of Joftiua are faid to be theI!'
words of God. See Joshua. ^[v’ g,a.m
By whom the book of Judges was written is uncer-Ha. xxviii.
tain; but as it contains the hiftovy of the Jewifh repub-21.; A<5ts
lie for 317 years, the materials muft have been furnifh-^-^S-;
ed by different perfons. The book, however, feems to^Y^jj} c,
be the compofition of one individual (c), who lived af-jamesii.
ter the regal government was eftabliftied *, but before the 25. 28.;
acceflion of David 3 for it is faid in the 21ft verfe ofEcc*us,x*v*'
the 1 ft chapter, that the .Tebufites were ftill in Jerufa-^-’ I^at'
lem 3 who, we know, were difpoffeffed of that city early1 5 23
in the reign of David f. We have reafon, therefore, to Judges,
aferibe this book to Samuel. * Jud. xix.
The hiftory of this book may be divided into two parts j ’ ,W‘ 2-'
the firft contains an account of the judges from Othnielv; 6 g.
to Samfon, ending at the 16th chap. The fecond part
relates feveral remarkable tranfaftiohs which occurred
foon after the death of Joftiua 3 but are added to the end
of the bo&k, that they might not interrupt the courfe of
the hiftory. ^ „
The book cf Ruth is a kind of fupplement to the Rutin
book of Judges, and an introduftion to the hiftory of
5 G David,
(g) In fupport of this opinion, it may be obferved that the author, chap. ii. 10, &c. lays before us the contents
cf the book.
Scripture.
25
The two
books of
Samuel.
} i Chron.
'ft!.\ix. 2(J.
26
Of
S C R [ 786 ] SCR
David, as it is related in the books of Samuel. Since
the genealogy which it contains defcends to David, it
mult have been written after the birth of that prince,
but not at any conliderable time after it; tor the hi-
ftory of Boaz and Ruth, the great-grandfather and
great-grandmother of David, could not be remembered
above two or three generations. As the elder brothers
of David and their fons are omitted, and none of his
own children are mentioned in the genealogy, it is evi¬
dent that the book was compofed in honour of the He¬
brew monarch, after he was anointed king by Samuel,
and before any of his children were born ; and confe-
quently in the reign of Saul. The Jews afcribe it to
Samuel 5 and indeed there is no perfon of that age to
whom it may be attributed with more propriety. We
are informed (1 Sam. x. 25.) that Samuel was a writer,
and are affured that no perfon in the reign of Saul was
fo well acquainted with the fplendid prolpedls of David
as the prophet Samuel.
The Greeks denominate the books of Samuel, which
follow next in order, The Books of Kingdoms ; and the
Latins, The Books of Kings I. and II. Anciently there
were but two books of Kings; the fixfl wyas the two
books of Samuel, and the fecond was what we now call
the two books of Kings. According to the prefent
diyifion, thefe twyo books are four, viz. the fir 11 and fe¬
cond books of Samuel, and the firlt and fecond books
of Kings.
Concerning the author of the two books of Samuel
there are different opinions. Some think that Samuel
wrote only twenty or twenty-four chapters of the firlt
book, and that the hiltory was continued by Nathan
and Gad. This opinion they ground on the following
palfage in Chronicles J, “ Now the acts of David the
king, firlt and lalt, behold they are written in the book
of Samuel the feer, and in the book of Nathan the pro¬
phet, and Gad the feer.’n Others think they were
compiled by Ezra from ancient records ; but it is evi¬
dent that the books of Samuel were written before the
books of Kings and Chronicles; for on comparifon it
will be found, that in the laft mentioned books many
circumltances are taken from the former. The firlt
book carries down the hiltory of the Ifraelites from the
birth of Samuel to the fatal battle of Gilboa, compre¬
hending a period of about 80 years. The fecond. re¬
lates the hiltory of David from his fucceflion to the
throne of Ifrael till within a year or two of his death,
containing 40 years. There are two beautiful paffages
in thefe books which every man of fentiment and lalte
mult feel and admire, the lamentation or elegy on Saul
and Jonathan, and the parable of Nathan. The im¬
partiality of the hiftorian is fully attefted by the can¬
dour and freedom with which the adlions of Saul and
David are related. There are fome remarks interfper-
fed which were probably added by Ezra.
When the two books of Kings were written, or by
whom they were compiled, is uncertain. Some have
fuppofed that David, Solomon, and He%ekiah, wrote the'
hillory of their own times. Others have been of opi¬
nion that the prophets, viz. Ifaiak, Jeremiah, Gad, and
Nathan, each of them wrote the hillory of the reign in
which he lived. But it is generally believed that Eozra
wrote thofe two books, and publilhed them in the form
in which we have them at prefent. . There can be no
doubt that the prophets drew up the lives of the kings
who reigned in their times 5 for the names and writings Scripture,
of thofe prophets are frequently mentioned, and cited.—-y—
Still, however, it is evident that the two books of Kings
are but an abridgement of a larger work, the fubftance
of which is contained in the books befoie us. In fup-
port of the opinion that Ezra is the author of thefe
books, it is faid, That in the time of the penman, the
ten tribes were captives in Affyria, wdiither they had
been carried as a punilhment for their fins : That in the
fecond of thele books the author makes fome refiedlions
on the calamities of Ifrael and Judah, which demon-
ftrate that he lived after that event. But to this it is
objected, That the authoi; of thefe books expreffes
himlelf throughout as a cotemporary, and as one
would have done who had been an eye and ear wilnefs
of what he related. To this objection it is anfwered,
That Ezra compiled thefe books from the prophetic
writings which he had in his poflefiion ; that he copied
them exaftiy, narrating the fa61s in order as they hap¬
pened, and interfperfed in his hillory fome reflections
and remarks arifing from the fubjeCts which he hand¬
led.
The firfl book comprifes a period of 126 years, from
the death of David to that of Jeholhaphat. The fecond
book records the tranfadions of many kings of Judah
and Ifrael for about 300 years, from the death of Jeho¬
lhaphat to the dellruClion of Jerufalem and the temple,
A. M. 3416, A. C. 588. ^
The Hebrews llyle the two books of Chronicles Dc- chro-
beri Imitn i. e. Words of days, journals or diaries, in nicies
allufion to thofe ancient journals which appear to have § C'D'
been kept among the Jews. The Greeks call them'HT
Para/ipotnena *, which fignifies things omitted; as ifv vracuXu-
thele two books v' ere a kind of fupplement to inform
us what had been omitted or too much abridged in the
books of Flings. The two books of Chronicles contain
indeed feveral particulars which are not to be met with
in the other books of feripture : but it is not therefore
to be fuppofed that they are the records of the kings of
Judah and Ifrael, fo often referred to in the books of
Kings. Thofe ancient regiflers were apparently much
more copious than the books before us; and the com¬
piler of the books of Chronicles often refers to, and
makes long ext rafts from, them.
Some fuppofe that the author of thefe two books
was the fame with that of the two books of Kings.
'The Jews fay that they were written by Ezra, after the
return from the captivity, affifted by Zechcriah and
Haggai, who were then alive. But events are men¬
tioned in them of fo late a date as to fliow that he could
not have written them in their prefent form j and there is
another objeftion to his being their author, which is lit¬
tle lefs forcible : betw een the books of Kings and Chro¬
nicles there are numerous variations both in dates and
fafts, which could not have happened if Ezra had been
the author of them, or indeed if they had been the woik
of any one perfon.
The books of Chronicles are not to be regarded mere¬
ly as an abridgement of former hillories with lome ufeful
additions, but as books written w ith a particular view *,
w’hich feems to have been to furniflr a genealogical regi-
fier of the twelve tribes, deduced from the earlieft times,
in order to point cut thofe difiinfticns which were ne-
ceffary to diferiminate the mixed multitude which re¬
turned from Babylon; to afeertain the lineage of Ju¬
dah r
SCR
f 787 3
SCR
Sc; ip Jure
2$
The bo k
of Ezra.
29
Of Nehe-
-piiah.
dali j ancl to re-eftabli(li on their ancient footing the
' pretentions and fundtions of each individual tribe.
The book of Ezra, and alfo that of Nehemiah, are
attributed by the ancients to the former of thele pro¬
phets; and they called them the ift and 2d books of
Eidras •, which title is dill kept up by the Latin church.
It is indeed highly probable that the former of thefe
books, which comprifes the hiftory of the Jews from the
time that Cyrus made the decree for their return until
the twentieth year of Artaxerxes Longimanus (which
was about 100 years, or as others think 79 years), was
all compofed by Ezra, except the firft fix chapters,
which contain an account of the firft return of the Jew's
on the decree of Cyrus •, whereas Ezra did not return
till the time of Artaxerxes. It is of this lecond return
therefore that he writes the account 5 and adding it to
the other, which he found compofed to his hand, he
made it a complete hiftory of the Jewilh reftoration.
This book is written in Chaldee from chap. iv. 8. to
chap. vii. 27. As this part of the w’oiks chiefly con¬
tains letters, converfations, and decrees exprefled in that
language, the fidelity of the hiftorian has probably in¬
duced him to take down the very words which w'ere
ufed. The people, too, had been accuftomed to the
Chaldee during the captivity, and probably underftood
it better than Hebrew'; for it appears from Nehemiah’s
account, chap. viii. 2, 8, that all could not underftand
the law.
The book of Nehemiah, as has been already obfer-
ved, bears, in the Latin bibles, the title of thefecond
booh of Efdras; the ancient canons likewife give it the
fame name, becaufe, perhaps, it wras confidered as a
fequel to th« book of Ezra. In the Hebrew bibles it
has the name of Nehemiah prefixed to it; which name is
retained in the Englifh bible. But though that chief is
by the writer of the fecond book of Maccabees affirm¬
ed to have been the author of it, there cannot, we think,
be a doubt, either that it was written at a later pe¬
riod, or had additions made to it after Nehemiah’s
death.
With the book of Nehemiah the hiftory of the Old
Teftament concludes. This is fuppofed to have taken
place about A. M. 3574, A. C. 434. But Prideaux
3°
Of Either.
with more probability has fixed it at A. M. 35’95. See Scripture..
Nehemiah.
It is uncertain who w’as the author of the book of
Either. Clement, of Alexandria, and many commen¬
tators, have aferibed it to Mordecai; and the book itfclf
feems to favour this opinion ; for we are told in chap,
ix. 20. that “ Mordecar wrote thefe things.” Others
have fuppofed that Ezra was the author 5 but the more
probable opinion of the Talmudifts is, that the great
fynagogue (fee Synagogue), to perpetuate the me¬
mory of the deliverance of the Jews from the confpira-
cy of Haman, and to account for the origin of the feaft
of Purim, ordered this book to be compoied, very likely
of materials left by Mordecai, and afterwards approved
and admitted it into the lacred canon. The time when
the events wdiich it relates happened, is fuppofed by
feme to have been in the reign of Artaxerxes Longi¬
manus, and by others in that of Darius the fon of Hy-
ftafpes, called by the lacred penman Ahafuei-us. „T
Concerning the author of the book of Job there are Of Job.
many different opinions. Some have fuppofed that Job
himfelf wrote it in Syriac or Arabic, and that it was
afterwards tranflated by Moles. Others have thought
that Eiihu wrote it ; and by others it is aferibed to
Mofes, to Solomon, to Ifaiah, and to Ezra. To give
even an abridgement of the arguments brought in fup-
port of thefe various opinions would fill a volume, and
at laft leave the reader in his prelent uncertainty. He
who has leifure and inclination to weigh them may
ftudy the fecond fedftion of the fixth book of Warbur-
ton’s Divine Legation of Mofes, together with the fe-
veral works there referred to ; but the queftion at iffue
is of very little importance to us. The bock of Job,
by whomfoever it was written, and whether it be a real
hiftory, or a dramatical poem founded on hiftory, has
been always ^fteemed a portion of canonical feripture,
and is one of the moft fublime compofitions in the facred
volume.
The book of Job appears to ftand fingle and unpa¬
ralleled in the facred volume. It feems to have little
connexion with the other writings of the Plebrews,
and no relation whatever to the affairs of the Ifraelites.
The feene is laid in Idumaea (h) ; the hiftory of an in-
3 G 2 habitant
(h) “ The information which the learned have endeavoured to colledl from the writings and geography of the
Greeks concerning the country and refidence of Job and his friends, appears to me (fays Dr Lowth) fo very in-
conclufive, that I am inclined to take a quite different method for the folution of this queftion, by applying folely
to the Sacred Writings : the hints with which they have furnifhed me towards the illuftration of this fubjeH, I ftiall
explain as briefly as poffible.
“ The land of Uz, or Gnutz, is evidently Idumaea, as appears from Lam. iv. 21. Uss rvas the grandfon of Seir
the Horite, Gen. xxxvi. 20, 21, 28. 1 Chron. i. 38, 42. Seir inhabited that mountainous traft which was
called by his name antecedent tb the time of Abraham ; but his pofterity being expelled, it was occupied by the '
Idumaeans : Gen. xiv. 6. Deut. ii. 12. Two other men are mentioned of the name Uz; one the grandfon of
Shetn, the other the fon of Nachor, the brother of Abraham ; but whether any diftrift was called after their
name is not clear. Idumaea is a part of Arabia Petraea, fituated on the fouthern extremity of the tribe of Judah :
Numb, xxxiv. 3. Jofh. xv. 1, 21. The land of Uz therefore appears to have been between Egypt and Philiftia,
Jer. xxv. 20. where the order of the places feems to have been accurately obferved in reviewing the different nations
from Egypt to Babylon •, and the fame people feem again to be deferibed in exadftly the fame fituations. Jer. xlvi. 1.
“ Children of the Eaj}, or Eafern people, feems to have been the general appellation for that mingled race of peo¬
ple (as they are called, Jer. xxv. 20.) who inhabited between Egypt and the Euphrates, bordering upon Judea from
the fouth to the eaft ; the Idumaeans, the Amalekites, the Midianites, the Moabites, the Ammonites. See Judges
vi. 3. and Ifa.^xi. 14. Of thefe the Idumaeans and Amalekites certainly poffdfed the fouthern parts. See Numb,
xxxiv. 3. xiii. 29. 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, 10. This'appears to be the true ftate of tke cafe: The whole region be¬
tween
SCR1 [ 783 J SCR
Scripture, habitant of that country is the bails of the narrative j
““'v •"' the characters who fpeak are Idumaeans, or at lead: Ara¬
bians of the adjacent country, all originally of the race
of Abraham. The language is pure Hebrew, although
the author appears to be an Idumaean j for it is not
improbable that all the poilerity of Abraham, Ifraelites,
Idumeans, and Arabians, whether of the family of Ke-
turah or Ifhmael, fpoke for a conliderable length of time
one common language. That the Idumaeans, however,
and the Temanites in particular, were eminent for the
reputation of wildom, appears by the tellimony of the
■1 Jer. xlix. prophets Jeremiah and Obadiah f : Baruch alio parti-
7- Ob. S. cularly mentions them among “ the authors (or ex¬
pounders) of fables, and fearchers out of under ft and- Scripture.
ing '   
'J'he principal peifonage in this poem is Job j and infJ5arucn
his character is mieant to be exhibited (as faf as is con-*11’ 2^22^’
ftftent with human infirmity) an example of perfeCl The cha-
virtue, 'J'his is intimated in the argument or intro-rn<^er of
duCHon, but is ftill more eminently difplayed by hisJot'
own aftions and fentiments. He is holy, devout, and
moft pioufly and reverently imprelTed with the iacred
awe of his divine Creator ; he is alfo upright, and con-
fcious of his own integrity ; he is patient of evil, and
yet very remote from that infenfibility or rather ftupi-
dity to which the btoic fchool pretended. Opprelled
therefore
tween Egypt and Euphrates vras called the Eaft, at firft in refpeCt to Egypt (where the learned Jof. Mede
thinks the Ifraelites acquired this mode of fpeaking. Mede’s Works, p. 580.), and afterwards abfolulely and with¬
out any relation to fituation or circumftances. Abraham is faid to have lent the Ions of his concubines, Hagar and
Keturah, “ eaftwTard, to the country which is commonly called the Eaft,” Gen. xxv, 6. where the name of the
region feems to have been derived from the fame fituation. Solomon is reported “ to have excelled in wifdcm
all the Eaftern people, and all Egypt,”'’ 1 Kings iv. 30. \ that is, all the neighbouring people on that quarter : for
there were people beyond the boundaries of Egypt, and bordering on the fouth of Judea, who were famous for
wifdom, namely, the Iduir.seans (fee Jer. xlix. 7. Ob. 8.), to whom we may well believe this pafiage might have
feme relation. Thus Jehovah addreffes the Babylonians j “ Arife, afeend unto Kedar, and lay wafte the chil¬
dren of the Eaft,” (Jer. xlix. 28). notwithftanding thefe were really fituated to the weft of Babylon. Although
Job, therefore, be accounted one of the orientals, it by no means follows that his refidence mult be in Arabia
Deferta.
“ E/if>ha% the Tcmanite was the fon of Efau, and Teir.an the fon of Eliphaz, (Gen. xxxvi. 10, 11.). The Eh-
phaz of Job was without a doubt of this race. Teman is certainly a city of Idumaa, (Jer. xlix. 7, 20. Ezck. xxv.
13. Amos i. ii, 12. Ob. 8, 9.).
“ Qildad the ShvJute : Shiiah was one of the fons of Abraham by Keturah, whofe pofterity w'ere numbered among
the people of the Eaft, and his liiuation was probably contiguous to that of his brother Midian, and of his nephews
Shebah and Dedan, (fee Gen. xxv. 2, and 3.). Dedan is a city of Idumaea (Jer. xlix. 8.), and feems to have been
fituated on the eaftern fide, as Teman was on the weft, (Ezek. xxv. 13.). From Sheba originated the Sabseans in
the palfiige from Arabia Felix to the Red Sea : Sheba is united to Midian (Ifa. lx. 6.) j it is in the fame region
however with Midian, and not far from Mount Horeb, (Exod. ii. ij. iii. 1.).
“ "djOphar the Ncamat/iite: among the cities which by lot fell to the tribe of Judah, in the ncighbouihood of
Idumaea, Naama is enumerated, (Jolh. xv. 21, 41.). Nor does this name elfewhere occur j this probably was the
country of Zophar.
“ E/ihu the Bu^zite: Bi z occurs but once as the name of a place or country (Jcr. xxv. 23.), where it is men¬
tioned along with Dedan and Thema : Dedan, as was juft nowr demonftrated, is a city of Idumaea j Thema be¬
longed to the children of Ilhrr.ael, who are faid to have inhabited from Havilah, even to Shur, which is in the di~
ftridl of Egypt, (Gen. xxv. 13. 18.). Saul, however, is faid to have fmitten the Air.alekites from Havilah even
to Shur, which is in the diilric! of Egypt, (1 Sam. xv. 7.). Havilah cannot, therefore, be very far frem the
boundaries of the Amalekites •, but the Amalekites never exceeded the boundaries of Arabia Petraea. f See Reland
Palceftin. lib. i. c. 14.). Thema, therefore, lay fomewheve between Havilah and the defert of Shur, to the fouth-
ward of Judea. Thema is alfo mentioned in connexion with Sheba, (Job vi. 19.).
“ Upon a fair review of thefe fa£ls, I think we may venture to conclude, ftill with that madefy which fuch a
queftion demands, that Job was an inhabitant of Arabia Petrsea, as well as his friends, or at leaft of that neigh¬
bourhood. To this folution one objtdlion may be raifed : it may be alked, Howr the Chaldeans, who lived on
the borders of the Euphrates, could make depredations on the camels of Job, who lived in Idum aea at fo great a
diftance ? This too is thought a fufficient caufe for affigning Job a fituation in Arabia Deferta, and rot far frem
the Euphrates. But what (hculd prevent the Chaldeans, as well as the Sabeans, a people addicted to rapine, and
roving about at immenfe diftar.ces for the fake of plunder, from wandering through thefe defencelefs regions, which
were divided into tribes arid families rather than into rations, and pervading from Euphrates even to Egypt ?
Further, I wTould alk on the other hand, whether it be probable that all the friends of Job who lived in Idumaea
and ks neightourhoc d, fl ould inftantly be informed of all that could happen to Job in the defert of Arabia
and on the confines' of Chaldea, and immediately repair thiiher ? Or whether it be reafonable to think, that, feme
of them being inhabitants of Arabia Deferta, it ftiould be concerted among them to meet at the refidence of Job $
fince it is evident, that Eliphaz lived at Theman, in the extreme parts of Idumea ? With refpeff to the Aijitas
of Ptolemy (for fo it is written, and not jdufitas') it has no agreement, not fo much as in a fingle letter, with the
Hebrew Gmitz. The LXX indeed call that country by the name jivfitida, but they deferibe it as fituated in
Idumaea \ and they account Job himfelf an Idumean, and a defeendant of Efau.” See the Appendix of the LXX
to the book of Job, and Hyde Not. in Perit%oI, chap. xi. JLovoth on Hebrew Poetry.
SCR I 7S9 ] SC 11
Scripture, therefore with unparalleled misfortunes, he laments his of Job is dii'playeJ in replying to the (lander of his falfe Scripture.
* Job. vi.
26-
f See chap
vii. 20.
mifery, and even wifhes a releafe by death •, in other
words, he obeys and gives place to the dictates of
nature. Irritated, however, by the unjufi: infinuations
and the fevere reproaches of his pretended friends, he
is more vehemently exafperated, and a too great con¬
fidence in his own righteoufnefs leads him to expoflulate
with God in terms fcarcely confident with piety and
ftn<!d decorum.
It mud be obferved, that the fird fpeech of Job,
though it burfis forth with all the vehemence of padion,
confids w'holly of complaint, “ the words and fenti-
ments of a defpairing perfon, empty as the wind *
which is indeed the apology that he immediately makes
for his conduct •, intimating, that he is far from pre¬
fuming to plead with God, far from daring to call in
quedion the divine decrees, cr even to mention his own
innocence in the prefence of his all jud Creator : nor
is there any good reafon for the cenfure which has been
paffed by feme commentators on this paffage. The
poet feems, with great judgement and ingenuity, to have
performed in this what the nature of his work required.
He has depifted the afiliftion and anguifh of job, as
flowing from his wounded heart in a manner fo agree¬
able to human nature (and certainly fo far venial), that
it may be truly faid, “ in all this Job finned not with
his lips.” It is, neverthelefs, embelliflied by fuch af-
fefting imagery, and infpired with fuch a warmth and
force of fentiment, that we find it afforded ample fcope
for calumny ; nor did the unkind witneffes of his fuffer-
ings permit fo fair an opportunity to efcape. The oc-
caiion is eagerly embraced by Eliphaz to rebuke the
impatience of Job ; and, not fatisfied with this, he pro¬
ceeds to aceufe him in direft terms of wanting forti¬
tude, and obliquely to infinuate fomething of a deeper
dye. Though deeply hurt with the coaife reproaches
of Eliphaz, ilill, however, when Job afterwards com¬
plains of the feverity of God, he cautioufly refrains from
violent expoflulations with his Creator, and, contented
with the Ample expreffion of affllftion, he humbly con-
, feffes himfelf a (Inner f. Hence it is evident, that thofe
vehement and perverfe atteftations of his innocence,
thofe murmurs againft the divine Providence, which his
tottering virtue afterwards permits, are to be confidered
merely as the confequences of momentary paflion, and
not as the ordinary effefts of his fettled charafter cr
manners. They prove him at the very word not an ir¬
religious man, bu-t a man poffeffed of integrity, and too
confident of it ; a man eppreffed with almofl every ima¬
ginable evil, both corporal and mental, and hurried
beyond the limits of virtue by the ftrong influence of
pain and affliftion. When, on the contrary, his im¬
portunate vifitors abandon by (Hence the caufe which
they had fo wantonly and fo malicioufly.maintained, and
ceafe unjuftly to load him with unmerited criminations 5
though he defends his argument with fcarcely lefs obfii-
nacy, yet the vehemence of his grief appears gradually
to fubfide, he returns to himfelf, and explains his fenti-
ments with more candour and fedatenefs : and hoivever
we may blame him for affirming, rather too much arro¬
gance in bus appeals to the Almighty, certainly his de¬
fence againft the accufations of Eliphaz is no more than
the occafion will ftriftly juftify. Obferve, in the firft
place, how admirably the confidence and perfeverance
friends
31
As God liveth, who hath removed my judgement; ^:s cor)fi-
Nay, as the Almighty liveth, who hath imbittered my^^ev^!1
_ ranee.
Verily as long as I have life in me,
And the breath of God is in my noftrils j
My lips (hall not fpeak perverfity,
Neither (hall my tongue whifper prevarication.
God forbid that I fliould declare you righteous !
Till I expire I will not remove my integrity from me.
I have fortified myfelf in my righteoufnefs,
And I will not give up my ftation :
My heart (hall not upbraid me as long as I live.
May mine enemy be as the impious man,
And he that rifeth up againfi; me as the wicked *. * Chap.
But how magnificent, how noble, how inviting and ’ " y
beautiful is that image of virtue in which he delineates
his pad life ! What dignity and authority does he feem
to poffefs!
If I came out to the gate, nigh the place of public re¬
fort,
If I took up my feat in the ftreet;
The young men faw me, and they hid themfelves ^
Nay, the very old men rofe up and ilood.
The princes refrained talking,
Nay, they laid their hands on their mouths.
The nobles held their peace,
And their tongue cleaved to the roof of their mouth f. p Chap.
What liberality ! what a promptitude in beneficence ! ;
Becaufe the ear heard, therefore it bleffed me •,
The eye alfo faw, therefore it bare teflimony for me.
That I delivered the poor who cried,
The orphan alfo, and him who had no helper.
The bleffing of him who was ready to perifti came upon
t Chap,
xx'x. ir-
And I caufed the heart of the widow to fing for joy
What fanftity, what integrity in a judicial capacity ! 13.
I put on righteoufnefs, and it clothed me like a robe }
My juiiice alfo was a diadem.
I w’as a father to the poor,
And the controveify which I knew not, I fearched it
out.
Then brake I the grinders of the opprtffor.
And I plucked the prey out of his teeth $. j Chap,
xxix. 14,
But what can be more engaging than the purity of his *6. i?*
devotion, and his reverence for the Supreme Being,
founded on the befl: and mod philofophical principles ?
Befides that , through the w'hole there runs a drain of
the mpft amiable tendernefs and humanity :
For w'hat is the portion which God diftributeth from
above,
And the inheritance of the Almighty from on high ? -
Is it not deftruftion to the wdeked,
And banifliment from their country to the doers of ini¬
quity ?
Doth he not fee my ways ?
And numbereth he not all my fteps ?
If I fhould defpife the caufe of my fervant,
Or.
Scripture-.
f Chap.
xxxi. 2—4.
M—iS-
34
Charadlers
of his three
friends.
f Chap.
IV. 2.
j Chap,
viii. 2.
* Chap,
xi. 2, 3.
35
Of Ehhu.
SCR [
Or rr.y maid, when they had a controverfy with me,
What then ihould I do when God arifeth,
And when he viiiteth, what anfvver could I make him ?
Did not he wdio formed me in the belly form him,
And did not one fafhion us in the womb f ?
1 he three friends are exactly fuch characters as the
nature of the poem required. They are fevere, irritable,
malignant cenfors, readily and with apparent fatisfaction
deviating from the purpofe of confolation into reproof
and contumely. Even from the very firtt they manifelt
this evil propenfity, and indicate what is to be expedted
from them. The firft of them, indeed, in the opening
of his harangue, affumes an air of candour :
Wouldft thou take it unkindly that one ftiould tffay to
fpeak to thee X ?
Indignation is, however, inflantly predominant:
But a few words wdro can forbear ?
The fecond dames forth at once :
How long wilt thou tride in this manner ?
How long diall the words of thy mouth be as a mighty
wind $ ?
But remark the third :
Shall not the mailer of words be anfwered ?
Or lhall a man be acquitted for his fine fpeeches ?
Shall thy prevarications make men filent ?
Shall thou even feoff, and there be no one to make thee
alhamed * ?
The lenity and moderation of Elihu ferves as a beau¬
tiful contrail to the intemperance and afperity of the
other three. He is pious, mild, and equitable ; equal¬
ly free from adulation and feverity 5 and endued with
lingular wifdom, which he attributes entirely to the in-
fpiration of God : and his modelly, moderation, and
wifdom, are the more entitled to commendation when
we conlider his unripe youth. As the characters of his
detradlors were in all refpedls calculated to indame the
m»nd of Job, that of this aroitiator is admirably adapted
to foothe and compofe it: to this point the whole drift of
the argument tends, and on this the very purport of it
feems to depend.
Another circumdance deferving particular attention
in a poem of this kind, is the fentiment; wdiich mull be
agreeable to the fubjeft, and embellilhed with proper
expreffion. It is by Aritlotle enumerated among the
effentials of a dramatic poem ; not indeed as peculiar to
that fpecies of poetry alone, but as common, and of the
greatell importance, to all. Manners or chara&er are
effential only.to that poetry in which living perfons are
introduced ; and all fuch poems mud afford an exadl re¬
presentation of human manners : but fenliment is effen¬
tial to every poem, indeed to every compodtion what¬
ever. It refpe&s both perfons and things. As far as it
regards perfons, it is particularly concerned in the deli¬
neation of the manners and palhons : and thofe indances
to which we nave jud been adverting are fentiments ex-
preffive of manners. Thofe which relate to the delinea¬
tion of the paffions, and to the defeription of other fub-
je<ffs, yet remain unnoticed.
I he poem of Job abounds chiedy in the more vehe¬
ment paliions, grid and anger, indignation and violent
4
790 ] SCR
contention. It is adapted In every refpeft to the in- Srnpturc'.
citement of terror ; and, as the fpecimcns already quot-
ed will diffidently prove, is univerfally animated rtdthSei,t^entJ
the true fpirit of fublimity. It is, however, not wanting o!ti,e
in the gentler padions. The following complaiir5s, for poem pf
inliance, are replete with an affeding fpirit of melan-
choly :
Man, the offspring of a woman,
Is of few days, and full of inquietude 5
He fpringeth up, and is cut off like a flower ;
He flee-eth like a ffiadow, and doth not abide :
On fuch a creature dod thou open thine eyes ?
And wilt thou bring me even into judgement w-ith thee?
Turn thy lock from him, that he may have fome re-
fpite,
Till he (hall, like a hireling, have completed his day f. f Chap*
The whole paffage abounds with the mod beautiful ^
imagery, and is a mod perfeft fpecimen of the Elegiac.
His grief aftenvards becomes more fervent} but is at
the fame time loft and querimonious.
How long will ye vex my foul,
And tire me with vain harangues ?
1 hefe ten times have ye loaded me with reproaches,
Are ye not adiamed that ye are fo obdinate againfl me ?
Pity me, O pity me, ye are my friends,
For the hand of God hath fmitten me.
f Chap.
Why will ye be my perfecutors as well as God,
And therefore will ye not be fatisfied with my fltfli X ? 21, 22.
The ardour and alacriiy of the vrar-horfe, and hisltSi g^li-
eagernefs for battle, are painted with a maderly hand : mitj.
For eagernefs and fury he devoureth the very ground ;
Pie believeth it not when he heareth the trumpet.
When the trumpet foundeth, he faith, ahah !
Yea he feenteth the battle from afar,
The thunder of the chieftains and their flrouts*. * Chap.
The following fublime defeription of the creation is XXX1X*
admirable:
Where rvad thou wrhen I laid the foundations of the
earth ?
If thou knowed, declare.
Say, who fixed the proportions of it, for furely thou
knowed ?
Or who dretched out the line upon it ?
On what were its foundations fixed ?
Or who laid the corner-done thereof ?
When the morning-dars fang together,
And all the fons of God Oiouted for joy j
When the fea was (hut up with door's 5
When it burft forth as an infant that cometh out of the
womb ;
When I placed the cloud for its robe,
And thick darknefs for its fwadling-band 5
When I fixed my- boundary againd it,
When I placed a bar and gates ;
W hen I faid, 1 hus far flralt thou come,
vance,
And here fhall a dop be put to the pride of thy waves f. | jcfr
Let it fuffice to fay, that the dignity of the dyle is XX,|V“'
anfwerable to that of the fubjefl} its force and energy, 1
to the greatnefs of thefe paffions which it deferibes :
and as this production excels all the other remains of
the
and not ad-
i
3S
The book,
©f Pin!ms.
* D'bnn
*720 *
SCR [7
Scripture, tlie Hebrew poetry in economy and arrangement, fo it
yields to none in 1'ublimity of ityle and in every grace
and excellence of compofition. Among the principal of
thefe may be reckoned the accurate and perfectly poe¬
tical conformation of the fentences, which is indeed ge¬
nerally molt obfervable in the molt ancient of the poeti¬
cal compofitions of the Hebrews. Here, however, as
is natural and proper in a poem of fo great length and
lublimity, the writer’s fkiil is difplayed in the proper
adjufhnent of the period, and in the accurate diftribu-
tion of the members, rather than in the antithefis of
words, or in any laboured adaptation of the parallel-
ifms.
The word Vfalms is a Greek term, and hgnifies Songs.
The Hebrews call it Scpher Tehi/lim *, that is, “ the
Book of Praifes 5” and in the Gofpel it is ftyled the
Book of Pfaims. Great veneration has always been
paid to this collection of divine fongs. The Chriltian
church has xrom the beginning made them a principal
part of her holy fervices •, and in the primitive times it
was almolt a general rule that every bifhop, prieft, and
religious peribn, fhould have the pfalter by heart.
Many learned fathers, and not a few of the moderns,
have maintained that David was the author of them all..
Several are of a different opinion, and infill that David
wrote only 72 of them; and that thofe without titles
are to be aferibed to the authors of the preceding pfaims,
whofe napnes are affixed to them. Thofe who fuppofe
that David alone was the author, contend, that in the
New Teflament, and in the language of the church
univerfal, they are exprefsly called the Pfaims of David.
That David was the principal author of thefe hymns is
univerlally acknowledged, and therefore the whole col¬
lection may properly enough go under his name ; but
that he wrote them all, is a palpable miflake. Nothing
certain can be gathered from the titles of the pfaims ;
for although unqueftionably very ancient, yet authors
are not agreed as to their authority, and they differ as
much about their figmfication. The Hebrew doClors
generally agree that the 92d pfalm was.compofed by
30 Adam ; an opinion which for many reafons we are not
Written by inclined to adopt. There feems, however, to be no
difierent doubt that fome of them were written by Mofes ; that
iii.tnor-. Solomon was the author of the 49th ; and that others
were occafioned by events long pollerior to the rlouriffi-
ing era of the kingdom of Judah. The 137th particu¬
larly is one of thofe which mentions the captivity of Ba¬
bylon.
The following arrangement of the Pfaims, after a
careful and judicious examination, has been adopted by
Calmet.
1. h.ight Pfaims of which the date is uncertain, viz.
1, 4, 19, 81, 91, 110, 139, 145. The firfl of thefe
was compofed by David or Ezra, and was fung in the
temple at the feaft of trumpets held in the beginning
of the year and at the feaft of tabernacles. The 81ft
is attributed to Afaph, and the noth to David. The
authors of the reft are unknown.
2. The Pfaims compofed by David during the per-
G R
22> 35> 57> 58> J42> M0* ScriPture*
fecution of Saul. Thefe are feventeen, n, 31,
34?
91 1 s
j6, 16, 54, 52, icp, 17,
I4I> 7; ,
3\ '^he Pfabns oompofed by David at the beginning
of his reign, and after the death of Saul. Thefe are
fixteen, 2, 9, 24, 63, 101, 29, 20, 21, 28, 39, 40,
41, 6, 51, 32, 33. _
4. The Plalms written by David during the rebellion
of Abfalom are eight in number ; 3, 4, 35, 62, 70,
7G 143, I44-
5. The Pfaims written between the death of Abfa¬
lom and the captivity, which are ten, 18, 30, 72, 43,
78, 82, 83, 76, 74, 79: of thefe David wrote only
three ; 18, 30, and 72.
6. The Plalms compofed during the captivity, which
amount to forty. Thefe were chiefly compofed by the
defendants of Afaph and Korah : they are 10, 12, 13,
J4? 53> }5> 2S> 26, 27, 28, 36, 37, 42, 43, 44, 49,
50, 60, 64, 69, 73, 75, 77, 80, 84, 86, 88, 89, 90,
92? 93? 94? 95? 99? 120, 121, 123, 130, 131, 132.
Latlly, Thofe hymns of joy and thankfgiving, writ¬
ten on the releafe from the Babylonitlx captivity, and
at the building and dedication of the temple. Thefe
?.re, 122, 61, 63, 124, 23,87, 85, 46, 47, 48, from
9610 117 inclufive, 126, 133 to 137 inclufive, 149, -
M0? J46? I47? I4^? 59? 65? 66, 67, 118, 125, 127,
128, 129, 138.—According to this diftribution, only
45 are pofitively affigned to David.
Jofephus, and molt of the ancient writers, afiert, that
the Pfa!ms were compofed in numbers: little, however,
refpefting the nature and principles of the Hebrew ver-
fification is known.
There exifted a certain kind of poetry among the He- obftn va-
brews, principally intended, it would appear, for the tions on the-r
affiliance of the memory ; in which, when there was lit-Hebrew
tie connection between the fentiments, a fort of order or pJetry-J
method was preferved, by the initial letters of each line
or ftanza following the order of the alphabet. Of this
there are feveral examples extant among the facred
poems (l) ; and in thefe examples the veries are fo ex-
a&ly marked and defined, that it is impoffible to miftake
them lor prole ; and particularly if we attentively con-
fider the verfes, and compare them with one another,
fince they are in general fo regularly accommodated,
that word anfwers to word, and almoft fyllable to fyl-
lable. i his being the cafe, though an appeal can
ftaiccly be made to the car on this occafion, the eye it-
felf will diftinguiffi the poetic divifion and arrangement,
and alfo that fome labour and accuracy has been em¬
ployed in adapting the words to the meafure.
J he Hebiew poetry lias likewife another property
altogether peculiar to metrical compofition. It admits
foreign words and certain particles, which feldom occur
in profe compofition, and thus forms a diftinft poetical
dialed. One or two of the peculiarities alfo of the
Hebrew verfification it may be proper to remaik, which
as they are very obfervable in thofe poems in which the
verfes are defined by the initial letters, may at lead be
reafonably conjedured of the reft. The firft of thefe
is, that the verfes are very unequal in length ; the ftxort-
eft confifting of fix or feven fyllables; the longeft ex-
, tending
(0 Pfaims xxv. xxxiv. xxxvu. cxi. cxij. cxix. c xlv. Prov. xxxi. from the 10th verfe to the end. The whole
of the Lamentations of Jeremian except the laft chapter.
Scripture.
41
Peculiar!,
tiestif it.
3 C Pi
tending t© about twice that number : the fame poem is,
however, generally continued throughout in verfes not
very unequal to each ether. It muft alfo be oblerved,
that the clofe of the verfe generally falls where the
members of the fentences are divided.
But although nothing certain can be defined concern¬
ing the metre of the particular verfes, there is yet ano¬
ther artifice of poetry to be remarked of them when in
a colledtive (fate, when feveral ol them are taken toge¬
ther. In the Hebrew poetry, as is formerly remarked,
there may be obferved a certain conformation of the
leniences $ the nature of which is, that a complete fenfe
is almoft equally infufed into every component part, and
that every member conftitutes an entire verfe. So that
as the poems divide themfelves in a manner fpontane-
uufiy into periods, for the molt part equal j fo the pe¬
riods themfelves are divided into verfes, moft common¬
ly couplets, though frequently of greater length. This
is chiefly obfervable in thofe paflages which frequently
occur in the Hebrew poetry, in which they treat one
lubject in many different rvays, and dwell on the fame
fentiment 5 when they exprefs the fame thing in differ¬
ent words, or different things in a fimilar form of words j
when equals refer to equals, and oppofites to oppofites :
and fince this artifice of compofition feldom fails to pro¬
duce even in profe an agreeable and meafured cadence—
we cah fcarcely doubt that it muft have imparted to
their poetry, were we mafters of the verfification, an
exquifite degree of beauty and grace.
The elegant and ingenious Dr Lowth has with great
acutenefs examined the peculiarities of Hebrew poetry,
and has arranged them under general divifions. The
correfpondence of one verfe or line with another he calls
parallelifm. When a propofition is delivered, and a fe-
cond is fubjoined to it, equivalent or contrafted with it
in fenfe, or fimilar to it in the form of grammatical
conftruftion, thefe he calls parallel lines; and the
words or phrafes anfwering one to another in the corre-
fponding lines, parallel terms. Parallel lines he reduces
to three forts *, parallels fynonymous, parallels antithetic,
and parallels fynthetic. Of each of thefe we fliall pre-
fent a few examples.
Firft, of parallel lines fynonymous, which correfpond
one to another by exprefling the fame fenfe in different
but equivalent terms.
O-Jehovah, in-thy-ftrength the-king fhall-rejoice j
And-in-thy-falvation how greatly fhall-he-exult 1
The-defire of-his-heart thou-haft-granted unto-him ;
And-the-requeft of-his-lips thou-haft-not denied.
Pf. xxi. t. 2.
Becaufe I-called, and-ye-refufed 5
I-ftretched-out my-hand, and-no-one regarded :
But-ye-have-defeated all my-counfel ;
And-wrould-not incline to-my-reproof:
I alfo will-laugh at-your-calamity •,
I-wil 1-mock, when-what-you-feared coraeth ;
When-what-you-feared cometh like-a-devaftation 5
And-your-calamity advanceth like-a-tempeft ;
When diftrefs and-anguifti come upon-you :
Then fhall-they-call-upon-me, but-I-will-not anfwer;
C It
arly, but-they-fhall-not find-mc i Scripture*
Becaufe they-hated knowledge ;
And-did-not choofe the-fear of-Jehovah j
Did-not incline to-my-counfel 5
Contemptuoufly-rejefted all roy-reproof;
Therefore-ftiall-lhey-eat of-the-fruit of-their-ways-:
And-fhall-be-fatiated with-their-own-devices.
For the-defe£lion of-the-fimple fhall-flay-them ;
And-the-fecurity of-fools fhall-deftroy them.
Prov. i. 24—32*
Seek-ye Jehovah, while-he^may-be-found;
Call-ye-upon-him, while-he-is near j
Let-the-wicked forfake his-way j
And-the-unrighteous man his-thoughts:
And-let-him-return to Jehovah, and-he-will compaftion-
ate-him j
And unto our-God, for he-aboundeth in-forgivenefs (k).
Ifaiah Iv. 6. 7.
Thefe fynonymous parallels fometimes confift of two#
three, or more fynonymous terms. Sometimes they
are formed by a repetition of part of the firft fentence ;
As,
What (hall I do unto thee, O Ephraim !
What fhall I do unto thee, O Judah !
For your goodnefs is as the morning cloud,
And as the early dew it paffeth away.
Hofea vi. 4.
The following is a beautiful inftfcnce of a parallel
triplet, when three lines correfpond and form a kind of
ftanza, of which two only are fynonymous.
That day, let it become darknefs}
Let not God from above inquire after it j
Nor let the flowing light radiate upon it.
That night, let utter darknefs feize it }
Let it not be united with the days of the year ;
Let it not come into the number of the months.
Let the itars of its twilight be darkened ;
Let it look f5r light, and may there be none ;
And let it not behold the eyelids of the morning.
Job iii. 4, 6, 9,
The fecond fort of parallels are the antithetic, when
two lines correfpond with one another by an oppofition
of terms and fentiments •, when the fecond is contrafted
with the firft, fometimes in expreffions, fometimes in
fenfe only. Accordingly the degrees of antithefis are
various : from an exaft contrapofition of word to word
through the whole fentence, down to a general difparity,
with fomething of a contrariety, in the two propor¬
tions. Thus in the following examples :
A wife fon rejoiceth his father )
But a foolifti fon is the grief of bis mother.
Prov. x. I.
Where every word hath its oppofite } for the terms
father and mother are, as the logicians fay, relatively op¬
pofite.
The memory of the juft is a blefting j
But the name of the wicked ftiall rot. Prov. x. 7.
Here
[ 792 1
They-ftutll-feek-m:
s
JL
(k) All the words bound together by hyphens anfwer to Angle words in Hebrew.
SCR T 793 ] SCR
Scripture. Here there are only two antithetic terms: for memory
" ~v ' and name are fynonymous.
There is that fcattereth, and ftill increafeth j
And that is unreafpnably iparing, yet groweth poor.
Prov. xi. 24.
Here there is a kind of double antithefis; one between
the two lines themfelves; and likewife a lubordinate op-
pofition between the two parts of each.
Thefe in chariots, and thofe in horfes;
But we in the name of Jehovah our God will be ftrong.
They are bowed down, and fallen ;
But we are rifen, and maintain ourfelves firm.
Pf. xx. 7, 8.
For his wrath is but for a moment, his favour for life ;
Sorrow may lodge for the evening, but in the morning
gladnefs. Pf. xxx. 5.
Yet a little while, and the wicked lhall be no more ;
1 hou ihalt look at his place, and he lhall not be found:
But the meek lhall inherit the land ;
And delight themfelves in abundant profperity.
Pf. xxxvii. xo, 11.
In the lafi; example the oppofition lies between the
two parts of a Uanza of four lines, the latter diftich be-
ing oppsfed to the former. So likewife the following :
For the mountains lhall be removed ;
And the hills fhall be overthrown :
But my kindnefs from thee fhall not be removed ;
And the covenant of my peace lhall not be overthrown.
Ifaiah liv. 10.
Ifaiali by means of the antithetic parallelifm, without
departing from his ufual dignity, adds greatly to the
fweetnefs of his compofition in the following inflances :
In a little anger have I forfaken thee ;
But with great mercies will I receive thee again :
In a Ihort wrath I hid my face for a moment from thee j
But with everlading kindnefs will I have mercy on thee.
Ifaiah liv. 7, 8.
, Behold my fervants lhall eat, but ye lhall be famifned 5
Behold my fervants lhall drink, but ye lhall be thirfty ;
Behold my fervants fhall rejoice, but ye fhall be con¬
founded ;
Behold my fervants fhall fing aloud, for gladnefs of
heart,
But ye fhall cry aloud for grief of heart;
And in the anguifh of a broken fpirit fhall ye howl.
Ifaiah Ixv. 13, 14.
frequently one line or member contains two fentb
ments :
I ne nations raged 5 the kingdoms were moved j
Fie uttered a voice ; the earth was diffolved :
Be flill, and know that I am God :
i. wnl b^. exalted in the nations, I will be exalted in the
carth- ' Pf. xlvi. 6, 10.
When thou paffeft through waters I am with thee 5
And through rivers, they fhall not overwhelm thee :
When thou walked in the fire thou ilialt not be fcorched;
And the flame fhall not cleave to thee.
Ifaiah xliii, 2.
The third fort of parallels is the fynthetic or con- Scripture,
flruftive : where the parallelifm confiils only in the fi-
milar form of conftruftion ; in which word does not
aniwer to word, and fentence to lenience, as equivalent
or oppoflte ; but there is a correfpondence and equality
between different propofitions, in refpedt of the lhape
and turn of the whole fentence, and of the conflruftive
parts ; fuch as noun anfwering to noun, verb to verb,
member to member, negative to negative, interrogative
to interrogative.
Lo ! he withholdeth the waters, and they are dried up :
And he fenueth them forth, and they overturn the earth.
With him is ftrength, and perfect exiftence }
The deceived, and the deceiver, are his.
Job xii. 13—16.
Is fuch then the faff which I choofe ?
That a man Ihould afflift his foul for a day ?
Is it, that he ihould bow down his head like a bulrufh,
And fpread fackcloth and athes for Ids couch ?
Shall this be called a faff,
And a day acceptable to Jehovah ?
Is not this the fall that I choofe ?
To diffolve the bands of wickednefs;
To loofen the oppreffive burdens ;
I o deliver thofe that are crufhed by violence 5
And that ye fhould break afunder every yoke ?
Is it not to di&ribute thy bread to the hungry ?
And to bring the wandering poor into thy houfe ?
When thou feell the naked, that than clothe him ;
And that thou hide not thyfelf from thine own^flefh ?
Then fhall thy light break forth like the morning ;
And thy wounds fhall fpeedily be healed over :
And thy righteoufnefs fhall go before thee ;
And the glory of Jehovah fhall bring up thy rear.”
Ifaiah Iviii. 3—8.
We fhall produce another example of this fpecies of
parallelifm from Pf. xix. 8—11. from Dr Lowth :
The law. of Jehovah is perfe£l, refloring the foul;
The teftimony of Jehovah is fure, making wife the
fimple :
The precepts of Jehovah are right, rejoicing the heart;
I he commanument of Jehovah is clear, eolijjhtenintr
the eyes :
The fear of Jehovah is pure, enduring for ever ;
1 ne judgements of Jehovah are truth, they are jufl al¬
together.
More defirable than gold, or than much fine gold ;
And fweeter than honey, or the dropping of honey¬
combs.
Synonymous parallels have the appearance of art and
concinnity, and a iludied elegance ; they chiefly prevail
in fhorter poems ; in many of the Pfalms ; in Balaam’s
prophecies-, frequently fn thofe of Ifaiah, which are
mofl of them diflmdl poems of no great length. The
antithetic parallelifm gives an acutenefs and force to
adages <md moral leniences 5 and therefore abounds in
Solomon’s Proverbs, and elfewhere is not often to be
met with. The poem of Job, being on a large fcale
and in a high tragic ftyle, though very exa6l in the di-
vifion of the lines and in the parallelifm, and affording
many fir.e examples of the fynonymous land, confiih
5 H chiefly
Vol. XVIII. Part II.
Scripture.
The book
of Pro-
Verbs.
* "bw
* Roth. xii.
16, 20.
I ?et. iv.
£• v. 5.
Janies iv.
b.
SCR [ 794 ] SCR
chiefly or the conftruftive. A happy mixture of the
feveral forts gives an agreeable variety; and they mu¬
tually ferve to recommend and fet off one another.
The reader will perceive that we have derived every
thing we have faid relating to Hebrew poetry from the
elegant Tenures of Dr Lowth, which are beautifully
tranflated by Mr Gregory, a diltinguilhed author as well
as tranllator.
The book of Proverbs has always been accounted ca¬
nonical. The Hebrew title of it is MiJljli*, which fig-
nifies “ fimilitudes.” It has always been afcribed to So¬
lomon, whofe name it bears, though fame have doubted
whether he really was the author of every one of the
maxims which it contains. Thofe in chap. xxx. are in¬
deed called the words of Agur the fon of Jakeh, and
the title of the 31ft or latt chapter is the words of
King Lemuel. It feems certain that the colleftion call¬
ed the Proverbs of Solomon was digefted in the order in
which we now have it by different hands 5 but it is
mot, therefore, to be concluded that they are not the
work of Solomon. Several perfons might have made
collections of them : Hezekiah, among others, as men¬
tioned chapter xxv. Agur and Ezra might have done
the fame. From thefe feveral collections the wrork was
compiled which we have now in our hands.
The book of Proverbs may be confidcred under five
divifions. I. The firft, which is a kind of preface, ex¬
tends to the xoth chapter. This contains general cau¬
tions and exhortations from a teacher to his pupil, ex-
preffed in elegant language, duly connected in its parts,
illuftrated with beautiful defcription, and well contrived
to engage and intereft the attention.
2. The fecond part extends from the beginning of
chap. x. to chap. xxii. 17. and confifts of what may
ItriCtly and properly be called proverbs, viz. unconnect¬
ed fentences, expreffed with much neatnefs and fimpli-
city. They are truly, to ufe the language of their fage
author, “ apples of gold in pictures of filver.'”
3. In the third part, which is included betw-een chap¬
ter xxii. 16. and chapter xxv. the tutor drops the fen-
tentious ftyle, addreffes his pupil as prefent, and delivers
his advices in a connected manner.
4. The proverbs v’hich are included between chapter
xxv. and chapter xxx. are fuppofed to have been feleCt-
ed by the men of Hee&chiah from fome larger collection
of Solomon, that is, by the prophets whom he employed
to reftore the fervice and writings of the church. Some
of the proverbs which Solomon had introduced into the
former part of the book are here repeated.
5. The prudent admonitions which Agur delivered to
his pupils Ithiel and Ucal are contained in the 30th
chapter, and in the 31ft are recorded the precepts which
the mother of Lemuel delivered to her fon.
Several references are evidently made to the book of
Proverbs by the winters of the New Teftament *.
The Proverbs of Solomon afford fpecimens of the
didaCtic poetry of the Hebrews. They abound with
antithetic parallels; for this form is peculiarly adapted
to that kind of writing, to adages, aphorifms, and de¬
tached fentences. Indeed, the elegance, acutenefs, and
force of a great number of Solomon’s wrife fayings arife
in a great meafure from the antithetic form, the oppo-
fitian of diClion and fentiment. Take the following ex¬
amples :
The blows of a friend are faithful;
But the kiffes of an enemy are treacherous.
The cloyed will trample on an honeycomb ;
But to the hungry every bitter thing is fweet.
There is who maketh himfelf rich, and wanteth all
things ;
Who makelh himfelf poor, yet hath much wealth.
The rich man is wife in his own eyes, t Proverbs
But the poor man that hath difcernment to trace him W"'<5’ 7*
out will defpife him f. xxviil’ r r.
43
The Hebrew title of the book which we call Eccle-Ecclefiaftes.
fiaftes is Keleth, that is, the Gatherer or Collcclor; and
it is fo called, either becaufe the work itfelf is a col-
leciion of maxims, or becaufe it w’as delivered to an af-
fembly gathered together to hear them. The Greek
term Ecclcfaftes is of the fame import, fignifying one
who gathers together a congregation, or who difcourfes
os preaches to an affembly convened. That Solomon
wras the author of this book is beyond all doubt; the
beautiful defcription of the phenomena in the natural
world, and their caufes ; of the circulation of the blood, , ^ p ^
as fome think J, and the economy of the humanlyj. $er_
frame, fhews it to be the work of a philofopher. Atmon before
what period of his life it was written may be eafily the Humane
found out. The affecting account of the infirmities of Soc^cty'
old age which it contains, is a firong indication that the
author knew by experience what they were ; and his
complete convidtion of the vanity of all earthly enjoy¬
ments proves it to have been the wToik of a penitent.
Some paffages in it feem, indeed, to exprefs an Epicu¬
rean notion of Providence. But it is to be obferved,
that the author, in an academic way, difputes on both
fides of the queftion ; and at laft concludes properly,
that to “ fear God and keep his commandments is the
whole duty of man ; for God (fays he) null bring every
work to judgement, and every fecret thing, whether it
be good, or whether it be evil.”
The general tenor and ftyle of Ecclefiaftes is very dif¬
ferent from the book of Proverbs, though there are
many detached fentiments and proverbs interfperfed. jc^vt^s
For the whole work is uniform, and confined to one Hebrew
fubjeft, namely, the vanity of the world exemplified by Poetry.
the experience of Solomon, who is introduced in the cha¬
racter of a perfon inveftigating a very difficult queftion,
examining the arguments on either fide, and at length
difengaging himfelf from an anxious and doubtful dif-
putation. It would be very difficult to diftinguifh the
parts and arrangement of this production ; the order of
the fubjeCl, and the connection of the arguments, are
involved in fo much obfeurity, that fcarcely any two
commentators have agreed concerning the plan of the
work, and the accurate divifion of it into parts or fec-
tions. The truth is, the laws of methodical compofi-
tion and arrangement were neither known by the He¬
brews nor regarded in their didaCtic wuitings. They
uniformly retained the old fenlentious manner, nor did
they fubmit to method, even wflrere the occafion ap¬
peared to demand it. The ftyle of this work is, how¬
ever, Angular ; the language is generally low ; it is fre¬
quently loofe, unconnected, approaching to the incor-
reCtnefs of converfation ; and poffeffes very little of the
poetical character, even in the compofition and ItruCture
of the periods : w7hich peculiarity may poffibly be ac¬
counted
Scripture,
44
Song of
Soiomon.
SCR
Scripture, counted for from the nature of the fubjeiff  
‘ to the opinion of the Rabbies, Ecclefiaftes has been
claffed among the poetical books ; though, if their au¬
thority and opinions were of any weight or importance,
they might perhaps on this occafion deferve fome at¬
tention.
The Song of Solomon, in the opinion of Dr Lowth,
is an epithalcimium or nuptial dialogue, in which the
principal characters are Solomon, his bride, and a cho¬
rus of virgins. Some are of opinion that it is to be
taken altogether in a literal fenfe 5 but the generality
of Jews and Chriftians have elteemed it wholly allego¬
rical, expreffing the union of Jefus Chrift and the
church. Dr Lowth has fupported the common opi¬
nion, by fhowing that the (acred writers often apply
metaphors to God and his people derived frem the
conjugal Hate. Our Saviour is llyled a bridegroom by
John the Baptiit (John iii.), and is reprefented in the
lame charafter in the parable of the ten virgins. Mi-
chaelis, on the other hand, rejefts the argument drawn
from analogy as inconclufive, and the opinion of Jews
and Chrillians as of no greater authority than the opi¬
nion of the moderns.
The fecond of thofe great divifions under which the
Jews clalfed the books of the Old Teitament w^as that
of the Prophets, which formerly comprehended 16
books.
The Prophets were 16 in number : Ifaiah, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, Daniel, Hofea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah,
Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Ze-
chariah, Malachi. The firft four are called the greater
prophets ; the other twelve are denominated the minor
prophets.
Writings of ^ h.e wnt(ngs ^ Prophets are to Chriftians the
th- pro- m°ft interefting part of the Old Tell ament j for they af-
phets. ford one of the moil powerful arguments for the divine
origin of the Chriilian religion. If we could only
prove, therefore, that thefe prophecies were uttered a
fingle century before the events took place to which
they relate, their claim to infpiration would be unquef-
tionable. But we can prove that the interval between
their enunciation and accompliihment extended much
farther, even to 500 and fooo years, and in fome cafes
much more.
The books of the prophets are mentioned by Jo-
feohus, and therefore furely exifted in his lime ; they are
alfo quoted by our Saviour, under the general denomina¬
tion of the Prophets. We are informed by Tacitus and
Suetonius, that about 60 years before the birth of our
Saviour there was an univeifal expectation in the eaft
of a great perfonage who was to arife ; and the fource
of this expectation is traced by the fame writers to the
facred books of the Jews. They exifted alfo iri the
time of Antiochus Epiphanes, A. C. 166 5 for when
that tyrant prohibited the reading of the law, the books
of the Prophets were fubftituted in its place, and were
continued as a part of the daily fervice after the inter-
difl againft the law of Mofes was taken off. We for¬
merly remarked, that references are made by the author
of Ecclejiqfiicus, A. C. 200, to the writings of Ifaiah,
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, and that he mentions the 1 2
Prophets. We can afcend ftili higher, and affert from
the language of the Prophets, that all their xvritings
muft have been compofed before the Babylonifh capti¬
vity, or within a century after it > for all of them, ex-
45
46
Their au¬
thenticity,
J 795 3 SCR
Contrary cept Daniel and Ezra, are compofed in Hebrew, and Scripture.
even in them long paffages are found in that language :^
but it is a v^cll-known fa&, that all the books written
by Jews about two centuries after that era are compo-
fed in the Syriac, Chaldaic, or Greek language. “ Let
any man (fays Michaelis) compare what was written
in Plebrew after the Babylonith exile, and, I appre¬
hend, he will preceive no lefs evident marks of decay
than in the Latin language.” Even in the time of Ez¬
ra, the common people, from their long refidence in
Babylon, had forgotten the Hebrew, and it was ne-
ceffgry for the learned to interpret the lawr of Mofes to
them. We can therefore afcertain with very confider-
able precifion the date of the prophetic waitings; which
indeed is the only important point to be determined :
For whether we can difcover the authors or not, if we
can only eftabliih their ancient date, we fhall be fully
entitled to draw this conclufton, that the predidlions of
the Prophets are infpired. 47
Much has been wudtten to explain the nature of in-and>nfyi'*
fpiration, and to fhow by what methods God impartedration'
to the prophets that divine knowledge which they
were commanded to publilh to their countrymen. At¬
tempts have been made to difclofe the nature of dreams
and vifions, and to delcribe the ecftacy or rapture to
which the prophets were fuppofed to be raifed while
they uttered their prcdiflions. Not to mention the
degrading and indecent compaiifon which this laft cir-
cumftance fuggefts, we flially only inform thofe who ex-
pe£t here an explanation of the prophetic dreams and
vifions, that we Jhall not attempt to be wife above what is
written. The manner in which the allw-ife and unfeen
God may think proper to operate upon the minds of
his creatures, we might expeft a priori to be myfterious
and inexplicable. Indeed fuch an inquiry, though it
were fuccefsful, would only gratify curiofity, without
being in the leaft degree conducive to ufeful know¬
ledge.
i he bufinefs of philofophy is not to inquire how al¬
mighty power produced the frame of nature, and be-
ftow'ed upon it that beauty and grandeur which is every¬
where confpicuous, but to difcover thofe marks of in¬
telligence and defign, and the various purpofes to which
the works of nature are fubfervient. Philofophy has
of late been directed to theology and the ftudy of the
Scriptures with the happieft efftfts •, but it is not per¬
mitted to enter within the vail which the Lord of Na¬
ture has thrown over his councils. Its province, which
is iufficiently extenfive, is to examine the language of
the 1 rophecies, and to difcover their application.
1 he chara£ler of the prophetic ftyle varies according 4s
to the genius, the education, and mode of living of theQj-'1taira;^er
refpe£live authors •, and there are fome peculiarities ftyieVym.
which run through the whole prophetic books. Aboiical.
plain unadorned ftyle would not have fuited thofe men
who were to wrap the myfteries of futurity in a veil,
which was not to be penetrated till the events themfelvcs
fhould be accomplifhed. For it was never the inten¬
tion of prophecy to unfold futurity to our viewq as
many of the rafh interpreters of prophecy fondly ima¬
gine ; for this would be inconfiftent with the free
agency of man. It was therefore agreeable to the wif-
dom of God that prophecies fhould be couched in a lan¬
guage which' would render them unintelligible till the
period of their completion ; yet fuch a language as is
5 H 2 diftinfl,
SCR
[ 796 ]
SCR
Scripture,
49
.Borrowed
from ana-
Josry,
5°
and trom
liierogly-
lihics.
regular, and would be eafily explained when
the events themfelves ftiould have taken place. This is
precifely the charafter of the prophetic language. It is
partly derived from the hieroglyphical fymbols of -Egypt,
to which the Ifraelites during their fervitude were fami¬
liarized, and partly from that analogy which fubfills be¬
tween natural objedls and thole which are moral and
political.
The prophets borrowed their imagery from the moft
fplendid and fublime natural objefts, from the boll of
heaven, from Teas and mountains, from ftorms and
earthquakes, and from the moft ftriking revolutions in
nature. The celejlial bodies they ufed as fymbols to ex-
prefs thrones and dignities, and thofe who enjoyed
them. Earth was the fymbol for men of low eftate.
Hades reprefents the miferable. Afcending to heaven,
and defeending to earth, are phrafes which exprefs riling
to power, or falling from it. Great earthquakes, the
(baking of heaven and earth, denote the commotions and
"overthrow of kingdoms. The fun reprefents the whole
race of kings fthning with regal power and glory. The
moon is the fymbol of the common people. The fars
are fubordinate princes and great men. Light denotes
glory, truth, or knowledge. Darknefs expreiles obfeu-
rity of condition, error, and ignorance. The darkening
of the fun, the turning of the moon into blood, and \\\t fal¬
ling of the fars, fignify the deftru&ion or defolation of
a kingdom. Hew moons, the returning of a nation from
a difperfed ftate. Conflagration of the earth, is the fym-
bql for deftru&ion by war. The afeent of fmoke from
any thing burning for ever, denotes the continuance of
a people under flavery. Riding in the clouds, lignifies
reigning over many fubjefts. Tempefluous winds, or
motion of the clouds, denote wars. Thunder denotes the
noife of multitudes. Fountains of waters exprefs cities.
Mountains and iflands, cities with the territories belong¬
ing to them. Houfes and (hips Hand for families, af-
femblies, and towns. A forefl is put for a kingdom.
A wildernefs for a nation much diminilhed in its num¬
bers.
Animals, as a lion, bear, leopard, goat, are put for
kingdoms or political communities correfponding to
their refpedlive charaflers. When a man or beaft is
put for a kingdom, the head reprefents thofe who go¬
vern ; the tail thofe who are governed ; the horns de¬
note the number of military powers or ftates that rife
from the head. Seeing fignifies underftanding ; eyes men
of underftandirtg ) the mouth denotes a lawgiver ; the
arm of a man is put for power, or for the people by
whofe ftrength his power is exercifed 5 feet reprefent the
loweft of the people.
Such is the precifion and regularity of the prophetic
language, which we learn to interpret by comparing
prophecies which are accomplilhed with the fails to
which they correfpond. So far is the ftudy of it, car¬
ried already, that a diitionary has been compcfed to
explain it; and it is probable, that in a ftiort time it
may be fo fully underftood, that we fhall find little dif¬
ficulty in explaining any prophecy. But let us not
from this expeft, that the prophecies will enable us to
penetrate the dark clouds of futurity : No ! The difti- Scripture,
culty of applying prophecies to their correfponding ' v ^
events, before completion, will Hill remain infurmount-
able. Thofe men, therefore, however pious and well-
meaning they may be, who attempt to explain and ap¬
ply prophecies which are not yet accomplilhed, and
who delude the credulous multitude by their own ro¬
mantic conjeftures, cannot be acquitted of rafhnefs and
prefumption. 51
The predictions of the prophets, according to the I*
opinion of Dr Lowth, are written in a poetic ftyle.Poet‘CtU'
They poffefs indeed all the charadteriftics of Hebrew
poetry, with the fingle exception, that none of them
are alphabetical or acroftic, which is an artificial ar¬
rangement utterly repugnant to the nature of pro¬
phecy.
The other arguments, however, ought to be parti¬
cularly adverted to on this fubje6! : the poetic dialed!,
for inftance, the didlion fo totally different from the
language of common life, and other fimilar circum-
ftances, which an attentive reader will eafily difeover,
but which cannot be explained by a few examples; for
circumftances which, taken feparately, appear but of
fmall account, are in a united view frequently of the
greateft importance. To thefe we may add the artifi¬
cial conformation of the fentences } which is a necef
Dry concomitant of metrical compofition, the only one
indeed which is now apparent, as it has always appeared
to us.
The order in which the books of the minor prophets
are placed is not the fame in the Septuagint as in the
Hebrew * According to the latter, they ftand as in * chromic-
our tranfiation 5 but in the Greek, the feries is altered ^
as to the firft fix, to the following arrangement: Ho-Prophets.
fea, Amos, Micah, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah. This change,
however, is of no confequence, fince neither in the ori¬
ginal, nor in the Septuagint, are they placed with ex-
ad! regard to the time in which their facred authors re-
fpedlively flowrifhed.
The order in which they fhould ftand, if chronologi¬
cally arranged, is by Blair and others fuppofed to be
as follows: Jonah, Amos, Hofeah, Micah, Nahum, Joel,
Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Obftdiah, Haggai, Zechariah,
Malachi. And this order will be found to be generally
confiftent with the periods to which the Prophets will
be refpedlively affigned in the following pages, except
in the inftance of Joel, who probably flourifhed ra¬
ther earlier than he is placed by thefe chronelogifts.
The precife period of this prophet, however, cannot
be afeertained j and fome difputes might be maintained
concerning the priority of others alfo, when they were
nearly contemporaries, as Amos and Hofea 5 and when
the firft prophecies of a later prophet were delivered at
the fame time with, or previous to, thofe of a prophet
who was called earlier to the facrcd office. The fol¬
lowing fcheme, however, in which alfo the greater pro¬
phets will be introduced, may enable the reader more
accurately to comprehend the aftual and relative periods,
in which they feverally prophefied.
The
pture.
SCR
[ 797 3
The PR.orHETS in their ruppofed Order of Time, arranged
with but little variation.
S € K
according to Blair’s Tables *
Jonah,
Amos,
Hofea,
Ifaiah,
Joel,
Micah,
Nahum,
Zephaniah,
Jeremiah,
Habakkuk,
Daniel,
Obadiah,
Ezekiel,
Haggai,
Zechariah,
Before Chrifl.
Between 856
and 784.
Between 810
and 785.
Between 810
and 725.
Between 8 10
and 698.
Between 810
and 660, or
later.
Between 758
and 699.
Between 720
and 698.
Between 640
and 609.
Kings of Judah.
Uzziah, chap. i. 1.
Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, the
third year of Hezekiah.
Kings of Ifrael.
Jehu, and Jehoahaz, accord¬
ing to Lloyd j but Joalh
and Jeroboam the Second
according to Blair.
Jeroboam the Second,
chap. i. 1.
Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and
Hezekiah, chap. i. 1. and
perhaps Manaffeh.
Uzziah, or poflibly Manaf¬
feh.
Jotham, Ahaz, and Heze-
kiab, chap. i. 1.
Probably towards the clofe
of Hezekiah’s reign.
In the reign of Joliah, chap.
i. I.
Between 628
and 586.
In the thirteenth year of
Jofiah.
Betwreen 612
and 598.
Between 606
and 534.
Between 588
and 583.
Malachi,
Between 593
and 536.
About 520
to 518.
From 520 to
518, or longer.
Between 436
and 397.
Probably in the reign of
Jehoiakim.
During all the Captivity.
Between the taking of Jeru-
falem by Nebuchadnezzar
and the deftrudtion of the
Edomites by him.
During part of the Capti¬
vity.
After the return from Baby¬
lon.
Jeroboam the Second,
chap. i. 1.
Pekah and Hofea.
Scripture.
# Bf/hop
Newcome''?
Verjion of
Minor
Prophets,
Preface,
P- 43-
Ifakh
SCR
5i
Ifaiah.
•v:mrtnr°. i Ifaiah is Tuppofed to have entered on the prophe¬
tic office in the lalt year of the reign of Uzziah, about
758 years beiore Chrift: and it is certain that he lived
to the 15th or 16th years of Hezekiah. This makes
the lealt poffible term of the duration of his propheti¬
cal office about 48 years. The Jews have a tradition
that Ifaiah was put to death in the reign of Manaffeh,
being fawn afunder with a wooden faw by the command
of that tyrant : but when we recolleft how much the
traditions of the Jews wrere condemned by our Saviour,
we will not be difpofed to give them much credit,
d he time of the delivery of feme of his prophecies is
either exprefsly marked, or fufficiently clear from the
hiflory to which they relate. The date of a fewr others
may with fome probability be deduced from internal
marks; from expreffions, deferiptions, and circumftances
interwoven.
Ifaiah, the firft of the prophets both in order and
dignity, abounds in fuch tranfeendant excellencies, that
lie may be properly faid to afford the moft perfect mo¬
del of the prophetic poetry. He is at once elegant and
fublime, forcible and ornamented •, he unites energy with
copioufnefs, and dignity with variety. In his fentiments
there is uncommon elevation and majefly ; in his ima¬
gery the utmoll propriety, elegance, dignity, and diver-
fity; in his language uncommon beauty and energy ;
and, notwifhfhnding the obfeurity of his fubjedls, a fur-
prifing degree of clearnefs and fimplicity. To thefe we
may add, there is fuch fweetnefs in the poetical compo-
fition of his fentences, whether it proceed from art or
genius, that if the Hebrew poetry at prefent is poiieffed
of any remains of its native grace and harmony, we ffiall
chiefly find them in the writings of Ifaiah : fo that the
faying of Ezekiel may moft juftly be applied to this pro¬
phet :
[ 793 ]
SCR
53
Character
of his Ityle.
L(njjth's
Ijtiiah.
frequently touched upon in other prophecies protnulgsd Scriptore.
at different times, we lhall neither find any irregularity
in the arrangement of the whole, nor any want of order
and connexion as to matter or fentiment in the different
parts. Dr Lowlh efteerns the whole book of Ifaiah to
be poetical, a few paflages excepted, which, if brought
together, would not at moft exceed the bulk of five or
fix chapters.
_ihe 14th chapter of Ifaiah is one of the moft fu- Unpfnillel-
blime odes in the Scripture, and contains one of theed fubli-'
nobleft perfonificatiens to be found in the records of of the
poetry. 14th chap.
The prophet, after predifting the liberation of theter'
Jews irom their fevere captivity in Babylon, and their
reftoration to their own country, introduces them as re¬
citing a kind of triumphal fong upon the fall of the Ba-
byloniffi monarch, replete with imagery, and with the
moft elegant and animated perfonifications. A fudden
exclamation, expreffive of their joy and admiration on
the unexpefted revolution in their affairs, and the de-
ftruflion of their tyrants, forms the exordium of the
poem. The earth itfelf triumphs with the inhabitants
thereof; the fir-trees and the cedars of Lebanon (under
which images the parabolic ftyle frequently delineates
the kings and princes of the Gentiles) exult with joy,
and perlecute with contemptuous reproaches the hum¬
bled power of a ferocious enemy;
The whole earth is at reft, is quiet j they burft forth
into a joyful fhout :
Even the fir-trees rejoice over thee, the cedars of Le¬
banon :
Since thou art fallen, no feller hath come up againft us.
This is followed by a bold and animated perfonifica-
tion of Blades, or the infernal regions:
Thou art the confirmed exemplar of meafures,
•* Eaek. Full of wifdom, and perfect in beauty *.
Ifaiah greatly excels too in all the graces of method,
order, connexion, and arrangement: though in aftert-
ing this we muft not forget the nature of the prophetic
impulfe, which bears away the mind with irrefiftible
violence, and frequently in rapid tranfitions from near
to remote objedls, from human to divine 5 we muft alfo
be careful in remarking the limits of particular predic¬
tions, fince, as they are now extant, they are often im¬
properly connected, without any marks of diferimina-
tion ; which injudicious arrangement, on fome occafions,
creates almoft infuperable difficulties. It is, in fact, a
body or colledlion of different prophecies, nearly allied
to each other as to the fubjedt, which, for that reafon,
having a fort of connedb'on, are not to be feparated but
with the utmoft difficulty. The general fubjeft is the
reftoration of the church. Its deliverance from capti¬
vity , the dcftrudlion of idolatry ; the vindication of
the divine power and truth ; the confolation of the If-
raelites, the divine invitation which is extended to them,
their incredulity, impiety, and rejedlion 5 the calling in
of the Gentiles •, the rertoration of the chofen people •,
the glory and felicity of the church in its perfed ftate 5
and the ultimate deftruftion of the wicked—are all fet
forth with a fufficient refped to order and method. If
we read thefe pafiages with attention, and duly regard
the nature and genius of the myftical allegory, at the
fame time remembering that all thefe points have been
4
Hades from beneath is moved becaufe of thee, to meet
thee at thy coming :
He roufeth for thee the mighty dead, all the great chiefs
of the earth ;
He maketh to rife up from their thrones all the kings of
the nations.
Hades excites his inhabitants, the ghofts of princes,
and the departed fpirit of kings : they rife immediately
from their feats, and proceed to make the monarch of
Babylon ; they infult and deride him, and comfort them-
felves with the view of his calamity :
Art thou, even thou too, become weak as we ? art thou
made like unto us ?
Is then thy pride brought down to the grave ; the
found of thy fprightly inftruments ?
Is the vermin become thy couch, and the earthworm thy
covering ?
Again, the Jevrijffi people are the fpeakers, in an ex¬
clamation after the manner of a funeral lamentation,
which indeed the whole form of this compofition ex-
adlly imitates. The remarkable fall of this powerful
monarch is thus beautifully illuftrated :
How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, fon of the
morning !
Art cut down from earth, thou that didft fubdue the
nations !
Yet thou didft fay in thy heart, I will afeend the hea¬
vens ;
Above
S C II [
Scripture. Above tbe ftars of God I will exalt tliy throne ;
'' And I will lit upon the mount of the divine prefence, on
the fides of the north :
\ I will afcend above the heights of the clouds j I will be
like the moft High.
But thou fhalt be brought down to the grave, to the
tides of the pit.
He himfelf is at length brought upon the ftage, boaft-
ing in the moll pompous terms of his own power 3 which
furnilhes the poet with an excellent opportunity of dif-
playing the unparalleled mifery of his downfal. Some
perfons are introduced, who find the dead carcafe of
the king of Babylon call out and expofed; they at¬
tentively contemplate it, and at lall fcarcely know it to
be his:
Is this the man that made the earth to tremble, that
Ihook the kingdoms ?
That made the world like a defert, that deftroyed the
cities ?
That never difmified his captives to their own home ?
All the kings of the nations, all of them,
Lie down in glory, each in his fepulchre :
But thou art call out of the grave, as the tree abomi¬
nated :
Clothed with the (lain, with the pierced by the fword,
With them that go dotvn to the llones of the pit; as a
trodden carcafe.
Thou lhalt not be joined to them in burial ;
Becaufe thou haft deftroyed thy country, thou haft {lain
thy people :
The feed of evil deers fiiall never be renowned.
They reproach him with being denied the common
799 3 SCR
rites of fepulture, on account of the cruelty and atrocity Scripture,
of his conduft j they execrate his name, his offspring, and
their pofterity. A folemn addrefs, sa of the Deity him¬
felf, clofes the feene, and he denounces againft the king
of Babylon, his pofterity, and even againft the city
which was the feene of their cruelty, perpetual deft ruc¬
tion, and confirms the immutability of his own counfels
by the folemnity of an oath.
How forcible is this imagery, how diverfified, how
fublime ! how elevated the diftion, the figures, the fen-
timenls !—The Jewilh nation, the cedars of Lebanon,
the ghofts of departed kings, the Babylonilh monarch,
the travellers who find his corpfe, and laft of all Jeho¬
vah himfelf, are the charafters which fupport this beau¬
tiful lyric drama. One continued aftion is kept up, or
rather a feries of interefting aftions are connefled toge¬
ther in an incomparable whole. This, indeed, is the
principal and ditlinguilhed excellence ®f the fublimer
ode, and is difplayed in its utmoft perfedlion in this
poem of Ifaiah, which may be confidered as one of the
moft ancient, and certainly the moft finifhed, fpecimen
of that fpecies of compofition wdiich has been tranf-
mitted to us. The perfonifications here are frequent,
yet not confufed 3 bold, yet not improbable : a free, ele¬
vated, and truly divine fpirit, pervades the whole 3 nor
is there any thing wanting in this ode to defeat its
claim to the charafter of perfedl beauty and fublimity.
“ If (fays Dr Lowth) I may be indulged in the free de¬
claration of my own fentiments on this occafion, I do
not know a fingle inftance in the w'hole compafs of
Greek and Roman poetry, which, in every excellence
of compofition, can be faid to equal, or even apnroach
it.”
SCRIPTURE continued in next Volume.
END OF THE EIGHTEENTH VOLUME.
Erratum.—Page 366, note at bottom, infome copies injiead of This was the name given to the palace of the
Grand Duke &c. read ^follows .; 1 heKremhn, or Kreml, is a particular quarter of Mofco, where ftands the
palace of the tzais, firft built of ftone by Dimitri Ivanovitch Donlki in 1367. See Mosco.
.
DIRECTIONS for placing the PLATES of Vol. XVIII,
Part I.
Plpte CCCCLXII. to face
CCCCLXIII. CCCCLXIV.
CCCCLXV.
CCCCLXVI.
CCCCLXVII.
page 88
268
280
?i6
348
Part II.
CCCCLXVIII.
CCCCLXIX.
CCCCLXX—CCCCLXXVI.
CCCCLXXVII.
452
524
568
580
r
.
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