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Encyclopaedia Britannic a.
P&rthia,
Ancient
^iviiiuss.
2
Whence
peopled.
3
Caufe of
the Par-
thians re¬
volt from
Antiochus
Theus.
PAR
PARTHI A, a celebrated empire of antiquity, bound¬
ed on the weft by Media, on the north by Hyrca-
nia, on the eaft by Aria, on the fouth by Carmania the
defert j furrounded on every fide by mountains, which
ftill ferve as a boundary, though its name is now chan¬
ged, having obtained that of Eyrac or Arac; and, to di-
ftinguxfh it from Chaldaea, that of Ei/rac Agami. By
Ptolemy it is divided into five diftrifts, viz. Caminfine,
or Gamifene, Partheyne, Choroane, Atticene, and Ta-
bicne. The ancient geographers enumerate a great ma¬
ny cities in this country. Ptolemy in particular reckons
25 large cities j and it certainly muft have been very
populous, fince we have accounts of 2000 villages, be-
fides a number of cities, in this diftrift, being deftroyed
by earthquakes. Its capital >vas named Hecatompolis,
from the circumftance of its having 100 gates. It was
a noble and magnificent place ; and, according to fome,
it ftill remains under the name of Ifpahan, the capital
of the prefent Perfian empire.
Pardiia is by fome fuppofed to have been firft peopled
by the Phetri or Pathri, often mentioned in Scripture,
and that the Parthians are defcended from Pathrufim
the fon of Mifraim. But however true this may be
with regard to the ancient inhabitants, yet it is cer¬
tain, that thofe Parthians who were fo famous in hi-
ftory, defoended from the Scythians, though from what
tribe we are not certainly informed.
The hiftory of the ancient Parthians is totally loft.
All that wre know about them is, that they were firft
fubjeft to the Medes, afterwards to the Perfians, and
laftly tO Alexander the Great. After his death the
province fell to Seleucus Nicator, and was held by him
and his fucceffors till the reign of Antiochus Theus,
about the year 250 before Chrift. At this time the
Parthians revolted, and chofe one Arfaces for their
king. The immediate caufe of this revolt was the
lewdneft of Agathocles, to whom Antiochus had com¬
mitted the care of all the provinces beyond the Eu¬
phrates. T his man made an infamous attempt on Ti-
ridates, a youth of great beauty; which fo enraged
his brother Arfaces, that he excited his countrymen'to
revolt; and before Antiochus had leifure to attend to
the rebellion^ it became too powerful to be cruftied.
Seleucus Callinicus, the fucceffor of Antiochus Theus,
attempted to reduce Arfaces; but the latter having had
fo much time to ftrengthen himfelf, defeated and drove
his antagonift out of the country. Seleucus, however,
in a fhoit time, undertook another expedition afaieft
Vol. XVI. Part I. ? &
Parthi*.
PAR
Arfaces ; but was ftill more unfortunate than he had
been in the former, being not only defeated in a great
battle, but taken prifoner, and died in captivity. The
day on which Arfaces gained this victory w-as ever after
obferved among the Parthians as an extraordinary fefti-
val. Arfaces being thus fully eftablithed in his new
kingdom, reduced Hyrcania and fome other provinces
under his power ; and was at laft killed in a battle
againft Ariarathes IV. king of Cappadocia. From this
prince all the other kings of Parthia took the furname
of Arfaces, as thofe of Egypt did that of Pto/emij, from
Ptolemy Soter.
Arfaces I. was fucceeded by his fon Arfaces 11. who,
entering Media, made himfelf mafter of that country,
while Antiochus the Great rvas engaged in a wTar wdth
Ptolemy Euergetes king of Egypt. Antiochus, how¬
ever, was no fooner difengaged from that war, than he
marched with all his forces againft Arfaces, and at firft
drove him quite out of Media. But he foon returned
with an army of 100,000 foot and 20,000 horfe, with
w hich he put a flop to the further progrefs of Antio¬
chus 5 and a treaty wars foon after concluded, in which
it was agreed, that Arfaces fliould remain mafter of Par¬
thia and Hyrcania, upon condition of his a flirting him
in his wrars with other nations-
Arfaces II. was fucceeded by his fon Priapatius, who ConAps
reigned 15 years, and left three fons, Phraates, Mithri- ofthc- Par-
dates, and Artabanus. Phraates, the eldeft, fucceeded tldan mo-
to the throne, and reduced under his fubje&on thenarchs'
Mardi, who had never been conquered by any but A-
lexander the Great. After him, his brother Mithrida-
tes wTas inverted with the regal dignity. He reduced
the Ba&rians, Medes, Perfians, Elymeans, and overran
in a manner all the eaft, penetrating beyond the bound¬
aries of Alexander’s conquefts. Demetrius Nicator,
who then reigned in Syria, endeavoured to recover thofo
provinces; but his army was entirely deftroyed, and
himfelf taken prifoner, in wfoich ftate he remained till
his death ; after which victory Mithridates made him¬
felf mafter of Babylonia and Mefopotamia, fo that he
nowr commanded all the provinces from between the
Euphrates and the Ganges.
Mithridates died, in the 37th year of his reign, and Antiochus
left the throne to bis fon Phrahates II. who was fcarce ^etei>de-
fettled in his kingdom when Antiochus Sidetes march-ftro}ed.
ed againft him at the head of a numerous army, under ^[V113 _
pretence of delivering his brother Demetrius, who was my° °
ftill in captivity. Phrahates was defeated in three
-A- pitched
Paithia
6
Alliance
concluded
with the
Romans.
7
Craffus re-
folves on a
war with
the Par-
thians.
8
Plunders
tK" temple
at .Itrufa-
lem.
PAR [2
pitched battles j in confequence of which he loft all the
countries conquered by his father, and was reduced
within the limits of the ancient Parthian kingdom.
Antiochus did not, however, long enjoy his good for¬
tune *, for his army, on account of their number, a-
mounting to no fewer than 400,000, being obliged to
leparate to fuch diftances as prevented them, in cafe of
any hidden attack, from joining together, the inhabi¬
tants, whom they had moft cruelly opprefled, taking
advantage of this feparation, confpired with the Par-
tin ans to deftroy them. This was accordingly exe¬
cuted 5 and the vaft.army of Antiochus, with the mo¬
narch himfelf, were llaughtered in one day, fcarce a
ftngle perfon efcaping to carry the news to Syria.
Phrahates. elated with this luccefs, propofed to invade
Syria y but in the mean time,' happening to quarrel
with the Scythians, he was by them cut off with his
whole army, and was fucceeded by his uncle Aaabanus.
The new king enjoyed his dignity but a very ftiort
time, being, a few days after his acceftion, killed in
another battle with the Scythians. He was ■ fucceeded
by Pacorus I. who entered into an alliance with the
Romans j and he by Phrahates III. This monarch
took under his protection Tigranes the fon of Ti-
granes the Great, king of Armenia, gave him his
daughter in marriage, and invaded the kingdom with
a defign to place the fon on the throne of Armenia j
but on the approach of Pompey he thought proper to
retire, and foon after folemnly renewed the treaty with
the Romans.
Phrahates wras murdered by his children Mithri-
dates and Orodes j and foon after the former w’as put to
death by his brother, who thus became foie mafter of
the Parthian empire. In his reign happened the me¬
morable war with the Romans under Craffiis. This
was occafioned not by any breach of treaty on the fide
of the Parthians, bat through the shameful avarice of
Craftus. The whole Roman empire at that time had
been divided between Csefar, Pompey, and Craflus ;
and by virtue of that partition, the eaftern provinces
had fallen to the lot of Craflus. No fooner wTas he in-
vefted with this dignity, than he refolved to carry the
war into Parthia, in order to enrich himfelf with the
fpoils of that people, who were then looked upon to
be very wealthy. Some of the tribunes oppofed him,
as the Parthians had religioufly obferved the treaty j
but Craflus having, by the afliftance of Pompey, car¬
ried every thing before him, left Rome in the year 55
B. C. and purfued his march to Rrunduflum, where he
immediately embarked his troops, though the wind
blew very high ; and after a difficult paffage, wffiere
he loft many of ffiis ftiips, he reached the ports of Ga¬
latia.
From Galatia Craffus haftened to Syria, and paffing
through Judea, plundered the temple at Jerufalem in his
w^ay. He then marched with as great expedition as he
could to the river Euphrates, wffiich he crofted on a
bridge of boats : and, entering the Parthian dominions,
began hoftilities. As the enemy had not expefted an
invafton, they were quite unprepared for refiftance } and
therefore Craftus overran all Mefopotamia} and if he
had taken advantage of the confternation which the
Parthians rvere in, might have alfo reduced Baby¬
lonia. But inftead of this, early in the autumn, be re¬
tailed the Euphrates, leaving only 700c foot and 1000
] P A R
horfe to garrifon the places he had reduced 5 and put- Partlu'a.
ting his army into winter quarters in Syria, gave
himfelf totally up to his favourite pafficn of amaliing
money.
Early in the fpring, the Roman general drew his
forces out of their winter quarters, in order to puri’ue
the war with vigour j but, during the winter, Orodes
had colle&ed a very numerous army, and was well
prepared to oppofe him. Before he entered upon ac¬
tion, however, the Parthian monarch fent ambaifadors
to Craffus, in order to expoftulate with him on his in-
juftice in attacking an ally of the Roman empire ; out
Cfaffus, without attending to what they laid, only re¬
turned for artfwer, that.“ they ihould have his an liver
at Seleucia.”
Orodes, finding that a wrar was not to be avoided,
divided his army into two bodies. One he command¬
ed in perfon, and marched toward Armenia, in order
to oppofe the king of that country, who had railed a
conliderable army to affift the Romans. The other lie
fent into Mefopc.amia, under the command of Surena
or Surenas, a moft experienced general, by wdiofe con- ;
duCt all the cities which Ctalfus had reduced were
quickly retaken. On this fome Roman loldiers w7ho ^;s (-osiers
made their elcape, and fled to the camp of Craftus, (lifliearten-
filled the mind of his army with terror at the accounts ed.
of the number, power, and ftrength, of the enemy.
They told their fellow7 foldiers, that the Parthians
were very numerous, brave, and well difeiplined j that
it wras impoffible to overtake them when they fled, 01;
efcape them when they purfued ; that their defenftve
weapons were proof againlt the Roman darts, and their
offenfive weapons fo lharp, that no buckler w'as proof
again!! them, &c. Craftus looked upon all this only as
the effeC! of cowardice : but the common foldiers, and
even many of the chief officers, were fo dilheartened,
that Caffius, the fame who afterwards confpired againlt
Caefar, and moft of the legionary tribunes, advifed Craf¬
fus to fufpend bis march, and conlider better of the en-
terprife before be proceeded farther in it. But Craflus
obftinately perfifted in his former refolution, being en¬
couraged by the arrival of Artabazus king of Armenia,
who brought with him 6000 horfe, and promifed to fend
10,000 cuiraffiers and 30,000 foot, whenever he Ihould
Hand in need of them. At the lame time, he advifed
him by no means to march his army through the plains-
of Mefopotamia, but to take his route over the moun¬
tains of Armenia. He told him, that as Armenia wras
a mountainous country, the enemy’s cavalry, in which
their main ftrength confifted, would there be entirely
ufelefs ; and befides, his army would there be plenti¬
fully fupplied with all manner of neceflaries : whereas,
if he marched by the way of Mefopotamia, he would
be perpetually haraffed by the Parthian horfe, and fre¬
quently be obliged to lead his army through fandy de-
ferts, wffiere he w7ould be diftreffed for want of water
and all other proviftons. This falutary advice, how¬
ever, wras rejecled, and Craffus entered Mefopotamia
with an army of about 40,000 men.
The Romans had no fooner crofted the Euphrates,
than Caffius advifed his general to advance to fome of
thofe towms in which the garrifons yet remained, in or¬
der to halt and refreih his troops: or if he did not choofe
to follow this advice, lie faid that his belt way would
be to march along the banks of the Euphrates to Seleu-
PAR [
Partliia cia ; as by ibis method he would prevent the Parthians
*“ v ~ from lurroundxng him, at the fame time he rvould be
15-trIO'd Pknlifullv fupplied with provifions from his (hips. Of
by Abga- advice Craffus leemed to approve j but was dif-
ms king of fuaded by Abgarus king of Edeifa, whom the Romans
Edeit!i. took for an allv, but who was in reality a traitor fent
by Surenas to bring about the dollruftion of the Roman
army.
Under the conduft of this faithlefs guide, the Ro¬
mans entered a vaft green plain divided by many rivu¬
lets. Their march proved very eafy through this fine
country •, but the farther they advanced, the worfe the
'reads became, infomuch that they were at laid obliged
to climb up rocky mountains, rvhich brought them
to a dry and fandy plain, where they could neither
find food to fatisfy their hunger, nor water to quench
their third. Abgarus then began to be fufpefted by
the tribunes and other officers, who earneftly entreated
Craflus not to follow him any longer, but to retreat to
the mountains ; _at the fame time an exprefs arrived
from Artabazus, acquainting the Roman general that
Orodes had invaded his dominions with a great army,
and that he was obliged to keep his troops at home,
in order to defend his mvn dominions. The fame
meffenger advifed Craffus in his mafter’s name to avoid
by all means the barren plains, where his armyT would
certainly periffi with hunger and fatigue, and by all
means to approach Armenia, that they might join their
forces agafnil the common enemy. But all was to no
purpofe ; Craffus, inftead of hearkening either to the
advice of the king or his own officers, firft flew into a
violent paffion with the meffengers of Artabazus, and
then told his troops, that they were not to expedt the
delights of Campania in the mod remote parts of the
world.
Thus they continued their march for fome day's crofs
a defert, the very fight of which was fufficient to throw
them into the utmod defpair ^ for they could not per¬
ceive, either near them or at a didance, the lead tree,
plant, or brook, ^not fo much as a hill,, or a dngle blade
cf grafs 5 nothing was to be feen all around them but
huge heaps of burning fand. The Romans had fcarcely
got through this defert, when word was brought them
by their fcouts, that a numerous army of Parthians was
advancing full march to attack them ; for Abgarus, un¬
der pretence of going out on parties, bad often conferred
with Surenas, and concerted meafures with him for de-
ftroying the Roman army. Upon this advice, which
occafioned great confufion in the camp, the Romans be¬
ing quite exhauded and tired out with their long and
troublefome march, Craffus drew' up his men in battalia,
following at fird the advice of Caffius, who was for ex¬
tending the infantry as wide as poffible, that they might
take up the more ground, and bv that means prevent
the enemy from furrounding them : but Abgarus affur-
ing the proconful that the Parthian forces were not fo
numerous as wras reprefented, he changed this difpofiticn,
and believing only the man wffio betrayed him, drew up
his troops in a fquare, which faced every w^ay, and had
on each fide 12 cohorts in front. Near each cohort
he placed a troop of horfe to fupport them, that they
might charge with the greater fecurity and boldnefs.
Thus the whole army looked more like one phalanx
than troops drawn up ia manipnli, with fpaces between
them, after the Roman manner. The general himfelf
]
P A R
commanded in the centre, his Ion in the left wing, and Partly a.
Caffius in the right.
In this order they advanced to the banks of a fmall
river called the Ba/ijfus, the fight of which was very
pleafing to the foldiers, who tvere much luarafied with
drought and axceffive heat. Molt of the officers w'ere
for encamping on the banks of this river, or rather rivu¬
let, to give the troops time to refreih themfelves after
the fatigues of fo long and painful a march ; and, iii the
mean time, to procure certain intelligence of the' num¬
ber and difpofition of the Parthian army} but Craflus,
fuffering himfelf to be hurried on by the incotifiderate
ardour of his fon, and the horfe he commanded, only-
allowed the legions to take a meal Handing ; and before
this could be done by all, he ordered them to advance,
not flowly, and halting now' and then, after the Roman
manner, but as fait as. they could move, till they came
in fight of the enemy, wffio, contrary to their expefta-
tion, did not appear either fo numerous or fo terrible
as they had been reprefented ; but this W'as a rtratagem
of Surenas, who had concealed his men in convenient
places, ordering them to cover' their arms, left their
' brightnefs fiiould betray them, and, fiarting up at the Ir
firft fignal, to attack the enemy on all fides. 'The ftra-The battle
tagem had the defired effe£t; for Surenas no fooner gavetarrh:,e'
the fignal, than the Parthian*, rifing as it w'ere out of
the ground, with dreadful cries, and a moft frightful
noife, advanced againft the Romans, who were greatly
furprifed and difmayed at the fight; and much more fo,
wffien the Parthians, throwing off the covering of their
arms, appeared in ffiining cuirafles, and helmets of bur-
niffied fteel, finely mounted on borfes covered all over
with armour of the fame metal. At their head appear¬
ed young Surenas, in a rich drefs, wffio ivas the firff who
charged the enemy, endeavouring, with his pikesnen, to
break through the firft ranks of the Roman army ; but
finding it too clofe and impenetrable, the cohorts fup-
porting each other, he fell back, and retired in a feem-
ing confufion : but the Romans were much furprifed
wffien they faw themfelves fuddenly furrounded on all
fides, and galled with continual iffiowers of arrows.
Craffus ordered his light-armed 'foot and archers to ad¬
vance, and charge the enemy ; but they were foon re-
pulfed, and forced to cov’er themfelves behind the heavy¬
armed foot. Then the Parthian horfe, advanced near
the Romans, difeharged fhowers of arrows upon them,
every one of which did execution, the legionaries being
drawn up in fuch clofe order, that it was impoflible for'
the enemy to mifs their aim. As their arrows were df
an extraordinary weight, and diicharged with incredible
force and impetuofity, nothing was proof againft them.
The two w ings advanced in good order to repulfe them,
but to no eft’e6f 5 for the Parthians (hot their arrow s
with as great dexterity when their backs were turned,
as when they faced the eheniyT; fo that the Romans,
wffietber they kept their ground, ' or purfued the liv¬
ing enemy, were equally annoyed with their fatal ar¬
rows. - >
The Romans, as long as they had any hopes that the
Parthians, after having fpent their arrows, wrOuld either
betake themfelves to flight, or. engage them hand to .
hand, flood their ground with great refolution and intre¬
pidity } but when they obferved that there were a great
many camels in their rear loaded with arrows, and that
thofe who emptied their quivers wheeled about to fill
A 2 them
PAR r 4 ] PAR
Parthia. them anew, they began to lofe courage, and loudly,to
** " v " complain of their general for fuffering them thus to
f and dill, and ferve only as a butt to the enemy’s ar¬
rows, which, they -well faw, would not be exhaufted
till they were all killed to a man. Hereupon Craffus
ordered his fon to advance, at all adventures, and at¬
tack the enemy with 1300 horfe, 500 archers, and 8
cohorts. But the Parthians no fooner faw this choice
body (for it was the tiowTer of the army) marching up
againft them, than they wheeled about, and betook
ihemfelves, according to their cuftom, to flight. Here¬
upon young Craffus, crying out as loud as he could,
'tfheij jhj before us, pufhed on full fpeed after them, not
. doubting but he Ihould gain a complete victory 5 but
when he was at a great diftance from the main body of
the Homan army, he perceived his mittake ; for thofe
who before had tied, facing about, charged him with
incredible fury. Young Craffus ordered Ids troops to
halt, hoping that the enemy, upon feeing their iinall
number, would not be afraid to come to a clofe fight :
but herein he was likewife greatly difappointed \ for the
Parthians, contenting themfelves to oppofe his front
with their heavy-armed horfe, furrounded him on all
fides ; and, keeping at a diltance, difcharged inceffant
fhowers of arrows upon the unfortunate Homans, thus
furrounded and pent up. -The Parthian army, in wheel¬
ing about, raifed fo thick a duff, that the Homans could
fcarce fee one another, much lefs the enemy : neverthe-
Jefs, they found themfelves wounded with arrows, though
they could not perceive whence they came. In a fhort
time the place where they flood was all ftrown with dead
t2 bodies.
Extreme Some of the unhappy Romans finding their entrails
chftrefs ot torn, and many overcome by the exquifite torments they
■t'a is * fullered, rolled themfelves in the find with the arrows in
their bodies, and expired in that manner. Others en¬
deavouring to tear out by force the bearded points of the
arrows, only made the wounds the larger, and increafed
their pain. Molt of them died in this manner ; and
thofe who outlived their companions were no more in a
condition to act ; for when young Craffus exhorted
them to march up to the enemy, fome fhowed him their
wounded bodies, others their hands nailed to their
bucklers, and fome their feet pierced through and pin¬
ned to the ground \ fo that it was equally impoffible for
them either to attack the enemy or defend themfelves.
The young commander, therefore, leaving his infantry
to the mercy of the enemy, advanced at the head of the
cavalry againft their heavy-armed horfe. The thoufand
Gauls whom he had brought with him from the weft,
charged the enemy with incredible boldnefs and vigour \
but their lances did little execution on men armed with
cuiraffes, and horfes covered with tried aryiour: how¬
ever, they behaved with great refolution \ for fome of
them taking hold of the enemy’s fpears, and doling
with them, threw them oft' their horfes on the ground,
where they lay without being able to itir, by reafon of
the great weight of their armour *, others, difmounting,
crept under the enemy’s horfes, and thrufting their
fwords into their bellies, made them throw their riders.
Thus the brave Gauls fought, though greatly haraffed
with heat and thirft, which they were pot accuftomed
to bear, till mpft of their horfes were killed, and their
commander dangeroufly wounded. They then thought
it advifeable to retire to their infantry? which they no
iooner joined, than the Parthians invefted them anew, Partftia.
making a moft dreadful havock. of them with their ar- —v"-—^
rows. In this defpefate condition, Craffus, fpying a
rifing ground at a fmall diftance, led the remains of his
detachment thither, with a dengn to defend himfelf in
the beft manner he could, till fuccours fiiould be fent
him from his father. The Parthians purfued him j and
having furrounded him in his new poll, continued
ftiowering arrows upon his men, till moft of them were
either killed or dilabled, without being able to make
ufe of their arms, or give the enemy proofs of their
valour.
Young Craffus had two Greeks with him, who’had
fettled in the city of Carrhie. Thefe, touched with
compaflion, at feeing fo brave a man reduced to fuch
ftraits, preffed him to retire with them to the neigh¬
bouring city of Ifchnes, which had declared for the
Romans ; but the young Homan rejected their propo-
fal with indignation, telling them, that he would ra¬
ther die a thoufand times than abandon fo many valiant
men, who facrificed their lives for his fake. Having
returned this anfv er to his two Greek friends, he em¬
braced and difmiffed them, giving them leave to re¬
tire and ftiift for themfelves in the beft manner they
could. As for himfelf, having now loft all hopes of
being relieved, and feeing moft of his men and friends
killed round him, he gave way to his grief; and, flot-phe cfeath
being able to make uie of his arm, which was ftiot0f v0ung
through with a large barbed arrow, he prefented his Craffus.
fide to one of his attendants, and ordered him to put
an end to his unhappy life. Kis example was fol¬
lowed by Cenforius a fenator, by Megabacchus an
experienced and brave officer, and by moft of the no¬
bility who ferved under him. Five hundred com¬
mon foldiers were taken prifoners, and the reft cut in
pieces. YV
The Parthians, having thus cut off or taken the whole
detachment commanded by >oung Craffus, marched
without delay againft his father, who, upon the ftrft ad¬
vice that the enemy fled before his fon, and were clofely
purfued by him, had taken heart, the more becaufe thofe
who had remained to make head againft hirrvfeemed to
abate much of their ardour, the greateft part of them hav¬
ing marched with the reft againft his fon. Wherefore,
having encouraged his troops, he had retired to a fmall hill
in his rear, to wait there till his fon returned from the
purfuit. Young Craffus had defpatched frequent ex-
preffes to his father, to acquaint him with the danger he
was in; but they had fallen into the enemy’s hands, and
been by them put to the fword: only the laft, who had
efcaped with great difficulty, arrived fafe, and inform¬
ed him that his fon was loft if he did not fend him an
immediate and powerful reinforcement. This news
threw Craffus into the utmoft confternalion ; a thoufand
affecling thoughts rofe in his mind, and difturbed his
reafon to fuch a degree, that he fcarce knew what he
was doing. However, the defire he had of faving his
fon, and fo many brave Romans who were under his
command, made him immediately decamp, and march ,
to their affiftance ; but he was not gone far before he
was met by the Parthians, who, with loud Ihouts, and
fongs of viftory, gave, at a diftance, the unhappy father,
notice of his misfortune. They had cut off young Craf-
fus’s head, and, having fixed it on the point of a lance,
were advancing full fpeed to fall on the father. As they
drew.
PartViia.
14
Diftrefs of
Craflus.
PAR [ 5 ] PAR
drew near, Craflus was ft ruck with that difmal and af¬
fecting fight j but on this occafion, behaved like a hero:
for though he was under the deepeft concern, he had
the prefence of mind to ftiile his grief, for fear of dif-
couraging the army, and to cry out to the difmayed
trooos, “ This misfortune is entirely mine ; the lofs of
one man cannot affeft the victory : Let us charge, let
us fight like Romans : if you have any compaffion for a
father who has juft now loft a fon whofe valour you ad¬
mired, let it appear in your rage and refentment againft
thefe infulting barbarians.” Thus Crafius ftrove to re¬
animate his troops; but his efforts were unfuccefsful :
tY ir courage was quite funk, as appeared from the faint
and languifliing ftiout which they raifed, according to
cuftom, before the action. When the fignal was given,
the Parthians, keeping to their old way of fighting, dif-
charged clouds of arrows on the legionaries, without
drawing near them •, which did fuch dreadful execution,
that many of the Romans, to avoid the arrows, which
occafioned a long and painful death, threw themfelves,
like men in defpair, on the enemy’s heavy-armed-horfe,
feeking from their ipears a more quick and eafy kind of
death. Thus the Parthians continued plying them in-
ceffantly with their arrows till night, when they left
the field of battle, crying out, that they would allow
the father one night to lament the death of his fon.
This was a melancholy night for the Romans. Craf-
fus kept himfelf concealed from the foldiery, lying not
in the general’s tent, but in the open air, and on the
bare ground, with his head wrapped up in his paluda-
mentum or military cloak } and was, in that forlorn
condition, fays Plutarch, a great example to the vulgar,
of the inftability of forturte ; to the Wife, a ftill greater
of the pernicious e fie els of avarice, temerity, and ambi¬
tion. O&avius, one of his lieutenants, and Cafiius, ap¬
proached him, and endeavoured to raife him up and
confole him: but, feeing him quite funk under the
weight of his affiiftion, and deaf to all comfort, they
fummoned a council of war, compofed of all the chief
officers ; wherein it was unanimouily refolved, that they
fiiould decamp before break of day, and retire, without
found of trumpet, to the neighbouring city of Carrhae,
which was held by a Roman garrifon. Agreeable to
this refolution, they began their march as foon as the
council broke up; which produced dreadful outcries among
the fick and wounded, who, perceiving that they were
to be abandoned to the mercy of the enemy, filled the
camp with their complaints and lamentations : but their
cries and tears, though very affefting, did not flop the
march of the others, which, indeed, was very flow, to
give the ftragglers time to come up. There were only
300 light horfe, under the command of one .fiEgnatius,
who purfued their march without flopping. Thefe ar¬
riving at Carrhae about midnight, Afignatius, calling to
the centinels on the walls, defired them to acquaint Co-
ponius, governor of the place, that Craffus had fought a
great battle with the Parthians'; Rnd, without faying a
wrord more, or letting him know who he was, continued
his march with all poftible expedition to the bridge of
Zeugma ; which he paffed, and by that means faved
his troops, but was much blamed for abandoning his
general.
However, the mefiage he fent to Coponius was of
fome temporary fervice to Craffus. For that com¬
mander, wifely conjefturing, from the manner In which Parthia-.
the unknown perfon had given him that intelligence, "" v '
that fame misfortune had befallen Craffus, immediately
ordered bis garrifon to Hand to their arms; and, march¬
ing out, met Craffus, and conduced him and his army
into the city : for the Parthians, though informed of
his flight, did not offer to purfue him, obierving there¬
in the fuperftitious cuftom which obtained among them
and the Perfians, not to -fight in the night ; but when
it -was day, they entered the Roman camp, and having
put all the wounded, to the number of 4000, to the Iworti,
difperfed their cavalry all over the plain, in puriuit of
the fugitives. One of Crafius’s lieutenants, named IV,r -
gunteiuf, having feparated in the night from the main
body of the army, with four cohorts, miffed his way,
and was overtaken by the enemy; at whofe approach he
withdrew to a neighbouring hill, where he defended
liimfelf, with great valour, till all his men were killed,
except 20, 'who made their way through the enemy,
fword in hand, and got fafe to Carrhae: but Vargunteius-
himfelf loft his life on this occafion.
In the mean time Surenas, not knowing whether Sarenas
Craffus and Cafiius Lad retired to Carrhae, or chofen aPretei1^s
different route ; in order to be informed of the truth,
and take his meafures accordingly, defpatched a meffen-
ger, who fpoke the Roman language, to the city of Car¬
rhae, enjoining him to approach the ■walls, and acquaint
Craffus himfelf, or Cafiius, that the Parthian general was
inclined to enter into a treaty with them, and demanded
a conference. Both the proconful and his quetftor Caf-
fius fpoke from the walls with the meffenger ; and, ac¬
cepting the propofal with great joy, defiled that the
time and place for an interview might be immediately
agreed upon. The mefienger withdrew, promifing to
return quickly with an anfwer from Surenas : but that
general no fooner underftood that Craffus and Cafiius
were in Carrhce, than he marched thither with his whole
army ; and, having invefted the place, acquainted the
Romans, that if they expected any favourable terms,
they muft deliver up Craffus and Cafiius to him in.
chains. Hereupon a council of the chief officers being
fummoned, it was thought expedient to retire from Car-
rhie that very night, and feek for another afylum. It
was of the utmoli importance that none of the inhabi¬
tants of Carrhae fliould be acquainted with their defign
till the time of its execution ; but Craffus, whofe whole
conduA evidently {hows that he was blinded, as Dio
Cafiius obferves, by fome divinity, imparted the whole
matter in confidence to one Andromachus, choofing him
for his guide, and relying injudicioufiy on the fidelity of
a man whom he fcarce knew. Andromachus immedi¬
ately acquainted Surenas with the defign of the Romans^
promifing at the fame time, as the Parthians did not
engage in the night, to manage matters fo, that they,
fliould not get out of bis reach before daybreak. Pur-
fuant to his promife, he led them through many wind¬
ings and turnings, till he brought them into deep,
marfhy grounds, where the infantry were up to the
knees in mire. Then Caifius, futpefting that their
guide had led them into thofe bogs with no good de¬
fign, refufed to follow him any longer ; and returning
to Carrhae, took his route towards Syria, which he
reached with 500 horfe. OAavius, with 5000 men,
under his command, being conduced by trufty guides,
gained.
PAR [
gained the mountains called by Plutarch and Appian
^ Sintiaci, and there intrenched himfelf before break of
day.
As for Craflus, he was Hill entangled in the marfhes,
when Surenas, at the riling of the fun, overtook him,
and invefted him with his cavalry. The proconful had
with him four cohorts, and a fmall body of horfe'j and
with thefe he gained, in fpite of all oppolition, the fum-
mit of another hill within 12 furlongs of Oftavius ; who
leeing the danger that threatened his general, flew to his
afliftance, firfl: with a fmall number of his men, but was
foon followed by all the reft, who, being alhamed of their
cowardice, quitted their poll, though very fafe, and char¬
ging the Parthians with great fury, difengaged Craflus,
and obliged the enemy to abandon the hill. Upon the
retreat of the enemy, they formed themfelves into a hol¬
low" fquare ; and placing Craflus in the middle, made a
kind of rampart round him with their bucklers, refo-
iutely protefting, that none of the enemy’s arrows fhculd
touch their general’s body, till they were all killed fight¬
ing in his defence. Surenas, loth to let fo fine a prey
efcape, furrounded the hill, as if he defigned to make a
new attack : but, finding Iris Parthians very backward,
and not doubting but the Romans, when night came on,
vrould purfue their march, and get out of his reach, he
had recourfe again to artifice •, and declared before fome
prifoners, whom he foon after fet at liberty*, that he was
inclined to treat wdth the proconful of a peace) and that
it was better to come to a reconciliation with Rome, than
to fow the feeds of an eternal war, by fliedding the blood
of one of her generals.
Agreeable to this declaration, Surenas, as foon as the
prifoners were releafed, advanced towards the hill where
the Romans were polled, attended only by fome of his
officers, and, with his bow unbent, and open arms, in¬
vited Craflus to an interview. So fudden a change feem-
ed very fufpicious to the proconfiff-, who therefore de¬
clined., the interview, till he was forced, by his own
foldiers, to intruft his life with an enemy whofe treachery
they had all experienced ; for the legionaries flocking
round him, not only abufed him in an outrageous man-
•ner, but even menaced him if he did not accept of the
propofals made him by the Parthian general. Seeing,
therefore, that his troops wrere ready to mutiny, he be¬
gan to advance, without arms or guards, towards the
enemy, after having called the gods and his officers to
witnefs the violence his troops offered him 5 and entreat¬
ed all who were pr£fent, but efpecially Oftavius and
Petronius, twm of the chief commanders, for the honour
of Rome their common mother, not to mention, after
his death, the fhameful behaviour of the Roman legion¬
aries. Oflavius and Petronius could not refolve to let
him go alone 5 but attended him dowm the hill, as did
likewife feme legionaries, keeping at a diftance. Craflus
was met at the foot of the hill by trvo Greeks who, dif-
mounting from their horfes, fainted him with great re-
fpeft 5 and defired him in the Greek tongue, to fend
fome of his attendants, who might fatisfy him that Sure¬
nas, and thofe who wTere with him, came without arms.
Hereupon Craflus fent two brothers, of the Rofcian
family *, but Surenas having caufed them to be feized,
advanced to the foot of the hill, mounted on a fine horfe,
and attended by the chief officers of his army. Craflus,
who waited for the return of his two meflengers, was fur-
■prifed to lee himfelf prevented by Surenas in perfon, when
2
6 ] P A R
he leaft expected it. The Parthian general, perceiving, Parthia.
as he approached Grafibs, that he was on foot, cried out, v
in a feeming furprife, “ What do I fee > a Roman gene¬
ral on foot, and wye on horfeback i Let a herfe be brougl t
for him immediately.” “ You need not be f&rprifed (re¬
plied Craflus) : we are come only to an interview7, each
after the cuftom of his country.” “ Very well (an-
fvvered Surenas), there ftiall be henceforth a lafting
peace between King Orodes and the people of Rome :
but we mull fign the articles of it on the banks of the
^Euphrates ; for you Romans do not always remember
your conventions.” Craflus would have fent for a horfe :
but a very flately one with a golden bit, and richly cr-
parilbned, wras brought to him by a Parthian; which
Surenas prefen ling to him, “ Accept this horfe from my
hands (laid he), which I give you in the name of my
mailer King Orodes.” He had fearer uttered thefe
words, when fome of the king’s officers, taking Crafliis
by the middle, fet him upon the horfe, which they be¬
gan to whip with great violence before them in order to
make him quicken his pace. Odlavius, offended at this
infult, took the horfe by the bridle ; Petronius and the
few Romans w7ho were prefent, feconded him, and flock¬
ing all round Craflus, flopped his horfe. The Parthians
endeavoured to repuife them, and clear the w ay for the
proconful ; whereupon they began to juftie and pufh one
another with great tumult and diforder. At laft, 021 a-
vius, drawing hisfword, killed one of the king’s orooms;
but, at the fame time, another coming behind 0£lavius,
with one blow laid him dead at his feet. Both parties
fought with great refolulion, the Parthians ftriving to
carry off Crafliis, and the Romans to refeue him out of
their hands. In this feuffle moll of the Romans who
came to the conference wrere killed ) and amongft the £ro^
reft, Craflus himfelf, but whether by a Roman or a Par- j,;ij^,
thian is uncertain.
Upon his death, the reft of the army either furrender-
ed to the enemy, or, difperflng in the night, were pur-
fued, and put to the fword. The Romans loft in this
campaign at leaft 30,000 men ; of which 20,000 were
killed, and 10,000 taken prifoners.
When the battle of Carrive wTas fought, King Orodes
w7as in Armenia, where he had made peace with Aua-
b?rzus. While the two kings w7ere folemnizing their
new7 alliance with expenftve and public feafts, Styllaces
or Syllaces, a Parthian officer, whom Surenas had lent
with the news of his late viflory, and the head of Craf-
fus as a proof of it, arrived in the capital of Armenia.
The tranfports of joy which Orodes felt at this fight,
and thefe news, are not to be exprefled 5 and the lords
of both kingdoms, who attended their fovereigns, railed
loud and repeated ffiouts of joy. Syllaces was ordered
to give a more particular and diitinft account of that
memorable a2lion •, which when he had done, Orodes
commanded melted gold to be poured into Craffus’s
mouth ; reproaching him thereby with avarice, which
had been always his predominant paffion. 17
Surenas did not long enjoy the plealure of his viflory (Surenas
for Orodes, jealous of his power and authority ameng
the Parthians, foon after caufed him to be put to death.
Pacorus, the king’s favourite fon was put at the head
of the army j and agreeably to his father’s direfiions,
invaded Syria : but he was driven out from thence with
great lofs by Cicero and Caffius, the only general who
furvived the defeat of Craflus. After this we find no
mention
PAR '' [
Part!i:a. mention of tlie Parthians, till the time of the civil war
> ’ between Ctefar and Pompey, when the latter fent am-
baffadors to iolicit fuccour againft his rival. This Orodes
was willing to grant upon condition that Syria was de¬
livered up 10 him; but as Pc-npey would not confent to
. fuch a propofal, the faccours were not only denied, but,
' after the battle of I'harfalia, he put Lucius Hirtius in
irons, whom Pompey had ^gain fent to afk afliftance, or
at leaft to defire leave to fhelter himfelf in the Parthian
dominions.
Ciefar is faid to have meditated a wTar againft the Par¬
thians, which in all probability would have proved fatal
jg to them. His death delivered them from this danger.
War com- But, not long after, the eaftern provinces, being griev-
menced a- qufly oppreffed by Mark Antony, rofe up in arms j and
Parthi^w ^iaving killed the tax-gatherers, invited the Parthians to
bwvlai'k' j°iri them and drive out the Romans. They very readily
Antony. accepted the invitation, and crofted the Euphrates with
a powerful army under the command of Pacorus, and
Labienus a Roman general of Pompey’s party. At firft
they met with great fuccefs, overran all Alia Minor, and
reduced all the countries as far as the Plellefpont and the
Egtean fea, fubduing likewife Phoenicia, Syria, and even
Judea. They did not however long enjoy their new con-
quefts : for being elated with their victories, and defpil-
ing the enemy, they engaged Ventidius, Antony’s lieu¬
tenant, before Labienus had time to join them, and were
utterly defeated. This fo difhearlened Labienus’s army,
that they ail abandoned him *, and he himfelf, being thus
obliged to wander from place to place in difguife, was at
laft taken and put to death at Cyprus. Ventidius purfu-
ing his advantage, gained feveral other vitdorieS ; and at
lalt entirely defeated the Parthian army under Pacorus,
cutting almoft the whole of them in pieces, and the
Pacorus de- prince himfelf among the reft. He did not, however,
featedand purfue this laft - victory as he might have done j being
killed by afraid of giving umbrage to Antony, who had already
Ventidius. kecome jea]cus cf 4_he great honour gained by his lieu¬
tenant. He therefore contented himfelf with reducing
thofe places in Syria and Phoenicia which the Parthians
had taken in the beginning of the war, until Antony ar¬
rived to take the command of the army upon himfelf.
Orodes wTas almoft di ft rafted with grief on receiving
the dreadful newrs of the lofs of his army and the death
of his favourite fon. However, when time had reftor-
ed the ufe of his faculties, he appointed Phrahates, the
eldeft but the molt wicked, of all his children, to fuc-
ceed him in the kingdom, admitting him at the fame
time to a ft; a re of the fovereign authority with himfelf.
The conlequence of this was, that Phrahates very foon
attempted to poifon his father with hemlock. But this
20 contrary to expeftation, proving a cure for the dropfy,
Orodes which an excefs of grief had brought upog the king, the
murdered, unnatural fon had him {lifted in bed, and foon after not
only murdered all his own brethren, who were thirty in
number, but cut oft all the reft of the royal family, not
fparing even his own eldeft fon, left the difeontented
Parthians ftiould pla,ce him, as he was already of age,
on the throne.
Many of the chief lords of Parchia being intimidated
by the cruelty of Phrahates, retired into foreign coun¬
ties : and among thofe one MonceCs. a perfon of great
diftinftion, as well as Iklll and experience In war. This
man, having tied to Antony, foon gained his confidence,
and was by him ealily prevailed upon to engage in a. war
7 ] -PAR
againft his countrymen. But Phrahates juftly dreading Pavtka.
the confequences of fuch a perfon’s defection, fent a fo- ""”~v
leraji embaffy to invite him home on fuch terms as he
thou Id think fit to accept ; which greatly provoked An¬
tony ; though he did not hinder him from returning, left
others ftiould thereby be difeouraged from coining over
to him. He therefore difmifled him with great civility,
fending ambaffadors at the fame time to Phrahates to treat
of a peace. Thus he hoped to divert the Parthian mo¬
narch’s attention from making the neceftary prepara¬
tions for w7ar, and that he ftiould be rjtlc to fall upon
him in the fpring when he was in no condition to make
refiftance. But herein he was greatly difappointed ; for
on his arrival at the Euphrates, wdiich he intended to
pafs, and enter the Parthian dominions on that fide, he
found all the paftes fo Well guarded, that he thought pro¬
per to enter Media with a defign firft to reduce that
country, and then to enter Parthia. 21
This plan had been fuggefted to him by Artabazus Antony
king of Armenia, w-ho in the end betrayed him ; ^or ^rtab^zus^
inftead of condufting the army the ftraight way fromkin^. 0f Ar,
Zeugma on the Euphrates, to the Araxes wTich part- menia.
ed Media from Armenia, and which was about 500
miles diftant* from the place whence he firft fet out,
Artabazus led them ever the rocks and mountains fo far
about, that the army had marched above loco miles
before they reached the borders of Media, where they
intended to begin the war. Thus they were not only
greatly fatighed but had not fufticient time, the year
being far fpent, to put in execution the defign on
which they had come. However, as Antony was im¬
patient to get back to Cleopatra, he left behind him
moft of the baggage of the army, and 300 waggons
loaded with battering rams and other military engines
for fieges j appointing Statianus, one of his lieutenants,.
' with a body of 10,000 men, to guard them, and to
bring them, by (lower marches, after the army. With
the reft of the forces he marched more than 300 miles
before the reft, without allowing his men any refpite till
he arrived at Praafpa or Phrahata, the capital of Media,
which he immediately invefted. But the Parthians, well
knowing that lie could not make any progrefs without
Ins military machines, pafied by his army, in order to
attack Btatianus; wdiich they did with fuch fuccefs, that fen thou-
the body commanded by him were all to a man cut off, f ind Ro-
and all their military engines taken, among which was a mans cut
battering ram 80 feet long. °^'-
Antony, notwithftanding this difafter, continued the
fiege of Praafpa ; but w-as daily haraffed by failles of the
garrifon from within, and the enemy’s army without.
At laft he began to think of a retreat when his provi-
fions were almoft exhaufted, finding it impoflible to be¬
come mafter of the city. But as he was to march 300
miles through the enemy’s country, be thought proper
firft to fend ambaffadors to the Parthian monarch, ac¬
quainting him that the Roman people were willing to
allowr him a peace, provided he would reftore the Hand-
ards and prifoners taken at Carrhae. Phrahates received
the ambaffadors, fitting on a golden throne ; and, after,,
having bitterly inveighed againft the avarice and un¬
bounded ambition of the Romans, told them that he
would not part with the ftandards and prifoners; but
that if Antony would immediately raife the fiege of
Praafpa, he wouiu fuffer him to retire unmolefted.
Antony, who ivas reduced to great ftraits, no fooner
received
V,
PAR [8
Pavthia. received this anfwer than he broke up the, fiege, and
* marched towards Armenia. However, Phrahates was
Anton not fo good as his word *, for the Romans were attacked
leaves Par- by the enemy no fewer than 18 times on their march,
thia in and were thrice in the utmoft danger of being cut off.
great dif- famine alfo raged in the Roman army 5 upon which
trefs- they began to defert to the enemy ; and indeed Antony
would probably have been left by hlmfeif, had. not the
Parthians, in a very cruel as well as impolitic man¬
ner, murdered all thofe who tied to them in fight of the
reft. At laft, after having loft 32,000 men, and being
reduced to fuch defpair that he was with difficulty pre¬
vented from laying violent hands on himfelf, he reached
the river Araxes ; when his men, finding themfelves out
of the reach of the enemy, fell down on the' ground, and
killed it with tears of joy.
Antony was no fooner gone, than the kings of Me¬
dia and Parthia quarrelled about the booty they had
taken ; and after various contefts Phrahates reduced all
Media and Armenia. After this, being elated with his
conquefts, he oppreffed his fubjedls in fuch a cruel and
tyrannical manner, that a civil war took place; in which
the competitors were alternately driven out £nd reftored,
till the year 50, when one Vologei'es, the fon of Gortar-
zes, a former king, became peaceable pofiefibr of the
throne. He carried on fome wTars again!! the Romans,
but with very indifferent fuccefs, and at laft gndly con-
fented to a renewal of the ancient treaties with that
24 powerful people.
Parthia From this time the Parthian hiftory affords nothing
fubdued remarkable till the reign of the emperor Trajan ; when
by Tra' the Parthian king, by name Coftiroes, infringed the
jaU‘ treaty with Rome, by driving out the king of Arme¬
nia. " Upon this 'Trajan, who was glad of any pre¬
tence to quarrel with the Parthians, immediately haft-
ened into Armenia. His arrival there was fo fudden
ttnd unexpected, that he reduced almoft the whole
country without oppofition ; and took priloner Par-
thamafiris, the king whom the Parthians had fet up.
After this he entered Mefopotamia, took the city of
Nifibis, and reduced to a Roman province the whole
of that wealthy country.
Early in the fpring of the following year, Trajan,
who had kept his winter quarters in Syria, took the
field again ; but was warmly oppofed by Cofdroes.—
He found him encamped on the banks of the Euphrates,
with a defign to difpute his paffage ; which he did with
fuch vigour, that the emperor, after having feveral times
attempted to ford that river, and been always repulfed
with great (laughter, was obliged to caufe boats to be
built on the neighbouring mountains, which he privately
conveyed from thence on carriages to the water fide 3
and having in the night time formed a bridge with
them, he paffed his army the next day 3 but not with¬
out great lofs and danger, the Parthians harafling his
men the whole time with inceffant ftiowers of arrows,
which did great execution. Having gained the oppofite
bank, be advanced boldly into Affyria, the Parthians
flying everywhere before him, and made himfelf mafter
of Arbela. - Thence he purfued his march 3 fubduing,
with incredible rapidity, countries where the Roman
v ftandard had never been before difplayed. Babylonia,
or the province of Babylon, voluntarily fubmitted to
him. The city itfelf was, after a vigorous refiftance,
tjtken by ftorm 3 by which means he became mafter of
5
] PA R
all Chaldea and Affyria, the two richeft provinces of Parthia- t
the Parthian empire. From Babylon he marched to
Ctefiphon, the metropolis of the Parthian monarchy 3
which he belieged, and at laft reduced. But as 10 the
particulars of thefe great conquefts, we are quite in the
dark ; this expedition, however glorious to the Roman
name, being rather hinted at than dexcribed, by the
writers of thofe times. While Trajan vras thus making1
war in the heart of the enemy’s country, Coldroes, hav¬
ing recruited his army, marched into Mefopotamia, with
a defign to recover that country, and cut off all commu-
nicaiion between the Roman army and Syria. On his
arrival in that province, the inhabitants flocked to him
from all parts 3 and moll of the cities, driving out the
garrifons left by Trajan, opened their gates to him.
Hereupon the emperor detached Lucius and Maximus,
two of his chief commanders, into Mefopotamia, to
keep fuch cities in awe as had not revolted, and to open
a communication with Syria. Maximus was met by Cof¬
droes 3 and having ventured a battle, his army was en¬
tirely defeated, and himfelf killed. But Lucius being
joined by Euricius -and Clarius, two other commanders
fent by Trajan with frefti fupplies, gained confiderable
advantages over the enemy, and retook the cities of Ni¬
fibis and Seleucia, which had revolted.
And now Trajan, feeing himfelf poffeffed of all the
bell and moll fruitful provinces of the Parthian empire,
but at the fame time being well apprifed that he could
not, without a vaft expence, maintain his conquefts, nor
keep in fubjeclion fo fierce and warlike a people at fuch
a diftance from Italy 3 refolved to fet over them a king
of his own choofing, who ihould hold the crown of him
and his fucceffors, and acknowledge them as his lords
and fovereigns. With this view he repaired to Ctefi-.
phon 3 and' having there affembled the chief men of the _ •
nation, he crowned one of the royal family, by name 25
Parthanafpates, king of Parthia, obliging all who were Partha-
prefent to pay him their allegiance. He chofe Partha-nafPa^s^
nafpates, becaufe that prince had joined him at his ^ngbythe
entering the Parthian dominions, conduced him with Roman em-
great fidelity, and Ihown on all occafions an extraordi-paror, but
nary attachment to the Romans. Thus the Parthians j«on after
were at laft fubdued, and their kingdom made tributarydnven out‘
to Rome. But they did not long continue in this Hate
of fubjeclion: for they no fooner heard of Trajan’s
death, which happened Ihortly after, than, taking up
arms, they drove Parthanafpates from the throne 3 and
recalling Cofdroes, who had retired into the country of
the Hyrcanians, openly revolted from Rome. Adrian,
who was then commander in chief of all the forces in the
eaft, and foon after acknowledged emperor by the army,
did not wiih, though he was at that time in Syria with a
very numerous*army, to engage in a new war wdth the
Parthians 3 but contented himfelf with preferving the
ancient limits of the empire, without any ambitious pro-
fpefts of further conquefts. Therefore, in the beginning
of his reign, he abandoned thofe provinces beyond the
Euphrates which Trajan had conquered 3 withdrew the
Roman garrifons from Mefopotamia 3 and, for the great¬
er fafety of other places, made the Euphrates the boun¬
dary of, and barrier in, thofe parts, polling his legions
along the banks of ri at river.
Cofdroes died after a long reign, and was fucceededlJ“f'uctefe-
by his eldeft fon Vologefes : in whofe reign the Alani yobgeLs
breaking into Media, then fubjed to the Parthians, wjth the
committed Romans.
PAR
[
Pavthia. committed there great devaftations j but. were prevail-
' » ed upon,N with ricii prefents lent them by Vologefes,
to abandon that kingdom, and return home. Upon
their retreat, Vologeles, having no enemy to contend
with at home, fell unexpeftedly upon Armenia j fur-
* prifed the legions there ; and having cut them all in
pieces to a man, entered Syria ; defeated with great
flaughter Attilius Cornelianus, governor of that pro¬
vince 5 and advanced without opposition to the neigh¬
bourhood of Antioch 5 putting everywhere the Ro¬
mans, and thofe who favoured them, to the fword.
Hereupon the emperor Verus, by the advice of his
colleague Antoninus furnamed the Philofopher, leaving
Rome, haftened into Syria : and having driven the Par-
thians out of that province, ordered Statius Prifcus to
invade Armenia, and Caffius with MartiuS Verus to
• enter the Parthian territories, and carry th'^v/ar into the
enemy’s country. Prifcus made himfelf mailer of Ar-
taxata •, and in one campaign drove the Parthians, though
not without great lofs on his fide, quite out of Armenia.
CaiTms, on the other hand, having in feveral encounters
defeated Vologefes, though he had an army of 400,000
men under his command, reduced, in four years time, all
thofe provinces which had formerly fubmitted to Trajan,
took Seleucia, burnt and plundered the famous cities of
Babylon and Cteliphon, with the Stately palaces of the
Parthian monarch's, and llruck terror into the molt re¬
mote provinces of-that great empire. On his return, he
loft above half the number of his forces by ficknefs and fa¬
mine •, fothat, after all, the Romans, as Spartianusobferves,
had no great reafon to boaft of their vi&ories and conquefts.
However, Verus, who had never ftirred during the
whole time of the war from Antioch and Daphne, took
upon him the lofty titles of Partkicus and Armenians, as
if he had acquired them juftly in the midft of his plea-
fures and debaucheries. After the revolt and death of
Caflius, Antoninus the Philofopher repaired into Syria
to fettle the affairs of that province. On his arrival
there, he was met by ambaffadors from Vologefes} who
having recovered moil of the provinces fubdued by Caf¬
fius, and being unwilling either to part with them or
engage in a new war, folicited the emperor to confirm
him in the poffeflion of them, promifing to hold them of
him, and to acknowledge the fovereignty of Rome. To
thefe terms Antoninus readily agreed, and a peace was
accordingly concluded between the two empires ; which
Vologefes did not long enjoy, being foon after carried off
by a diftemper, and not murdered by his own Subjects,
as we read in Conftantinus Manaffes, who calls him Be-
legefes. . ,
Upon his death, Vologefes III. the fon of his bro¬
ther Sanatruces, and grandfon of Cofdroes, was raifed
to the throne. He fided with Niger againft the em¬
peror Severus: who thereupon having fettled matters
at home, marched with all his forces againft him j and
advancing to the city of Ctefiphon, whither he had re¬
tired, laid clofe fiege to that metropolis. Vologefes
made a moft gallant defence : but the city, after a long
fiege, and much bloodlhed on both fides, was at length
taken by affault. The king’s treafures, with his waves
and children, fell into the emperor’s hands : but Volo¬
gefes himfelf had the good luck to make his efcape ;
which was a great difappointment to Severus, who im-
mediately defpatched an exprefs to acquaint the fenate
with the fuccefs that had attended him in his expedition
Vol. XVI. Part I.
27
Ctefiphon
taken by
Severus.
9 ] , PAR
againft the only nation that was then formidable to Parthia*
Rome. But he had no fooner crofted the Euphrates "“■'“v—
than Vologefes recovered all the provinces except Me-
fopotamia, which he had reduced. Thefe expeditions
were chargeable to the Romans, and coft them much
blood, without reaping any advantages from them ; for
as they had not fufticient forces to keep in awe the pro¬
vinces they had fubdued, the inhabitants, greatly attach¬
ed to the family of Arfaces, never failed to return to
their ancient obedience as foon as the Roman armies
were withdrawn. Vologefes was foon after engaged
in a war ftill more troublefome and deftrudlive, with
his brother Artabanus, who, encouraged by fome of
the difcontented nobles, attempted to rob him of the
crown, and place it on his own head. Vologefes gained
feveral victories over his brother and rebellious fubjefts;
but died before he could reftore the empire to its former
tranquillity.
Artabanus, who had a numerous army at his devo¬
tion, did not meet with any oppofition in feizing the
throne, vacant by the death of his brother, though
Tiridates had a better title to it, avs being his elder
brother. He had fcarce fettled the affairs of his king¬
dom, when the emperor Caracalla, defirous to figna-
lize himfelf as fome of his predecefibrs had done,
by fome memorable exploit againft the Parthians, Tent
a folemn embaffy to him, defiring his daughter in
marriage. Artabanus, overjoyed at this propofal,
which he thought rvould be attended with a lading
peace between the tw'o empires, received the ambafla-
dors with all poflible marks of honour, and readily 2g
complied with their requeft. Soon after, Caracalla Infamous
fent a fecond embaffy to acquaint the king that hetreachery
was coming to folemnize the nuptials j whereupon Ar-of the em"
tabanus w'ent to meet him attended with the chief ofcalla.™*
the nobility and his bell troops, all unarmed, and in^
moft pompous habits : but this peaceable train no fooner
approached the Roman army, than the foldiers, on a fig-
nal given them, falling upon the king’s retinue, made a
moft terrible daughter of the unarmed multitude, Ar¬
tabanus himfelf efcaping with great difficulty. The
treacherous Caracalla, having gained by this exploit
great booty, and, as he thought, no lefs glory, wrote a
long and boafting letter to the fenate, affuming the title
of Parthicus for this piece of treachery ; as he had be¬
fore that of Germanicus, for murdering, in like manner,
fome of the German nobility.
Artabanus, refolving to make the Romans pay dear
for their inhuman and barbarous treachery, raifed the
moft numerous army that had ever been known in Par¬
thia, crofted the Euphrates, and entered Syria, put¬
ting all to fire and fword. But Caracalla being mur¬
dered before this invafion, MacrinuSj who had fuc-
ceeded him, met the Parthians at the head of a mighty
army, compofed of many legions, and all the auxilia¬
ries of the dates of Afia. The two armies no fooner A d ^
came in fight of each other, but they engaged" withbatttebe?*
the utmoft fury. The battle continued two days ; tween the
both Romans and Parthians fighting fo obftinately, Parthians
that night only parted them, without any apparentancl Ro~
advantage on either fide ; though both retired whenm,inS’
night had put an end to the conteft, crying, Victory,
victory. The field of battle was covered all over with
dead bodies, there being- already above 40,000 killed
including both Romans and Parthians: neverthelefs
B Artabanus
PAR r 10 1 PAR
JParti. Artabanus was heard to fay, that the battle was only
begun, and that he would continue it till either the
Parthians or Romans were all to a man cut in pieces.
Eut Macrinus, being well apprifed that the king came
highly enraged again!! Caracalla in particular, and
dreading the confequences which would attend the de-
ftruftion of his army, fent a herald to Artabanus, ac¬
quainting him with the death of Caracalla, and propof-
ing an alliance between the two empires. The king,
underftanding that his great enemy was dead, readily-
embraced the propofals of peace and amity, upon condi¬
tion that all the prifoners who had been taken by the
treachery of Caracalla fliould be immediately reftored,
and a large fum of money paid him to defray the ex-
pences of the war.
Thefe articles being performed without delay or
helitation, Artabanus returned into Parthia, and Ma-
3CI crinus to Antioch.
The Per- As Artabanus loll on this occafion the flower of
fians revolt, his army, Artaxerxes, a Perfian of mean defcent, but
and over. 0f great courage and experience in war, revolting from
Parthian the Parthians, prevailed on his countrymen to join him,
empire. and attempt the recovery of the fovereign power,
which he laid they had been unjuftly deprived of, fir!!
by the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Parthians,
their vaffals. Artabanus, upon the news of this revolt,
marched with the whole ftrength of his kingdom to
fupprefs it j but being met by Artaxerxes at the head
of a no lefs powerful ayny, a bloody battle enfued,
which is faid to have lafted three days. At length
the Parthians, though they behaved' with the utmofl:
bravery, and fought like men in defpair, were forced
to yield to the Perfians, who were commanded by a
more experienced leader. Moft of their troops were
cut off in the flight; and the king himfelf was taken
prifoner, and foon after put to death at Artaxerxes’s
order. The Parthians, having loft in this fatal en¬
gagement both their king and their army, were forced
to fubmit to the conqueror, and become vaffals to a na¬
tion which had been fubjed to them for the fpace of
47 5 years.
For an account of the manners, cuftoms, &c. of the
ancient Parthians, fee the article Persia.
PARTI, Partie, Partly, or Parted, in Heraldry,
is applied to a !hield or efcutcheon, denoting it divided
Or marked out into partitions.
Parti per pale, is when the Ihield is divided perpen¬
dicularly into two halves, by a cut in the middle from
top to bottom.
Parti per fefs, is when the cut is acrofs the middle
from fide to fide.
PARTI per bend dexter, is when the cut comes from
the upper corner of the Afield on the right hand, and
defcends athwart to the oppofite lower corner.
Parti per lend jinifter, is when the cut, coming
from the upper left comer, defcends acrofs to the oppo¬
fite lower one.
All thefe partitions, according to M. de la Colom-
biere, h^ve their origin from the cuts and bruifes that
have appeared on ftiields after engagements 5 and, be-
ing proofs of the dangers to which the bearers had
been expofed, they gained them efteem : for which
reafon they were tranfmitted to pofterity, and became
arms, and marks of honour to their future families.
PARTIALITY. See SELF-partiality and Preju- Partiality
dice. !! .
PARTICIPLE, in Grammar, an adjedfive formed ‘^ticie. ^
of a verb $ fo called, becaufe it participates partly of
the properties of a noun, and partly of thofe of a verb.
See Grammar.
PARTICLE, in Phyfics, the minute part of a
body, an affemblage of which conftitutes all natural
bodies.
In the new philofophy, particle is often ufed in the
fame fenfe with atom in the ancient Epicurean philo¬
fophy, and corpufcle in the latter. Some writers,
however, diftinguifti them ; making particle an affem-
blage or compofition of two or more primitive and
phyfically indivifible corpufcles or atoms \ and cor¬
pufcle, or little body, an efiemblage or mafs of feveral
particles or fecondary corpufcles. The diftin&ion,
however, is of little moment; and, as to moft purpofes
of phyfics, particle may be underftood as fynonymous.
with corpufcle. Particles are then the elements of
bodies; it is the various arrangement and texture of
thefe, with the difference of the cohefion, &c. that
conftitute the various kinds of bodies, hard, foft, li¬
quid, dry, heavy, light, &c. The fmalleft particles or
corpufcles cohere, with the ftrongeft attra£lions, and
always compofe larger particles of weaker cohefion j
and many of thefe cohering1 compofe larger particles,
whofe vigour is ftill weaker; and fo on for divers fuc-
ceflions, till the progreflion end in the large!! -par¬
ticles, on which the operations in chemiftry, and the
colours of natural bodies, depend, and which, by coher¬
ing, compofe bodies of fenfible bulks.
The cohefion of the particles of matter, according
to the Epicureans, was effected by hooked atoms $ the
Ariftotelians thought it managed by reft, that is, by
nothing at all. But Sir Ifaac Newton ftiows it is by
means of a certain power, whereby the particles mutual¬
ly attraf! or tend towards each other, which is ftill per¬
haps giving a faft without a caufe. By this attra<ftion
of the particles he !hows that moft of the phenomena of
the leffer bodies are effected, as thofe of the heavenly
bodies are by the attraftion of gravity. See Attrac¬
tion and Cohesion.
Particle, a term in Theology, ufed in the Latin
church for the crumbs or little pieces of confecrated
bread, called in the Greek church The Greeks
have a particular ceremony, called twv of the
particles, wherein certain crumbs of bread, not confe¬
crated, are offered up in honour of the Virgin, St John
Baptift, and. feveral other faints. They alfo give them
the name of Tr^ertpogai, oblatio. Gabriel archbilhop of
Philadelphia wrote a little treatife exprefs
wherein he endeavours to fliow the antiquity
of this ceremony, in that it is mentioned in the litur¬
gies of St Chryfoftom and Bafil. There has been
much controverfy on this head between the reformed,
and catholic divines. Aubertin and Blondel explain
a paffage in the theory of Germanus patriarch of Con-
ftantinople, where he mentions the ceremony of the
particles as in- ufe in his time, in favour of the former $
Meflieurs de Port Royal conteft the explanation •, but
M. Simon, in his notes on Gabriel of Philadelphia^
endeavours to fliow that the paffage itfelf is an inter¬
polation, not being found in the ancient copies of Ger-
manus*
PAR [i
Particle ftianus, 'and conrequently that the difpute is very ill
H grounded.
Pa“;ner~ Organic PARTICLES, are thofe fmall moving bodies
y—which are imperceptible without the help of glafies j
for befides thofe animals which are perceptible to the
fight, fome naturaliits reckon this exceedingly fmall
fpecies as a feparate clafs, if not of animals properly
fo called, at lead of moving bodies, which are found
in the femen of animals, and which cannot be feen
without the help of the microfcope. In confequence
of thefe - obfervations, different fyftems of generation
have been propofed concerning the fpermatic worms
of the male and the eggs of the female. In the fe-
cond volume of Buffon’s Natural Hiitory, feveral ex¬
periments are related, tending to Ihow that thofe mov¬
ing bodies which we difcover by the help of glaffes in
the male femen are not real animals, but organic, lively,
active, and indeftiu6tible molecules, which poffefs the
property of becoming a new organized body fimilar to
that from which they were extracted. Buffon found
fuch bodies in the female as well as in the male fe¬
men 5 and he fuppofes that the moving bodies which
he obferved with the microfcope in infufions of the
ferms of plants are likewife vegetable organic molecules.
leedham, Wrilberg, Spalanzani, and feveral other wri¬
ters on the animal economy, have purfued the fame
track with M. de Buffon.
Some fuppofe that thefe organic molecules in the
femen anfwer no purpofe but to excite the venereal
defire: but fuch an opinion cannot be well founded j
for eunuchs, who have no feminal liquor, are neverthe-
lefs fubjecl to venereal defire. With refpeft to the
beautiful experiments which have been made with the
microfcope on organic molecules, M. Bonnet, that
learned and excellent obferver of nature, remarks that
they feem to carry us to the fartheft verge of the fen-
fible creation, did not reafon teach us that the fmalleft
vifible globule of feminal liquor is the commencement
of another univerle, which, from its infinite fmallnefs,
is beyond the reach of our bell microfcopes.—
cules, properly fo called, muff not be confounded with
the wonderful organic particles of Buffon. See Ani¬
malcule.
Particle, in Grammar, a denomination for all thole
fmall words that tie or unite others, or that exprefs the
modes or manners of words. See Grammar.
PARTING, in Chemijlry and Metallurgy, an opera¬
tion by which gold and filver are feparated from each
other. See Chemistry, and Ores, ReduBion of.
PARTISAN, in the art of War, a perfon dexterous
in commanding a party; who, knowing the country
well, is employed in getting intelligence, or furprif-
ing the enemy’s convoys, &c. The word alfo means
an officer fent out upon a party, with the command of
a body of light troops, generally under the appellation
of the partifan’s corps. It is alfo neceffary that this
corps Ihould be compofed of infantry, light horfe, and
huffars.
PARTNERSHIP, is a contrafi among two or more
perfons, to carry on a certain bufinefs, at their joint ex¬
pence, and lhare the gain or lofs which arifes from it.
Of this there are four kinds.
I. Occafional joint trade, where two or more mer¬
chants agree to employ a certain fum in trade, and
divide the gain or lofs fo foon as the adventure is
i ] PAR
brought to an iffue. This kind of contracl being
generally private, the parties concerned are not liable
for each other. If one of them purchafe gbods on
truft, the fumilher, who grants the credit through
confidence in him alone, has no recourfe, in cafe of
his infolvency, againft the other partners. They are
only anfwerable for the fiiare of the adventure that be¬
longs to the infolvent partner.
If it be propofed to carry the adventure farther
than originally agreed on, any partner may withdraw
his intereft $ and if it cannot be feparated from the
others, may infift that the whole fhall be brought to an
iffue.
II. Standing companies, which are generally efta-
blifhed by written contradt between the parties, where
the ftock, the firm, duration, the divifion of the gain
or lofs, and other circumftances, are inferted.
All the partners are generally authorized to fign by
the firm of the company, though this privilege may
be confined to fome of them by particular agreement.
The firm ought only to be fubfcribed at the place
where the copartnery is eftabliihed. If a partner has
occafion, when abfent, to write a letter relating to
their affairs, he fubfcribes his own name on account of
the company. When the fame partners carry on bu¬
finefs at different places, they generally choofe differ¬
ent firms for each. The fignature of each partner is
generally fent to new correfpondents; and when a
partner is admitted, although there be no alteration in
the firm, his fignature is tranfmitted, with an intima¬
tion of the change in the copartnery to all their corre¬
fpondents. Houfes that have been long eftablifhed,
often retain the old firm, though all the original part¬
ners be dead or withdrawn.
The powers of each partner are, in general, dif-
cretionary; but they ought not to aft, in matters of
importance, without confulting together, when there
is an opportunity. No partner is liable to make good
the lofs arifing from his judging wrong in a cafe where
he had authority to aft. If he exceeds his power,
and the event prove unfuccefsful, he muft bear the lofs j
but if it prove fuccefsfiil, the gain belongs to the com¬
pany : yet if he acquaints the company immediately
of what he has done,’ they muft either acquifefce there¬
in, or' leave him the chance of gain, as well as the rilk
of lofs.
All debts contrafted under the firm of the company
are binding on the whole partners, though the money
was borrowed by one of them for his private ufe, with¬
out the confent of the reft. And if a partner exceeds
his power, the others are neverthelefs obliged to imple¬
ment his engagements ; though they may render him
refponfible for his milbehaviour.
Although the fums to be advanced by the partners be
limited by the contraft, if there be a neceflity for raifing
more money to anfwer emergencies or pay the debts of
the company, the partners muft furnifh what is neceffary,
in proportion to their ftiares.
A debt to a company is not cancelled by the private
debts of the partner : and when a partner becomes infol¬
vent, the company is not bound for' his debts beyond the
extent of his (hare.
The debts of the company are preferable, on the
company’s effefts, to the private debts of the partners.
Partnerlhip is generally diffolved by the death of a
B £ partner j
PAR [ i
Partner- partner; yet, when there are more partners than two,
it may, by agreement, fublitt among the furvivors.
v Sometimes it is ftipulated, that, in cafe of the death of a
partner, his place ihall be fupplied by his fon, or feme
other perfon condefcended on. The contract ought to
fpecify the time and manner in which the furviving
partners (hall reckon with the executors of the deceafed
for his fhare of the itock, and a reafonable time allowed
for that purpofe.
When partnerfnip is diffolved, there are often out-
flanding debts that cannot be recovered for a long time,
and effects that cannot eaiily be diipofed of. The part-
nerlhip, though dilTolved in other refpedls, flill fubfifts
for the management of their outftanding affairs: and
the money ariling from them is divided among the part¬
ners, or their reprefentatives, wxhen it is recovered. But
as this may protraft the final fettlement of the^" com¬
pany’s affairs to a very inconvenient length, other me¬
thods are fometunes ufed to bring them to a conclufion,
either in confequence of the original contraft, or by
agreement at the time ot diffhlution. Sometimes the
debts and effects are fold by auction} fometimes they
are divjded among the partners •, and when there are
two partners, one divides them into (hares, as equal as
poffible, and the other choofes either ihare he thinks belt.
If a partner withdraws, lie) continues tefponfible for
his former partners till it be publicly known that he
hath done fo. A deed of feparation, regiitered at
a public office, is fufticient prefumption of fuch noto¬
riety.
III. Companies, where the bufinefs is condufted by
officers. There are many companies of this kind in
Britain, chielly eftablilhed for purpofes which require
a larger capital than private merchants can command.
The laws with refpeft to thefe companies, when not
confirmed by public authority, are the lame as the
former, but the articles of their agreement ulually
very different. The capital is condefcended on 5 and
divided into a certain number of.lhares, whereof each
partner may hold one or more, but is generally reffrief-
ed to a certain number. Any partner may transfer
his (hare } and the company muff admit his affignee as
a partner. The death of the partners has no effeft on
the company. No partner can aft perfonally in the
affairs of the company: but the execution of their bu-
unefs is intrufted to officers, for whom they are refpon-
fible; and, when the partners are numerous, the fu~
perintendency of the officers is committed to direftors
chofen annually, or at other appointed times, by the
partners.
IV. Companies incorporated by authority. A royal
charter is neceffary to enable a company to hold lands,
to have a c'ommon feal, and enjoy the other privileges
of a corpora cion. A charter is fometimes procured,
in order to limit the rilk of the partners : for, in every
private company, the partners are liable for ^the debts,
without limitation •, in corporated focieties, they are on¬
ly liable for their lhares in the flock of the fociety. The
incorporation of focieties is fometimes authorized by aft
of parliament: but this high authority is not neceffary,
Vinlefs for conferring exclufive privileges.
Moral and Mr Paley fays, “ I know of nothing upon the fub-
Political jeft o: partnerlhip that requires explanation, but bow
Philofophy the profits are to be divided whe^e one partner cpntri-
2 ] PAR
butes money and the other labour, which is a common Partner-
cafe. _ fluP.*
“ Rule. From the flock of the partnerlhip deduft <tl li(‘ge«
the fum advanced, and divide the remainder between
the moneyed partner and the labouring -partner, in the
proportion of the intfereff of the money to the w ages
of the labour, allowing fuch a rate of interelt as money
might be borrowed for upon the fame fecurity, and Inch
wages as a journeyman wmuld require for the fame la-,
hour and trull.
“ Example. A advances 1000I. but knows nothing
of the bufinefs; B produces no money, but has been
brought up to the bufinefs, and undertakes to condufl
it. At the end of tlie year the flock and eftefts of-
the partnerlhip amount to 1200I. confequently there
are 200I. to' be divided. Now nobody w7ould lend
money upon the event of the bufinels fucceeding,
which is A’s fecurity, under 6 per cent, therefore A
mult be allowed 60I. for the intereft of his money. B,
before he engaged in the partnerlhip, earned 30I.
a-year in the fame employment: his labour, therefore,
-ought to be valued at 30I. and the 200I. mult be di¬
vided between , the partners, in the proportion of 60 to
30 that is, A mull receive 133k 6s. 8d. and B 661.
13s. qd. If there be nothing gained, A loles his in-
tereft, and B his labour, which is right. If the origi¬
nal flock be diminilhed, by this rule B lofes only his
labour as before j whereas A lofes his interell and part
of the' principal 5 for which eventual difadvantage A
is compenfated, by having the intereil of his money
computed at 6 per cent, in the divifion of the profits
when there is any. It is true, that the divifion of the
profit is feldom forgotten in the conftitulion of the
partnerlhip ; and is therefore commonly fettled by ex-
prefs agreement \ but thefe agreements, to be equitable,
Ihould purfue the principle oi the rule here laid down.
All the partners are bound by what any one of them
does in the courfe of the bufinels 5 for, quoad hoc, each
partner is. confidered as an authoii/ed agent fox' the
reft.”
PARTRIDGE, a fpecies of .bird. See Tetrao,
Ornithology Index.
The partridge is fo valuable at the table, that a
great many ways of taking it have been invented by
fportfmen, all of w hich fucceed from the natural folly
and timidity of the animal.
The places partridges delight in moll are corn fields,
efpecially whilll the corn grows, for under that cover
they ffielter and breed : neither art thofe places unfre¬
quented by them when the corn is cut down, by rea-
fon of the grain they find there, efpecially in wheat
Hubble, the height of which they delight in, being to
them as a covert or Ihelter. When the wheat Hubble
is- much trodden by men or beafts, they then betake
themfelves to the barley Hubble, provided it be frelh
and untrodden j and they will, in the furrows, amongft
the clots, branches, and long grafs, hide both them¬
felves and coveys, which are fometimes 20 in number,
nay 30, in a covey.
When theHvinter feafon is arrived, and the Hubble
fields are ploughed up, or over-foiled wTith cattle, par¬
tridges refort into the upland meadows, and lodge in
the dead grafs, or fog, under hedges, amongft mole
hills, or. under the roots of trees j lometimes they refort
to
PAR [13
to coppices and underwoods, efpecially ii any corn fields
are adjacent, or where there is grown broom, brakes,
fern, &c.
In the harveft time, when every field is full of men
and cattle, in the day time they are found in the fallow
fields which are next adjoining to the corn fields, where
they lie lurking till evening or morning, and then they
feed among the (heaves of corn.
When their haunts are known, according to the fitua-
tion of the country and feafon ol the year, the next
care muft be to find them out in their haunts, which is
done feveral ways. Some do it by the eye only } and
this art can never be taught, but learned by frequent
experience, the colour of the birds being fo like that of
the earth at a diftance, that no eye but a very conver-
fant one could diftinguifii them. When they are once
feen, the bufmefs is to keep the eye upon tnem, and
then to keep in continual motion. They are avery
laxy bird, and by this means will let a perfon almoil
tread upon them } though if the perfon (lands ftiil to
eye them, they will rife immediately though they be at
a cohfiderable dblance.
Another method of difeovering them is, by going
to their haunts very early in the morning, or at the
clofe of the evening, which is called the juch ng time.
The nolle of the cock partridge is to be attended to
at this time, and is very loud and earneft. The hen
will foon come up to the cock after her making the
noife, which (lie does by way of anfwer; and when
they are got together, their chattering will difeover
them. Thus they may always be found at thefe times.
But there is yet a better method of finding this bird,
which is by the ca//. The bufinefs, in order to have
fuccefs in this way, is carefully to learn the notes of
the partridge, and be able to imitate all the teveral
founds. When perfect in this, the perfon is to go to
the haunts morning and evening, and placing himfelf
in fome place where lie can fee the birds without being
feen by them, he is to liflen to their calling 5 and when
they are heard, he is to anfwer in the fame notes,
doubling again as they do: by continuing tills, they
may be brought fo near, that the perfon lying down
on his back may count their whole number. Having
in this manner found where the birds are, the next care
is to catch them.
They are fo foolifh, that it is extremely eafy to take
them in nets. In order to this, there needs no more
than the going out, provided with two or three nets,
with mefhes fomewhat finaller than thofe of the phea-
fant nets, and walking round about the covey, a net
is to be fixed fo as to draw over them, on pulling a
line at a diftance. All this may be eafily done •, for
fo long as the fportfinan continues moving about, and
does not fix his eye too intenfely upon them, they will
let him come near enough to fix the net without mov¬
ing. If they lie fo ftraggling, that one net will not
cover them, then two or three muft be fixed in the fame
manner. The fportfinan may then draw the nets over
them, and they will often lie ftill with the nets upon
them till he comes up to fright them 5 then they will
rife, and be entangled in the net.
A fecond method of taking them is with bird lime:
this is done by means of wheat ftraws. Thefe muft
be large, and cut off between knot and knot ; they
muff be well Hired with the belt and ftrongeft bird
] _ PAR
lime, and the fporlfman muft carry a great number cut
with him. Having found a field where there are par¬
tridges, he is to call j and if they anfwer, he is then
to ttick up the limed ftraws in rows acrofs two or
three lands, and going backward, call again to them,
leading them on in the road where the ftraws are : they
will follow one another like a flock ol chickens, and
come out to the call 5 and will in their way run upon
the ftraws, and liming themfelves they will daub one
another by crowding together, fo that very few of them
will be able to efcape.
But there is yet a pleafanter way of taking them
than this, that is, by driving of them. In order to
thi;, an engine is to be made of canvafs ftuffed with
draw, to represent a horfej this horfe and nets are to
be taken to the haunts of the partridges, and the nets
being placed ft rnting or llopwife <n the lower part of
the field, the fportfman is to take the wind in his back
and get above them,, driving them downwards •, his
face is to be covered with fomething green or blue,
and placing the horfe before him, he is to go towards
them (lowly and gently j and by this means they will
be railed on their legs, but not on their wings, and
will run before the horfe into the nets. If in the way
they go into a wrong path, the horfe is to be moved
to face them } and they-will be thus driven back again,
and driven everyway the fportfman pleaies.
The partridges of Abytlinia, we are told, are very-
large, being as big as capons.
In Jeremiah xvii. 11. we have the following curious-
paffage : “ As the partridge (itteth on eggs, and hatch-
eth them not 5 fo he that getteth riches, and not by
right, thall leave them in the midit of his days, and at.
his end thall be a foolwhich is explained by Mr Poole
as folloivs : It is no wonder if we cannot be certain
as to the fenfe of thefe words, fo far as they concern
natural hiftory, when we are not certain what bird it
is to which this doth relate. We tranilale it partridge:
others will have it to be a cuchoo ; but certain it is,
that it is the fame word which we tranfiate partridge,
(1 Sam. xxvi. -20.) ; and cuckoos ufe not to be much
hunted after. How the partridge is faid to fit on eggs
and hatch them not, is yet a greater queftion. It may
be occafioned fo many ways, viz. either fitting upon
wind eggs 5 or being killed before the eggs are hatch¬
ed \ or having its eggs deftroyed by the male partridge,
or by fome dog or other vermine 5 or, its neft being,
found, having her eggs taken from her, that it is hard
to determine -which the prophet means. Of all others,-
I leaft approve of that which Jerome makes the fenfe,
though the thing be true (if we may believe Cafiiodo-
rus and feveral natural hiftorians, Aldrovandus, &c.),
that partridges have fuch a love and defire to hatch
young ones, that having loft their own eggs, they will
deal the eggs of other partridges, and hatch them \
which being hatched, the young ones knowing the cry
of their proper dams, hearing them call, leave the par¬
tridge that hatched them (which is one thing quoted
by Aldroyandus, to thow the fagacity of that bird) ; but
if this were the fenfe, the words would be, ‘ as the par¬
tridge fitteth on eggs, and hatcheth them, but enjoyeth
them not whereas they are, ‘ hatcheth them not
that is, having loft them, either by fome man that hath
t iken them from her, or by fome vermin or wild beaftA
Poole''s Annot. in Lac.
The
P A S
[ H 3
PAS
n The words in the original are, N'lp 'ib' Nb] ‘isi, which
the Septuagint tranflate ityam &c. “ The par¬
tridge cried $ it gathered together what it had not pro¬
duced and fome tranilate the Hebrew, “ The par¬
tridge lays many eggs, but does not hatch them all.”
Le Clerc, upon the authority of Bocchart, underitands
the Hebrew word kore here to lignify a woodcock. Le
Clerc’s tranflation is as follows: Rujiicu/a ova colligit,
fed non parit; facit fbi divitias, fedfine jure, mediisfuis
diebus eas relinquit, atque ad extremum Jlulta eji.
PARTURITION, the aft of bringing forth or being
delivered of young. See Midwifery.
PARTY, in a military fenfe, a fmall number of men,
horfe, or foot, fent upon any kind of duty } as into an
enemy’s country to pillage, to take priibners, and to
oblige the country to come under contribution. Parties
are often fent out to view the roads and ways, get in¬
telligence, feek forage; to reconnoitre, or amufe the
enemy upon a march : they are alfo frequently fent up¬
on the flanks of an army or regiment, to difcover the
enemy if near, and prevent furprife or ambufcade.
PARVICH, an ifland near Dalmatia, and one of
the beft peopled and moft confiderable of thofe which
are under the jurifdiftion of Sibenico. It contains a
great number of fifliermen, and a confiderable number
of perfons employed in agriculture. It contains many
Roman antiquities, which evidently Ihow that it was a
Roman Ration. It feems to be among the number of
thofe iflands which Pliny calls CeladuJJce, which is fup-
pofed to be an inverfion of which means ill
founding or noifij. Parvich is not of large extent, but
it is extremely fertile. Every produft fucceeds in per-
feftion there : we mean thofe proaufts of which a very
(hallow ground is fufceptible ; fuch as wine, oil, mul¬
berry-trees, and fruit. The afpeft of this ifland is alfo
very pleafant at a diftance, whereas that of the others
adjacent difgufts the eye, by their too high, rocky, and
bare hills. The name of Parvich feems to have been
given it becaufe it is the firft one meets with on going
out of the harbour of Sibenico} for the Illyric word
parvi fignifies firfi.
PARULIDES, in Surgery, tumors and inflamma¬
tions of the gums, commonly called gum-boils. They
are to be treated with difcutients like other inflammatory
tumors.
PARUS, or Titmouse, a genus of birds belonging
to the order of pafleres. See Ornithology Index.
PASCAL, Blaise, one of the greateft geniufes
and beft writers France has produced, was born at
Clermont in Auvergne, in the year 1623. His father,
Stephen Pafcal, born in 1588, and of an ancient fa¬
mily, was prehdent of the court of aids in his province :
he was a very learned man, an able mathematician, and
a friend of Defcartes. Having an extraordinary tender-
nefs for this child, his only fon, he quitted his office
in his province, and went and fettled at Paris in 1631,
that he might be quite at leifure for the inftruftion of
* him; and Blaife never had any mafter but his father.
From his infancy he gave proofs of a very extraordi¬
nary capacity: for he defired to know the reafon of
* every thing •, and when good reafons were not given him,
he would feek for better ; nor would he ever yield his
aflent but upon fuch as appeared to him ’ well grounded.
There was room to fear, that with fuch a caft of mind
he would fall ifito free thinking, or at leaft into hetero-
4
doxy; yet he was always very far from any thing 0/ this P.
nature.
What is told of his manner of learning the mathe¬
matics, as well as the progrefs he quickly made in thafr
fcience, feems almoft miraculous. His father, percei¬
ving in him an extraordinary inclination^ to reafoning,
was afraid left the knowledge of the mathematics
would hinder his learning the languages. He kept
him therefore as much as he could from all notions of
geometry, locked up all his books of that kind, and
refrained even from fpeaking of it in his prefence. He
could not, however, make his fon refrain from muling
upon proportions \ and one day furprifed him at work
with charcoal upon his chamber-floor, and in the midft
of figures. He afked him what he was doing ? I am
fearching, fijys Pafcal, for fuch a thing y which was
juft the 3 2d propofition of the firft book of Euclid.
He alked him then how he came to think of this ?
It, was, fays Pafcal, becaufe I have found out fuch
another thing: and fo going backward, and ufing the
names of bar and round, he came at length to the de¬
finitions and axioms he had formed to himfelf. Does
it not feem miraculous that a boy (hould work his way
into the heart of a mathematical book, without ever
having feen that or any other book upon the fubjeft,
or knowing any thing of the terms ? Yet we are af-
fured of the truth of this by Madame Perrier, and feve-
ral other waiters, the credit of whofe teftimony can¬
not reafonably be queftioned. He had, from hence¬
forward, full liberty to indulge his genius in mathe¬
matical purfuits. He underftood Euclid’s Elements
as foon as he caft his eyes upon them : and this was
not ftrange 5 for, as we have feen, he underftood them
before. At 16 year^ of age he wrote a treatife of co¬
nic feftions, which was accounted by the moft learned
a mighty effort of genius; and therefore it is po won¬
der that Defcartes, who had been in Holland a long
time, fhould, upon reading it, choofe to believe that -
Mr Pafcal the father was the real author of it. At
19, he contrived an admirable arithmetical machine,
which wis efteemed a very wonderful thing, and would
have done credit as an invention to any man verfed in
fcience, and much more to fuch a youth.—About this
time his health became impaired, and he was in confe-
quence obliged to fufpend his labours j nor was he in a
condition to refume them till four years after. About
that period, having feen Torricelli’s experiment re-
fpefting a vacuum and the weight of the air, he turned
his thoughts towards thefe objefts •, and in a conference
with Mr Petit, intendant of fortifications, propofed to
make farther refearches. In confequence of this idea,
he undertook feveral new experiments, one of which was
as follows: Having provided a glafs tube, 46 feet in
length, open at one end, and fealed hermetically at
the other, he filled it with red wine, that he might di-
ftinguifti the liquor from the tube. He then elevated
it in this condition 5 and having placed it perpendicu¬
larly to the horizon, (topped up the bottom, and plun¬
ged it into a veffel full of water, to the depth of a foot
after which he opened the extremity of the tube, and
the wine defeendqd to the diftance of about 3 2 feet from
the furface of the veffel, leaving a confiderable vacuum
at the upper extremity. He next inclined the tube,
and remarked that the wine rofe higher: and having
inclined it till the top was within 32 feet of the
ground,
PAS [ ,
Pafcal. ground, making the wine thus run out, he found that
' the water rofe in it, fo that it was partly filled with
that fluid, and partly with wine. He made alfo a great
many experiments with fiphons, fyringes, bellows, and
all kinds of tubes, making ufe of different liquors, fuch
as quickfilver, water, wine, oil, &c. ; and having pu-
blilhed them in 1647, difperfed his work throughout all
France, and tranfmitted it alfo to foreign countries. All
thefe experiments, however, afcertained effects, without
demonftrating the caufes. Pafcal knew that Torricelli
conjectured that thofe phenomena which he had obferv-
ed were occafioned by the weight of the air (a) 5 and,
in order to difcover the truth of this theory, he made an
experiment at the top and bottom of a mountain in Au¬
vergne, called Le Puy de Dome, the refult of which
gave him reafon to conclude that air was weighty. Of
this experiment he publifhed an account, and fent copies
ol it to mofl: of the learned men in Europe. He like-
wife renewed it at the top of feveral high towers, fuch
as thofe of Notre Dame at Paris, St Jacques de la
Eoucherie, &c. j and always remarked the fame differ¬
ence in the weight of the air, at different elevations.
This fully convinced him of the weight of the atmo-
fphere; and from this difcovery he drew many ufeful
and important inferences. He compofed alfo a large
treatife, .in which he thoroughly explained this fubject,
and replied to all the objedlions that had been flatted
againft it. As he thought this work ratht* too prolix,
and as he was fond of brevity and precifion, he divided it
into two fmall treatifes, one of which he entitled, A
Differtation on the Equilibrium of Liquors j and the
other, An Effay on the Weight of the Atmofphere.
Thefe labours procured Pafcal fo much reputation, that
the greateft mathematicians and philofophers of the age
propofed various queflions to him, and confulted him
refpe&ing fuch difficulties as they could not folve.—
Some years after, while tormented with a violent fit
of the toothache he difcovered the folution of a pro¬
blem propofed by Father Merfenne, which had baffled
the penetration of all thofe wfflo had attempted it.
This problem was to determine the curve defcribed in
the air by the nail of a coach-wheel, wdiile the machine ‘
is in motion. Pafcal offered a reward of 40 pifloles to
any one who ffiould give a fatisfactory an five r to it.
No one, however, having fucceeded, he publiffied his
own at Paris j but as he began now to be difgufted with
5 1 P A S
the fciences, he would not put his real name to it, but Paftal.
fent it abroad under that of A. d’Ettenville.—This u——v-"*—J
was the laft wmrk which he publiflied in the mathema¬
tics 5 his infirmities now increafing fo much, that he
wras under the neceffity of renouncing fevere fludy, and
of living fo reclufe, that he fcarcely admitted any perfon
to fee him.
After he had thus laboured abundantly in mathema¬
tical and philofophical difquifitions, he forfook thofe
ftudies and all human learning at once j and determi¬
ned to know nothing, as it were, for the future, but
Jefus Chrift and him crucified. He was not 24 years
of age, when the reading fome pious books had put
him upon taking this holy refolution; and he became
as great a devotee as any age has produced. Mr Paf¬
cal now gave himfelf up entirely to a ftate of prayer
and mortification. He had always in his thoughts thefe
great maxims, of renouncing all pleafure and all fuper-
fluity; and this he pradtifed with rigour even in his
illneiies, to which he was frequently lubjeft, being of
a very invalid habit of body ; for inftance, when his
ficknefs obliged him to feed fomewhat delicately, he
took great care not to reliffi or tafte what he ate. He
had no violent affection for thofe he loved ; he thought
it finful, fince a man poifefles a heart wfflich belongs on¬
ly to God. He found fault with fome difcourfes of his
filter, which Ihe thought very innocent ; as if Ihe had
faid upon occafion, that Ihe had feen a beautiful woman,
he would be angry, and tell her, that Ihe might raife bad
thoughts in footmen and young people. He frequent¬
ly wore an iron girdle full of points next to his Ikin ;
and when any vain thought came into his head, or when
he took particular pleafure in any thing, he gave himfelf
fome blows with his elbowq to redouble the prickings,
and to recal himfelf to his duty.1.
Though Mr Pafcal had thus abftracted himfelf from
the world, yet he could not forbear paying fome at¬
tention to what wras doing in it •, and he even interefl-
ed himfelf in the conteft between the Jefuits and the
Janfenifts. The Jefuits, though they had the popes
and kings on their fide, were yet decried by the peo¬
ple, wfflo brought up afrefh againfl them the affaffina-
tion of Henry the Great, and all the old ftories that
were likely to make them odious. Pafcal went far¬
ther; and by his Lettres Provinciales (b), publiffied in
1656, under the name of Louis de Montalte, made them
the
(a) Before this period, all thofe effects wfflich are now known to be produced by the weight of the atmofphere
were attributed to Nature’s abhorrence of a vacuum. ’
(b) Ihe origin ol: thefe letters was this: for the fake of unbending his mind, Pafcal ufed often to g-o to-
Port Royal des Champs, where one of his fillers had taken the veil, and wfflere he had an opportunity of leeinp-
tne celebrated Mr Arnaud, and feveral of his friends. This gentleman’s difpute with the doctors of the Sorbonne^
who wrere endeavouring to condemn his opinions, W'as of courfe frequently brought upon the carpet. Mr
Arnaud, fohcited to write a defence, had compofed a treatife, which, however, did not meet with approbation,
and which he himfejt confidered as a very indifterent wrork. Pafcal being one day in company, fome of thofe
prefent, who were icnfible of liis abilities, having faid to him, “ You wfflo are a young man ought to do fome-
tTmg j he took the hint, and compofed a letter, which he ffiowred to his friends, and which was fo much ad¬
mired, that they infilled on its being printed. The objeft of this letter is an explanation of the terms, wear/:
power, fufficient grace, and. a Final grace; and the author here ffiow’S, as well as in two others wfflich followed
U’ itiui!Ta ‘ e£>ard *or ^ie ffiith wras not the motive which induced the dodlors of the Sorbonne to enter into difpute
^ . . , r Ainaud, but a defire of oppreffing him by ridiculous queftions. Pafcal, therefore, in other letters-
w Puhhlned afterwards, ^attacks the Jefuits, whom he believed to be the authors of this quarrel, and in the:
suo.t elegant rtyle.} feafoned with wit and fatire, endeavours to render them not only odious but ridiculous. Forr
this
PAS [ 16 ] ^ , p A ,s
the fubjecl of ridicule. “ Thefe letters (fays Vol- connexions, changed his habitation, and fpoke to no Pafcal.
' taire) may be confidered as a model of eloquence and one, not even to his own domeitics. He made his own
humour. The belt comedies of Moliere have not more bed, fetched his dinner from the kitchen, carried it to
wit than the firit part of thefe letters j and the fubiimi- his apartment, and brought back the plates and dilhes
ty of the latter part of them fs equal to any thing in in the evening; fo that he employed his fervants only
Bofluet. It is true, indeed, that the whole book was to cook for him, to go to town, and to do fuch other
built upon a falfe foundation ; for the extravagant no- things as he could not abfolutely do himfelf. In his
tions of a few Spanirti and Flemirti Jefuits were art- chamber nothing was to be feen but two or three chairs,
fully afcribed to the whole fociety. Many abfurdities a table, a bed, and a few books. It had no kind of or-
might likewifehave been difcovered among the Domini- nament whatever *, he had neither a carpet on the floor
can and Francifcan cafuifts ; but this would not have nor curtains to his bed j but this did not prevent him,
anfwered the purpofe ; for the whole raillery was to be from fomefimes receiving viflts 5 and when his friends
levelled only-at the Jefuits. Thefe letters were intend- tippeared furprifed to fee him thus without furniture, he
ed to prove, that the Jefuits had formed a defign to cor- replied, that he had what was neceflary, and that any
rupt mankind ; a defign which no feci or fociety ever thing elfe would be a fuperfluity, unworthy of a wife
had, or can have.” Voltaire calls Pafcal the firfl: of man. He employed his time in prayer, and in reading
their fatirifls} for Defpreaux, fays he, mull be confider- ' the Holy Scriptures ; and he wrote down fuch thoughts
ed as only the fecond. In another place, fpeaking of as this exercife infpired. Though his continual infirmi-
this work of Pafcal, he fays, that “ examples of all the - ties obliged him to ufe very delicate food, and though
various fpecies of eloquence are to be found in it. his fervants employed the utnioil care to provide only
Though it has been now written almoft 100 years, yet what was excellent, he never relilhed what he ate, and
not a Angle word occurs in it, favouring of that vicif- feemed quite indifferent whether what they brought him
fitude to which living languages are fo fubject. Here was good or bad. When any thing new and in feafon
then we are to fix the epocha when our language may was prefented to him, and vdien he was aiked, after he
be faid to have affumed a fettled form. The bilhop of had finifhed his repaft, howr he liked it, he replied,
Lucon, fon of the celebrated Buffy, told me, that alking “ You ought to have informed me before-hand, 1 rtiould
one day the bifhop of Meaux what work he would covet have then taken notice of it.” His indifference in this
moft to be the author- of, fuppofing his own perform- refpeht was lb great, that though his tafte was not viti-
ances fet afide, Boffuet replied, The Provincial Letters.” ated, he forbade any fauce or ragout to be made for him
Thefe letters have been tranflated into all languages, and which might excite his appetite. He took without the
printed over and over again. Some have faid, that leaft repugnance all the medicines that were prefcribed
there were decrees of formal condemnation againrt him for the re-eftablifhment of his health ; and when
them ; and alfo that Pafcal himfelf, in his iaff illnefs, Madame Perrier, his filler, feemed aftonilhed at it, he
detefled them, and repented of having been a Janfeniil : replied ironically, that he could not comprehend how
but both thefe particulars are falfe and without founda- people could ever fliew a diflike to a medicine, after be-
tion. Father Daniel was fuppofed to be the anonymous ing apprifed that it was a difagreeable one, when they
author of a piece againrt them, entitled, The Dialogues took it voluntarily 5 for violence or furprife ought only
of Cleander and Eudoxus. to produce that effea:.
Pafcal was only about the age of 30 when thefe let- Though Pafcal had now given up intenfe ftudy, and
ters were publiihed, yet he was extremely infirm, and though he lived in the moft temperate manner, his health
his diforders increafing foon after, fo much that he con- continued to decline rapidly ; and his diforders had fo
ceived his end fart approaching, he gave up all farther enfeebled his organs, that his reafon became in fome
thoughts of literary comnofition. He refolved to fpend meafure affe&ed. He always imagined that he law a
the remainder of his days in retirement and pious medi- deep abyfs on his left fide, and he never would'fit down
tation 5 and with this view he broke off all his former till a chair was placed there, to fecure him from the
danger
this purpofe he employs the form of dialogue, and introduces an ignorant perfon, as men of the world generally
are, wTho requerts information refpecling the queftions in difpute from thefe debtors, whom he coniults by pro-
pofing bis doubts 5 and bis anfwers to their replies are fo perfpicuous, pertinent, and juft, that the fubjebt is illu-
ftrated iji the cleareft manner poffible. He afterwards expofes the morality of the Jeiuits, in fome converfations
betw een him and one of their cafuifts, in which be ftill reprefents a man of the world, who leeks for inftrubtion,
and who, hearing maxims altogether new to him, feems aftonilhed, but flill liftens with moderation. The
cafuift believes that he is fincere, and relifnes thefe maxims •, and under this perfuafion be dilcovers every thing
to him with the greateft readinefs. The other is ftill furprifed 5 and as his inftrublor attributes this furprife
only to the novelty of his maxims, he ftill continues to explain himfelf with the lame confidence and free¬
dom. This inftructor is a fimple kind of man, who is not overburdened wuth acutenefs, and who infeniibiy
engages himfelf in details which always become more particular. The perfon who liftens, wiftung neither to con-
tradicl him nor to fubferibe to his doctrine, receives it with an ambiguous kind of raillery ; which, however,
fufficiently fhbws what opinion he entertains of it. The Jefuits reproached the author with having employed only
raillery again ft them, and with having mifreprefented feveral paffages of their authors; which induced Pafcal to
write eight more in vindication of himfelf. All thefe letters, in number 18, written in a ftyle altogether new
in France, appeared in qtro, one after another, from the month of January 1656, to the month of March of the
year following.
Pafcal.
PAS [ l
danger wliich he apprehended. His friends did every
thing in their power to banilli this melancholy idea from
his thoughts, and to cure him of his error, but without
the defired effeft j for though he would become calm
and compofed for a little, the phantom would in a few
moments again make its appearance and torment him.
The caufe of his feeing this fmgular vifion for the firft
time, is laid to have been as follows : His phyficians,
alarmed on account of the exhaufted Hate to which he
Was reduced, had advifed him to fubilitute eafy and
agreeable exercife for the fatiguing labours of the clofet.
One day, in the month of October 1654, having gone
according to cuftom to take an airing on the Pont de
Neuilly, in a coach and four, the two firlt horfes fud-
denly took fright, oppofite to a place where there was
no parapet, and threw themfelves violently into the
Seine j but the traces luckily giving way, the carriage
remained on the brink of the precipice. I he Ihock
which Pafcal, in his languilhing fituation, mull have re¬
ceived from this dreadful accident, may eafily be ima¬
gined. It threw him into a fit, which continued for
feme time, and it was with great difficulty that he could
be reftored to his fenfes. After this period his brain
became fo deranged, that he was continually haunted
by the remembrance of his danger, efpecially when his
diforders prevented him from enjoying fleep. To the
fame caufe was attributed a kind of vifion or eeftafy that
he had fome time 'after •, a memorandum of which he
preferved during the remainder of his life in a bit of pa¬
per, put between the cloth and the lining of his coat,
and which he always carried about him. Some of the
Jefuits had the bafenefs and inhumanity to reproach this
great, genius with the derangement of his organs. In
the Dictionary of Janfenilt Books, he is called a hijpo-
ehondriac, and a man of a wrong head, and a had heart.
But, as a celebrated writer has obferved, Pafcal’s dif-
order had in it nothing more furpriling or difgraceful
than a fever, or the vertigo. During the laft years of
his life, in which he exhibited a melancholy example of
the humiliating reverfes which take place in this tran-
f.tory feene, and which, if properly confidered, might
teach mankind not to be too proud of thofe abilities
which a moment may take from them, he attended
all the falutations (c), vifited every church in which
relicks were expofed, and had always a fpiritual alma¬
nack, which gave an account of all thofe places where
particular acts of devotion were performed. On this
occafion it has been faid, that “ Religion renders great
minds capable of little things, and little minds capable
of great.”
In company, Pafcal was diltinguiffied by the amiable-
nefs of his behaviour •, by his eafy, agreeable, and in-
itruftive converfation, and by great modelty. He pof-
leffed a natural kind of eloquence, which was in a man¬
ner irreliftible. The arguments he employed for the
moil part produced the effe6t which he propofed 3 and
though his abilities intitled him to affume an air of fu-
periority, he never difplayed that haughty and imperi¬
ous tone which may often be obferved in men of ffiining
talents. The philofophy of this great man oonfifted in
Vol. XVI. Part I.
7 ] PAS
renouncing all pleafure, and every fuperfluity. He not
only denied himfelf the moil common gratifications 3
but he took alfo without reluflance, and even with plea¬
fure, either as nourifhment or as remedies, whatever
was difagreeable to the fenfes 3 and he every day re¬
trenched fome part of his drefs, food, or other things,
which he confidered as not abfolutely neceffary. To¬
wards the clofe of his life, he employed himfelf wholly
in pious and moral refieclions, writing down thofe which
he judged worthy of being preferved. The firil piece
of paper he could find was employed for this purpofe 3
and he commonly put down only a lew words of each
fentence, as he wrote them merely for his own ufe. The
bits of paper upon which he had written thefe thoughts,
were found after his death filed upon different pieces of
firing, without any order or connexion 3 and being co¬
pied exaftly as they were written, they were afterwards
arranged and publiffied.
The celebrated Bayle, fpeaking of this great man,
fays, An hundred volumes of fermons are not of fo much
avail as a fimple account of the life of Pafcal. His hu¬
mility and his devotion mortified the libertines more
than if they had been attacked by a dozen of miffion-
aries. In a word, Bayle had fo high an idea of this
philofopher, that he calls him a paradox in the human
fpecies. “ When we confider his charafler (fays he),
we are almoil inclined to doubt that he was born of a
woman, like the man mentioned by Lucretius:
Pafcal.
'' “ Ut vix humana videatur Jlirpe c real us,'1'1
Mr Pafcal died at Paris the 19th of Auguft 1662,
aged 39 years. He had been fome time about a work
againft atheifts and infidels, but did not live long enough
to digeft the materials he had colledled. What was
found among his papers was publilhed under the title of
Penfees, &c. or Thoughts upon religion and other fub-
jetts, and has been much admired. After hL death ap¬
peared alfo two other little tradls 3 one of which is in-
titled, The equilibrium of fluids; and the other, The
weight of the tnafs of air.
The works of Pafcal were colle£led in five volumes
8vo, and publiffied at the Hague by De Tune, and at
Paris by Nyon fenior, in 1779. This edition of Paf¬
cal’s works may be confidered as the firft publiffied 3 at
leaft the greater part of them were not before colledled
into one body 3 and fome of them had remained only in
manufeript. For this colleclion, the public were indebt¬
ed to the abbe Boffu, and Pafcal deferved to have fuch
an editor. “ This extraordinary man (fays he) inherit¬
ed from nature all the powers of genius. He was a
geometrician of the firft rank, a profound reafoner, and
a fublime and elegant writer. If we refledt, that in a
very ffiort life, oppreffed by continual infirmities, he in¬
vented a curious arithmetical machine, the elements of
the calculation of chances, and a method of refolving
various problems refpe&ing the cycloid 3 that he fixed
in an irrevocable manner the wavering opinions of the
learned refpedling the weight of the air 3 that he wrote
one of the completed works which exift in the French
language 3 and that in his Thoughts there are paffages,
C the
1
(c) Certain folemn prayers, which are repeated at certain hours, and on certain days, in the Popifti
churches.
PAS
[ i
TaUa! the depth and beauty of which are incomparable-—we
Patphae induced to believe, that a greater genius never
-y-—1 exiibed in any age or nation. All thofe who had occa-
iion to frequent his company in the ordinary commerce
of the world, acknowledged his fuperiority } but it ex¬
cited no envy againib him, as he -was never fond of
fhowing it. His converfation infirufted, without mak¬
ing thofe who heard him fenfible of their own inferiori¬
ty j and he was remarkably indulgent towards the
‘»ults of others. It may be eatily feen by his Provincial
Letters, and by forne of his other works, that he was
born with a great fund of humour, which his infirmities
could never entirely deilroy. In company, he readily
indulged in that harmlefs and delicate raillery which ne¬
ver gives offence, and which greatly tends to enliven
converfation ; but its principal obi eft generally was of a
moral nature. For example, ridiculing thofe authors
v. fro fay, My Book, my Commetitany my HiJlonj, they
would do better (added be) to fay, Our Book, our Com¬
mentary, our II./lory; tince there are in them much
more of other people’s than their own.” An elegant
Latin epitaph was infcribed on his tomb.
PASCHAL, fomething belonging to the paflover,
or .ttader. See Passover and Easter.
PAS-EP-A, the chief of the Lamas, particularly
eminent for having invented characters for the Moguls.
He was much efteemed by the Chinefe, though the li¬
terati exclaimed againtt the manner in which the people
demonftrated their affeftion. There is Hill at Pekin a
myau or temple, built in honour of Paf-ep-a in the time
of the Mogul emperors. He died in i 279.
PASIGRAPPIY (from was? oww'qand ypx(pu,fcribo'),
the art of writing on any fubjeft whatever, fo as to be
univerfally underltood by all nations upon earth. The
idea of eitablilhing fuch a language is deemed by many
extremely fanciful and abfurd, while the prafticabili-
ty of it is as ftrenuoufiy contended for by others. Hints
refpecting fuch a fyitem of writing as might be under¬
wood by all mankind, are to be met with in the waitings
of many eminent philofophers ; but if fuch an attempt
faded in the hands of a Leibnitz, a Kircher, a Becher,
a Wilkins, and fome others, it is at lealt to be pre-
lumed, that the execution of a pafigraphy, or univerfal
language, will always be found to bear a linking ana-
logy to the chimerical fentiments which were formerly
entertained refpedling the doftrines of the quadrature of
the circle, the multiplication of the cube, the philofo-
nher’s Hone, or perpetual motion, all of which have
been finely ridiculed by Dean Swift in his idea of circu¬
lar Ihot. Kant is clearly of opinion, however, that fuch
a pafigraphy falls within the limits of peflibility nay,
he even afferts, that it will actually be eflablilhed at
lome future period. And, while none of its admirers
venture to bid us believe that it will ever be univerrally
fpoken or underftood, they confidently think, that, by
means of it, the valuable labours of erudition and hu¬
man genius will be effectually prevented from ever fall¬
ing into oblivion. See a Memoir on this fubjeft in Ni-
cholfon’s Journal, ii. 342. 4to.
PASIPHAE, in fabulous biltory, daughter of the
Sun bjf Perfeis, who married Minos king of Crete. She
difgraced herfelf by an unnatural palfion for a bull,
■v\hich wTe are told llie wTas enabled to gratify by means
of the artift_ Daedalus. This celebrated bull had been
given to Minos by Neptune, to be offered on his altars.
s ] PAS
But as the monarch refufed to facrifice the animal on Pafiphne
account of his beauty, the god revenged his difobedi- tl
ence by inipuing Paiiphad with an unnatural love for FaffaSe-
him. 1 h;s fable, which is univerfally believed by the v_
poets, who obferve, that the minotaur was the fruit of
this infamous commerce, is refuted by fome writers •
who iuppofe that the infidelity of Pafiphae to her huf-
band was betrayed in her affedion for an officer of the
name of Taurus, and that Daedalus, by permitting his
hcule to be the afylum of the two lovers, was looked
upon as acceffory to the gratification of PafiphaGs luff.
From tins amour with Taurus, as it is farther remarked,
‘tne queen became mother of twins ; and the name of
Minotaur us arifes from the refemblance of the children
to the hufband and the lover of Pafiphae. Minos had
four Tons by Pafiphae, Caitreus, Deucalion, Glaucus,
and Androgeus ; and three daughters, Hecate, Ariadne!
and Phaedra.
PASQTJIN, a mutilated ffatue at Rome, in a corner
of the Pa]*ce the Urfini. It takers its name from a
cobler of that city called Pafquin, famous for his fneers
and gibes, and who diverted himfelf by paffing his
jokes on all that went through that ffreet. After his
death, as they were digging up the pavement before
his door, they found in the earth the ffatue of an an¬
cient gladiator, well cut, but mailed and half-fpoiled :
this they fet up in the place where it was found, and by
common confcnt named it Pafquin. Since that time all
fa tires are attributed to that figure ; and are either put
into its mouth, or patted upon it, as if they were writ¬
ten by Pafquin redivivus •, and thefe are addreffed by
Pafquin to Marforio, another ffatue at Rome. When
Marforio is attacked, Pafquin comes to his affiftance •
and, when Pafquin is attacked, Marforio affiits him in
his turn ; that is, the people make the ftatues fpeak iuft
what they pleafe.'A J
PASQUINADE, a fatincal libel fattened to the
ftatue of Paiquin : thefe are commonly fhcrt, witty, and
pointed 5 and from lienee the term has been applied to
all lampoons of the fame catt.
PASS, or Passade, in fencing, an advance or leap
forward upon the enemy. Of thefe there are feveral
kinds - as paffes within, above, beneath, to the right,
the left, and paffes under the line, &c. The meafure
of the pafs is when the fwords are fo near as that they
may touch one another.
Pvss, in a military fenfe, a ffrak and difficult paffwe,
which ffiuts up the entrance into a country.
P^SS Parole, in military affairs, a command given at
the head of an army, and thence communicated to the
rear, by paffing it from mouth to mouth.
PASSADE, in the manege, is a turn or courfe of a
horde backwards or forwards on the fame fpot of ground.
Hence there are feveral forts of paffades, according to
the different ways of turning, in order to part or return
upon the fame tread, which is called clofing thepq/fade ;
as the paffade of one time, the paffade of five times, and
the railed or high pafiades, into which the denuvolts are
made into curvets. See Horsemanship.
North-wcjl Passage. V ^e?T pqffage,
North-eajl Passage. ") hloitiH-Eaft Pajfage, and,
L ' Pole.
Right of P ASS AGE, in commerce, is an impofition or
duty exacted by fome princes, either by land or fea, in
certain clofe and narrow places in their territories on
’ all
PAS [i
all veffels and carriages, and even fometimes on perfons
or paff-ngers, coming in or going out of ports, &c.
The molt celebrated paffage of this kind in Europe is
the Sound : the dues (or palling which ftrait belong^ to
the king of Denmark, and are paid at Elfmore or Cro-
nenburg.
PASSANT, in Heraldry, a term applied to a lion or
other animal in a Ihield, appearing to walk leilurely :
for moll beads, except lions, the trippant is frequently
ufed initead of pajjant.
PASS A U, an ancient, handfome, and celebrated
town of Germany, in Lower Bavaria, with a bilhop’s
fee and fort. The houfes are wTell built, and the cathe¬
dral is thought to be the fineft in all Germany. It is
divided into four parts, three of which are fortified ; but
the other is only a fuburb, and has nothing but an old
caftle in which the bilhop generally refides. It is feated
at the confluence of the rivers Inn and Iltz, in E. Long.
13. 34. N. Lat. 48. 26.
Passau, a bilhopric of Germany, lying between
Lower Bavaria, Austria, and Bohemia. It extends
not above 20 miles where largeft} and has no confi-
derable place, except the capital, which is ot the fame
name.
PASSERES, the name of one of the orders (the
6th) into which the clafs of birds is divided. See Or.-
NITHOLOGY Index.
PASSIFLORA, or Passionflower; a genus of
plants belonging to the gynandria clafs ; and in the na¬
tural method ranking under the 34^ order, Cucurbita-
cece. See Botany Index.
PASSION, is a word of which, as Dr Reid obferves,
the meaning is not precifely afeertained either in com¬
mon difeourfe or in the writings of philofophers. . In its
original import, it denotes ew try feeling of the mind oc-
cafioned by an extrinfic caufe ; but it is generally ufed
to fignify fome agitation of mind, oppoted to that ilate
of tranquillity in wdrich a man is moll mailer of him felt.
That it was thus ufed by the Greeks and Romans, is
evident from Cicero’s rendering the word by
which the philofophers of Greece expreffed it, by per-
lurbatio in Latin. In this fenie of the word, paflion
cannot be itfelf a dif in cl and independent principle ot ac¬
tion ; but only an occafional degree of vehemence given
to thofe difpolitions, defires, and affeclions, which are
at all times prefent to the mind of man ; and that this is
its proper fenfe, we need no other proof than that paf-
fion has always been conceived to bear analogy to a
ftorm at fea or to a tempefi: in the air.
With refpefl to the number of paflions of which the
mind is fufceptible, different opinions have been held by
different authors. Le Brun, a French writer on paint¬
ing, juftiy confidering the expreffion of the paflions as
a very important as wrell as difficult branch of his ait,
has enumerated no fewer than twenty, of which the figns
may be exprelfed by the pencil on canvafs. I hat there
are fo many different Hates of mind producing different
effects which are vifible on the features and the geltures,
and that thofe features and geftures ought to be diligent¬
ly ffudied by the artift, are truths which cannot be de¬
nied ; but it is abfurd to confider all thefe different Hates
of mind as pa fans, fince tranquillity is one of them,
which is the reverfe of paffion.
The common divifion of the paflions into defire and.
averfon, hope and fear, joy and grief love aRti hatred,
9 ] FAS
has been mentioned by every author wffio has treated of
them, and needs no explication ; but it is a queition of
fome importance in the philofophy of the human mind,
whether thefe different paflions be each a degree of an
original and innate difpoiition, dillinit from the d ipoli-
tions which are relpectively the foundations of tne other
pafliions, or only different modifications of one or tuo
general difpofitions common to the whole race. .
The former opinion is held by all i\ho build their
fyffem of metaphyfics upon a number of diiiimft internal
fenfes; and the latter is the opinion of thofe who, with
Locke and Hartley, refolve what is commonly called
inllinfl into an early affociation of ideas, (oee In¬
stinct). That without deliberation nianicind inftanlly
feel the paffion of fear upon the apprehenfion ot danger,
and the paflion of anger or refentment upon the recep¬
tion of an injury, are truths which cannot be denied .
and hence it is inferred, that the feeds of thefe pailions
are innate in the mind, and that tney aie not generated,
but only fwell to magnitude on the prolpeft of their re-
fpeflive objecls. In fupport of this argument, it has
been obferved that children, without any knowledge oi
their danger, are inffindlively afraid on being placed on
the brink of a precipice ; and that this paflion contri¬
butes to their fafety long before they acquire, in any de¬
gree equal to their neceflities, the exercife of their ra¬
tional powers. Deliberate anger, cauled by a voluntary
injury, is acknowledged to be in part founded on reafon
and reflection ; but where anger impels one fuddenly to
return a blow, even without thinking of doing milclnei,
the paffion is inffin&ive. In proof of this, it is obfer¬
ved, that inffinCtive anger is frequently railed by bodily
pain, occafioned even by a Hock or a Hone, winch in-
Handy becomes an object of refentment, that we arc
violently incited to cruiii to atoms, ouch conduct is
certainly not rational, and therefore it is fuppofed to be
neceffarily inflinftive.
With refpect to other pciflions, fuch hs the *uft or
power, of fame, or of knowledge, innumerable mltances,
fays Dr R.eid, occur in life, of men who facrifice to them
their cafe, their plealure, and their iiea.ih. But it is
abfurd to fuppofe that men fhould faciifice the end to
what they defire oqly as means of promoting that end ;
and therefore he leenis to think that them padions muH
be innate. To add Hrength to this reafoning, he ob¬
ferves, that we may perceive fome degree of thefe prin¬
ciples even in brute animals ot the mofl fagacious kind,
who are not thought to defire means for the fake of ends
w hich they have in view.
But it is in accounting for the paffions which are dii-
intereHed that the advocates for innate principles feern
moH completely to triumph. As it is impoflible not to
feel the pafiion of pity upon the profpect of a fellow'
creature in diHreis, they argue, that the balls of that
paflion muH be innate ; becaufe pity, being at all times
more or lefs painful to the perfon by whom it is felt,
and frequently of no ufe to the perfon who is its object,
it cannot in fuch inflances be the refult of deliberation,
but merely the exertion of an original inltinct. 1 he
fame kind of reafoning is employed to prove that grati¬
tude is the exercifo of an innate principle. That good
offices are, by the very conftitution of our nature, apt
to produce good will towards the benefactor, in good
and bad men, in the favage and in the civilized, cannot
furely be denied by any one in the leal! acquainted with
4 Q 2 human
Paffion
s
I
pas
Paffior
hufflan nature. We are gkteful not only to the bene-
iaftors of onrfelves as individuals, but affo to the bene-
[ 20 ]
PAS
factors of our country ; and that, too, when
confcious that from our gratitude neither they nor we
can reap any advantage. Nay, we are impelled to be
grateful even when we have reafon to believe that the
objects of our gratitude know not our exiitence. This
padion cannot be the effedt of reafoning, or of aflbciation
founded on reafoning ; for, in fuch cales as thofe men¬
tioned, there are no principles from which reafon can
infer the propriety or ufefulnefs of the feeling. That
puolic f[)irit, or the affedtion which we bear to our coun¬
try, or to any fubordinate community of which we are
members, is founoed on inftindt, is deemed fo certain,
that the man deilitute of this affedtion, if there be any
luch, has been pronounced as great a monfter as he who
has two heads.
-r^l the difinterefted paflions are founded on what phi-
lofophers have termed benevolent affetlion. Inftead
therefore of inquiring into the origin of each paliion
feparately, which would fwell this article to no purpofe,
let us lillen to one of the finell writers as well as ablelt
realbners of the age, treating of the origin of benevolent
affe&ion. “ We may lay it down as a principle (fays
°n "Dr t^at l:)enevoleilt affections are in their
Powers of r*a‘:ure agreeaole : that it is elfential to them to defire
Man. ^ S00^ and happinefs of their objedls; and that their
objedfs muff therefore be beings capable of happinefs.
A thing may be defired either on its own account, or as
the means in order to fomethmg elfe. That only can
properly be called an objeft off defire which is defired
upon its own account; and therefore 1 confider as bene¬
volent thofe affeCfions only which defire the good of
their objeCt ultimately, and not as means in order to
tome thing elfe. To fay that we defire the good of
others, only to procure fome pleafure or good to our-
felves, is to fay that there is no benevolent affeCtion in
human nature. 1 his indeed has been the opinion of
fome philofophers both in ancient and in later times.
But it appears as unreafonable to refolve all benevolent
afteCtions into felfflove, as it would be to refolve hunger
and thirl! into felf-love. Thefe appetites are neceffary
for tne prefer vation of the individual. Benevolent af-
feClions aie no lefs neceffary for the prefervation of fo-
ciety among men 5 without which men would become
an eafy prey to the beafts of the field. The benevolent
affechons planted in human nature, appear therefore no
lefs neceffary for the prefervation of the human fpecies
than the appetites of hunger and thirft.” In a word,
PWi gmtiaide, friendfhip, love, and patriotifm, are
founded on^ different benevolent affections ; which our
learned author holds to be original parts of the human
conftitution.”
This reafoning has certainly great force 5 and if au¬
thority could have any weight in fettling a queftion of
tnis nature, we know not that name to which sweater de¬
ference is due. than the name of him from whom it is
taken. Yet it muff be confeffed that the philofophers
who confider the affeftions and paflions as early and deep
rooted affociations, fupport their opinion with very plau-
fible arguments. On their principles we have endeavour¬
ed elfewhere to account for the paffions of fear and love
( ee Insunci and Love); and we may here fafely
deny the truth of.what has been ftated refpeCting fear
which Lems to militate again!! that account. We have’
we are ror on
attended with much folicitude to the atfions of chib Patfim.
dren; and have no reafon to think that they feel tew v 
ror on the brink of a precipice till they have been re¬
peatedly w'arnea of their danger in fuch iituations by
their parents or their keepers. .Every perfon knows
not only that they have no original or inffindive dread *
of fie, which is as dangerous to them as any precipice;
but that it is extremely difficult to keep them from that
dei crudlive element till they are either capable of weigh¬
ing the force of arguments, or have repeatedly experi¬
enced the pain of being burnt by it. With refpect to
ludden reientment, we cannot help confidering the ar¬
gument, which is brought in proof of its being inllinc-
tive, as proving the contrary in a very forcible manner.
Inilind is .fome myfterious influence of God upon the
mind exciting to adions of beneficial tendency : but
can any benefit arife from wreaking our impotent ven- 1
geance on a Hock or a Hone ? or is it fuppofable that
a Being of infinite, vvifdom would excite us to adions fo
extravagantly fooliffi ? We learn from experience to de¬
fend ourfelves again!! rational or fenfible enemies by re¬
taliating the injuries which they inflid upon us; and
11 we have been often injured in any particular manner,
the idea of that injury becomes in time fo clofely affo-’
dated with the means by which it has been conftantly
repelled, that we never receive fuch an injury—a blow
for inftance—without being prompted to make the ufual
retaliation,, without reileding whether the objed be
fenfible or infenfible. So far from being inftindive does
refentment appear to us, that w^e think an attentive ob-
ferver may eafily perceive howT the feeds of it are gra¬
dually infufed into the youthful mind; when the child,
from being at fir!! a timid creature ffirinkirtg from every
pain, learns by degrees to return blow for blow and
threat for threat.
But in Head of urging what appears to ourfelves of
moft weight again!! the inftindive fyilem, we ffiall lay
before, our readers a few extrads from a differtation on
the origin 01 the paffions, by a wrriter wffiole elegance of
language and ingenuity of inveftigation do honour to
the fchool of Hartley.
. “ When an infant is born (fays Dr Sayers f), there [ DifjuiJt-
is every reafon to fuppofe that he is born without ideas. 2‘ 0"-f
Theie are rapidly communicated through the mediumt ph- Acal
of the fenfes. The fame fenfes are alfo the means of^ LitS'
conveying to him pleafure and pain. Thefe are the^^*
hinges on which the paffions turn : and till the child is
acquainted with thefe fenff.tions, it wrould appear that
no paflion could he formed in his mind; for till he has-
felt pleafure and pain, how can he deftre any objed, or
with for its removal? Howr can be either love or hate?
Let us obferve then the manner in which love and ha¬
tred are formed; for on thefe paffions depend all the'
reft. When a child endures pain, and is able to deted
the caufe of it, the idea of pain is conneded in his
mind with that of the thing which produced it ; and if
the objed which occafioned pain be again prefented to
the. chi id, the idea of pain affociated with it arifes alfcr..
This idea confequently urges the child to avoid or to
remove the objed ; and thus arifes the paffion of diflike
or hatred. In the fame manner, the paffion of liking
or love is readily formed in the mind of a child from the
affociation of pleafant ideas with certain objeds which
produced them.
“ paffions of hope and fear are dates of the
mind
PAS [2
n. mind depending upon the good or bad profpects of
—' gratifying love or hatred j and joy or forrow arifes from
the final fuccefs or difappomtment which attends the
exertions produced by love or by hatred. Out of thefe
paffions, which have all a perceptible relation to our own
good, and are univerfally acknowledged to be felfilh, all
our other paflions are formed.”
To account for the paflions called dijinterejled, he
obferves, that in the hiftory of the human mind we
find many inftances of our dropping an intermediate
idea, -which has been the means of our connedling two
other ideas together j and that the aflbciation of thefe
two remains after the link which originally united
them has vaniflied. Of this fad the reader will find
futficient evidence in different articles of this work
(See Instinct, N° 19, and Metaphysics, N° ioi) :
and, to apply it to the difinterefted paflions, let us fup-
pofe, with Dr Sayers, that any individual has done to
us many offices of kindnefs, and has confequently much
contributed to our happinefs 5 it is natural for us to
feek with fome anxiety for the continuance of thofe-
pleafures which he is able to communicate. But we
foon difcerh, that the fureft way of obtaining the con¬
tinuance of his friendly offices is to make them, as
much as poflible, a fource of pleafure to himfelf. We
therefore do every thing in our power to promote his
happinefs in return for the good he has conferred upon
\ us, that thus we may attach him to us as much as we
are able. Hitherto all is plainly felfifli. We have been
evidently endeavouring, for the fake of our own future
gratification, to promote the happinefs of this perfon :
but obferve the confequence. We have thus, by con¬
templating the advantage, to be derived to ourfelves
from promoting the profperity of our friend, learned
to affociate a fet of pleafant ideas with his happinefs j
but the link which has united them gradually efcapes
us, while the union itfelf remains. Continuing to af¬
fociate pleafure with the well-being of our friend, we
endeavour to promote it for the fake of his immediate
, gratification, without looking farther j and in this way
his happinefs, which was firft attended to only as a
means of future enjoyment, finally becomes an end.
Thus then the paflion which was originally felfifti, i$ at
length difinterejled; its gratification being completed mere¬
ly by its fuccefs in promoting the happinefs of another.
In this way does our author account for the origin
of gratitude ; which at laft becomes a habit, and flows
fpontaneoufly towards every man who has either
or intended to be our benefactor. According to him,
it is eafy to obferve alfo, that from affociating pleafure
with the happinefs of an individual when we procure it
1 ] PAS
ourfelves, it mufl: of courfe foon follow', that wTe fhould
experience pleafure from a view of his happinefs any
way produced j fuch happinefs raifing at all times plea¬
fant ideas when it is prefented to our minds. This is
another feature of a difinterefted afteCtion, to feel delight
from the mere increafe of happinefs in the objedt whom
we love.
“ It may be objected, perhaps, that parents feem to
have an inJUtiBive difinterefted love of their offspring:
but furely the love of a paient (a) for a new-born in¬
fant is not uliially equal to that for a child of four
or five years old. When a child is firft born, the pro-
fpeCl and hopes of future pleafure from it are fufticient
to make a parent anxious for its prefervation. As the
child grows up, the hope of future enjoyment from it
muft increafe : hence w ould pleafure be affociated with
the well-being of the child, the love of which would of
courfe become in due time difinterefted.”
Our author does not analyze pihj, and trace it to its
fource in felfiftmels j but he might eafily have done it,
and it has been ably done by his mafter. Pity or
compaflion is the uneafinefs which a man feels at the
mifery of another. It is generated in every mind dur¬
ing the years of childhood j and there are many circum-
ftances in the conftitution of children, and in the mode
of their education, which make them particularly fuf-
ceptible of his paflion. The very appearance of any
kind of mifery which they have experienced, or of any
figns of diftrefs which they underftand, excite in their
minds painful feelings, from the remembrance of wrhat
they have fuffered, and the apprehenfion of their fuf-
fering it again. Wre have feen a child a year old high¬
ly entertained with the noife and ftruggles made by
its elder brother w'hen plunged naked into a veffel fil¬
led with cold W'ater. This continued to be the cafe
for many days, till it wras thought proper to plunge
the younger as w'ell as the elder j after which the daily
entertainment wras foon at an end. The little crea¬
ture had not been itfelf plunged above twice till it
ceafed to find diverfion in its brother’s fufferings.—
On the third day it cried wdth all the fymptoms of the
bittereft anguifh upon feeing its brother plunge,
though no preparation was then made for plunging
itfelf; but furely this was not difinterefted fympathy,
but a feeling wholly felfifti, excited by the remem¬
brance of wThat it had fuffered itfelf, and was appre-
henfive of fuffering, again. In a ftiort time, however, ,
the painful feelings accompanying the fight of its bro¬
ther’s ftruggles, and the found of his cries, were doubt-
lefs fo affociated wdth that fight and that found, that
the appearance of the latter would have brought the
former
(a) That this is true of the father is certain j but it may be queftioned whether it be equally true of the mo¬
ther. A wToman is no fooner delivered of her infant j than ftie careffcs it with the utmoft poflible fondnefs. We
believe, that if fhe w'ere under the neceflity of making a choice between her child of four- years, and her infant
an hour old, (he would rather be deprived of the latter than of the former $ but wre are not convinced that this
would proceed from a lefs degree of affection to the infant than to the child. Sh^Pknows that the child has be¬
fore his fourth year efcaped many dangers which the infant muft encounter, and may not efcape j and it is there¬
fore probable that her. choice would be the refult of prudent refle&ion. Though we are not admirers of that
philofophy which fupppfes the human mind a bundle of inftin&s, wre can as little approve of the oppofite fcheme
which allows it no inftin61s at all. The of a mother to her new-born infant is undoubtedly inftin&ive, as
the only thing which at that moment can be affociated with it in her mind is the pain (he has fuftcred in bring¬
ing it to the world..
PAS [ 2
Paflion. former along with them, even though the child might
l”"1 v have been no longer under apprehenfion of a plunging
itfelf. I'his aflbciation, too, would foon be transferred
to every boy in the fame circumflances, and to fimilar
founds and ftruggles, from whatever caufe they might
proceed.
\ Obferva- Thus, as Dr Hartley cbferves f, <e when feveral
rw/x on children are educated together, the pains, the denials
of pleafure, and the forrows which affect one generally
extend to all in fome degree, often in an equal one.
When their-parents, companions, or attendants are fick,
or affli&ed, it is ufual to raife in their minds the naf-
cent ideas of pains and raiferies by fuch words and figns
as are fuited to their capacities. They alfo find them-
felves laid under many reftraints, on account of the
ficknefs or afflidlion of others ; and when thefe and fuch
like circumftances have raifed in their minds defires to
remove the caufes of their own internal feelings, i. e. to
eafe the miferies of others, a variety of internal feelings
and defires become fo blended and affociated together,
as that no part can be diftinguifecd feparately from the
reff, and the child may properly be faid to have com-
paffion. The fame fources of compaffion remain, though
with fome alteration, during our whole progrefs through
life. This is fo evident, that a reflecting perfon may
plainly difcem the conftituent parts of his compafiion
while they are yet the mere internal, and, as one may
fay, felfifli feelings above mentioned *, and before they
have put on the nature of compaflion by a coalef-
cence with the reil. Agreeably to this method of
reafoning, it may be obferved, that perfons whofe nerves
are eafily irritable, and thofe who have experienced
great trials and afflictions, are in general more difpofed
to compaflion than others; and that wre are moft apt
to pity others in thofe difeafes and calamities which rve
either have felt or of wdrich we apprehend ourfelves to
be in danger.”
The origin of patriotifm and public fpirit is thus
■traced by Dr Sayers: “ The pieafures which our
country affords are numerous and great. The vcifh to
perpetuate the enjoyment of thefe pieafures, includes
the wifh to promote the fafety and welfare of our coun¬
try, without which many of them would be loft. All
this is evidently felfifh 5 but, as in the progrefs of gra¬
titude, it finally becomes dilinterefted. Pleafant ideas
are thus ftrongly connedfed with the welfare of our
country, after the tie which firft bound them together
has efcaped our notice. The profperity ivhich was at
firft defirable as the means of future enjoyment, be¬
comes itfelf an end : we feel delight in fuch profperity,
;howTever produced •, and we look not beyond this imme¬
diate delight. It is thus not difficult to obferve in what
manner a general and difinterefted benevolence takes
-place in a mind which has already received pleafure from
the happinefs of a few) the tranfition is eafy towards
affociating it with happinefs in general, with the happi¬
nefs of any being, whether produced by ourfelves or by
any other caufe whatever.”
From this reafoning, ouf'author concludes, that all
pur paflxons may be traced up to original feelings of re¬
gard for ourfelves. “ Thus (in the forcible language of
* Warbnr- a learned writer * of the fame fchool) does felf-love,
under the varying appearance of natural affection, do-
meftic relation, and the connexions of focial habitude, at
firft work blindly on, obfcure and deep in dirt: But as
3
2 ] PAS
it makes its w^ay, it continues riling, till it emerges into Pr-fliofi.
light) and then fuddenly expiring, leaves behind it the ' v ' "lJ
■faireft iffue,”—benevolent affe&ion.
Self-love partook the path it firft purfu’d.
And found the private in the public good.
Thus have we ftated the twro oppofite theories refpeff-
ing the origin of paflions in the mind, and given our
readers a Ihort fpecimen of the reafonings by which they
are fupported by their refpective patrons. Were we cal¬
led upon to decide between them, we fhould be tempted
to fay, that they have both been carried to extremes by
fome of their advocates, and that the truth lies in the
middle between them. “ It is impoflible f but that t
creatures capable of pleafant and painful fenfations, **me7V*
fliould love and choofe the one, and diflike and avoid
the other. No being who knows what happinefs and
mifery are, can be fuppofed indifferent to them, without
a plain contradiiftion. Pain is not a pojjib/e object of de¬
fire, nor happinels of averfiony—To prefer a greater
good though diftant, to a lefs good that is prefent 5 or
to choofe a prefent evil, in order to avoid a greater fu¬
ture evil—is indeed wife and rational conduft 5 but to
choofe evil ultimately, is ablblutely impoflible. Thus
far then muft be admitted, that every being poffeffed of
fenfe and intellect, neceffarily defires his own good as
foon as he knows what it is \ but if this knowledge be
not innate, neither can the defire. Every human being
comes into the world with a capability of knowledge,
and of courfe with a capability of affections, defires, and
paflions \ but it feems not to be conceivable how he can
aClually love, or hate, or dread any thing, till he know
whether it be good, or ill, or dangerous. If, therefore,
we have no innate ideas, we cannot poflibly have innate
defires or averfions. Thofe who contend that we have,
feem to think, that without them reafon would be in-
fufficient, either for the prefervation of the individual dr
the continuation of the fpecies ; and fome writers have
alleged, that if our affeCtions and paflions were the mere
refult of early affociatxons, they would neceffarily be more
capricious than we ever find them. But this objeCIion
feems to arife from their not rightly underftanding the
theory of their antagonifts. The difciples of Locke and
Hartley do not fuppofe it poflible for any man in fociety
to prevent fuch affociations from being formed in his
mind as {hall neceflarily produce defires and averfions 5
far lefs do they think it poflible to form affociations of
ideas utterly repugnant, fo as to defire that as good
which his fenfes and intellect have experienced to be
evil. Affociations are fumed by the very fame means,
and at the very fame time, that ideas and notions are
impreffed upon the mind 5 but as pain is never miftaken
for pleafure by the fenfes, fo an objeCt which has given
us only pain, is never affociated with any thing that
makes it defireable. We fay an,objeCl that has given
us only pain, becaufe it is poflible to form fuch an aflb-
ciation between life and the lofs of a limb, as to make
us grateful to the furgeon by whom it was amputated.
Affociations being formed according to the fame laws
by which knowledge is acquired, it by no means follows
that paflictis refulting from them fiiould he more capri¬
cious than they are found to be j and they certainly are
fufficiently capricious to make us fufpeCl that the greater
part of them has this origin, rather than that they are
all infufed in the mind by the immediate agency of the
Creator.
PAS [ 23 ] PAS
Futfion. Creator. If roan be a being formed with no innate
ideas, and with no other inftinftive principles of action
than what are abiblutely necefiary^ to preierve his exist¬
ence and perpetuate the fpecies, it is eafy to perceive
why he is placed in this world as in a Hate ol probation,
where he may acquire habits of virtue to fit him for a
better. It is like-wife eafy to perceive why feme men
are better than others, and why fome are the Haves of
the molt criminal paflions. But all this is unintelligible,
upon the fuppofition that the feeds of every paflion are
innate, and that man is a compound of realon and of in-
ilincts fo numerous and various as to fuit every circum-
itance in which he can be placed.
If paflions, whatever be their origin, operate inftan-
tanecuily, and if they be formed accoiding to fixed law s,
it may be thought a queftion of very little importance
whether they be initinctive or acquired.— this was long
our own opinion ; but we think, that upon maturer re-
flection we have feen realon to change it. If paflions be
the refult of early aiTociations, it is of the ulmoft confe-
quer.ee that no improper aflbciations be formed m the
minds of children, and that none of their unreafonable
defires be gratified. Upon this theory it feems indeed
to depend almoft wholly upon education, whether a child
fhall become a calm, benevolent, fteady, and upright
man •, or a paflionate, capricious, felfifh mifereant. By
teaching him to relent every petty injury, the feeds of
irafeibility are iown in his mind, and take luch root,
that before the age of manhood he becomes intolerable
to all with whom he rnuft converfe. By exciting num-
berlefs defires in his youthful mind, and inftantly grati¬
fying them, you make him capricious and impatient of
difappointment; and by reprefenting other children as in
any degree inferior to him, you nifpire him with the
hateful paflion of pride. According to the inftinflive
theory, education can only augment or diminifh the
ftrength of paflions ) according to the other theory, it is
the fource of by far the greater part of them. On ei¬
ther fuppofition, parents fliould watch with folicitude
over the actions of their children 5 but they will furely
think themfelves obliged to be doubly watchful, if they
believe, that through their negledt their children may
acquire hateful paflions, to which, if properly educated,
they might have remained ftrangers through their wUole
lives. And let it be remembered, that this folicitude
fhould begin at an early period ; becaufe the mmd is
fufceptible of deep effbeiations much foor.et than is feme-
times imagined. Without this fufeeptibility, no language
could be learned } and therefore a child by the time he
learns to fpeak, may have planted in his mind the feeds
of paflions, on the juft regulation and fubordination of
which depends in a great meafure the happinefs of man¬
kind. See MORAL Philofophy, Part I. chap. 1. & 2.
Part III. N° 216.
Passions and Emotions-, difference between them.
See EMOTIONS and Paffions.
External Signs of Emotions and PASSIONS. So inti¬
mately connected are the foul and body, that every agi¬
tation in the former produces a vifible effett upon the
latter. There is, at the fame time, a wonderful uni¬
formity in that operation ; each clafs of emotions and
paflions being invariably attended with an external ap¬
pearance peculiar to itfelf. Thefe external appearances,
or figns, may not improperly be ccnfidered as a natural
language, exprefling to all beholders emotions and paf-
fiens as they rife in the heart. Kope, fear, joy, grief, Paftion.
are difplayed externalfy : the character of a man can be
read in his face; and beauty, which makes io deep an
impreffion, is known to peiult, not fo much from regular
features and a fine complexion, as from good nature, good
fenfe, fprightlinefi, fweetnefs, or other mental quality,
expreffed upon the countenance. Though perfect Iknl
in that language be rate, yet what is generally known is
fufiicient for the ordinary purpoles of hie. But by what
means we come to underftand the language, is a point of
feme intricacy. It cannot be by light merely ; for upon
the molt attentive inipedtion of the human vilage, ail that
can be difcerned are, figure, colour, and motion, which,
fingly or combined, never can reprefent a paffion nor a
fentunent : the external fign is indeed vilible } but to
underftand its meaning, we muft be able to connedt it
with the paflicn that caufe.s it j an operation far beyond
the reach of eye-fight. Where then is the inftrudior to
be found that can unveil this fee ret connexion ? If we
apply to experience, it is yielded, that from long and
diligent obfervation, we may gather, in feme meafure,
in what manner thofe wre are acquainted with exprefs
their paflions externally 5 but with refpedt to ftrangers,
we are left in the dark 3 and yet we are not puzzled
about the meaning of thefe external expreflions in a
ftranger, more than in a bofom companion. Further,
Had we no other means but experience for underfiand-
ing the external figns of paflion, we could not expedft
any uniformity, nor any degree of fkill, in the bulk of
individuals ; yet matters are fo much better ordered,
that the external expreflions of pafhcn form a language
underftoed by all, by the young as well as the old, by
the ignorant as well as the learned : \‘ e.talk of the
plain and legible charadiers of that language } for un¬
doubtedly we are much indebted to experience, in de¬
ciphering the dark and more delicate expieffions. Where
then fhall we apply for a folution of this intricate prob¬
lem, which feems to penetrate deep into human nature ?
Undoubtedly if the meaning of external figns be not de¬
rived to us from fight, nor from experience, there is no
remaining fource whence it can be derived but from na¬
ture.
We may then venture to pKmour.ce, with feme de- Elements
gree of confidence, that man is provided by nature with 'ffriti*
a fenfe or faculty that lays open to him every paflion hyClj n"
means of its external expreflions. And we cannot enter¬
tain any. reafonable doubt of this, when we reflect, that
the meaning of external figns is not hid even from in¬
fants : an infant is remarkably affected with the paflions
of its nurfe expreffed on her countenance •, a fmile cheers -
it, a frown makes it afraid : but fear cannot be without
apprehending danger ; and what danger can the infant
apprehend, unlels it be fenfible that its nurfe is angry ?
We muft therefore admit, that a child can read anger
in its nurfe’s face ; of which it muft be fenfible intuitive*
ly, for it has no other mean of knowledge. We do not
affirm, that thefe particulars are clearly apprehended by
the child ; for to produce clear and diifinft perceptions,
reflection and experience^are requifite : but that even an
infant, when afraid, muft have feme notion of its being
in danger, is evident.
That we fhould be confeious intuitively of a paffion
from its external expreffions, is conformable to the ana¬
logy of nature : the knowledge of that language is of ,
too great importance to be left upon experience 5 becaufe
a
• . :P A S
a foundation fo uncertain and precarious, would prove a
great obftacle to the formation of focieties. Wifely there¬
fore is it ordered, and agreeably to the fyftem of Provi¬
dence, that we thould have nature for our inttruftor.
Such is the philofophy of Lord Kames, to which ob-
jedtions unanfwerable may be made. It is part of the
inftindtive fyltem of metaphyfics, which his lordfhip has
carried farther than all who wrote before him, and per¬
haps farther than all who have fucceeded him in this de¬
partment of fcience. That a child intuitively reads anger
in its nurfe’s face, is fo far from being true, that for fome
fhort time after birth it is not terrified by the molt men-
ncing geftures. It is indeed absolutely incapable of fear
till it has Suffered pain, (fee Instinct) ; and could we
constantly carefs it with what is called an angry look, it
would be cheered by that look, and frightened at a
tmile. It feels, however, the effe&s of anger, and is foon
capable of obferving the peculiarity of feature with which
that paffion is ufually accompanied j and thefe two be¬
come in a firort time fo linked together in its tender
mind, that the appearance of the one neceffarily fuggefts
to it the reality of the other.
Should it be faid that a loud and hidden noife Startles
a child immediately after birth, and that, therefore, the
infant muff be inftindtively afraid, the faft may be ad¬
mitted, -without any necefiity of admitting the inference.
The nerves of an infant are commonly very irritable, and
the Strong impulfe on the auditory nerves may agitate its
whole frame, without infpiring it with the paffion of
fear. The loud noife is in all probability not the
fign of approaching danger, but the immediate caufe
of real pain, from which the infant Shrinks as it
would from the prick of a pin or the Scorching of
a candle. But we have faid enough in the article im¬
mediately preceding, and in others which are there
quoted, to Show how the paffions may be formed by af-
fociations even in early in fancy, and yet operate as if they
were inftindtive. This being the cafe, we Shall through the
remainder of this article Suffer his lordShip to Speak his
■own language, without making any further remarks upon
it. We are induced to do this for two reafons 5 of which
the firft is, that many of our readers will probably prefer
his theory to ours 5 and the Second is, that his conclusions
refpedting the Signs and language of paffion hold equally
good from either theory.
We perfectly agree with him, that manifold and ad¬
mirable are the purpofes to which the external Signs
of paffion are made fubfervient by the Author of our
nature.
1. The Signs of internal agitation difplayed externally
to every Spectator, tend to fix the Signification of many
words. The only effectual means to afcertain the mean¬
ing of any doubtful word, is an appeal to the thing it re-
prefents : and hence the ambiguity of words expreffive
of things -that are not objedts of external fenfe ; for in
that cafe an appeal is denied. Paffion, Striftly Speaking,
is not an objedt of external fenfe : but its external Signs
are : and by means of thefe Signs, paflions may be ap¬
pealed to with tolerable accuracy •, thus the words that
denote our paffions, next to thofe that denote external
objedts, have the molt diftindt meaning. Words Signi¬
fying internal adtion and the more delicate feelings, are
lefs diltindt. This defedt, with regard to internal adlion,
is what chiefly occafions the intricacy of logic : the terms
9/ that fciepce are far from being fufficiently afcertained,
4
PAS
even after much care and labour bellowed by r.h emi-'
nent writer f ; to whom, however, the world is greatly
indebted, for removing a mountain of rubbish, and
moulding the fubjedl into a rational and corredt form
the fame defedt is remarkable in criticifm, which has for
its objedt the more delicate feelings ; the terms that
denote thefe feelings being not more diStindt than thofe
of logic.
2. Society among individuals is greatly promoted by
that univerl'al language. Looks and geltures give diredt
accefs to the heart ; and lead us to feledt, with toler¬
able accuracy, the perfons who are tvorthy of our con¬
fidence. It is Surprising how quickly, and for the molt
part how corredtly, we judge of charadter from external
appearance.
3. After Social intercourfe is commenced, thefe ex¬
ternal Signs, which diffuie through a whole affembly the
feelings of each individual, contribute above all other
means to improve the Social affedtions. Language, no
doubt is the moil comprehensive vehicle for communi¬
cating emotions : but in expedition, as well as in power,
of convidtion, it falls Short of the Signs under consider¬
ation ; the involuntary Signs especially, which are inca¬
pable of deceit. Where the countenance, the tones
the geftures, the adlions, join with the words in com-<
municating emotions, thefe united have a force irrefiltible.
Thus all the pleafant emotions of the human heart,
with all the focial and virtuous affedlions, are, by means
of thefe external Signs, not only perceived, but feitl
By this admirable contrivance, converfation becomes
that lively and animating amufement, without which
life would at belt be infipid : one joyful countenance
fpreads cheerfulnefs inifantaneoufly through a multitude
of fpedlators.
4. Diffocial paffions, being hurtful by prompting vio¬
lence and mifchief, are noted by the moil confpicuous
external Signs, in order to put us upon our guard : thus
anger and revenge, efpecially when Sudden, difplay
themfelves on the countenance in legible charadlers.
The external Signs, again, of every paffion that threatens
danger, raife in us the paffion of fear : which frequently
operating without reafon or refledHon, moves us by a Sud¬
den impulfe to avoid the impending danger.
5. Ihefe external Signs are remarkably fubfervient to
morality. A painful paffion, being accompanied with
disagreeable external Signs, muff produce in every Spec¬
tator a painful emotion : but then, if the paffion be fo¬
cial, the emotion it produces is attradlive, and connedts
the fpedlator with the perfon who Suffers. Diffocial paf¬
fions only are produdlive of repulfive emotions, involving
the fpedlator’s averfion, and frequently his indignation.
This artful contrivance makes us cling to the virtuous,
and abhor the wicked.
6. Of all the external Signs of paffion, thofe of afflic¬
tion or diStrefs are the moft illuftrious w ith refpedl to a
final caufe, and defervedly merit a place of diSlindlion.
They are illuftrious by the Singularity of their contri¬
vance ; and alfo by infpiring Sympathy, a paffion to
which human Society is indebted for its greateft bleft'mg,
that of providing relief for the diftreffed. A fubjedl fo
interefting deferves a leifurely and attentive examination.
The conformity of the nature of man to his external cir-
cumftance is in every particular wTonderful: his nature
makes him prone to Society 5 and Society is neceftary to
his wellbeing, becaufe in a folftary Slate he is a helplefs
be'ing,
[ 24 1
Faffort.
Locke.
PAS [2
PafTion. being, deftitute of fupport, and in his diftrefies deftitute
—v  of relief: but mental fupport, the filming attribute of
fociety, is of too great moment to be left dependent
upon cool reafon •, it is ordered more wifely, and with
greater conformity to the analogy of nature, that it
fnould be enforced even initinftively by the paffion of
fympathy. Here fympathy makes a capital figure ; and
contributes, more than any other means, to make life
eafy and comfortable. But however effential the fym¬
pathy of others may be to our wellbeing, one beforehand
would not readily conceive how it could be raifed by
external figns of diftrefs} for confidering the analogy of
nature, if thefe figns be agreeable, they mull give birth
to a pleafant emotion leading every beholder to be plea-
fed with human woes : if difagreeable, as they undoubt¬
edly are, ought they riot naturally to repel the fpeclator
from them, in order to be relieved from pain ? Such
would be the reafoning beforehand } and fuch would be
the effeft were man purely a felfilh being. But the be¬
nevolence of our nature gives a very different direction
to the painful paffion of fympathy, and to the defire
involved in it: inftead of avoiding diftrefs, we fly to it
in order to afford relief 5 and our fympathy cannot
be otherwife gratified but by giving all the fuccour
in our ppwer. Thus external figns of diftrefs, though
difagreeable, are attractive 5 and the fympathy they
infpire is a powerful caufe, impelling us to afford re¬
lief even to a ftranger, as if he were our friend or rela¬
tion.
It is a noted obfervation, that the deepeft tragedies
are the moft crowded } which in an overry view will be
thought an unaccountable bias in human nature. Love
of novelty, defire of occupation, beauty of aCtion, make
us fond of theatrical reprefentations 5 and when once en¬
gaged, we mult follow the ftory to the conclufion, what¬
ever diftrefs it may create. But we generally become
wife by experience ; and when we forefee w7hat pain we
(hall fuffer during the courfe of the reprefentation, is it
not furprifing that perfons of reflection do not avoid fuch
fpeCtacles altogether r1 And yet one who has fcarce re¬
covered from the diftrefs of a deep tragedy, refolves
coolly and deliberately to go to the very next, without
the flighteft obftruCtion from felf-love. The whole my-
ftery is explained by a Angle obfervation : That fympa-
thy, though painful, is attractive 5 and attaches us to an
objeCt in diftrefs, inftead of promoting us to fly from it.
And by this curious mechanifm it is, that perfons of any
degree of fenfibility are attracted by affliction ftill more
than by joy.
To conclude the external figns of paflion are a ftrong
indication, that man, by his very conftitution, is fram¬
ed to be open and fincere. A child, in all things obe¬
dient to the impulfes of nature, hides none of its emo¬
tions *, the favage and clown, who have no guide but
pure nature, expofe their hearts to view, by giving way
to all the natural figns. And even when men learn to
diffemhle their fentiments, and when behaviour degene¬
rates into art, there ftill remain checks, that keep dif-
fimulation within bounds, and prevent a great part of
Its mifchievous effeCIs : the total fuppreflion of the vo¬
luntary figns during any vivid paffion, begets the ut-
moft uneafinefs, which cannot be endured for any con-
fiderable time : this operation becomes indeed lefs pain¬
ful- by habit ; but luckily the involuntary figns cannot,
bv any effort, be fuppreffed or even diffembled. An
VoLi XVI. Part I.
5 ] PAS
abfolute hypocrify, by which the charaCIer is concealed Paffion.
and a fiftitious one affumed, is made impracticable; and
nature has thereby prevented much harm to fociety.
We may pronounce, therefore, that Nature, herfelf fin -
cere and candid, intends that mankind ftiould preferve
the fame character, by cultivating fimplicity and truth,
and banilhing every iort of diflimulation that tends to
mifchief.
Influence of PASSION with refpeB to our Perceptions,
Opinions, and Belief. So intimately are our perceptions,
paflions, and aCtions, connected, it would be wonderful
if they fhould have no mutual influence. That our ac¬
tions are too much influenced by paffion, is a know n
truth ; but it is not lefs certain, though not fo well
known, that paffion hath alfo an influence upon our per¬
ceptions, opinions, and belief. For example, the opi¬
nions we form of men and things are generally direCted
by affeftion : An advice given by a man of figure has
great w-eight; the fame advice from one in a low condi¬
tion is defpifed or neglefted : a man of courage under¬
rates danger; and to the indolent the flighteft obftacle
appears unfurmountable. All this may be accounted for
by the Ample principle of affociation.
There is no truth more univerfally known, than that
tranquillity and fedatenefs are the proper ftate of mind
for accurate perception and cool deliberation ; and for
that reafon, we never regard the opinion even of the
w’ifeft man, when we difeover prejudice or paffion behind
the curtain. Paffion hath fuch influence over us, as to
give a falfe light to all its objedls. Agreeable paflions
prepoffefs the mind in favour of their objefts ■, and difa¬
greeable paflions, not lefs againft their objedfts: A wo¬
man is all perfeftion in her lover’s opinion, while in the
eye of a rival beauty flie is awkward and difagreeable :
w’hen the paflion of love is gone, beauty vanifhes with
it ;—nothing is left of that genteel motion, that fprightly
converfation, thofe numberlefs graces, v/hich formerly,
in theftover’s opinion, charmed all hearts. To a zealot
every one of his own fe£I is a faint, w-hile the moft up¬
right of a different feft are to him children of perdition :
the talent of fpeaking in a friend, is more regarded than ,
prudent conduft in any other. Nor will this lurprife any
one acquainted writh the wTorld ; our opinions, the refult
frequently of various and complicated view7s, are com¬
monly fo flight and wravering, as readily to be fufceptible
of a bias from paffion.
With that natural bias another circumftance concurs,
to give paflion an undue influence on our opinions and
belief 5 and that is a ftrong tendency in our nature to
juftify our paflions as wTell as our adtions, not to others
only, but even to ourfelves. That tendency is pecu¬
liarly remarkable with refpedl to difagreeable paflions :
by its influence, objedls are magnified or leffened, cir-
cumfhmces fupplied or fuppreffed, every thing coloured
and difguifed, to anfwrer the end of juftification. Hence .
the foundation of felf-deceit, wdiere a man impofes upon
himfelf innocently, and even without fufpicion of a bias-.
We proceed to illuftrate the foregoing obfervations by-
proper examples.
Gratitude, when warm, is often exerted upon the
children of the benefaftor; efpecially where he is re¬
moved out of reach by death or abfence. The paflion
in this cafe being exerted for the fake of the benefaftor,
requires no peculiar excellence in his children : but the
practice of doing good to thefe children produces affec.
D tion
PAS r 26 1 PAS
Pa'lion. tio:i For them, which never fails to advance them in our
” eileem. By fuch means, ftrong connexions of affection
are often formed among individuals, upon the ilight foun¬
dation now mentioned.
Envy is a paffion, which, being altogether unjufti-
fiable, cannot be excufed but by difguiling it under fome
plauhble name. At the fame time, no paffion is more
eager than envy to give its objeX a difagreeable appear¬
ance : it magnifies every bad quality, and fixes on the
moft humiliating circumftances :
Cq/Jius. I cannot tell what you and other men
Think of this life j but for my fingle felf,
I had as lief not be, as live to be
In awe of fuch a thing as I myfelf.
I was born free as Caefar, fo were you ;
We both have fed as well, and we can both
H Endure the winter’s cold as well as he.
For once, upon a raw and gufty day,
The troubled Tyber chafing with his ffiores,
Coefar fays to me, Dar’ft thou, Caffius, now
Leap in with me into this angry flood,
And fwim to yonder poinl ?—Upon the word,
Accoutred as I was, I plunged in,
And bid him follow •, fo indeed he did.
The torrent roar’d, and we did buffet it
With lufty finews } throwing it afide,.
And ftemming it with hearts of controverfy.
But ere we could arrite the point propos’d,
Caefar cry’d, Help me, Caffius, or I fink.
I, as Alneas, our great anceftor,
Did from the flames of Troy upon his fhoulder
The old Anchifes bear ; fo from the waves of Tyber
Did I the tired Caefar : and this man
Is now become a god 5 and Caffius is
A wretched creature, and mull bend his body
If Caefar carelefsly but nod. on him.
He had a fever when he was in Spain ;
And when the fit was on him, I did mark
Flow he did ftiake. ’Tis true, this god did {hake 5
His coward lips did from their colour fly -r
And that fame eye whofe bend doth awe the world
Did lofe its luftre : I did hear him groan •,
Ay, and that tongue of his, that bade the Romans
Mark him, and write his fpeeches in their books,
Alas ! it cry’d—Give me fome drink, Titinius,—
As a fick girl. Ye Gods, it doth amaze me,
A man of fuch a feeble temper fhould
So get the ftart of the majeftic w^ojrld,
And bear the palm alone. Julius Ccefar, acf. ii. fc. 3.
Glo’fter, inflamed wnth refentment againfl: his fon Ed¬
gar, could even force himfelf into a momentary convic¬
tion that they were not related :
Q ftrange faften’d villain !
"Would he deny his letter ?—I never got him.
King Lear, aX ii. fc. 3.
When by great fenfibility of heart, or other means,
grief becomes immoderate, the mind, in order to ju-
ftify itfelf, is prone to magnify the caufe j and if the
real caufe admit not of being magnified, the mind feeks
a caufe for its grief in imagined future events :
Bujhy. Madam, your majefty is much too fad :
You promis’d, when you parted wuth the king,
To lay afide felf-harming heavmefs,
And entertain a cheerful difpofition.
^jteen. To pleafe the king, I did *, to pleafe myfelf,;
I cannot do it. Yet I know no caufe
Why I ffiould welcome fuch a gueft as grief;
Save bidding farewell to fo fweet a gueit
As my fweet Richard : yet again, methinks,
Some unborn forrow, ripe in Fortune’s wromb,
Is coming tow’rd me } and my inward foul
With fomething trembles, yet at nothing grieves,
More than wTith parting from my lord the king.
Richard II. aX ii. fc. 5.
Refentment at firft is vented on the relations of the
offender, in order to puniffi him} but as refentment,
when fo outrageous, is contrary to confcience, the mind,
to juftify its paiTion, is difpofed to paint thefe relations
in the blacked colours j and it comes at laft to be com
vinced, that they ought to be puniffied for their own de¬
merits.
Anger, raifed by an accidental ftroke upon a tender
part of the body, is fometimes vented upon the unde-
figning caufe. But as the paffion in that cafe is abfurd,
and as there can be no folid gratification in punxfhing
the innocent, the mind, prone to juftify as well as to
gratify its paffion, deludes itfelf into a conviXion of the
aXion’s being voluntary. The conviXion, however, is
but momentary j the firft refleXion {hows it to be erro¬
neous : and the paffion vaniftieth almoft inftantaneoufly
with the conviXion. But anger, the moft violent of all
paffions, has ftill greater influence : it fometimes forces
the mind to perfonify a ftock or a ftone if it happen to
occafion bodily pain, and even to believe it a voluntary
agent, in order to be a proper objeX of refentment.
And that we have really a momentary conviXion of its
being a voluntary agent, muft be evident from confider-
ing, that without fuch conviXion the paffion can neither
be juftified nor gratified : the imagination can give no
aid ; for a ftock or a ftone imagined infenfible, cannot
be an objeX of punifhment, if the mind be confcfous
that it is an imagination merely without any reality (a).
Of fuch perfonification, involving a conviXion of reality,
there is one illuftrious inftance. When the firft bridge
of boats over the Hellefpont was deftroyed by a ftorm,
Xerxes fell into a transport of rage, fo exceffive, that
he commanded the fea to be punilhed with 300 ftripes j
and a pair of fetters to be thrown into it, enjoining the
following words to be pronounced : “ O thou fait and
bitter water ! thy mafter hath condemned thee to this
puuifliment for offending him without caufe ; and is
refolved
(a) We have already {hown how a man may be inftigated to wrreak his vengeance on a ftock or a ftone,
without ever confidering whether it be fenfible or infenfible : (See Passion), if the ftory of Xerxes be true,
he may have confidered the fea as fenfible and animated, without dreaming that a ftock or a ftone is fo. The
fea was a god among many of the pagans, and was confidered as fuch by Xerxes, otherwife he could net.
fcave applauded men for not facrificing to it.
Paffion.
PAS [ 27 ] PAS
PaiTion. refolved to pafs over thee in defpite of thy infolence:
v—with reafon all men neglect to facrifice to thee, becaufe
thou art both difagreeable and treacherous.”
Shakefpeare exhibits beautiful examples of the irregu¬
lar influence of paflion in making us believe things to
be otherwife than they are. King Lear, in his diftrefs,
perfonifies the rain, wind, and thunderand in order to
juftify his refentment, believes them to be taking part
with his daughters :
Lear. Rumble thy bellyful, fpit fire, fpout rain !
Nor rain, wind, thunder, fire, are my daughters.
I tax not you, ye elements, with unkindnefs j
I never gave you kingdoms, call’d you children j
You owe me no fubfcription. Then let fall
Your horrible pleafure.—Here I ftand, your brave ;
A poor, infirm, weak, and defpis’d old man !
But yet I call you fervile minifters,
That have with two pernicious daughters join’d
Your high-engender’d battles ’gainfl: a head
So old and white as this. Oh ! oh ! ’tis foul!
Adi iii. fc. 2.
King Richard, full of indignation againfl: his favourite
horfe for carrying Bolingbroke, is led into the convic¬
tion of his being rational:
Groom. O, how it yearn’d my heart, when I beheld
In London ftreets, that coronation-day,
When Bolingbroke rode on Roan Barbary,
That horfe that thou fo often hail beftrid,
That horfe that I fo carefully have drefled.
K. Rich. Rode he on Barbary ? tell me, gentle friend,
How went he under him ?
Groom. So proudly as be had difdain’d the ground.
K. Rich. So proud that Bolingbroke was on his back!
That jade had eat bread from my royal hand.
This hand hath made him proud with clapping him.
Would he not Humble ? would he not fall down,
(Since pride mull have a fall), and break the neck
Of that proud man that did ufurp his back ?
Richard II. acl v. fc. 11.
Hamlet, fwelled -with indignation at his mother’s fecond
marriage, was ftrongly inclined to leffen the time of her
widowhood, the fhortnefs of the time being a violent
circumftance againfl; her ; and he deludes himfelf by
degrees into the opinion of an interval fliorter than the
real one :
Hamlet. That it fhould come to this !
But two months dead ! nay, not fo much ; not two—
So excellent a king, that was, to this,
Hyperion to a fatyr : fo loving to my mother,
That he permitted not the wind of heav’n
Vifit her face too roughly. Heav’n and earth !
Mull I remember—why, fhe would hang on him,
As if increafe of appetite had grown
By what it fed on : yet, within a month 
Let me not think—Frailty, thy name is Woman !
\ A little month ! or ere thofe fhoes were old,
With which the folkuv’d my poor father’s body,
Like Niobe, all tears why fhe, ev’n fhe—
(O heav’n ! a beaft, that wants difeourfe of reafon,
Wou’d have mourn’d longer) married with mine uncle,
My father’s brother ; but no more like my father
Than I to Hercules. Within a month !—
Ere yet the fait of mofi: unrighteous tears
Had left the flufhing in her galled eyes,
She married ‘—Oh, moft wicked fpeed ! to poll
With fuch dexterity to inceftuous flieets !
It is not, nor it cannot, come to good.
But break, my heart, for I muft hold my tongue.
Act i. fc. 3.
The power of paflion to falfify the computation of
time is remarkable in this inftance j becaufe time, ha¬
ving an accurate meafure, is lefs obfequious to our de-
fires and withes, than objects which have no precife
ftandard of magnitude.
Good news are greedily fwallowTed upon very flender
evidence } our willies magnify the probability of the
event, as w7ell as the veracity of the relater j and we be¬
lieve as certain what at belt is doubtful :
Quel, che 1’huom vede, amor li fa invifible
E 1’ invifibil fa veder amore.
Ouefto creduto fu, che ’1 mifer fuole
Dar facile credenza a’ quel, che vuole.
Orland. Furiof. cant. 1. ft. 56.
For the fame reafon, bad newrs gain alfa credit upon the
flighted: evidence : fear, if once alarmed, has the fame
eft'eft wdth hope, to magnify every circumftance that
tends to conviction. Shakefpeare, who fhows more
knowdedge of human nature than any of our philofo-
phers, hath in his Cymbehne reprefented this bias of the
mind j for he makes the perfon who alone was afteCted
with the bad new’s, yield to evidence that did not con¬
vince any of his companions. And Othello is convinced
of his wife’s infidelity from circumftances too flight to
move any perfon lefs interefted.
If the news intereft us in fo low a degree as to give
place to reafon, the effeft will not be altogether the
fame : judging of the probability or improbability of
the ftory, the mind fettles in a rational conviction ei¬
ther that it is true or not. But even in that cafe, the
mind is not allow^ed to reft in that degree of convic¬
tion which is produced by rational evidence : if the
newrs be in any degree favourable, our belief is raifed
by hope to an improper height 5 and if unfavourable,
by fear.
This obfervation holds equally with refpeft to future
events: if a future event be either much wfifhed or dread¬
ed, the mind never fails to augment the probability be¬
yond truth.
That eafinefs of belief, with refpeCl: to wonders and
prodigies, even the moft abfurd and ridiculous, is a
ftrange phenomenon 5 becaufe nothing can be more
evident than the following propofition, That the more
lingular any event is, the more evidence is required to
produce belief: a familiar event daily occurring, being
in itfelf extremely probable, finds ready credit, and
therefore is vouched by the flighted: evidence j but to
overcome the improbability of a ftrange and rare event,
contrary to the courfe of nature, the verv ftrongeft evi¬
dence is required. It is certain, howrever, that won¬
ders and prodigies are fwallowed by the vulgar, upon
evidence that wrould not be fufficient to afeertain the
moft familiar occurrence. It has been reckoned diffi¬
cult to explain that irregular bias of mind j but we are
now made acquainted wuth the influence of paflion up¬
on opinion and belief; a ftory of ghofts or fairies, told
D 2 with
1
PAS [2
with an air;of gravity and truth, raifeth an emotion of
wonder, and perhaps of dread 5 and theie emotions im-
pofing on a weak mind, imprefs upon it a thorough
conviction contrary to reafon.
Opinion and belief are influenced by propenfity as
well as by paffion. An innate propenfity is all we have
to convince us that the operations of nature are uni¬
form : influenced by that propenfity, we often raflily
think, that good or bad weather will never have an
end 5 and in natural philofophy, 'writers, influenced by
the fame propenfity, ftretch commonly their analogical
reafonings beyond juft bounds. See Metaphysics,
N° 133, iJ4-
Opinion and belief are influenced by affedb’on as well
as by propenfity. The noted ftory of a fine lady and a
curate viewing the moon through a telefcope is a plea-
fant illuftration : “ I perceive (fays the lady) two fha-
dowrs inclining to each other j they are certainly two
happy lovers:” “ Not at all (replies the curate), they
are two fleeples of a cathedral.”
Language of P ASS JON. Among the particulars that
compofe the focial part of our nature, a propenfity to
communicate our opinions, our emotions, and every
thing that aftefts us, is remarkable. Bad fortune and
injuftice afiedl us greatly } and of thefe we are fo prone
to complain, that if we have no friend or acquaint¬
ance to take part in our fufferings, we lometimes utter
our complaints aloud, even where there are none to li-
ften.
But this propenfity operates not in every ftate of
mind. _ A man immoderately grieved, feeks to afflict
himfelf, rejecting all confolation : immoderate grief ac¬
cordingly is mute j complaining is Hniggling for confo¬
lation.
It is the wretch’s comfort ftiil to have
Some fmall referve of near and inward wm,
Some unfufpefted hoard of inward grief,
Which they unfeen may wail, and weep, and mourn,
And glutton-like alone devour.
Mourning Pride, act i. fc. 1.
When grief fubfides, it then, and no fooner, finds a
tongue : we complain, becaufe complaining is an effort
to difburden the mind of its diftrefs. it his oblervation
is finely illuftrated by a ftory -which Herodotus records,
book iii. Cambyfes, when he conquered Egypt, made
Pfammeticus the king prifoner } and for trying his con-
ftancy, ordertfi his daughter to be dreffed in the habit
/of a Have, and to be employed in bringing water from
the river j his fon alfo was led to execution with a halter
about his neck. The Egyptians vented their forrow in
tears and lamentations : Pfammeticus only, with a down-
caft eye, remained filent. Afterward meeting one of
his companions, a man advanced in years, who, being
plundered of all, was begging alms, he wept bitterly,
calling him by his name. Cambyfes, ftruck with won¬
der, demanded an anfwer to the following queftion :
Pfammeticus, thy mafter Cambyfes is defirous to
know, why, after thou hadft feen thy daughter fo igno-
minioufly treated, and thy fon led to execution, without
exclaiming or weeping, thou ftiouldft be fo highly con¬
cerned for a poor man noway related to thee ?” Pfam-
meticus returned the following anfwer : “ Son of Cyrus,
the calamities ol my family are too great to leave me
the power of weeping j but the misfortunes of a compa-
8 ] PAS
nion, reduced in his old age to want of bread, is a fit Paffion.
fubjedt for lamentation.”  v~**—•*'
Surprife and terror are filent paflions, for a different
reafon : they agitate the mind fo violently, as for a time
to fufpend the exercile of its faculties, and among others
the faculty of fpeech.
Love and revenge, when immoderate, are not more
loquacious than immoderate grief. But when thefe paf-
fions become moderate, they fet the tongue free, and,
like moderate grief, become loquacious. Moderate
love, when unfuccefsful, is vented in complaints; when
fucceisful, is full of joy expreffed by words and gef-
tures.
As no paflion hath any long uninterrupted exiftence,
nor beats always with an equal pulle, the language fug-
gefted by paflion is not only unequal but frequently in¬
terrupted ; and even during an uninterrupted fit of pah
fion, we only exprefs in words the more capital fenti-
ments. In familiar converfation, one who vents every
Angle thought, is juftly branded with the charadler of
loquacity; becaufe fenfible people exprefs no thoughts
but what make fome figure : in the fame manner, we
are only difpofed to exprefs the ftrongeft Jmpulfes of
paflion, efpecially when it returns with impetuolity after
interruption.
It is elfewhere obferved * that the fentiments ought * See the
to be tuned to the paflion, and the language to both, article Sen.
Elevated fentiments require elevated language: tender
fentiments ought to be clothed in words that are foft
and flowing : when the mind is depreffed with any paf¬
fion, the fentiments mull be expreffed in words that are
humble, not low. Words being intimately connected
with the ideas they reprefent, the greateft harmony is
required between them : to exprefs, for example, an
humble fentiment in high-founding words, is difagree-
able by a difeordant mixture of feelings ; and the dif-
cord is not lefs when elevated fentiments are drefied in
low words :
Verfibus exponi tragicis res comica non vult.
Indignatur item privatis ac prope focco
Dignis oarminibus narrari coena Thyefbe.
Horat. Ars Poet. 1. 89.
This, however, excludes not figurative expreflion, which,
within moderate bounds, communicates to the fentiment
an agreeable elevation. We are fenfible of an effeft di-
reftly oppofite, where figurative expreflion is indulged
beyond a juft meafure : the oppofition between the ex¬
preflion and the fentiment makes the difeord appear
greater than it is in reality.
At the fame time, figures are not equally the lan¬
guage of every paflion : pleafant emotions, which elevate
or fwell the mind, vent themfelves in ftrong epithets
and figurative expreflion 5 but humbling and difpiriting
paflions affeft to fpeak plain :
Et tragicus plerumque dolet fermone pedeftri.
Telephus et Peleus, cum pauper et exul uterque,
Projicit ampullas et fefquipedalia verba,
Si curat cor fpe&antis tetigiffe querela.
Horat. Ars Poet. 95.
Figurative expreflion, being the work of an enlivened
imagination, cannot be the language of anguilh or di¬
ftrefs. Otway, fenfible of this, has painted a feene of
diftrefs in colours finely adapted to the fubjefl : there is
fcarcely
Paflion.
PAS
Paflion. fcarcely a figure in it, except a (hort and natural fimile
— v with which the fpeech is introduced. Eelvidera, talking
to her father of her hulhand :
[ 29 1
PAS
And ye that live, and move, fair creatures! tell,
Tell, if ye faw, how came I thus, how here.—
Paradife Lqfl, viii. 273.
Think you faw what paft at our laft parting j
Think you beheld him like a raging lion.
Pacing the earth, and tearing up his fteps,
Fate in his eyes, and roaring with the pain
Of burning fury ; think you faw his one hand
Fix’d on my throat, while the extended other
Grafp’d a keen threat’ning dagger : oh, ’twas thus
We laft embrac’d, when, trembling with revenge,
He dragg’d me to the ground, and at my bofom
Prefented horrid death j cry’d out, My friends !
Where are my friends ? fwore, wept, rag’d, threaten’d,
lov’d ;
For he yet lov’d, and that dear love preferv’d me
To this laft trial of a father’s pity.
I fear not death, but cannot bear a thought
That that dear hand ftiould do th’ unfriendly office.
If I was ever then your care, now hear me j
Fly to the fenate, fave the promis’d lives /
Of his dear friends, ere mine be made the facrifice.
Venice Preferv'd^ aft v.
  Both have finn’d ! but thou
Againft God only ; I, ’gainft God and thee :
And to the place of judgement will return j
There with my cries importune Heav’n, that all
The fentence, from thy head remov’d, may light
On me, foie eaufe to thee of all this wo }
Me ! me ! only juft objeft of his ire.
Paradife Lq/l, x. 930.
In general, the language of violent paffion ought to
be broken and interrupted. Soliloquies ought to be fo
in a peculiar manner : language is intended by nature
for fociety 5 and a man when alone, though he always
clothes his thoughts in words, feldom gives his words
utterance, unlefs when prompted by fome ftrong emo¬
tion 5 and even then by ftarts and intervals only.
Shakefpeare’s foliloquies may be juftly eftabliffied as a
model for it is not eafy to conceive any model more
perfeft. Of his many incomparable foliloquies, the two
following only (hall be quoted, being different in their
manner.
To preferve the forefaid refemblance between words
and their meaning, the fentiments of aftive and hurry¬
ing paffions ought to be dreffed in words where fyllables
prevail that are pronounced ftiort or faft ; for thefe make
an impreffion of hurry and precipitation. Emotions, on
the other hand, that reft upon their objefts, are beft ex-
preffed by words where fyllables prevail that are pro¬
nounced long or flow. A perfon affefted with melan¬
choly, has a languid and flow train of perceptions. The
expreffion beft fuited to that ftate of mind, is where
w ords, not only of long, but of many fyllables, abound
in the compofition ; and for that reafon, nothing can be
finer than the following paffage :
In thofe deep folitudes, and awful cells,
Where heav’nly-penfive Contemplation dwells.
And ever-mufing Melancholy reigns.
Pope, Eloifa to Abelard.
To preferve the fame refemblance, another circumftance
is requifite, that the language, like the emotion, be
rough or fmpoth, broken or uniform. Calm and fweet
emotions are beft expreffed by words that glide foftly :
furprife, fear, and other turbulent paffions, require an
expreffion both rough and broken.
It cannot have efcaped any diligent inquirer into na¬
ture, that, in the hurry of paffion, one generally expref-
fes that thing firft which is moft at heart \ which is
beautifully done in the following paffage :
Me, me ; adfum qui feci: in me convertite ferrum,
O Rutuli, mea fraus omnis. JEneid. ix. 427.
Paffion has often the effeft of redoubling words, the
better to make them exprefs the ftrong conception of
the mind. This is finely imitated in the following ex¬
amples.
 -Thou fun, faid I, fair light!
And thou enlighten’d earth, fo frefh and gay !
Ye hills and dales, ye rivers, woods, and plains!
Hamlet. Oh, that this too, too folid fleffi would.
melt.
Thaw7, and refolve itfelf into a dew !
Or that the Everlafting had not fix’d
His canon ’gainft felf-flaughter ! O God ! O God!
How7 weary, ftale, flat, and unprofitable,
Seem to me all the ufes of this w7orld !
Fie on’t ! O fie! ’tis an unweeded garden,
That grow7s to feed : things rank and grofs in nature
Poffefs it merely. That it ftiould come to this!
But twro months dead ! nay, not fo much ; not two—
So excellent a king, that was, to this,
Hyperion to a fatyr : fo loving to my mother,
That he permitted not the winds of heav’n
Vifit her face too roughly. Heav’n and earth !
Muft I remember—why, ffie would hang on him.
As if increafe of appetite had grown
By what it fed on : yet, within a month 
Let me not think—Frailty, thy name is Woman !
A little month ! or ere thofe ftioes wrere old,
With w7hich die follow’d my poor father’s body,
Like Niobe, all tears ■ why ffie, ev’n ffie
(O heav’n ! a beaft, that wants difcourfe of reafon,
Would have mourn’d longer—) married with mine-
uncle,
My father’s brother 5 but no more like my father
Than I to Hercules. Within a month !— 
Ere yet the fait of moft unrighteous tears
Had left the fluffiing in her galled eyes.
She married Oh, moft wicked fpeed, to poft
With fuch dexterity to inceftuous ffieets !
It is not, nor it cannot come to good.
But break, my heart, for I muft hold my tongue.
Hamlet, aft i. fc. 3,
“ Ford. Hum ! ha ! is this a vifion ? is this a dream ?
“ do I fleep ? Mr Ford, awake; awake, Mr Ford ;
“ there’s a hole made in your beft coat, Mr Ford ! this
“ "tis to be married ! this ’tis to have linen and buck'
“ balkets ! Well, I will proclaim myfelf what I am;
“ am y-
PAS [ 30 -] PAS
Paflion. “ I vvill now tkke the leacher ; he is at my houfej
"" 'r~ " “ he cannot ’fcape me; ’tis impoflible he fhould 5 he
“ cannot creep into a halfpenny purfe, nor into a pepper-
“ box. But left the devil that guides him fhould aid
“ him, I will fearch impoffible places j tho’ what I am
“ I cannot avoid, yet to be what I would not, {hall not
“ make; me tame.”
Merry Wives af Windfor, afl iii. fc. laft;
Thefe foliloquies are accurate and bold copies of na¬
ture : in a paftionate foliloquy one begins with think¬
ing aloud, and the ftrongeft feelings only are expref-
fed} as the fpeaker warms, he begins to imagine one
liftening, and gradually Hides into a connedled dif-
courfe.
How far diftant are foliloquies generally from thefe
models ? So far indeed as to give difguft inftead of plea-
fure. The firft fcene of Iphigenia in Tauris difcovers
that princefs, in a foliloquy, gravely reporting to her-
felf her own hiftory. There is the fame impropriety in
the firft fcene of Alceftes, and in the other introduftions
of Euripides, alraoft without exception. Nothing can
be more ridiculous •, it puts one in mind of a moft curi¬
ous device in Gothic paintings, that of making every fi¬
gure explain itfelf by a written label ifiuing from its
mouth. The defcription which a parafite, in the Eu¬
nuch of Terence (aft ii. fc. 2.) gives of himfelf, makes
a fprightly foliloquy : but if is not confiftent with the
rules of propriety ; for no man, in his ordinary ftate of
mind and upon a familiar fubjeft, ever thinks of talking
aloud to himfelf. The fame objeftion lies againft a fo¬
liloquy in the Adelphi of the fame author (aft i. fc. 1.).
The foliloquy which makes the third fcene, aft third of
his Heicyra, is infufferable *, for there Pamphilus, fober-
ly and circumftantially, relates to himfelf an adventure
which had happened to him a moment before.
Corneille is unhappy in his foliloquies: Take for a
fpecimen the firft fcene of Cinna.
Racine is extremely faulty in the fame refpeft. His
foliloquies are regular harangues, a chain completed in
every link, without interruption or interval: that of
Antiochus in Berenice (aft i. fc. 2.) referable^ a regu¬
lar pleading, where the parties pro and con dilplay
their arguments at full length. The following folilo¬
quies are equally faulty : Baja%et, aft iii, fc. 7. •, Mi-
thridate, aft iii. fc. 4. and aft iv. fc. c.: Iphivenia.
aft iv. fc. 8.
Soliloquies upon lively or interefting fubjefts, but
without any turbulence of paftion, may be carried on in
a continued chain of thought. If, for example, the na¬
ture and fprightlinefs of the fubjeft prompt a man to
fpeak his thoughts in the form of a dialogue, the ex-
preffion muft be carried on without break or interrup¬
tion, as in a dialogue between two perfons j which juf-
tifies Falftaff’s foliloquy upon honour :
“ What need I be fo forward with Death, that calls
“ not on me ? Well, ’tis no matter, Honour pricks me
“ on. But how if Honour prick me off, when I come
u on ? how then ? Can honour fet a leg ? No. Or an
“ arm ? No. Or take away the grief of an wound ?
“ No. Honour hath no fkill in furgery then ? No.
“ What is Honour ? A word.—What is that word ho-
* nour ? Air 5 a trim reckoning.—Who hath it ? He
w that dy’d a Wednefday. Doth he feel it ? No.
s ^ Doth he hear it ? No. Is it infenfible then ? Yea,
3
“ to the dead. But •will it not live with the living ? Paflion.
“ No. Why ? Detraftion will not fuffer it. Therefore
“ I’ll none of it; honour is a mere fcutcheon : and fo
“ ends my catechifm.”
Firjl Part, Henry IV. aft v. fc. 2. '
And even without dialogue a continued difcourfe may
be juftified, where a man reafons in a foliloquy upon an
important fubjeft $ for if in fuch a cafe it be at all ex-
cufable to think aloud, it is neceffary that the reafoning
be carried on in a chain j which juftifies that admirable
foliloquy in Hamlet upon life and immortality, being a
ferene meditation upon the moft interefting of all fub¬
jefts. And the fame confideration will juftify the foli¬
loquy that introduces the 5th aft of Addifon’s Cato.
Language ought not to be elevated above the tone of
the fentiment.
Zara. Swift as occafion I
Myfelf will fly ; and earlier than the morn
Wake thee to freedom. Now ’tis late ; and yet
Some news few minutes paft arriv’d, which feem’d
To (hake the temper of the king Who knows
What racking cares difeafe a monarch’s bed ?
Or love, that late at night ftill lights his lamp,
And ftrikes his rays through dulk, and folded lidsr
Forbidding reft, may ftretch his eyes awake,
And force their balls abroad at this dead hour.
I’ll try. Mourning Bride, aft iii. fc. 4.
The language here is undoubtedly too pompous and la¬
boured for deferibing fo fimple a circumftance as abfence
of fleep. In the following paffage, the tone of the lan¬
guage, warm and plaintive, is well fuited to the paflion,
which is recent grief: but every one will be fenfible,
that in the laft couplet fave one the tone is changed,
and the mind fuddenly elevated to be let fall as fuddenly
in the laft couplet:
II detefte a jamais fa coupable viftoire,
II renonce a la cour, aux humains, a la gloire j
Et fe fuiant lui-meme, au milieu des deferts,
II va cacher fa peine au bout de 1’univers ;
La, foil que le fol'eil rendit le jour au monde.
Soil qu’i.lJinit fa courfe au vajle fein de Ponde,
Sa voix faifoit redire aux echos attendris,
Le nom, le trifle nom, de fon malheureux fils.
Henriade, chant, viii. 229.
Light and airy language is unfuitable to a fevere paf-
fion.
Imagery and figurative expreflxon are difeordant, in
the higheft degree, with the agony of a mother, who
is deprived of two hopeful fons by a brutal murder.
Therefore the following paffage is undoubtedly in a bad
tafte :
Queen. Ah, my poor princes ! ah, my tender babes!
My unblown flowers, new appearing fweets !
If yet your gentle fouls fly in the air,
And be not fixt in doom perpetual,
Hover about me with your airy wings,
And hear your mother’s lamentation.
Richard III. aft iv. fc. 4.
Again :
K. Philip. You are as fond of grief as of your child.
Conjlance. Grief fills the room up of my abfent child,
Lies
Paflion.
PAS [3
Paffion. Li( » m his bed, walks up and down with me,
Puts on his pretty looks, repeats his words,
Remembers me of all his gracious parts,
Stuffs out his vacant garment with his form j
Then have I reafon to be fond of grief.
K. John, aft iii. fc. 9.
Thoughts that turn upon the exprefaon inftead. of
the fubject, commonly called a play of words, being
low and childifh, are unworthy of any compofition,
whether gay or ferious, that pretends to any degree of
elevation.
In the Amynta of Taffo, the lover falls into a mere
play of vrords, demanding how he who had loft himfelf,
could find a miftrefs. And for the fame reaion, the
following paffage in Corneille has been generally con¬
demned :
Chimene. Mon pere eft mort, Elvire, et la premiere
epee
Dont s’eft armee Rodrigue a fa trame coupee.
Pleurez, pleurez, mes yeux, et fondez-vous en caux,
La moietie de ma vie a mis Pautre au tombeau,
Et m’oblige a venger, apres ce coup funefte,
Celle que je n’ai plus, fur celle que me refte.
CUl, aft iii. fc. 3.
To die is to be banifti’d from myfelf:
And Sylvia is myfelf: baniftr’d from her,
Is felf from felf} a deadly banilhment!
'I'wo Gentlemen of Verona, aft iii. fc. 3.
Countefs. I pray thee, Lady, have a better cheer :
If thou engroffeft all the griefs as thine,
Thou robb’ft me of a moiety.
AlVs well that ends well, aft iii. fc. 3.
K. Henry. O my poor kingdom, lick with civil
blows !
When that my care could not withhold thy riots,
llVhat wilt thou do when riot is thy care ?
O, thou wilt be a wildernefs again,
Peopled with wolves, thy old inhabitants.
Second Part, Henry IV. aft iv. fc. II.
Cruda Amarilli, die col nome ancora
D'amar, ahi laffo, amaramente infegni.
P aft or Fido, aft I. fc. 2.
Antony, fpeaking of Julius Caefar :
O world ! thou waft the foreft of this hart 5
And this, indeed, O world, the heart of thee.
How like a deer, ftricken by many princes,
Doit thou here lie ! Julius Cafar, aft iii. fc. 3.
i ] PAS
I do proleft, I never lov’d myfelf
Till now infixed I beheld myfelf
Drawn in the flatt’ring table of her eye.
Faulconbridgc. Drawn in the flatt’ring table of her
eye!
Hang’d in the frowning wrinkle of her brow !
And quarter’d in her heart ! he doth elpy
Himfelf Love’s traitor : this is pity now,
That hang’d, and drawn, andsquarter’d there ftiould be.
In fuch a love fo vile a lout as he.
King John, aft ii. fc. 5.
A jingle of words is the loweft fpecies of that low
wit, which is fcarcely fufferable in any cafe, and leaft of
all in an heroic poem : and yet Milton in fome inftances
has defcended to that puerility :
And brought into the world a world of wo.
 Begirth th’ Almighty throne
Befeeching or befieging 
Which tempted our attempt 
At one flight bound high overleap’d all bound.
  With a fhout
Loud as from numbers without number.
One ftiould think it unneceffary to enter a caveat-
againft an expreflion that has no meaning, or no diftinfl
meaning •, and yet fomewhat of that kind may be found
even among good writers.
Sebaftian. I beg no pity for this mould’ring clay.
For if you give it burial, there it takes
Poffefiion of your earth :
If burnt and fcatter’d in the air •, the winds
That ftrow my dull, diffufe my royally,
And fpread me o’er your clime •, for where one atom
Of mine ftiall light, know there Sebaftian reigns.
Dry DEN, Don Sebaftian King of Portugal, afl i,
Cleopatra. Now, what news, my Charmion ?
Will he be kind ? and will he not forfake me ?
Am I to live or die ? nay, do I live ?
Or am I dead ? for when he gave his anfwer,
Fate took the word, and then I liv’d or dy’d.
Dryden, All for Low, afl ii.
If fhe be cov, and fcorn my noble fire,
If her chill heart I catmot move ;
Why, I’ll enjoy the very love,
And make a millrefs of my own defire.
Cowley, poem infcribed “ The Requeft.”
His whole poem infcribed My Piciurc is a jargon of.
the fame kind.
Playing thus with the found of words, which is Hill
worfe than a pun, is the meanelf of all conceits. But
Shakefpeare, when he defcends to a play of words,
is not always in the wrong ", for it is done fometimes to
denote a peculiar charafler, as in the following paf¬
fage :
K. Philip. What fay’ft thou, boy ? look in the lady’s
face.
Lewis. I do, my Lord, and in her eye I find
A -wonder, or a wond’rous miracle ;
The fhadow of myfelf form’d in her eye *,
Which being but the flradow of your fon,
Becomes a fon, and makes your fon a flvadow.
  -’Tis he, they cry, by whom
Not men, but war ilfelf is overcome.
Indian -‘fueen.
Such empty expreflions are finely ridiculed in the Re-
hearfal.
Was’t not unjuft to ravifh hence her breath,
And in life’s Head to leave us nought but death ?
Afl iv. fc. I.
Passions, in Medicine, make one of the non-natu¬
rals, and produce very fenfible effefts. Joy, anger, and
fear, are the principal. In the two firft, the fpirits are
hurried with too great vivacity j whereas, in fear or
dread,
PAS [ ;
i P;i^1'’ri- dread, they are as it were curbed and concentrated •
whence we may conclude, that they have a very bad ef¬
fect upon health 5 and therefore it will be belt to keep
them within bounds as much as poflible, and to preferve
an inward ferenity, calmnefs, and tranquillity.
Passions, in Painting, are the external expreflions of
the different dffpofitions and affedlions of the mind 5 but
particularly their different effects upon the feveral fea-
tuies ol the face : for though the arms, and indeed eve-
* See Ora- ry part of the body*, ferve likewife, by their quick,
tory, N° languid, and variouffy diverfified motions, to exprefs the
so> 37- paflions of the foul 5 yet, in painting, this difference is
molt confpicuous in the face. See Painting, and
Drawing, § 8.
As we have given engravings of Le Brun’s drawings
of the paflions, vC% thall here fubjoin the account which
he has given of each of thefe heads.
Plates I* ^le effefts of attention are, to make the eyebrows
CCCC V, link and approach the fides of the nofe} to turn the
*nd eyeballs toward the objedt that caufes it; to open the
mouth, and efpecially the upper part; to decline the
head, a little, and fix it without any other remarkable al¬
teration.
2. Admiration caufes but little agitation in the mind,
and theretore alters but very little the parts of the face j
neverthelefs the eyebrow rifes j the eye opens a little
more than ordinary} the eyeball placed equally be¬
tween the eyelids appears fixed on the objeft; the
mouth half opens, and makes no fenfible alteration in
the cheeks.
.3* 1 he motions that accompany admiration with afio-
nijhment are hardly different from thofe of Ample admi¬
ration, only they are more lively and ftronger marked;
the eyebrows more elevated 5 the eyes more open ; the
eyeball fuither fiom the lowrer eyelid, and more fteadily
fixed : The mouth is more open, and all the parts in a
much ftronger emotion.
4. Admiration begets efteem, and this produces vene¬
ration, which, when it has for its objedt fomething di¬
vine or beyond our comprehenfion, makes the face de¬
cline, and the eyebrows bend dowrn } the eyes are almoft
tout and fi.ted : the mouth is fluit. Thefe motions are
gentle, and produce but little alteration in the other-
parts.
5* Although rapture has the lame objedt as venera¬
tion, only confidered in a different manner, its motions
are not the fame ; the head inclines to the left fide •,
the eyeballs and eyebrows rife diredlly up 5 the mouth
half opens, and the tw-o corners are alfo a little turned
up : the other parts remain in their natural ftate.
o. Hie pafiion of dejire brings the eyrebrowTs clofe to¬
gether and forwards toward the eyes, which are more
open than ordinary : the eyeball is inflamed, and places
itielf in the middle of the eye ; the noftrils rife up, and
are contrafted towards the eyes; the mouth half opens,
and the fpmts being in motion give a lively glow-in
colour. *
7; Very little.alteration is remarked in the face of
thole that reel w-ithin themfelves the fwcetnefs of joy, or
joy with tranquillity.. The forehead is ferene ; the eye¬
brow without motion, elevated in the middle ; the eve
prelt_y open and with a laughing air ; the eyeball lively
and mining ; the corners of the mouth turn up a little :
tne complexion is lively 5 the cheeks and lips are red.
2 ] PAS
8.. Laughter, which is produced by joy mixed with
furprife, makes the eyebrow rife towards the middle of
the eye, and bend towards the fides of the nofe ; the
eyes are almoft Ihut, and fometimes appear wet, or Ihed
tears, which make no alteration in the face ; the mouth
half open, lhowTs the teeth j the corners of the mouth
drawn back, caufe a wrinkle in the cheeks, which ap¬
pear fo fwelled as to hide the eyes in fome meafure j
the noftrils are open^ and all the face is of a red co¬
lour.
9. Acute pain makes the .eyebrows approach one an¬
other, and rile towrards the middle 5 the eyeball is hid
undei the eyebrows j the noftrils rile and make a wrinkle
in the cheeks 5 the mouth half opens and draws back :
all the parts of the face are agitated in proportion to the
violence of the pain.
10. Simple bodily pain produces proportionally the
fame motions as the laft, but not fo ftrong : The eye¬
brows do not approach and rife fo much ; the eyeball
appear? fixed on fome objedt; the noftrils rife, but the
wrinkles in the cheeks are lefs perceivable 5 the lips are
further alunder tow-ards the middle, and the mouth is
half open.
11. The dejedtion that is produced by fadnefs makes
the eyebrows rife towards the middle of the forehead
more than towards the cheeks j the eyeball appears full
of perturbation; the white of the eye is yellow- ; the
eyelids are drawn down, and a little Iwelled ; all about
the eyes is livid j the noftrils are drawn downw-ard 5 the
mouth is half open, and the corners are draw-n down j
the head carelefsly leaning on one of the flioulders : the
face is of a lead colour *, the lips pale.
12. C he alterations that weeping occafions are ftrong.
ly marked : The eyebrows fink doxvn towards the mid¬
dle of the forehead ; the eyes are almoft clofed, w-et, and
drawn dow-n tow-ards the cheeks j the noftrils fwellcd \
the mufcles and veins of the forehead appear ; the mouth
is fhut, and the fides of it are drawn down, making
wrinkles on the cheeks j the under lip pufhed out, pref-
fes the upper one : - all the face is wrinkled and contract¬
ed ; its colour is red, efpecially about the eyebrows, the
eyes, the nofe, and the cheeks.
13. The lively attention to the misfortunes of another,
which is called compajjton, caufes the eyebrows to fink
towards the middle of the forehead ; the eyeball to lie
fixed upon the objeft 5 the fides of the noftrils next the
nofe to be a little elevated, making wrinkles in the
cheeks; the mouth to be open ; the upper lip to be lift¬
ed up and thruft forwards 5 the mufcles and all the parts
of the face finking down and turning tow ards the object
which excites the paflion.
14. The motions of/corn are lively and ftrong: The
forehead is w-rinkled ; the eyebrow is knit; the fide of
it next the nole finks down, and the other fide nfes ve¬
ry much ; the eye is very open, and the eyeball is in
the middle ; the noftrils rife, and draw- towards the eyes,
and make wrinkles in the cheeks; the mouth Units, its
fides finking down, and the under-lip is puftied out be¬
yond the upper one.
15. An obje£t defpifed fometimes caufes horror, and
then the eyebrow- knits, and finks a great deal more.
Ihe eyeball, placed at the bottom of the eye, is half co¬
vered by the low-er eyelid the mouth is half open, but
clofer in the middle than the fides, which being drawn
back,
PafTion.
2
V.
PAS’S/ OXS.
/^y
* /(/tn/rwfu '/i
- ' steeM
Plate CCrC\'.
• f.j/r /im/ me n/
PASSIONS.
PUtp ccccvi.
Paffion
li
Paflive.
U— 
PAS [ 33 ] PAS
back, makes wrinkles in the cheeks; the face grows
pale, and the eyes become livid j the mufcles and the
, veins are marked.
16. The violence of terror or fright, alters all the
parts of the face ; the eyebrow7 rifes in the middle;
its mufcles are marked, fwelled, preffed one againft
the other, and funk towards the nofe, which draws up as
well as the noftrils j the eyes are very open; the upper
eyelid is hid under the eyebrow ; the white of the eye
is encompaffed with red 5 the eyeball fixes toward the
lowrer part of the eye; the low'er part of the eyelid
fwells and becomes livid j the mufcles of the nofe and
cheeks fwell, and thefe lafi: terminate in a point toward
the fides of the noftrils 5 the mouth is very open, and its
corners very apparent •, the mufcles and veins of the
neck ftretched ; the hair ftands on end j the colour of
the face, that is, the end of the nofe, the lips, the ears,
and round the eyes, is pale and livid j and all ought to
be ftrongly marked.
17. The effects of anger {how7 its nature. The eyes
become red and inflamed $ the eyeball is flaring and
fparkling 5 the eyebrows are fometimes elevated and
fometimes funk down equally: the forehead is very much
wrinkled, with wrinkles between the eyes; the noftrils
are open and enlarged : the lips prefling againft one ano¬
ther, the under one riling over the upper one leaves the
corners of the mouth a little open, making a cruel and
difdainful grin.
18. Hatred or jealoufy wrinkles the forehead j the
eye brows are funk down and knit 5 the eyeball is
half hid under the eyebrows, which turn towards the
objeft 5 it fhould appear full of fire, as well as the white
of the eye and the eyelid; the noftrils are pale, open,
more marked than ordinary, and drawn backward fo
as to make wrinkles in the cheeks j the mouth is fo
ftiut as to (how the teeth are clofed 5 the corners of
the mouth are drawn back and very much funk ; the
mufcles of the jawT appear funk 5 the colour of the face
is partly inflamed and partly yellowifti} the lips pale or
livid.
19. As defpair is extreme, its motions are fo likewife 5
the forehead wrinkles from the top to the bottom j the
eyebrows bend down over the eyes, and prefs one ano¬
ther on the fides of the nofe 5 the eye feems to be on
fire, and full of blood •, the eyeball is difturbed, hid un¬
der the eyebrow7, fparkling and uYifixed 5 the eyelid is
fw7elled and livid} the noftrils are large, open, and lift-
ed up $ the end of the nofe finks down \ the mufcles,
tendons, and veins, are fwelled and ftretched \ the upper
part of the cheeks is large, marked, and narrow towards
the jaw7; the mouth drawn backwards is more open at
the fides than in the middle ; the lower lip is large and
turned out ; they gnalh their teeth 5 they foam ; they
bite their lips, which are pale ; as is the reft of the face j
the hair is ftraight and ftands on end.
PASSWN-FIower. See Passiflora, Botany In¬
dex.
PASSION-Week, the wTeek immediately preceding the
feftival of Eafter j fo called, becaufe in that week
our Saviour’s paflion and death happened. The Thurf-
day of this week is called Maunday Thurfday; the
Friday, Good Friday; and the Saturday, the Great
Sabbath.
PASSIVE, in general, denotes fomething that fuf-
fers the aftion of another, called an agent or aliive power.
VOL. XVI. Part I.
In grammar, the verb or w7ord that exprefles this paflion
is termed a pajjiye verb : which, in the learned langua¬
ges, has a peculiar termination } as amor, doceor, &c. in
Latin ; that is an r is added to the aftives amo, doceo :
and, in the Greek, the inflexion is made by changin, a>
into opcti ; as rvirlu, TVTrloftcti, &c. But in the modern
languages, the paflive inflexion is performed by means
of auxiliary verbs, joined to the participle of the paft
tenfe $ as, “ I am praifed,” in Latin laudor, and in
Greek iTrotimpM ; or, “ I am loved,” in Latin amor,
and in Greek qntetpou. Thus it appears that the auxili¬
ary verb am, ferves to form the paflives of Englifti
verbs : and the fame holds of the French j as, Je fuis
loue, “ I am praifed j” fai ete loue, “ I have been prai¬
fed,” &c. See Grammar.
Passive Title, in Scots Law. See Law, Part III.
N° clxxx. 30.
PASSIVE Obedience, a political doflrine which has
been much mifreprefented, and is, of courfe, very ob¬
noxious to the friends of freedom. Some nonjurors, in
the end of the laft and in the beginning of the palling
century, imagining that monarchy is the only law7ful
form of government, and that hereditary monarchy is
the only lawful fpecies of that government, have coupled
w7ith paflive obedience the ridiculous notion of a divine,
hereditary, indefeafible right of certain families to go¬
vern with defpotic fway all other families of the fame
nation. The abfurdity of this notion needs not to be
dwelt upon j but it may not be improper, to obferve,
that it has nothing to do writh paflive obedience.
As taught by the ableft reafoners, who think that
they are fupported by the holy fcripture, paflive obedi¬
ence is as much a duty under republican as under mo¬
narchical governments; and it means no more, but that
private individuals are bound by the moft folemn moral
ties not to refill the fupreme pow7er vvherefoever placed
in any nation. The fupreme power can only be the le-
gillature ; and no man or body of men, who have not
the powrer of enafting and abrogating law7s can, on this
principle, claim paflive obedience from any fubjett.
Whether the principle be well or ill founded, the ab¬
furdity which commonly attaches to the phrafe pajjive
obedience, originates from the miftaken loyalty of the
adherents of the houfe of Stuart, who to aggravate the
illegality of the revolution, were w7ont to reprefent
James II. as fupreme over both houfes of parliament,
and of courfe over all law. That fuch reveries w7ere
foolilh, w7e need no farther evidence than the ftatute-
book, which Ihows, that in the office of legiflation, the
king, lords, and commons, are co-ordinate; and that
when any one of thefe powers lhall take upon itfelf to
counteraft the other twro, the duty of paflive obedience
will oblige the fubjeft to fupport the legiflature. That
refiftance to the legiflature, if lawful on any occafion,
can be fo only to oppofe the moft violent tyranny, has
been ftiown by Mr Hume with great cogency of argu¬
ment, and is indeed a propofition felf-evident. That it
can never be lawful on any occafion, Biffiop Berkeley-
endeavoured to prove by a chain of reafoning which
it would be difficult to break. We enter not into
the controverfy, but refer our readers to Hume’s Ef-
fays and Berkeley’s Paflive Obedience and Nonrefift-
ance, or, as it was intitled by a late editor, The Mea-
fure of Submiflion to Civil Government. Weihall on¬
ly obferve, that there is a great difference between
Paffive
II
Paffive
Obedience.
P AS [ 34 ] PAS
Paflive acllve and pajjlve obedience j and that many who con-
Gbedier.ee fj^er themfelves as bound on no account whatever to rc-
Pij'lver f1 ft ^ie ^uPreme power, would yet fuffer death rather
w—v— than do an immoral aftion in obedience to any law7 of
earthly origin.
PASSIVE Prayer, among the mystic divines, is a total
fufpenfton or ligatutre of the inteile&ual faculties ; in
virtue whereof, the foul remains of itfelf, and as to its
owm pow7er, impotent with regard to the producing of
any effe£ts. The paflive ftate, according to Fenelon, is
only paflive in the fame fenfe as contemplation is, i. e. it
does not exclude peaceable, diflnterefted afts, but only
unquiet ones, or fuch as tend to our own intereft. In
the paflive ftate, the foul has not properly any aftivity,
and fenfation, of its own : it is a mere infinite flexibility
of the foul, to which the feeblcfi: impulfe of grace gives
.motion.
PASSOVER, a folemn fefiival of the Jew7s, inflitu-
- t-ed in commemoration of their coming out of Egypt j
becaufe the night before their departure, the deftroying
angel, who put to death the firfbborn of the Egyptians,
4>afled over the houfes of the Hebrew's, without entering
therein, becaufe they w7ere marked with the blood of
the lamb which w7as killed the evening before, and which
for this reafon w7as called the pafchal lamb. This feaft:
was called pafeha by the old Greeks and Romans •, not
wre prefume from “ I fuffer,” as Chryfoftom, Ire-
nseus, and Tertullian, fuppofe, 1-4 t from the Hebrew
word pefah, paffage, leap. The following is wfliat God
ordained concerning the paflbver of the Jews, (Exod.
xii.). The month of the coming forth from Egypt wTas
looked upon from this time to be the firft month of the
facred or ecclefiaftical year, and the fourteenth day of
this month, between the tw7o vefpers, that is, between
the fun’s decline and his fetting : or rather, according
-to our manner of reckoning, between twTo o’clock in
the afternoon and fix o’clock in the evening at the equi-
1 nox, they w7ere to kill the pafchal lamb, and to abftain
from leavened bread. The day following being the fif¬
teenth, counting from fix o’clock of the foregoing even¬
ing, which concluded the fourteenth, w7as the grand
feaft of the pafibver, which continued feven days. Rut
it was only the firft and the feventh day that were fo¬
lemn. The lamb that was killed ought to be without
any defeft, a male, and yeaned that year. If no lamb
could be found, they might take a kid. They killed a
lamb or a kid in every family •, and if the number of
thofe that lived in the houfe was not fufficient to eat a
lamb, they might join’two houfes together. With the
blood of the pafchal lamb they fprinkled the door-pofts
and lintel of every houfe, that the deftroying angel, at
i he fight of the blood, might-pafs over them, and fave
the Hebrew children. They w7ere to eat the lamb the
fame night that followed the facrifice ; they ate it roaft-
ed, with unleavened bread, and a falad of wild lettuce.
The Hebrew7 fays literally, with bitter things, as fuppofe
inuftard, or any thing of this nature to give a relifh. It
was forbid to eat any part of it raw, or boiled in water,
nor wrere they to break a bone, (Exod. vii. 46. Numb,
ix. 12. John xix. 36.) ; and if any thing remained to
the day following, it was thrown into the fire. They
that ate it were to be in the pofture of travellers, ha¬
ving their reins girt, their {hoes on their feet, their Haves
in their hands, and eating in a hurry. But this daft part
.of the eeremony was but little obferved, at leaft it was
of no obligation, but only upon that night they came Paflov
forth out of Egypt. For the whole eight days of the
paflbver no leavened bread wTas to be ufed •, and who¬
ever fhould eat any, w7as threatened to be cut off
from his people. With regard to the ceremonies which
are obferved in relation to the bread, fee the article
Bread.
They keep the firft and laft day of the feaft, yet fo
as that it wxis allowed to drefs vidtuals, which was for¬
bidden on the Sabbath-day. The obligation of keeping
the paflbver w7as fo ft rift, that whoever flrculd neglect to
doit, was condemned to death, (Numb. ix. 13.). But
thofe who had any lawful impediment, as a journey,
ficknefs, or any uncleannefs, voluntary or involuntary j
for example, thofe that had been prefent at a funeral, or
by any other accident had been defiled, wrere to defer
the celebration of the pafibver till the fecond month of
the ecclefiaftical year, or to the fourteenth day of the
month Jair, which anfwers to April and May. It was
thus the Lord ordered Mofes, upon the occafion of the
inquiry of feme Ifraelites, who had been obliged to pay
their laft offices to feme of their relations, and who be¬
ing thus polluted, were not capable of partaking of the
pafchal facrifice, (2 Chr. xxx. 1, 2, &c.) The modern
Jeu7s obferve in general the lame ceremonies that were
praftifed by their anceftors, in the celebration of the
paflbver. On the fourteenth of Nifan, the firft-born fall
in memory of God’s fmiting the firft-born of the Egyp¬
tians. The morning prayers are the fame with thofe
faid on other feftivais. They take the r®ll of the pen-
tateuch out of the cheft, and read as far as the end of
the twelfth chapter of Exodus, and what is contained
in the eighteenth chapter of Numbers, relating to the
pafibver. The matron of the family then fpreads a ta¬
ble, and fets on it two unleavened cakes, and two pieces
of the lamb, a (boulder boiled and another roafted, to
put them in mind that God delivered them with a
ftretched-out arm. To this they add feme fmall fiffies,
becaufe of the leviathan ) a hard egg, becaufe of the
ziz ; feme meal, becaufe of the behemoth, fifihefe three
animals being appointed for the feaft of the eleft in the
other life) ; and peas and nuts for the children, to pro¬
voke their curiofity to a(k the reafon of this ceremony.
They likewife ufe a kind of muftard, w7hich has the ap¬
pearance of mortar:, to reprefent their making bricks in
Egypt. The father of the family fits down with his
children and (laves, becaufe on this day all are free.
Being fet down, he takes bitter herbs, and dips them in
the muftard, then eats them, and diftributes to the reft.
Then they eat of -the lamb, the hiftory and inftitution
of wffiich is at that time recited by the mafter of the fa¬
mily. The whole repaft is attended with hymns and
prayers. They pray for the prince under whofe domi¬
nion they live, according to the advice of Jeremiah
(xxix. 7.), “ Seek the peace of the city whither I have
caufed you to be carried away captives, and pray unto
the Lord for it: for in the peace thereof (hall ye have
peace.” See the article Feast, &c. The fame things
are put in praftice the two following days; and the fe-
ftival is concluded by the ceremony habdala or diftinc-
tion. This ceremony is performed at the doling of the
Sabbath-day, at which time the mafter of the houfe pro¬
nounces certain benediftions, accompanied with certain
formalities, requefting that every thing may fucceed w7ell
the week following. After going out of the fynagogue,
■* —1 lVlP-17
PAS [ 35 ] P AS
Paffbver, they then eat leavened bread for the laft time. (Leo of
Paffport. Modena, p. iii. c. 3. and the Rabbins.) While the tem-
v—pie was ftanding, they brought their lambs thither, and
facrificed them, offering the blood to the prieft, who
poured it out at the foot of the altar. The paifover
was typically predictive of Chrilt our chriftian paffover,
(1 Cor. v. 7.). As the deitroying angel pafled over the
houfes marked with the blood of the pafchal lamb, fo
the wrath of God paffes over them whole fouls are
fpririkled with the blood of Chrift. The pafchal lamb
was killed before Ifrael was delivered, fo it is neceffary
Chrift fliould fuffer before we could be redeemed. It
was killed before Mofes’s law or Aaron’s facrifices were
enjoined, to fliow that deliverance comes to mankind by
none of them } but only the true paflbver, that Lamb
of God flain from the foundation of the world, (Rom.
iii. 25. Heb. ix. 14.). It was killed the firft month of
the year, which prefigured that Chrift fhould_ fuffer
death in this month, (John xviii. 28.). It was killed in
the evening, (Exod. xii. 6.). So Chrift fuffered in the
laft days, and at this time of the day, (Matt, xxvii. 46.
Heb. i. 2.). At even alfothe fun fets, which fhowsthat
it was the Sun of Righteoufnefs who was to fuffer and die,
and that at his paflion univer&l darknefs fhould be upon
the whole earth, Luke xxiii. 44.). The paffover was
roafted with fire, to denote the fharp and dreadful pains
which Chrift (hould fuffer, not only from men, but from
God alfo. It was to be eaten with bitter herbs, not on¬
ly to put them in remembrance of their bitter bondage
in Egypt but alfo to typify our mortification to fin, and
readinefs to undergo afflictions for Chrift, (Col. i. 24.);
Many erroneoufly imagine, that the paffover was inftitu-
ted in memory of the Ifraelites palling the Red Sea ;
though it is certain the feaft was held, and bad its name,
before the Ifraelites took a ftep of their way out of E-
gypt, and confequently feveral days before their palling
the Red Sea. Befides the paffover celebrated on the
fourteenth of the firft month, there was a fbcond paffover
held on the fourteenth of the fecond month after the
equinox, inftituted by God in favour of travellers and
lick perfons, who could not attend at the firft, nor be at
Jerufalem on the day. The Greeks, and even fome of
the catholic doctors, from the thirteenth, eighteenth, and
nineteenth, chapters, of St John, take occafion to con¬
clude, that Jefus anticipated the day marked for the pafis-
over in the law ; but the authority of three evangelifts
feems to evince the contrary. See Whitby’s Differta-
tion on this fubjeCt, in an appendix to the fourteenth
chapter of St Mark. F. Lamy fuppofes, that our Lord
did not attend at the paffover the laft year of his life;
which fentiment has drawn upon him abundance of
oppofers. F. Hardouin afferts, that the Galileans
celebrated the paffover on one day, and the Jews on
another.
PASSPORT, or Pass, a licence or writing obtain¬
ed from a prince or governor, granting permifflon and
a fafe conduCt to pafs through his territories without
moleftation : Alfo a permifflon granted by any ftate to
navigate in fome particular fea, without hinderance or
moleftation from it. It contains the riame of the veffel,
and that of the mafter, together with her tonnage and
the number of her crew, certifying that {he belongs to
the fubjefts of a particular ftate, and requiring all per¬
fons at peace with that ftate to fuffer her to proceed on
her voyage without interruption.
The violation of fafe condufts or paflports exprefsly
granted by-the king or by his ambafladors to the fub-
je6ts of a foreign power in time of mutual war, or com- .
mitting ads of hoftility againft fuch as are in amity,
league, or truce with us, who are here under a general
implied fafe-conducl, are breaches of the public faith,
without which there can be no intercourfe or commerce
between one nation and another 5 and fuch offences
may, according to the writers upon the law of nations,
be a proper ground of a national war. And it is enaft-
ed by the ftatute 31 Hen. VL cap. 4. Hill in force, that
if any of the king’s fubjefts attempt or offend upon the
fea, or in any port within the king’s obeyfance, or a-
gainrt any ftranger in amity, league, or truce, or under
fafe-conduft, and efpecially by attacking his perfon, or
fpoiling him, or robbing him of his goods •, the lord-
chancellor, with any of the juftices of either the king’s-
bench or common-pleas, may caufe full reftitution and-
amends to be made to the party injured. Palquier fays,
that paffport was introduced for paj]e-par-tout. Balzac
mentions a very honourable paffport given by an empe^
ror to a philofopher in thefe terms : “ If there be any¬
one on land or fea hardy enough to moleft Potamon, let
him confider whether he be ftrong enough to wage war
with Caefar.”
Passport is tiled likewife for a licence granted by a
prince for the importing or exporting merchandizes^
moveables, &c. -without paying the duties. Merchants
procure fuch pafiports for certain kinds of commodities
and they are always given to ambafladors and minifters
for their baggage, equipage, &c.
Passport is alfo a licence obtained for the importing
or exporting of merchandizes deemed contraband, and
declared fuch by tariffs, &c. as gold, filver, precious
ftones, ammunition of war, horfes, corn, wool, &c. upon
paying duties.
PASSUS, among the Homans, a meafure of length,
being about four feet ten inches, or the thoufandth part
of a Roman mile. The word properly fignifies, the fpace
betwixt the feet of a man walking at an ordinary rate.
See Measure.
PASTE, in Coolery, a foft compofition of flour,
wrought up with proper fluids, as water, milk, or the
like, to ferve for cafes or coffins, therein to bake meats,
fruits, &c. It is the balls of foundation of pyes, tarts,
patties, parties, and other works of paltry. It is alfo
ufed in confeftionary, &c. for a preparation of fome
fruit, made by beating the pulp thereof with fome fluid
or other admixture, into a foft pappy confiftence,
fpreading it.into a dilh, and drying it with fugar, till it
becomes as pliable as an ordinary pafte. It is ufed oc-
cafionally alfo for making the crufts and bottoms of pyes,
Sec. Thus, with proper admixtures, are made almond
paftes, apple partes, apricot paftes, cherry, currant, le¬
mon, plum, peach, and pear paftes.
Paste is likewife ufed for a preparation of wheaten
flour, boiled up and incorporated wnth water ; ufed by
various artificers, as upholfterers, faddlers, bookbinders,
Sec. inftead of glue or lize, to fallen or cement their
cloths, leathers, papers, &c. When pafte is ufed by
bookbinders, or for paper-hangings to rooms, they mix
a fourth, fifth, or fixth, of the weight of the flour of
powfflcred refin; and where it is wanted Hill more te¬
nacious, gum arable or any kind of fize may be added.
Pafte mayhe preferred, by diffolving a little fublimate.
Paffport
!1
Patter
'll
PAS >t
Pxifte in the proportion of a dram to a quart, in the water em-
II ployed for making it, which will prevent not only rats
a Ime‘ and mice, but any other kind of vermin and infefts, from
preying upon it.
Pastes, in the glafs trade, or the imitation or coun¬
terfeiting of gems in glafs *, fee Gem.
PASTEBOARD, a kind of thick paper, formed of
feveral Angle Qieets parted one upon another. The chief
ufe of pafteboard is for binding books, making letter-
cafes, &c. See Paper.
PASTERN of a Horse, in the manege, is the di-
ftance betwixt the joint next the foot and the coronet of
the hoof. This part Ihould be fhort, especially in mid-
dle-fized horfes $ becaufe long patterns are weak, and
cannot fo well endure travelling.
Paste UN-Joint, the joint next a horfe’s foot.
PASTIL, or Pastel, among painters, a kind of pafte
made of different colours ground up with gum-water, in
order to make Crayons.
Pastil, in Pharmacy, is a dry compofition of fweet-
fmelling refins, aromatic woods, &c. fometimes burnt to
clear and fcent the air of a chamber.
PASTIME, a fport, amufement, or diverfion. Pa-
Itimes of fome kind feem to be abfolutely necelfary, and
to none more than to the man of ftudy 5 for the moft
vigorous mind cannot bear to be always bent. Conftant
application to one purfuit, if it deeply engage the atten¬
tion, is apt to unhinge the mind, and to generate mad-
nefs 5 of which the Don Quixote of Cervantes, and the
aftronomer of Johnfon, are two admirably conceived in¬
stances. But though paftime is neceflary to relieve the
- mind, it indicates great frivolity when made the bufinefs
of life ; and yet the rich and the great, who are not
obliged to labour for the means of fubfiftence, too often
rove from paftime to paflime with as conftant afliduity
as the mechanic toils for his family, or as the philofopher
devotes himfelf to the cultivation of fcience. When
thofe paftimes tend to give elafticity to the mind or
ftrength to the body, fuch conduft is not only allowable,
but praife-worthy; but when they produce effects the
reverfe of thefe, it is both hurtful and criminal. The
gaming-table, the mafquerade, the midnight affembly of
any fort, muft of neceflity enfeeble both the body and
the mind} and yet fuch are the falhionable amufements
of the prefent day, to which many a belle and many a
beau facrifice their beauty, their health, their quiet, and
their virtue.
Far different -were the paftimes of our wifer anceftors :
Remote from vice and effeminacy, they were innocent,
36 1 PAS
manly, and generous exercifes. From the ancient re- Paftime.
cords of this country, it appears, that the fports, amufe- v 
ments, pleafures, and recreations, of our anceftors, as de-
fcribed by Fitz-Stephen (a), added ftrength and agility
to the wEeels of ftate mechanifm, while they had a di-
re£t tendency towards utility. For moft of thefe ancient
recreations are refolvable into the public defence of the
ftate againft the attacks of a foreign enemy. The play
at ball, derived from the Romans, is firft introduced by
this author as the common exercife of every fchool-boy.
The performance was in a field, where the refort of the
moft fubftantial and confiderable citizens, to give encou¬
ragement and countenance to this feat of agility, was
fplendid and numerous. The intention of this amufe¬
ment at this period of time was to make the juvenile
race aftive, nimble, and vigorous} which qualities were
requifite whenever their affiftance fhould be wranted in
the protection of their country. The next fpecies of
paftime indeed does not feem to have this tendency •, but
it was only, as it feems, an annual cuftom: This was
cock-fighting. The author tells us, that in the after¬
noon of Shrove-Tuefday, on which day this cuftom pre¬
vailed, they concluded the day in throwing the ball:
which feems to infinuate, that the cock-fighting was mere¬
ly in conformity to ancient ufage, and limited only to
part of the day, to make way for a more laudable per¬
formance. We may reafonably fuppofe, although this
author is entirely filent upon this head, that while cock-
fighting was going on, cock-throwing wTas the fport of
the loweft clafs of people, who could not afford the ex¬
pence of the former (b). Another fpecies of manly ex¬
ercife was truly martial, and intended to qualify the ad¬
venturers for martial djfcipline. It is related by Fitz-
Stephen thus : “ Every Friday in Lent, a company of
young men comes into the field on horfeback, attended
and conduced by the beft horfemen : then march forth
the fons of the citizens, and other young men, with dif-
armed lances and ftiields *, and there pradlife feats of
war. Many courtiers likewife, when the king is near
the fpot, and attendants upon noblemen, do repair to
thefe exercifes ; and while the hope of victory does in¬
flame their minds, they fhow by good proof how fervice-
able they would be in martial affairs.” This evidently
is of Roman defcent, and immediately brings to our
recolleftion the Ludus Trojce, fuppofed to be the in¬
vention, as it wTas the common exercife of, Afcanius. v
The common people, in this age of mafculine man¬
ners, made every amufement where ftrength was exert¬
ed the fubjeft-matter of inftruftion and improvement:
inftrufted
(a) Otherwife called William Stephanides, a monk of Canterbury, who lived in the reign of King Stephen to
the time of Richard I. He wrote a Latin treatife, in which he gives an account of the leveral paftimes which
were countenanced in his time. Bale in his writings draws a pleafing portrait of him. He is likewife Iketched in
ftrong and forcible outlines of praife and commendation by Leland. Bale fays thus of him : “ The time which
other people ufually mifemployed in an idle and frivolous manner, he confecrated to inquiries which tended to in-,
ereafe the fame and dignity of his country : in doing which, he was not unworthy of being compared to Plato; for
like him, he made the ftudy of men and heaven his conftant exercife.”
(b) There were places fet apart for the battles of thefe animals, as at this day, where no one was admitted
without money. Thefe places, or pits commonly called, were fchools, as at this day, in which people were
inftrufled in the doftrines of chance, lofs and gain, betting and wagers, and particularly in the liberal art
of laying two to one. Cock-throwing has been laudably abolifhed •, for it was a fpecies of cruelty towards
an innocent and ufeful animal; and fuch a cruelty as would, have kindled compaflion in the heart of the ranked
barbarian..
PAS [ 37 ] PAS
Paftime. inflrufted to exert their bodily ftrength in the mainte-
nance of their country’s rights j and their, minds im¬
proved by fuch exertion, into every manly and generous
principle.
In the vacant intervals of induftry and labour, com¬
monly called the holy-days, indolence and inactivity,
which at this day mark this portion of time, were found
only in thofe whofe lives were diftempered with age or
infirmity. The view which Fitz-Stephen gives us of the
Falter holydays is animated. “ In Falter holydays they
fight battles upon the water. A fliield is hanged upon
a pole, fixed in the middle of the Itream. A boat is
prepared without oars, to be borne along by the violence
of the water; and in the forepart thereof ftandeth a
young man, ready to give charge upon the Ihield with
his lance. If fo be that he break his lance againft the
Ihield, and doth not fall, he is thought to have perform¬
ed a worthy deed. If without breaking his lance he
runs ftrongly againft the fliield, down he falleth into the
water j for the boat is violently forced with the tide :
but on each fide of the Ihield fide two boats, furnilhed
with young men, who recover him who falleth foon as
they may. In the holydays all the fummer the youths
are exercifed in leaping, dancing, Ihooting, wreftling,
calling the ftone, and praftifing their Ihields 5 and the
maidens trip with their timbrels, and dance as long as
they can well fee. In winter, every holyday before din¬
ner, the boars prepared for brawn are fet to fight, or elfe
bulls or bears are baited.”
Thefe were the laudable purfuits to which leifure wTas
devoted by our forefathers, fo far back as the year 1130.
Their immediate fucceffors breathed the fame generous
fpirit. In the year 1222, the fixth year of Henry III.
we find, that certain mailers in exercifes of this kind
made a public profefiion of their inftruClions and difei-
pline, which they imparted to thofe who were defirous of
attaining excellence and viflory in thefe honourable
atchievements. About this period, the perfons of better
rank and family introduced the play of Tennis (c) 5 and
ereCled courts or oblong edifices for the performance of
theexercife.
About the year 1253, in 38th year of Henry III.
the Quintan wras a fport much in falhion in almoft every
part of the kingdom. This contrivance confifted of an
upright poll firmly fixed in the ground, upon the lop of Paftime.
which was a crofs piece of wood, moveable upon a Ipin- v
die •, one end of which was broad like the fiat part of
a halberd, while at the other end was hung a bag of
fand. The exercife was performed on horfeback. The
mafterly performance was, when, upon the broad part
being llruck with a lance, which fometimes broke it,
the affailant rode fwi-ftly on, fo as to avoid being ftruck
on the back by the bag of fand, which turned round in-
ftantly upon the ftroke given with a very fwift motion.
He who executed this feat in the moll dexterous manner
was declared vidlor, and the prize to which he became
intitled was a peacock. But if, upon the aim taken, the
contender mifearried in ftriking at the broadfide, his
impotency of Ikill became the ridicule and contempt of
the fpedlators.
Dr Plott, in his Natural Hiftory of Oxfordlhire, tells
us, that this paftime was in pradlice in his time at Ded-
dington in this county. “ They firft (fays this author)
fixed a poll perpendicularly in the ground, and then
placed a fmall piece of timber upon the top of it, faften-
ed on a fpindle,with a board nailed to it on one end, and
a bag of fand hanging at the other. Againft this board
they anciently rode with fpears: now as I faw it at
Deddington only with ftrong Haves, which violently
bringing about the bag of fand, if they make not good
fpeed away, it ftrikes them in the neck or Ihoulders,
and fometimes perhaps ftrikes them down from their
horfes*, the great defign of the fport being to try
the agility both of man and horfe, and to break the
board *, which, whoever did, was accounted conqueror :
for whom heretofore there was fome reward always ap¬
pointed.” (d)
Matthew Paris, fpeaking of this manly diverfion, fays,
“ The London youths made trial of their ftrength on
horfeback, by running at the Quintan ; in doing which,
whoever excelled all the reft was rewarded with a pea¬
cock.” This fport is continued to this day in Wales j
and being in ufe only upon marriages, it may be confi-
dered as a votive paftime, by which thefe heroic fpirits
feem to wilh, that the male iffue of fuch marriage may
be as ftrong, vigorous, and active, as thofe who are at
that time engaged in the celebration of this fellive exer¬
tion of manhood. Virtuous exercifes of this kind
would
(c) The word Tennis feems to owe its original to the French language : if fo, the game is of French produc¬
tion. Yet the word tenc% will hardly be found to afford incontrovertible evidence upon this fubjeft. For the
holding or keeping poffeflion of the ball is no part of the game, but rather a circumftance cafually attending it :
fince, during the performance of it the ball is in continual motton, fo there can be no tene% at this jundlure. Per¬
haps a place in France called Tennois (as there is a town which differs only in a letter, called Sennois, in the di-
ftridl of Champagne) was the place where the balls were firft made, and the game firft introduced.
(d) This was certainly an exercife derived from a military inftitution of the Romans, though not inftrumentally
the fame: Whoever confiders the form and difpofition of the Roman camps, which were formed into a fquare fi¬
gure, will find there were four principal gates or paffages. Near the Qucejiorium, or Quaeftor’s apartment, was the
Forum, or what is now called a futtling-houfe, and from being near the Quaeftor’s ftation called ^ucejiorium forum.
At this part was a fifth gate Quintana, where the loldiers were inftrufted in the difeipline of the Palaria, which
was to aim at and ftrike their javelins againft an upright poll fixed in the ground, as a kind of prolujion to a real
engagement with ae enemy. By the frequent pradlice of this exercife, fometimes called exercitium ad palum by
Roman writers, the foldiers at length acquired not only a dexterity and addrefs in the management of their arms,
but a conftant and regular exaflnefs in the direflion of them. Titus Livius Patavinus, cap. 2. Pancirollus Rerum
Memoral. lib. ii. tit. 2J. Vulturius in Augufanis Monumentis. lib. li. p. 237.
Upon the irruption of the Istri into the Roman camps, which they plundered,,fays Livius, ad ^uaforium forum^
quint ana mque pervenerunt.
PAS C 38 ]
PAS
f’a.dime. would be too rude and barbarous for tbe attendants on
v pleafure in the prefent age. The hand would tremble
at the weight of the javelin j and the heart would pant
upon the apprehenfion of perfonal infecurity. While
thefe exertions of triumphant prowefs continued, the
fordid degeneracy of difpofition, the fupple bafenefs of
temper, were unknown : for the love of country, as the
Roman orator has wifely obferved, included all other
'Virtues. But if we guard the palace of honour, like
the brazen caftle of Danae, with every pofFible fecurity,
importunate corruption will be ever waiting at the gate,
to feize an opportunity of intrufion. Thefe feats of ho¬
nourable conteft were fucceeded by the gilded banners
of exhibition, and all the long train of dependents in
the intereil of indolence : for the writers of thefe times
inform us, that the foft pleafures of the ftage forced the
paffes to public favour in the year 1391, and likewife in
the year 1409; fo that utility, which before flood on
the right hand of pleafure, was now ordered to withdraw
for a feafon. The drama, it feems, was attempted by a
fet of ufelefs and infignificant perfons called parifh-
clerks; who, becaufe they had the knowledge of the
alphabet, ignorantly prefumed that this included every
other fpecies of knowledge. The fubiefl was truly fe-
rious, the creation of the world ; but the performance
mull have been ludicrous. It rvas, however, honoured
with the attendance of noble perfonages} and royalty
xtfelf deigned to call a favourable eye upon itr for the
king and queen were prefent. Thefe interludes lafted
no longer than the time requifite for the- former confe¬
deracy of utility and pleafure to refume its powers ; as
when the pliable bow by being too mucl\ bent is put out
©f fhape, and by its elaflicity recovers its former por¬
tion. The lance, the fhield, the ball, and the equeilrian
proce'Tion, came forward again, and put the dramatic
ufurper to flight. After this period, thefe objeffs of ge¬
nerous pleafure feem to have had their audience of leave,
and one general objeff, indeed no lefs manly than the
former, to have filled their ftations, which was archery.
This had a continuance to the reign of Charles I. for
we find in many hofpitals founded in that reign among
the articles of benefaftion recorded upon their walls,
this lingular provifion, arms for the loys, which figni-
fied bows and arrows.
There are many places at this day, formerly reforted
to, for the praftice of this noble art, dillinguilhed by
appellations which indicate their ancient ufage : fuch as
Brentford Butts, Newington Butts, tend many others of
the like denomination. It appears from 33 Hen. VIII.
that by the intrufion of other pernicious games, archery
had been for a long time difufed } to revive which this
ftatute was made. It feems that the bows of the bell
kind were made of yew j and that this wood might be
readily obtained for this purpofe, yewT-trees were planted
in churchyards. The fons of thofe only who were per¬
fons of fortune and falhion, if under 17 years of age,
were permitted to ufe fuch bows. The words of the
ftatute are Angular, and ran thus : “ No perfon under
feventeen years, except he, or his father or mother,
have lands or tenements to the yearly value of ten
pounds, or be worth in value or moveables the ium of
forty marks fterling, (hall Ihoot with any bow of yew,
which (hall be bought for him, after the feaft of our La¬
dy next coming, under the pain to lofe and forfeit fix
{hillings and eightpence.” Two obfervations arife here
upon thefe words. One, that the yew-wood, not being
fo common as other wood, might probably be foon found
deficient, as it was the beft wood for making bows, if
not reftrained in the ufe of it to particular ages and per¬
fons, as young people wantonly defiroy what is put into
their hands for ufeful purpofes. The other obfervation
is, that the age of 17 is by this ftatute diftinguifhed as-
the age of difcretion, when young people are more at¬
tentive and confiderate in things of private concern ; an
age in thefe times which few ever arrive at, and feme
never. This ftatute makes provifion of other kinds of
wood for the common people in the following manner :
“ To the intent that every perfon may have bows of
mean price, be it enafted, that every bowyer {hall, for
every bow that he maketh of yew, make four other bows,
meet to {hoot with, of elm, witch hafill, afh, or other
wood apt for the fame, under pain to lofe and forfeit for
every fuch bow fo lacking the fum of three {hillings and
fourpence.” It feems there wras a fpecies of yew at this
time called elh, which wood was ftronger and more
pliant than the common yew mentioned in this ftatute,
and the price of it fixed. “ Moreover, no bowyer
{hall fell or put to fale to any of the king’s fubjefts,
any bow of yew of the tax called elk, above the price
of three {hillings and fourpence, under the pain to
forfeit twenty {hillings for every bow fold above the
faid price.”
From thefe feveral confiderations which occur in
this ftatute, we can trace three refplendent qualities,
courage, ftrength, and agility 5 which three united,
infpired to more, generofity and magnanimity. Up¬
on the decline of this and other poiifhed (e) amufe-
ments, a favage deformity of manners fprung up, but
fpangled here and there with the oppofite charatler of
lazy opulence, which began now to erefl her velvet
ftandard in defiance of chafte and regular manners.
Towards the beginning of James I.’s reign, military
prowefs feems to have founded a retreat (f). He, to
gratify the importunity of the common people, and at
the
Paftmift
(e) How widely different the conceptions of politenefs at this day from -what they were in the moft refined
ages of Greece and Rome ! I hefe two ftates agreed in fixing the ftandard of this accompliftiment upon the fitnefs
and propriety7^ of things. We bend to an arbitrary impofture of language, trufting to the fenfe and meaning of our
oppofite Gallic neighbours, as if this illand was at all times to be the foot-ball of that continent. To define po¬
litenefs in its ancient and true fenfe, it is a manly exertion of condudl, founded upon every noble and virtuous
principle. Gallic politenefs is an effeminate impotence- of demeanor, founded upon fallacy, evpfion, and every
infidious artifice. . 1 here can be no fecurity, no happinefs, no profperity, awaiting this kingdom, fo long as we fawa
to fafhions that difgrace humanity, and to manners which confift of more than Punic perfidy.
(f) It has been confidently afferted by fome hiftorians, that James was, during his whole life, ftruck with ter¬
ror upon the fight of a drawn fvvord j which was the reafon of his great unwiilingnels in bellowing the honour of
3 knighthood.
PAS [3
Pailimp, tile fame time to obviate bis own fears upon a refu,a),
I’aftiaaca. pUblx(hed a book of fports, in which the people had
  < been fome time btfore ufually indulged on Sunday even-
incrs, but which had been lately prohibited. 1 hele Iports
confided of dancing, finging, vvreftling, church ales, and
other profanations'of that day.
Charles, his iucceffor, wifely, in the very entrance
of his reign, abohfhed thele Iports. ihe act or Cnarles
dates the feveral amufements in part •, by which
mav conjefture what was the remainder as dated in
the book of fports by James. It is neceffary to tran-
fcribe that part of the ad relating to this fubjed.
44 Forahnuch as there is nothing moie acceptaole to
God, than the true and dncere worlhip of Him, and
fervice according to His holy will, and that the holy
keeping of the Lord’s day 'is a principal part of the
fervice of God, which in many places ol this realm
hath been, and now is, prophaned and negleded by a
diforderly fort of people, in exercifing and frequenting
bear-baiting, bull-baiting, interludes, and common-plays,
and other unlawful exerciles and padimes, negleding
divine fervice both in their own paridies and elfewhere .
He it enaded, that from and after forty days next after
the end of this ieflion of parliament, there diall be no
meetings, aiTemblies, or concourfe or people, out of their
own parilhes, on the Lord’s day, within this realm of
England, or any the dominions thereof, for any fports
or padimes whatfoever : nor any bear-baiting, bull-bait¬
ing, interludes, common plays, or other unlavviui exercifes
or padimes, ufed by any perfon or perfons within their ow n
paridies : anu that every perfon and perfons oflending in
any of the faid premifes, fhall forfeit for every odence the
fum of three {hillings and fourpence j the fame to be
employed and converted to the ufe of the poor of the
paridi where fuch offence diall be committed. ’ . All
this was perhaps proper, and fhowed tne didinguidied
piety of this unfortunate monarch. But in this age hke-
wife ended the manly fports of Britons, and nothing was
introduced that could compenfate for the lofs.
All thefe lufory arts, confidered _ as vehicles of pka-
fure, from the variety of their inventions, repreient plea-
fure as a fleeting phantom: evincing at the fame time
the dability of happinefs as fpringing from internal
order. Even reflex afts, pregnant with future hopes
of folace and focial recreation, have more true feelings
in expeflancy than thofe which arife from the objeff
in pofiedion. Nay, pleafure is found frequently in the
imagination only : for Ixion’s difappointment frequent¬
ly awaits us when we advance to embrace tnis Juno of
our defires.
Upon tbe whole, happinefs, the only thing of intrinfic
value, mud arife in the heart, and be fomething more
folid than what mere amufement can poffibly fupply.
Amufements or padimes ought to be confidered only as
neceffaryrelaxations from feverer and more ufeful em¬
ployment 5 and in this point of view they may be folely
purfued •, but they become criminal when they occupy
the place of the bufinefs of life.
PASTINACA, the Parsnep, a genus of plants
9 1 P ,A T .
belonging to the pentandria clafs} and in the natural Paftmrca
method ranking under the 45th order, Umbellate?. See pat^cL
Botany Index. * -y—~
PASTOPHORI, among the ancients, were prieds
whofe office it was to carry the images, along with the
dirines of the gods, at fokmn fedivals, when they were
to pray to them for rain, fair weather, or the like. The
Greeks had a college of this order of prieds in Sylla’s
time. The cells or apartments near the temples, where
the padophori lived, were called pajlophoria. There
were feveral lodging rooms for the prieds of a fimilar
kind in the temple of Jerufalem.
PASTORAL, in general, fomething that' relates
to ihepherds : hence we lay, padoral Ine, manners,
poetry, &c.
Padoral life may be confidered in three different Blair's
views j either fuch as it now adually is 5 when the Lectures
date of fliepherds is reduced to be a mean, fervik, and™- ^
laborious date; when their employments are becomep' 1
difagreeabk, and their ideas grofs and low ; or fuch
as we may fuppofe it once to have been, in tbe more
early and fimpk ages, when it was a hie of eafe and
abundance; when the wealth of men confided chiefly
in flocks and herds, and the fliepherd, though unre¬
fined in his manners, was refpectable in his date : or,
ladly, fuch as it never was, and never can m reality
be, when, to the eafe, innocence, and fimplicity of the
early ages, we attempt to add the pohdied talk, and cul¬
tivated manners of modern times. Of thefe three dates,
the fird is too grofs and mean, the lad too refined and
unnatural, to be made the groundwork of padorai
poetry. Either of thefe extremes is a rock upon which
the poet will fplit, if he approach too near it. We will
be difguded if he give us too much of the fervik em¬
ployments and low ideas of aftual peafants, as I heocri-
tus is cenfured for having fometimes done ; and if, like
fome of the French and Italian writers ol padorals he
make his Ihepherds difeourfe as if they were courtiers
and fcholars, he then retains the name only, but wants
tbe fpirit of padoral poetry.
PASTORAL Poetry. See Poetry, Part II. feft. 4.
PASTRY, that "branch of cookery which is chiefly
taken up in making pies, pafties, cakes, &c. See Paste.-
Dr Cullen obferves, that palle is very hard and in-
digeflible without,butter; and even with it, is apt to
produce heartburn and acefcency. Perhaps this is in-
creafed by tbe burned butter, from a certain lenfibility
in the domach, which occafions all empyreumatic oils
to be long retained, and fo produce acidity.
PASTURE, or Pasture Land, is that referved for
feeding cattle. See Agriculture Index.
PAT At Cl, in Mythology, images of gods which
the Phoenicians carried on the prows of iheir gallies.
Herodotus, lib. iv. -calls them iraflancti. 1 he word is
Phoenician, and derived from pethica, i. e. titulus. See
Bocchart’s Chanaan, lib. ii. cap. 3. But Scaliger does
not agree. Morin derives it from monkey, this
animal having been an objeft of worlhip among the
Egyptians, and 'hence might have been honoured by
their
knighthood. For at this iunfture, he had fuch a tremor upon him, that indead of laying the fword upon the
fhoulder of the perfon-to be knighted, he frequently would be obferved aimed to thrud the point of it into the face
of 4.he party : which occafioned thofe about .him to aflid him. in the direftion of his hand.
FAT [40
tlielr neighbours. Mr Elfner has obferved, that He¬
rodotus does not call the pataeci gods; but that they
obtained this dignity from the liberality of Hefychius
and Suidas, and other ancient lexicographers, who
place them at the ftern of (hips *, whereas Herodotus
placed them at the prow. Scaliger, Bochart, and Seld-
«n, have taken fome pains about this fubjedf.—M. Mo¬
rin has alfo given us a learned differtation on this head
in the Memoires de l'1 Acad, des Infcript. el Belles Lettres,
4om. i. $ but Mr Elfner thinks it defective in point of
evidence.
PATAGONIA, a country of South America, com¬
prehending all that country extending from Chili and
Paraguay to the utmoft extremity of South America •,
that is, from 350 almoft to 540 of latitude : being fur-
rounded by the countries juft mentioned, the South and
North feas, and the ftraits of Magellan, which feparate
it from the ifland called Terra del Fuego, and extend
about 116 leagues in length from fea to fea, but only
from half a league to three or four in breadth.
This country had the name of Terra Magellanica,
from Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguefe officer in the
fervice of the Catholic king, who is reported to have
failed through the ftraits that alfo bear his name, from
the North to the South fea, in the year 1519.
The lofty mountains of the Andes, which are cover¬
ed with fnow a great part of the year, traverfing the
country from north to fouth, the air is faid to be much
colder than in the north under the fame parallels of
latitude. Towards the north, it is faid to be covered
with wood, and ftored with an inexhauftible fund of
large timber •, whereas, to the fouthward, not fo much
as a Angle tree fit for any mechanical purpofe is to be
feen : yet there is good pafture, and incredible numbers
of wild horned cattle and horfes, which were firft
brought hither by the Spaniards, and have increafed
amazingly. Freffi water, we are told by fome writers,
is very fcarce ; but if that were really the cafe, it is dif¬
ficult to conceive how the prefent inhabitants and fuch
multitudes of cattle could fubfift. The eaft coaft is
moftly low land, with few or no good harbours : one of
the beft is Port St Julian.
Patagonia is inhabited by a variety of Indian tribes;
as the Patagons, from which the country takes its
names; the Pampas, the Colfares, &c. of whom we
know very little. Only it appears, from the accounts of
former voyagers, lately confirmed by Commodore Byron
and his crew, and the teftimonies of other navigators,
that fome of them are of a gigantic ftature, and clo¬
thed with fkins •, but it would feem that there are
others who go almoft quite naked, notwithftanding the
inclemency of the climate. Some of them alfo, that
live about the ftraits, if we may credit the navigators
who have palled that way into the South fea, are per-
fect favages: but thofe with whom Commodore Byron
and his people converfed, are reprefented as of a more
gentle* humane difpofition •, only, like other favages,
they live on fiffi and game, and the fpontaneous pro-
duflions of the earth.
The Spaniards once built a fort upon the ftraits, and
left a garrifon in it, to prevent any other European na¬
tion palling that way into the South fea : but mdft of the
men periffied by famine, whence the place obtained the
name of Port Famine ; and no people have attempted to
plant colonies here ever fince.
] PAT
About the middle of the ftrait is a promontory called Patagonia.
Cape Froifard, which is the moft foutherly on the con- v
tinent of South America.
On the coafts of Patagonia lie a great number of
illands, or clufters of ifiarids. On the weft coafts are the
illands Madre de Dios, Santa Trinidad, Santa Cruz,
the illes of the Chunians and Huillans, the Sarmientos,
and many others 5 to the number of 80 in all, as fome
fay. Of thofe on the fouth coaft, the moft confider-
able are Terra del Fuego, and Staten Land. See thefe
articles.
A vaft deal has been faid refpefting the ftature of the
Patagonians, by people of different nations, and on vari¬
ous occafions. We lhall infert the following letter from
Mr Charles Clarke, who was on board Byron’s ffiip in
1764, and gave this account to Dr Maty.
“ We had not got above 10 or 12 leagues into the
ftraits of Magellan, from the Atlantic ocean, before
we faw feveral people, fome on horfeback, fome on foot,
upon the north ffiore (continent), and with the help of
our glaffes could perceive them beckoning to us to
come on ffiore, and at the fame time obferved to each
other, that theyTeemed to be of an extraordinary fize :
However, we continued to Hand on, and ffiould have
paffed without taking the leaft farther notice of them,
could we have proceeded *, but our breeze dying away,
and the tide making againft us, we were obliged to
anchor 5 when the Commodore ordered his boat of 1 2
oars, and another of fix, to be hoifted out, manned, and
armed. In the firft went the Commodore, in the other
Mr Cummins our firft lieutenant, and myfelf. At our
firft leaving the ffiip, their number did not exceed 40 j
but as we approached the ffiore, rve perceived them pour¬
ing down from all quarters, fome galloping, others run¬
ning, all making ufe of their utmoft expedition. They
collected themfelves into a body juft at the place we fleer¬
ed off for. When we had got within 12 or 14 yards of
the beach, we found it a difagreeable flat ffiore, with
tery large ftones, which we apprehended would injure
the boats 5 fo looked at two or three different places to
find the moft convenient for landing. They fuppofed
we deferred coming on fliore through apprehenfions of
danger from them *, upon which they all threw open the
Ikins which were over their ffioulders, which was the
only clothing they had, and confequently the only
thing they could fecret any kind of arms with, and
many of them lay down clofe to the water’s edge.—The
commodore made a motion for them to go a little way
from the water, that we might have room to land,
which they immediately complied with, and withdrew
30 or 40 yards-, we then landed, and formed each man
with his mufket, in cafe any violence ffiould be offered.
As foon as we were formed, the commodore went from
us to them, then at about 20 yards diftance : they feem-
ed vaftly happy at his going'among them, immediately
gathered round him, and made a rude kind of noife,
which I believe was their method of finging, as their
countenances befpoke it a fpecies of jollity. The com¬
modore then made a motion to them to fit down, which
they did in a circle, with him in the middle, when Mr
Byron took fome beads and ribbons, which he had
brought for that purpofe, and tied about the women’s
necks, with which they feemed infinitely pleafed. We
were ftruck with the greateft aftoniffiment at the fight
of people of fuch a gigantic ftature, notwithftanding our
previous
4
PAT [4
fatagonia. previous notice with glafles from the fliip. Their body
^ 1 v'"" ' was increafed, by the time we got in there, to the num¬
ber of 500, men, women, and children. 'Ihe men and
women both rode in the fame manner 5 the women had a
kind of belt to dole their fkins round the waiit, which
the men had not, as theirs were only Hung oyer their
fhoulders, and tied with two little Hips, cut from the
fkin, round the neck. At the time of the commodore’s
motion for them to retire farther up the beach, they
all difmounted, and turned their horfes loofe, which
were gentle, and flood very quietly. The commodore
having difpofed of all his prefents, and fatisfied his cu-
riolity, thought proper to retire ; but they were vallly
anxious to have him go up into the country to eat
with them. That they wanted him to go with them
to eat, we could very well underftand by their motions,
but their language was wholly unintelligible to us.—
There was a very groat fmoke to which they pointed
about.a mile from us, where there muft have been fe-
veral fires j but fome intervening^hills prevented our
feeing any thing but the fmoke. The commodore
returned the compliment, by inviting them on board
the fhip j but they would not favour him with their
company} fo we embarked, and returned to the flnp.
We were with them near two hours at noon-day with¬
in a very few yards, though none had the honour of
(baking hands but Mr Byron and Mr Cummins; how¬
ever, we were near enough, and long enough with
them, to convince onr fenfes, fo far as not to be cavil¬
led out of the very exiftence of thofe fenfes at that
time, which fome of our countrymen and friends would
abfolutely attempt to do. They are of a copper co¬
lour, with long black hair 5 and fome of them are cer¬
tainly nine feet, if they do not exceed it. The com¬
modore, who is very near fix feet, could but juft reach
the top of one of their heads, which he attempted on
tip-toes, and there were feveral taller than the perfon
on whom the experiment was tried. They are prodigi¬
ous flout, and as well and as proportionally made as
ever I faw people in my life. That they have fome
kind of arms among them, is, I think, indifputable,
from their taking methods to convince us they had none
at that time about them. The women, I think, bear
much the fame proportion to the men as our Europeans
do ; there was hardly a man there lefs than eight feet,
molt of them conliderably more. The wromen, I be¬
lieve, run from feven and a half to eight feet.—Their
horfes were (lout and bony, but not remarkably tall;
they are, in my opinion, from 15 to 154- hands. They
had a great number of dogs, about the fize of a middling
pointer, wfith a fox nofe. They continued on the beach
till we got under way, which was two hours after we
got on board. I believe they had fome expeftations'of
our returning again ; but as foon as they faw us getting
off, they betook themfelves to the country.
“ The country of Patagonia is rather hilly, though
not remarkably fo. ’ You have here and there a ridge
of hills, but no very high ones. We lay fome time at
Port Defire, which is not a great way to the north¬
ward of the ftraits, wdiere we traverfed the country many
miles round. We found fire-brands in different places,
which convinced us there had been people, and we fup- ?
pofe them to have been the Patagonians. The foil is
fandy, produces nothing but a coarfe harlh grafs, and a
few (mall (hrubs, of which Sir John Narborough remark-
Vol. XVI. Part I.
: ] PAT
ed, he could not find one of fize enough to make the Patagonia.*
helve of a hatchet; which obfervation we found very ^
juft. It was fome time in the winter we made this vifit
to our gigantic friends. I am debarred being fo parti¬
cular as I could wiih, from the lofs of my journals, which
were demanded by their lordfliips of the admiralty im¬
mediately upon our return.”
That the whole of this account is true, we cannot
affert; but that the writer has been milled in fome re-
fpedls, and mifinformed with regard to fome of his
facts, is at leaft probable : for Captain Wallis, wrho
went out to the drafts of Magellan after Byron’s re¬
turn, gives a different turn to many of the obfervations j
and with refpeil to the ftature of the people, he differs
very materially. We lhall give the following epitome
of "his remarks on what occurred to him.—He had
three (hips with him, which entered the ftraits on the
16th December 1766, and came to an anchor in a bay
fouth of Cape Virgin Mary, where they were imme¬
diately ace oiled by a whole troop of Patagonians, who
made figns for them to come on fttore. 1 he captain,
having made previous difpofttions for the fecunty of
his men in cafe of an attack, manned all the boats be¬
longing to the three (hips, and with a party of ma¬
rines landed on the beach where thofe giants had al-
fembled. The commanders of the three ihips, and molt
of their officers, were of this party. On their leaping
alhore, the Indians feemed to welcome them •, and being
by figns defired to retreat, they all fell back, and made
room for the marines to form." When they wrere drawn
• up, Captain Wallis advanced, and by figns direcleci
the Indians to feat themfelves in a femicircle, which
they readily underftood and obeyed. Pie then diftri-
buted among them knives, fciffars, buttons, beads,
combs, and particularly ribbons, with which he com¬
plimented the women, who received them with a mix¬
ture of pleafure and refpecft. Pie then gave them to
underftand that he had (till more valuable articles to
beftow, and (bowed them axes and bill-hooks 5 but, at
the fame time, pointed to fome guanicoes and oftriches,
intimating that he expecfted fome of thofe in return ;
but they either did not, or would not, underftand him j
fo that no traffic took place.
The whole company that were affembled on this oc-
cafion, had each a horfe, with a faddle and bridle. The
faddle had a fort of ftirrups, and the bridle was made
of thongs of leather very well put together, for the pur-
pofe of guiding tire horfes. The women, as well as the
men, rode aftride. The men, in general, wore each a
wooden fpur: but one of them had a large pair of Spa-
niffi fpurs, brafs ftirrups, and a Spanifh fcimitar. Their
horfes were nimble and fpirited, but fmalhin proportion
to their riders, feemingly not above iq hands high.
Their dogs were of the Spaniffi breed. The captain,
having purpofely provided himfelf with meafuring rods,
found that the tailed man among them meafured only
• fix feet feven inches high j feveral were within an inch
or txvo as tall 5 but the ordinary fize was from five feet
ten inches to fix feet. It is pity that none of our voy¬
agers thought of meafuring the whole fize of one of
thofe gigantic men. They tell us, indeed, that they
are well made, that they are proportionally large, and
that they are robuft and bony ; but they give us no cri¬
terion to judge of their bulk, nor one inftance of their
extraordinary ftrength. As they are reprefented not only
F peaceable,
P A T [ 4;
'Patagonia, peaceable, but remarkably tradable, feme trials might
" }iave been made of the weight they could have lifted,
and how much they could exceed in that refped the
itrongeft man in the Ihips. Xhis, m a great meafure,
would have determined the point, which is yet left
doubtful by the difi'erent relations that are given by the
different voyagers who have feen theie people, no two of
them agreeing in the fame defcription. All agree,
however, that their hair is black, and havfh like bridles j
that they are of a dark copper colour, and that their
features are rather handfome than ugly 5 that, they
clothe themfelves decently with the ikms of guamcoes ;
that they paint themfelves variouily •, and there is rea-
fon to fuipecl, that by that variety they diftinguidi their
tribes. Thofe i'een by Commodore Byron were painted
round both eves, no two ot them alike j thefe icen by
Captain Wallis had only a red circle round the left eye-,
and thofe feen by Bougainville bad no circle round
the eyes, but had their cheeks painted red. llus
,may account for the diiierent reports of voyagers con¬
cerning their ftature 1 it is not impoffiMe, nay, it is
very probable, that they may vary in this particular,
according to their tribes. 5 as is feen in the Highlands
of Scotland, where one clan of the Campbells is re¬
markably7' tall, and another of the Frafers remarkably
{hort. Were it not .for fome fuch natural diferimina-
tion, there could not be fo wide a difference in the de-
fcnptions of gentlemen, who, having no enus to ;erve,
either in falfifying one another’s reports,'or in impofmg
upon the public, cannot be fuppofed to mi (lake willfully.
One remarkable,obfervation made by our voyagers,
mud not be omitted ; and that is, that though our
people could diftinguifh but one word oi then iaiiguage.
which the Englifh pronounce c/iewow, and the French
/hawa, yet the Patagonians could repeat whole fenten-
ces after our men more diltlnctly than aimoiT: any Euro¬
pean foreigner of what nation foever. '1 his appears the
more lingular, as, among the ifiauders between the tro¬
pics, it w^as hardly poliibie to make them articulate any
of our words. Sydney Parkinfon, in a fpecimen he has
given us, fays, that though the Englilh remained at Ota-
heite three months, the neareft the natives comd approach
the found of Cook wTas loots f hcinss, Cpanc y Soiandsr^
Tolano y Gore, Toward y McnkJioufe, Mata y and lo of
the reft : whereas the Patagonians prefently got by
heart this fentence of invitation, Come a floore, Eng/ijh-
men ! which they {bowed they well underftood, by re¬
peating it afterwards whenever the {hips came fo near
the ftiore as to be within call.
Another very remarkable particular is, that they had
none of the charafters of a ferocious people} there was
no offenfive weapon among them, except the feimitar
already mentioned. The men, indeed, had a kind of
fling, which they ufe in hunting, confifting of two round
Hones of about a pound weight each, connebled together
by a thong. Thefe ftones were faftened to the extre¬
mities of the thong •, and, when they threw them, they
held one ftone in the hand, and fwung the other about
the head. “ They are fo expert in the management of
this double-headed {hot (fays the writer of the voyage),
that they will hit a mark not bigger than a {hilling
with both thefe ftones at the diftance of fifteen yards.-,
but their method of availing themfelves of their dexteri¬
ty againft the guanicoe and oftnch is, to fling the ftones
fo as to entangle their legs, by which means they are re-
t ] P A T
tarded in their flight, and eafily overtaken. Bougain- Patagoma
ville fpeaks of theie flings as common among other In- t H
dian nations in South America} but we do not remem- 1
ber to have feen tiffs affertion confirmed by any other
voyager.
Thefe people certainly drefs differently as well as
paint diffeitnLly j lor the drefs deferibed by Bougain¬
ville is very unlike the drefs of thofe feen by the Eng-
lith voyagers. Captain Wallis invited fome of them
on board his flap : but, among all the wonders that
were fhown them, none themed to attraft their notice
fo much as the iookin.g-giafles: they looked in the
glaffes and at each other j they laughed and gazed,
and gazed again and laughed j in {hort, there was no
end to their merriment when in poiTeffion of this article
of curiofity. They ale whatever was given them, but.
would drink nothing but water. In this they differ
from all the tribes of Indians in North America, who
are immoderately fond of fpirituous liquors. .They
admired the European fheep, hogs, and poultry j but
did not feem over-defirous of any tiling they taw ex¬
cept clothes. When the marines w ere exerciicd to en¬
tertain them, they appeared difconcerted j an old man
among them made figns, by linking his breaft, and
tumbling down and lying as if he had been dead upon
deck, that he knew the eftecl of their guns j and none
of them feemed eafy till the firing was over. When
the Captain had faiisfied his own curicfity, and, as he
imagined, theirs, he gave them to underltand, that he
was going to fail, and that they mu ft depart j which
they were very unwilling to do. However, having
given each of them a canvas bag, with fome needles
ready threaded, a knife, a pair of feiffars, a few beads,
a comb, and a looking-glafs, he difmiffed them, with
great reluctance on their part, particularly on that of
the old man’s, who by very fignificant figns expreffed
his defire to ftay till funfet.
PATAGONULA, in Botany, a getius of plants be¬
longing to the pentandria clafs. See Botany Index.
PATAN, a kingdom of Ana, in the Eaft Indies,
and in the peninfula ot Malacca, and on the eaftern
coaft between the kingdoms of Siam and Paha. rJ he
inhabitants are partly Mahometans and partly Gentcos 5
but they are all very voluptuous. The air is vholetcme,
though very hot j and they have no ftafons but the
winter and iummer. The former is more properly the
rainy feafon j and contains the months of November,
December, and January. The woods are full of ele¬
phants and many wild animals. Some voyagers pre¬
tend that this country is governed by a queen, who
never marries, but may have as many gallants as fhe
pleafes. They have fome trade with the Chinefe \ and
the principal town is of the fame name, which is one
of the ftrongeft in thefe parts, having a well defended
harbour.
PaTAN, a town of Afia, and capital of a province of
the fame name, in the dominions of the Great Mogul j
it is very little known. E. Long. 139. o. N. Lat. 2 y.
30.
PATAVINITY, among critics, denotes a peculi¬
arity of Livy’s difftion 5 derived from Patavium or Pa¬
dua, the place of his nativity j but wherein this pata-
vinity confitrs, they are by no means agreed.
Afinius Pollio, according to Quintilian, taxed Livy
with patavinity.. But what Ire meant by this cenfure
we.
PAT [ 43 1 PAT
Pataia tve believe no man can fay. Morhof believes it to be
II, a iingular turn of expreflion, and fome pbrafes peculiar
P‘ltelia' to the Paduefe. All we certainly know about it is,
that it was a fault in the language of Livy, not in the
fsntiments or manners. In all probability, it is one of
thole delicacies that are loll in a dead language. Dan.
Georg. Morhof publilhed a treatife De Patavinitatv
Liviana, at K:el, in 1685, where he explains, very
learnedly, the urbanity and peregrinity of the Latin
tongue.
PATARA, (Livy, Mela) ', the capital of Lycia, to
the call of the mouth of the river Xanthus ; famous for.
a temple and oracle of Apollo, thence called Patareus,
three fyllables only •, but Patarccus, (Horace). For the
fix winter months, Apollo gave anfwers at Patara 5 and
for the fix fummer at Delos, (Virgil, Servius) * thefe
are the Lycice Sbrlcs of Virgil. The town was fituated
in a peninfula, called Lie lor inn Chcrfonefus, (Stephanus).
Adds xxi. x. St Paul in his paffage from Philippi to Je-
rufalem, came to Miletus, hence to Coos, then to Rhodes,
and from Rhodes to Patara $ where having found a
{hip that was bound for Phoenicia, he went on board
and arrived at Jerufalem, to be at the feaft of Pen-
tecoft.
PATAVIUM (Tacitus, Strabo), a town of the
Tranfpadana, lituated on the left or north bank of the
Medoacus Minor j founded by Antenor the Trojan,
(Mela, Virgil, Seneca) ; Patavini, the people, (Livy) ;
who himfelf was a native, and by Afmius Pollio char¬
ged with patavinxty. Now Padua, in the territory and
to the weft of Venice. E. Long. 12. 15. N. Lat. 45.
30.
PAT AY, a town of France, in the province of Or-
leannois, remarkable for the defeat of the Englilh in
1429, and where Joan of Arc did w'onders. E. Long.
1. 43. N. Lat. 48. 5.
PATE, in Fortification, a kind of platform, refem-
bling what is called an horfir's /hoe.
PATEE, or Pattee, in Heraldry, a crofs, fmall in
the centre, and widening to the extremities, which are
very broad.
PATELLA, or Knee-pan, in Anatomy. See Ana¬
tomy Index.
Pateixa, or Limpet, a genus of ftxell-filh belong¬
ing to the order of vermes teftaeea. See Conchology
Index.
Patella, in the Hiftory of Infehts, a name given
by Lifter and other authors to a little hulk or {hell,
found on the bark of the cherry, plum, rofe, and other
trees, containing an animal within, and ufeful in colour¬
ing. Thefe patelJie are of the form of globes, except
where they adhere to the tree, and are for the moft part of
a ftiining chefnut colour. The hulk itfelf ftrikes a very
fine crimfon colour on paper, and within it is found a
white maggot which is of no value : this, in time,
hatches into a very fmall but beautiful bee. The fize
of this bee is about half that of an ant. They have a
iiing like bees, and three fpots placed in a triangle on
the forehead, which are fuppofed to be eyes. They are
of a black colour, and have a large round whililh or
pale yellow fpot on the back . The upper pair of wings
are (haded and fpotted, but the under pair are clear. It
might be worth while to try the (hells or hulks in order
to difeover whether the colour they yield might not be
ufeful. It is to be remarked, that the deepeft coloured Patella
hulks afford the fineft and deepeft purple : they mult be p.,j| ra
ufed while the animal in them is in the maggot form 5  
for when it is changed into the bee ftate the (hell is dry
and colourlefs. Lifter, who firft obl'erved thefe patella?,
went fo far on comparing them with the common
kermes, as to affert that they were of the fame nature
with that production : but bis account of their being
the workmanlhip of a bee, to preferve her young maggot
in, is not agreeable to the true hiftory of the kermes j
for that is an infeft of a very peculiar kind. He has in
other inftances been too juftly cenfured for his precipi¬
tancy of judging of things, and perhaps has fallen into
an error by means of it here. It is very poffible that
thefe patella? may be the fame fort of animals with the
kermes, but then it produces its young within this (hell
or hulk, which is no other than the Ikin of the body of
the mother animal but as there are many Hies whofe
worms or maggots are lodged in the bodies of other
animals, it may be that this little bee may love to lay
its egg in the body of the proper infetft, and the mag¬
got hatched from that egg may eat up the proper pro¬
geny, and, undergoing its own natural changes there,
iftiie out at length in form of the bee. This may have
been the cafe in fome few which Dr Lifter examined 5
and he may have been milled by this to fuppofe it the
natural change of the infect.
PATENT, in general, denotes fomething that
Hands open or expanded : thus a leaf is faid to be pa¬
tent, when it Hands almoft at right angles with the
ftalk.
Patent, or Letters Patent. See Letter.
PATER NOSTER, the Lord's Prayer, fo called from
the two firft words thereof in Latin.
PATER Nojier, illands of1 Alia, in the Eaft Indian
fea, fo called becaufe of the great number of rocks,
■which failors have likened to the beads with which, the
Papifts tell their pater-nofter. They abound in corn and
fruits, and are very populous.
PATER Patratus, was the name ol the firft and princi¬
pal perfon in the college of heralds called Feciales. Some
fay the Pater Patratus was a conftant officer and per¬
petual chief of that body ; and others fuppofe him to
have been a temporary minifter, elected upon account
of making peace or denouncing war, which were both
done by him. See Feciales.
PATERA, among antiquaries, a goblet or veffel
uled by the Romans in their facrifices; wherein they
offered their confecrated meats to the gods, and where¬
with they made libations. See Sacrifice and Liba¬
tion.
The word is Latin, formed from paieo, “ I am open j”
quod patent, “ becaufe it has a great aperture in con-
tradillincfion to bottles, &c. which have only narrow
necks, or whofe aperture is lefs than the body of the
veffel.
On medals the patera is feen in the hands of feveral
deities j and frequently in the hands of princes, to
mark the facerdotal authority joined with the impe¬
rial, &c.
Hence F. Joubert obferves, that befides the patera,
there is frequently an altar upon which the patera feems
to be pouring its contents.
The patera was of gold, filver, marble, brafs, glafs, or
F 2. earth j
PAT [ 44 1 PAT
s- earth j and they ufed to inclofe it in urns with the aflies
of the deceafed, after it had ferved for the libations of
the wine and liquors at the funeral.
The patera is an ornament in archite&ure, frequently
leen in the Doric freeze, and the tympans of arches j
and they are fometimes ufed by themfelves, to ornament
a fpace j and in this cafe it is common to hang a firing
of hulks or drapery over them: fometimes they are much
enriched writh*foliage, and have a mafk or a head in the
centre.
PATERCULUS, Caius Velleius, an ancient Ro¬
man hiftorian, who flourifhed in the reign of Tiberius
Ctefar, was born in the year of Rome 735. His ance-
ftors were illufci.ious for their merit and their offices.
His grandfather efpoufed the party of Tiberius Nero,
the emperor’s father 5 but being old and infirm, and not
able to accompany Nero when he retired from Naples,
he ran bimfelf through with his fword. His father was
a foldier of rank, and fo was Paterculus himfelf. He
was a military tribune when Caius Ceefar, a grandfon of
Auguftus, had an interview with the king of the Far-
thians, in an ifland of the river Euphrates, in the year
753. He commanded the cavalry in'Germany under
Tiberius; and accompanied that prince for nine years
fucceffively in all his expeditions. He received honour¬
able rewards from him 5 but wre do not find that he wras
preferred to any higher dignity than the prcetorfhin.
The praifes he beflows upon Sejanus give fome probabi¬
lity to. the conjedlure, that he wTas looked upon as a
friend of this favourite, and confequently that he was
involved in his ruin. His death is placed by Mr Dod-
well in the year of Rome 784, when he was in his 50th
' year.
He wrote an abridgement of the Roman Hiflory in
two books, which is very curious. His purpofe was
only to deduce things from the foundation of Rome to
the time wherein he lived ; but he began his work with
things previous to that memorable era : for, though the
begimaing of his" firlt book is wanting, we yet find in
what remains of it, an account of many cities more an¬
cient than Rome. He promifed a larger hiftory j and
no doubt would have executed it well : for during his
military expeditions he had feen, as he tells us, the pro¬
vinces of Thrace, Macedonia, Achaia, Alia Minor, and
other more eallerly regions efpecially upon the ffiores
of the Euxine fea, which had furniffied his mind with
much entertaining and ufeful knowledge. In the A-
bridgement which we have, many particulars are related
that are nowhere elfe to be found 5 and this makes it
the more valuable. The Ryle of Paterculus, though
miferably difguifed through the careleflhefs of tranfcri-
bers, and impoffible to be reftored to parity for want
of manufcripts, is yet manifeftly worthy of his age,
which was the time of pure Latinity. The greateft
excellence of this hiftorian lies in his manner of com¬
mending and blaming thofe he fpeaks of} which he does
in the fineft terms and moft delicate expreffions. He is,
however, condemned, and indeed with the greateft rea-
fon, for his partiality to the houfe of Auguftus 5 and For
making the moft extravagant eulogies, not only upon
Tiberius, but even upon his favourite Sejanus : whom,
though a vile and cruel monfter, Paterculus celebrates
as one of the moft excellent perfons the Roman com¬
monwealth had. produced. Lipfius, though he praifes
him in other refpe&s, yet cenfures him moft feverely fox
his infincerily and partiality. “ Velleius Paterculus Paterculus
(fays he) raifes my indignation: he reprefents Sejanus as I!
endowed with all good qualities. The impudence of Fat^etic‘ .
this hiftorian ! But we know that he wTas born, and " v
died, to the deftrudlion of mankind. After many com¬
mendations, he concludes, that Livia wras a woman more
refembling the. gods than men : and as to Tiberius, he
thinks it a crime to fpeak otherwife of him than as of
an immortal Jove. What fincere and honelk mind can
bear this ? On the other hand, how artfully does he
everywhere conceal the great qualities of.Csefar Germa-
nicus! how obliquely does he ruin the reputation of
Agrippina and others, whom Tiberius was thought to
bate ! In ftiort, he is nothing but a court-proftitute.
You will fay, perhaps, it wras unfafe to fpeak the truth
at thofe times : I grant it-; but if he could not write
the truth, he ought not to have written lies : none are
called to account for filence.” La Mothe le Vayar has
made a very juft remark upon 'this occafion : “ The
fame fault (fays he) may be obferved in many others,'
who have written the hiftory of their own times, with
a defign to be publiffied while they lived.”
It is ftrange, that a work fo elegant and worthy to
be preferved, and of which, by reafon of its fhortnefs,
copies might be fo ealily taken, ffiould have been fo
near being loft. One manufeript only has had the luck
to be found, as well of tlris author among the Latins
as of Hefychius among the Gteeks : in which, lays a
great critic of our own nation, “ The faults of the
feribes are found fo numerous, and the defects fo be¬
yond all redrefs, that notw'itkftanding the pains of the
learned and moft acute critics for two whole centuries,
thefe books ftill are, and are like to continue, a mere
heap of errors.” No ancient author but Prifcian makes
mention of Paterculus : the* moderns have done him in¬
finitely more jiiftice, and have illuftrated him with notes
and commentaries. He was firft publiftied, from the
manufeript of'Morbac, by Rhenanus, at Bafil in 1520 :
afterwards by Lipfius at Leyden in 1581 ; then by
Gerard Voffius in 1639; next by Boeclerus at Strafburg
in 1'642 ; then by Thyfius and others j and, laftly, by
Peter Burman at Leyden, 1719, in 8vo. To the Ox¬
ford edition in 1693, 8vo, were prefixed the Annales
Velleiani of Mr Dodwell, which Ihow deep learning and
a great knowledge of antiquity.
PATH, in general, deno'tes the courfe or track mark¬
ed out or run over by a body in motion.
For the path of the moon, &.c. fee Moon, &c.
Astronomy Index.
PATHETIC, whatever relates to the paffions, or
that is proper to excite or awake thpm. The word
comes from the Greek fnijjion or emotion. See
Passion.
Pathetic, in Mu/ic, fomething very moving, ex-
preffive, or paffionate ; capable of exciting pity, com-
paflion, anger, or other paffions. Thus we fpeak of
the pathetic ftyle, a pathetic figure, pathetic fong, &c.
The chromatic genus, with its greater and lefl’er femi-
tones, either afeending or defeending, is very proper
for the pathetic j as is alfo an artful management of
difeords; with a variety of motions, now7 brifk, now
languilhing, now fwift, now7 flow.
Nieuwentyt fpeaks of-a mufician at Venice who fo
excelled in the pathetic, that he v7as able to play any
of his auditors into diftradtion ; he fays alfo, that the
great
PAT [ 45 ] PAT
TPatTiogno- great means he made ufe of it was the variety of mo-
monic tions, &C.
■patience ‘ PATHOGNOMONIC, among Physicians, an ap-
‘ pellation for a fymptom, or concourfe of fymptoms, that
are infeparable from a-diftemper, and are found in that
only, and in no other.
PATHOLOGY, that part of medicine which ex¬
plains the nature of difeafes, their caufes and 'fymp¬
toms. See Medicine.
PATHOS, a Greek term, literally fignifying paf-
fion.
PATHROS, a city and canton of Lgypt, of which
the prophets “Jeremiah and Ezekiel make mention •,
Jerem. xliv. i. 15. Ezek. xxix. 14, xxx. 14. We-do
not very well know its fituatita, though Pliny and
Ptolemy the geographer fpeak of it by the name of
# Phaturis *, and it appears to have been in Upper Egypt.
Ifaiah (xii. 2.) Calls it Pathros ; and it is the country
of the Pathrufim, the, pofterity of Mizraim, of whom
Mofes fpeaks, Gen. x. 14. Ezekiel threatens them
with an entire ruin. -The Jews retired thither notwith-
flanding the remonftra'hces of Jeremiah \ and the Lord
fays- by Ifaiah, that he will bring them back from
thence. /
PATIENCE, that calm and unruffled temper with
which a good man bears the evils of life, from a con-
viclion that they are at leaf! permitted, if not fent, by
the belt of Beings, who makes all things work together
for good to thofe who love and fear him.
The evils by which life is embittered may be redu¬
ced to thefe four : 1. Natural evils, or thofe to which
we are by nature fubjeft as men, and as perifhable ani¬
mals. The greateft of thefe are, the death of thofe
whom we love, and of ourfelves. 2. Thofe from which
we might be exempted by a virtuous and prudent
conduft, but which are the infeparable confequences
of imprudence or vice, which we fhall call punifhments $
as infamy proceeding from fraud, poverty from prodiga¬
lity, debility and difeafe from intemperance. 3. Thofe
by which the fortitude of the good are exercifed 5 fuch
as the perfecutions raifed againit them by the wicked.
To thefe may be added, 4. The oppolition againfl which
wc muff perpetually ftruggle, arifing from the diverfity
of fentiments, manners, and characters of the perfons
among whom we live.
Under all thefe evils patience is not only neceffary
but ufeful : it is neceflary, becaufe the laws of nature
have made it a duty, and to murmur againft natural
events is to affront providence \ it is ufeful, becaufe it
renders our fufferings lighter, {barter, and lefs dan¬
gerous.
Is your reputation fullied by invidious calumnies ?
rejoice that your charafter cannot fuffer but by falfe
imputalions. You are arraigned in a court of judi¬
cature, and are unjuftly condemned : pafflon has in¬
fluenced both your profecutor and your judge, and you
cannot forbear repining that you faffer although in¬
nocent. But would it have been better that you
Ihould have fuffered being guilty ? Would the greateft
misfortune that can befal a virtuous man be to you a
confolation ? The opulence of a villain, the elevated
Hation to which he is raifed, and the honours that are
paid to him, excite your jealoufy, and -fill your bofom
with repbrings and regret. What ! fay you, are riches,
dignity, and power, referved for fuch wretches as this ? Patience,
Cedfe thefe groundlefs murmurs. If the poffeflions you -~v—“■
regret were real benefits, they would be taken from the •
wicked and transferred to you; What would you fay
of a fucCefsful hero, who, having' delivered his <country,
fhould complain that his fervices were ill requited, be¬
caufe a few fugar-plums were diftributed to fome chil¬
dren in his pretence, of which they had not offered him
a fhare ? Ridiculous as this would appear, your com¬
plaints fire no better founded. Has the Lord of all no
reward to confer on you but perifhable riches and empty
precarious honour ?
It is fancy, not the reafon of things, that makes life
fo uneafy to us. It is not the place nor the condition,
but the mind alone, that can make any body happy or
miferable.
He that values himfelf upon confcience, not opinion,
never heeds reproaches. When we are evil fpoken of,
if we have, not deferved it, we are never the worfe} if
we have, we ftiould mend.
Tiberius the Roman emperor, at the beginning of
his reign, adted in moft things like a truly generous,
good natured, and clement prince. All flanderous re¬
ports, libels, and lampoons upon him and his adminiftra-
tion, he bore with extraordinary patience *, faying,
“ 'That in a free ftate the thoughts and tongues of
every man ought to be Lee and when the fenate
would have proceeded againft fome who had publiftied
libels againft him, he would not confent to it ; faying,
“ We have not time enough to attend to fuch trifles;
if you once open a door to fuch informations, you will
be able to do nothing elfej for under that pretence every
man will revenge himfelf upon his enemies by accufing
them to you.” Being informed that one had fpoken de-
traftingly of him : “ If he fpeak ill of me,” fays he, “ I
will give him as good an account of my words and ac¬
tions as I can \ and if that be not fufficient, I will fatisfy
myfelf with having as bad an opinion of him as he has
of me.” Thus far even Tiberius may be an example to
others.
Men will have the fame veneration for a perfon who
fuffers adverfity without dejeftion, as for demolfthed
temples, the very ruins of which are reverenced and
adored.
A virtuous and well-difpofed perfon, is like to good ^
metal; the more he is fired, the more he is refined j the
more he is oppofed, the more he is approved ; wrrongs
may well try him and touch him, but cannot imprint in
him any falfe ftamp.
The man Terefore who poffeffes this virtue (patience),,
in this ample fenfe of it, Hands ;upon an eminence, and
fees human things below him : the tempeft indeed may
reach him 5 but he ftands. fecure and colle&ed againft
it upon the bafis of confcious virtue, which the fevereft
ftorms can feldom {hake, and never overthrown
Patience, howrever, is by no means incompatible
with fenfibility, which, with dll its inconveniences,
is to be cherifhed by thofe who underftand and with to
maintain the dignity of their nature. To feel for others,
difpofes us to exercife the amiable virtue of charity, wdiich
our religion indifpenfably requires. It conftitufes that
enlarged benevolence which philofophy inculcates, and
which is indeed comprehended in Chriftian charity. It
is the privilege and the ornament of man 3 and the pain
which
PAT [ 46 ] PAT
Patience \\ liicli it caufes is abundantly recompenfed by that fvveet
Tiri u! ^en^ati°n which ever accompanies the exercife of benefi-
v cen'ce.
To feel our ou;n mifery tsith full force is not to be
deprecated. AfHiclion foftens and improves the heart.
Tears, to fpeak in the ftyle of figure, fertilize the foil in
which the virtues grow. And it is the remark of one
who underdood human nature, that the faculties of the
mind, as well as the feelings of the heart, are meliorated
by adverfity.
But in order to promote thefe ends, our fufferings
inutl not be permitted to overwhelm us. We mull op-
pofe them with the arms of reafon and religion ; and to
exprefs the idea in the language of the philofopher, as
well as the poet, of Nature, every one, while he is com¬
pelled to feel his misfortunes like a man, fhould refolve
alfo to bear them like a man.
Refign’d in ev’ry Hate,
With patience bear, with prudence puth, your fate }
By fuffering well our fortune we fubdue,
Fly when the frowns, and when ike calls purfue.
PATIGUMO (a corruption of the words pate-fie
guimauve) ; the name of a fort of pafte or cakes much
nfed on the continent as an agreeable and ufeful
remedy for catarrhal defluxions, and fiuppofed by
Dr Percival to conlift of gum-arabic combined with
fugar and the whites of eggs (fee the article Hunger).
But we have been informed that the powdered fubltance
of the marfhmallow is the chief ingredient of the com-
pofition.
PATIN, Guy, profeflbr of phyfic in the royal col¬
lege of Paris, was born in 1602. He made his way
into the world merely by the force of his genius, being
at firft correclor of a printing-houfe. He was a man
of great wit and erudition : he fpoke with the gravity
of a Stoic, but his expreffions were very fatirical. He
hated bigotry, fuperlfition, and knavery •, had an up¬
right foul, and a well-difpofed heart. He was a moll
tender father, courteous to every body, and polite in
the higheft degree. He died in 167?, and did not owe
his reputation to any writings publifhed in his lifetime
upon phyfic ; but his letters which appeared after his
death have rendered his name famous. He left a fon
mentioned in the enfuirig article.
Patin, Charles, who made a great figure in the
world, and excelled in the knowledge of medals. He
was born in Paris in 1633 5 and made fo furprifing a
progrefs, that he maintained thefes in Greek and La¬
tin, on all parts of philofophy, in 1647. He lludied
the law in compliance to an uncle, and was admitted
an advocate in the parliament of Paris ; but could not
lay afide that of phyfic, for which he always had an
inclination. He therefore quitted the law, and devoted
himfelf to phyfic ; in which, after taking the doctor’s
degree, he applied himfelf to practice with great fuc-
cefs. He afterwards travelled into Germany, Holland,
England, Switzerland, and Italy. In 1676 he was
appointed profeflbr of phyfic in Padua } and three years
after was created a knight of St Mark. He died in that
city in 1694. - His works are many, and well known to
the learned world. His wife too, and his daughters,
were authorefles.
N PATKUL, John Reinhold, was born of a noble
family in Livonia, a northern province belonging to the
2
crown of Sweden. Tlhe Livonians having be$n ftript Park'd.
of their privileges, and great part of their eftates, by  w—
Charles XL Patkul was deputed to make their com¬
plaint } which he did with Inch eloquence and courage,
that the king, laying his hand upon hfs ihoulder, laid,
‘ You have Ipoken tor your country as a br^ve man
fliould, and I efteem you for it.’
Charles, however, who added the bafenefs of hypo-
crify to the ferocity of a tyrant, Was determined to
puiiith the zeal and honefty wliich be thought fit to
commend ; and a few days afterwards earned Patkul
to be declared guilty of high treafon, and condemned
to die. Patkul, however, found means to efcape into
Poland, where he continued till Charles was dead. He
hoped that his fentence would have been then reverfed,
as it had been declared unjuft even by the tyrant that
procured it : but being difappointed in this expecta¬
tion, he applied to Auguftus king of Poland, and fo-
licited him to attempt the conqueft of Livonia from
the Swedes •, which, he faid, might be eafily eftefted,
as the people were ready to tliake off their yoke, and
the king of Sweden w as a child incapable of compel¬
ling their fubjedlion.
Auguftus poflefled himfelf of Livonia in confequence
of this propofal ; and afterwards, when Charles' XIL
entered the province to recover it, Patkul commanded
in the Saxon army againft him. Charles was victori¬
ous ; and Patkul, fome time afterwards, being difgull¬
ed at the haughty behaviour of General Fleming,' Au-
guftus’s favourite, entered into the fervice of the Czar,
with whom Auguftus was in ft rift alliance, and a little
before Charles compelled Auguftus to abdicate the
throne of Poland, and bis fubjefts to eleft Staniflaus
in his Head. The Czar rent Patkul, with the title of
his ambaflador, into Saxony, to prevail with Auguftus
to meet him at Grodno, that they might confer on the
ftate of their affairs. This conference took place ; and
immediately afterwards the Czar went from Grodno to
quell a rebellion in Aftracan. As foon as the Czar was
gone, Auguftus, to the furprife of all Europe, ordered
Patkul, who was then at Drefden, to he feized as a ftate
criminal. By this injurious and unprecedented aftion,
Auguftus at once violated the latv of nations, and weak¬
ened his own intereft ; for Patkul was not only an arn-
baflador, but an amhaflador from the only power that
could afford him proteftion. The caufe, however, was
this : Patkul had difeovered that Auguffus’s minifters
were to propofe a peace to Charles upon any terms ; and
had therefore formed a defign to be beforehand with
them, and procure a feparate peace between Charles and
his new mafter the Czar. The defign of Patkul was dif¬
eovered ; and, to prevent its fuccefs, Auguftus ventured
to feize his perfon, affuring the Czar that he was a traiT
tor, and had betrayed them both.
Auguftus was foon after reduced to begA a peace of
Charles at any rate-, and Charley granted it upon cer¬
tain conditions, one of which was, that he fliould de¬
liver up Patkul. This condition reduced Auguftus to
a very diftrefsful dilemma : the Czar, at this very time,
reclaimed Patkul as his amhaflador ; and Charles de¬
manded, with threats, that he fliould be put into his
hands. Auguftus therefore contrived an expedient by-
which he hoped to fatisfy both : he fent lome guards
to deliver Patkul, who was prifoner in the caftle of
Konigftein, to the Swedifii troops 3 but by fecret or¬
ders,
PAT [ 47 1 PAT
pat'tul ders privately difpatched, he comnianded the governor
—“V*—- to let him efeape.. The governor, though he received
this order in time, yet di{appointed its intention by his
villany and his avarice. He knew Patkul to be very
rich •, and having it now in his power to fuffer him to
elcape with impunity, he demanded of Patkul a large
fum for the favour : Patkul refufed to buy that liberty
which he made no doubt would be gratuitoufly reftored,
in confequence of the Czar’s requifition and remonftrance;
and, in the mean time, the Swedilh guards arrived with,
the order for his being delivered up to them. By this
party he was firft carried to Charles’s head quarters at
Albranftadt, where he continued three months, bound
to a Hake with a heavy chain of iron. He was then
conducted to Calimir, where Charles ordered him to be
tried ; and he whs by his judges found guilty. His fen-
tence depended upon the 'king j and after having been
kept a prilbner fome months, under a guard of Mayer-
feldt’s regiment, uncertain of his fate, he was, on the
28th of September 1707, towards the evening, delivered
into the cullody of a regiment of dragoons, commanded
by Colonel Nicholas Hiebn. On the next day, the
29th, the colonel took the chaplain of his regiment
ahde, and telling him'that Patkul was to die the follow¬
ing day, ordered him to acquaint him with his fate, and
prepare him for it. About this very time he was to
have been married to a Saxon lady of great quality, vir¬
tue, and beauty ; a circumftance which renders his cafe
ftiU more ailecling. What followed in confequence of
the colonel’s order to the miniller will be related in his
own words. v
“ Immediately after evening fervice I went to his pri-
fon, where I found him lying on his bed. The firlf com¬
pliments over, I entered upon the melancholy duty of
my profeffion, and turning to the officer who had him
in charge, told him the colonel’s orders were, that I
fliould be alone with his prifoner. The officer having
■withdrawn, Patkul grafping both my hands in his, cried
out with moll affecting anxiety and diflrefs, My dear
pallor -'! what are you to declare r what am I to hear ?
I bring you, replied I, the fame tidings that the prophet
brought to King Hezekiah, Set thine houfe in order, for
thou mujl die. To morrow by this time thou (halt be
no longer in the number of the living ! At this terrible
■warning he bowed himfelf upon his bed and burfl into
tears. I attempted to comfort him, by faying that he
mull, without all doubt, have often meditated on this
fubjedl: Yes, cried he, I know, alas ! too well, that
vve mull all die j but the death prepared for me will be
•cruel and infupportable. I allured him that the manner
of his death was to me totally unknown j but, believing
that he would be prepared for it, I was fare his ■ foul
would he received into the number of happy fpirits.
Here he rofe up, and folding his hands together, Merci¬
ful Jefus ! let me then die the death of the righteous !
A little after, with his face inclined to the wall, where
ftood. his bed, he broke out into this foliloquy : Augu-
ftus ! O Auguftus, what mull be thy lot one day ! Mull
thou not anfwer for all the crimes thou haft committed ?
He then obferved that he was driven out from his coun¬
try, by a fentence againft his life, pronounced for doing
what the king himfelf encouraged him to do, faying to
him one day in terms of much kindnefs, ‘ Patkul, main¬
tain the rights of your country like a man of honour,
and with all the. fpirit you are capable of.’ That flying
into an enemy’s country was alfo unavoidable, as the
country of an ally would not have afforded him prctec-
titfn ; but that he was in Saxony a wretched exile, not
a counfellor or advifer; that before his arrival every
thing was already planned, the alliance with Mufcovy
figncd, and the meafures with Denmark agreed upon.
‘ My inclination (Taid he, after a paufe) were always to
ferve Sweden, though the contrary opinion has prevail¬
ed. The elector of Brandenburg owed his title of king
of Prujjia to the fervices I did him •, and when, ia re-
compenie, he would have given me a confiderable fum
of money, I thanked him, and rejetfted the offer 5 add¬
ing, that the reward 1 moil wilhed for was to regain the
king of Sweden’s favour by his interceffion. This he
promifed, and tried every poffible method to fucceed, but
without iuccefs. After this I laboured fo much for the
intereft of the late emperor: in his Spanifh affairs, - that I
brought about what Icarce any other man could have
effecled. The emperor as an acknowledgement gave me
an aftignment for 50,000 crowns, which I humbly laid
at his feet, and only implored his imperial majefty’s re¬
commendation of me to my king’s favour : this requeft
he immediately granted, and gave his orders according¬
ly, but in vain. Yet, not to lofe any opportunity, I
went to Mofcow while the Swedifh ambaffadors were at
that court j but even the mediation of the Czar had no
effe£l. After that I diilributed among the Swediffi pri-
foners at Mofcow at leaft 100,000 crowns, to ffiow the
ardent defire I had, by all ways, to regain the favour of
their fovereign. Would to heaven I had been equally
in earneft to obtain the grace of God.’—At thefe words
another {bower of tears fell fron* his eyes, and he re¬
mained for fome moments lilent, and overwhelmed with
grief. I ufed my heft endeavours to comfort him with
the affurance that this grace would not be denied him,
provided he fpent the few hours ftill left in earneftly im¬
ploring it 5 for the door of heaven’s mercy was'never
{hut, though that of men might be cruelly fo. ‘ This,
(replied he), this is my confolation; for thou art God
and not man, to be angry for ever. He then inveighed
bitterly againft Auguftus, and reproached' himfelf for
having any connexion with a wretch who was wholly
deftilute of all faith and honour, an atheift, without
piety, and without virtue. ‘ While he was at War-
faw (faid he), and heard the king was advancino- to at¬
tack him, he found himfelf extremely diftrsffqd. He
was abfolutely without money, and therefore obliged
to difmifs fome of his troops. He had recourfe to my
affiftance, and intreated me, for the love of God, to bor¬
row whatever fum I could. I procured him 400,000
crowns ; 50,000 of which, the very next day, he Iquan-
dered on trinkets and jewels, which he gave in prefents
to fome of his women. I told him plainly my thoughts
of the matter j and by my importunity prevailed, that
the Jews fhould take back their toys, and return the
money they had been paid for them. The ladies were
enraged 5 and he fwore that I fhould one time or other
fuffer for what I had done: there indeed he k^pt his
word ; would to God he had always done fo with thofe
he employed !” I now left him for a ftiort time, and at
feven ' in the evening I returned 5 and the officer being
retired, he accofted me with a fmiling air, and an ap¬
pearance of much tranquillity, ‘ Welcome, dear fir, the
weight that lay heavy on my heart is removed, and I al¬
ready feel a fenffble change wrought in my mind. I am
ready,
PAT [ 48 ] PAT
Pa'tkul. ready to die : death is more eligible than tile folitude of
“_v ' a long imprifonment. Would to heaven only that the
kind of it were lefs cruel. Can you, my dear fir, inform
me in what manner I am to fufier r’ I anfvvered, that it
had not been communicated to me 5 but that I imagin¬
ed it would pals over without noife, as only the colonel
and myfelf had notice of it. ‘ That (replied he) I
elfeem as a favour ; but have you ffcen the fentence ? or
mufi: I die, without being either heard or condemned ?
My apprehenfions are of being put to intolerable tor¬
tures.’ I comforted him in the kindeft manner I could ;
but he was his own beft comforter from the Word of
God, with which he was particularly acquainted ; quot¬
ing, among many other panages, the following in Greek,
IVe tnujl enter into the kingdom of heaven through many
.tribulations. He then called for pen and ink, and in-
treated me to write down what he fhould dictate. I did
fo, as fol lows :
4 Tef amentum, or my lajl will as to the difpoftion of
my effeBs after my death.—I. His majefty King Augu-
ftus, having firft examined his confidence thoroughly, will
be fo juft as to pay back to my relations the fum he owes
me *, which, being liquidated, will amount to 50,000
crowns \ and as my relations are here in the fervice of
Sweden, that monarch will probably obtain it for them.’
“ At this he faid, let us flop here a little 5 I will
quickly return to finifh this will; but now let us ad-
drefs ourfelves to God by prayer. Prayers being end¬
ed, ‘ Now (cried he) I find myfelf yet better, yet in
a quieter frame of mind : Oh ! were my death lefs
dreadful, with what pleafure would I expiate my guilt
by embracing it !—Yes (cried he, after a paufe), I
have friends in different places, who will weep over
my deplorable fate. What will the mother of the king
of Pruflia fay ? What will be the grief of the Countefs
Levolde who attends on her ? But what thoughts muft
arife in the bofom of her to whom my faith is plighted ?
Unhappy woman ! the news of my death will be fatal
to her peace of mind,' My dear paftor, may I venture
to beg one favour of you ?’ I affured him he might
command every fervice in my power. ‘ Have the good-
nefs then (faid he, prefling my hand), the moment I am
no more, to write—Alas ! how will you fet about it ? a
letter to Madam Einfeidelern, the lady I am promifed
to—Let her know that 1 die her’s ; inform her fully of
my unhanpv fate : Send her my laft and eternal fare¬
well ! My death is in truth difgraceful *, but my manner
of meeting it will, I hope by heaven’s and your aflift-
ance, render it holy and bleffed. This news will be her
only confolation. Add farther, dear Sir, that I thanked
her with my lateft breath for the fincere affe&ion ftie
bore me : May Ihe live long and happy : This is my
dying wifti.’—I gave him my hand in promife that I
would faithfully perform all he defired.
“ Afterwards he took up a book : ‘ This (faid he)
is of my own writing. Keep it in remembrance of me,
and as a proof of my true regard for religion. I could
wi(h it might have the good fortune to be prefented to
the king, that he may be convinced with what little
foundation I have been accufed of atheitm.’ Taking it
from his hand, I affured him that my colonel would not
fail to prefent it as foon as opportunity offered.
“ The reft of his time was employed in prayer, which
he went through with a very fervent devotion. On the
^Oth of September I was agaia with him at four in the
z
morning. The moment he heard me he arofe, and ren¬
dering thanks to God, affured me he had not flept fo
foundly for a long time. We went to prayers 5 and in
truth his piety and devout frame of mind were worthy
of admiration. About fix he faid he would begin his
confeflion, before the din and clamour of the people
without could rife to difturb his thoughts. He then
kneeled down, and went through his confeflion in a
manner truly edilying. The fun beginning to appear
above the horizon, he looked out, of the window, faying,
Salve ftfla dies ! ‘ This is my wedding-day. I looked,
alas 1 for another, hut this is the happier 5 for to-day
fhall rtiy foul be introduced by her heavenly bridegroom
into the affembly of the bleffed !’ He then afked me,
whether I yet knew in what way he was to die ? I an-
fwered, that 1 did not. Pie conjured me, by the facred
name of Jefus, not to forlake him j for that he.lhould
find in my company fome confolation even in the midft
of tortures. Calling his eye on the paper that lay. on
the table, ‘ This will (faid he) can' never be finiftied.’
I afked him, whether he would put his name to what
was already written ? 4 No (replied he, ith a deep
figh), I will write that hated name no more. My rela¬
tions will find their account in another place j falute
them for me.’ He then addreffed himfelf again to God
in prayer, and continued his devotions till the lieutenant
entered to conducl him to the coach. He wrapped him¬
felf up in his cloak, and went forward a great pace,
guarded by 100 horfemen. Being arrived at the place
of execution, we found it furrounded by 300 foot fol-
diers 5 but at the fight of the flakes and wheels, his hor¬
ror is not to be deferibed. Clafping me in his arms,
‘ Beg of God (he exclaimed) that my foul may not be
thrown into defpair amidft thefe tortures ! I comforted,
I adjured him to fix his thoughts on the death of Jefus
Chrift, who for our fins was nailed to a crofs.
“ Being now on the fpot where he was to fuffer, he
bid the executioner to do his duty well, and put into his
hands fome money which he got ready for that purpofe.
He then ftretched himfelf out upon the wheel ; and
while they were flripping him naked, he begged me to
pray that God would have merty on him, and bear up
his foul in agony. I did fo 5 and turning to all the
fpe£tators, faid to them, Brethren, join with me in
prayer for this unhappy man. ‘ Yes (cried he), aflift
me all of you w ith your fupplications to heaven.’ Here
the executioner gave him the firft ftroke. His cries were
terrible : 4 O jefus ! Jefus ! have mercy upon me.’ This
cruel feene wTas much lengthened out, and of the utmoft
horror ; for as the headfman had no fkill in his bufinefs,
the unhappy vidlim received upwards of 15 feveral blows,
with each of which were intermixed the moft piteous
groans and invocations of the name of God. At length,
after two ftrokes given on the breaft, his ftrength and
voice failed him. In a faltering dying tone, he was juft
heard to fay, 4 Cut off my head ?’ and the executioner
ftill lingering, he himfelf placed bis head on the fcaffold :
After four llrokes w ith an hatchet, the head was fepa-
rated from the body, and the body quartered. Such was
the end of the renowned Patkul.”
Charles XII. has been very generally and feverely
cenfured for not pardoning him, and we are not inclined
to vindicate the fovereign. Yet it muft be remembered,
that Patkul was guilty of a much greater crime than
that which drew/ upon him the difpleafure of Charles
Patkul.
PAT [ 49 1 PAT
Patkul XI. He incited foreign powers to attack his country
II when under the government of a boy, hoping, as he
faid himfelf, that it would in fuch circumftances become
an eafy conqueft. He was therefore a rebel of the word;
kind 5 and where is the abfolute monarch that is ready
to.-pardon fuch unnatural rebellion ? Let it be remem¬
bered, too, that Charles, among whofe faults no other
inftance of cruelty has been numbered, certainly thought
that, in ordering the execution of Patkul, he was dif-
charging his duty. That monarch, it is known, believ¬
ed in the poflibilily of difcovering the philofopher’s done.
Patkul, when under fentence of death, contrived to im-
pofe fo far upon the fenate at Stockholm, as to perfuade
them that he had, in their prefence, converted into gold
a quantity of bafer metal. An account of this experi¬
ment was tranfmitted to the king, accompanied wdth a
petition to his majedy for the life of fo valuable a fub-
je6t} but Charles, blending magnanimity with his feve-
rity, replied wdth indignation, that he would not grant
to intereft what he had refufed to the call of humanity
and the intreaties of friendlhip.
PATMOS, in Ancient Geography, one of the Spo-
rades (Dionydus) ; 30 miles in compafs (Pliny) 5 con¬
cerning which we read very little in authors. It was
rendered famous by the exile of St John, and the Reve¬
lation diowed him there. The greated part of interpre¬
ters think that St John wrote them in the fame place
during the two years of his exile ; but others think that
he did not commit them to writing till after his return
to Ephefus. The idand of Patmos is between the ifland
of Icaria and the promontory of Miletus. Nothing has
done it more honour than to have been the place of the
banilhment of St John. It is now called Patino, or Pac-
tino, or Pat mo/, or Palmofa. Its circuit is five and
twenty or thirty miles. It has a city called Patmos,
with a harbour, and fome monaderies of Greek monks.
It is at prefent in the hands of the Turks. It is con-
fiderable for its harbours ; but the inhabitants derive
little benefit from them, becaufe the corfairs have ob¬
liged them to quit the town, and retire to a hill on which
St John’s convent dands. This convent is a citadel con¬
fiding of feveral irregular towers, and is a fubdantial
building feated on a very deep rock. The w'hole ifland
is very barren, and without wood 5 however, it abounds
with partridges, rabbits, quails, turtles, pigeons, and
fnipes. All their corn does not amount to icoo barrels
in a year. In the wrhole ifland there are fcarcely 300
men : but there are above 20 women to one man, who
expedl: that all drangers who land in the ifland fhould
carry fome of them away. To the memory of St John
is an hermitage on the fide of a mountain, where there
is a chapel not above eight paces long and five broad.
Over head they fhow a chink in the rock, through
which they pretend that the Holy Ghod dictated to
St John. E. Long. 26. 84. N. Lat. 37. 24.
PATNA, a town of Ada, in the dominions of the
Great Mogul, to the north of the kingdom of Bengal,
"where the Englifh have- factories for faltpetre, borax,
and raw filk. It is the capital of the province of Ba-
har, a dependency of Bengal, in the empire of Indo-
dan, fituated in a pleafant country, 400 miles ead of
Agra. It extends feven miles in length on the banks
of the Ganges, and is about half a mile in breadth.—
Mr Rennel gives drong reafons for fuppofing it to be
the ancient Palibothra. The town is large and po-
Vol. XVI. Part I.
pulous, but the houfes are built at a didance from each Patcmack
other. E. Long. 85. 40. N. Lat. 45. 25. H
PATOMACK, a large river of Virginia, in North , ^a^r:e' .
America, which rifes in the Alleghany mountains, fe-
parates Virginia from Maryland, and falls into Chefa-
peake bay. It is about feven miles broad, and is na¬
vigable for near 200 miles.
PATONCE, in Heraldry, is a crofs, flory at the
ends} from which it differs only in this, that the ends
indead of turning down like a fleur-de-lis, are extend¬
ed fomewhat in the pattee form. See Flory.
PATRtE, a city of Achaia. This place was vifit-
ed by Dr Chandler, who gives the following account
of it. “ It has been often attacked by enemies, taken,
and pillaged. It is a confiderable town, at a diftance
from the fea, fituated on the fide of a hill, which has
its fummit crowned with a ruinous caflle. This made
a brave defence in 1447 againd Sultan Morat, and held
out until the peace was concluded, which fird rendered
tire Morea tributary to the Turks. A dry flat before it
was once the port, which has been choked with mud.
It has now, as in the time of Strabo, only an indifferent
road for veffels. The houfe of Nicholas Paul, Efq. the
Englifti conful, dood on part of the wall either of the
theatre or the odeum. By a fountain was a fragment
of a Latin infeription. We faw alfo a large marble
bud much defaced ; and the French conful (bowed us a
colleftion of medals. We found nothing remarkable in
the citadel. It is a place of fome trade, and is inhabited
by Jews as wTell as by Turks and Greeks. The latter
have feveral churches. One is dedicated to St Andrew
the apodle, who differed martyrdom there, and is of
great fan&ity. It had been recently repaired. The fite
by the fea is fuppofed that of the temple of Ceres. By
it is a fountain. The air is bad, and the country round
about overrun with the low fhrub called gh/cyrrhiza or
liquorice.”
Of its ancient date, the fame author fpeaks thus :
“ Patrse aflided the JEtolians when invpded by the
Gauls under Brennus", but afterwards was unfortunate,
reduced to extreme poverty, and almod abandoned. Au-
gudus Csefar reunited the fcattered citizens, and made
it a Roman colony, fettling a portion of the troops which •
obtained the victory of Aftium, with other inhabitants
from the adjacent places. Patrae reflourithed and enjoy¬
ed dominion over Naupaftus, Oeanthe, and fevend ci¬
ties of Achaia. In the time of Paufanias, Patrae was
adorned with temples and porticoes, a theatre, and an
odeum which was fuperior to any in Greece but that of
Atticus Herodes at Athens. In the lower part of the
city was a temple of Bacchus /Efymnetes, in which was
an image preferved in a died, and, conveyed, it was
faid, from Troy by Eurypylus; who, on opening it,
became difordered in his fenfes. By the port were
temples •, and by the fea, one of Ceres, with a pleafant
grove and a prophetic fountain of unerring veracity in
determining the event of any illnefs. After fiipplicating
the goddefs with incenfe, the fick perfon appeared,
dead or living, in a mirror fufpended fo as to touch the
liirface of the water. In the citadel of Patra: ivas a
temple of Diana Laphria, with her datue in the habit of
a huntrefs of ivory and gold, given by Augudus Caefar
when he laid wade Calydon and the cities of Aitolia to
people Nicopolis. The Patrenfians honoured her with
a yearly fedival,- which is deferibed by Paufanias who
G was
P A T [ 50 ] PAT
Tatrana was a fpe&ator. Tliey formed a circle round llie altar
Jl with pieces of greenwood, each i6 cubits long, and
Paaiarcn. ]leapeJ dry fuel. The folemnity began writh a
molt magnificent piocefiion, w7hich was doled by the
virgin-priellefs in a chariot drawn by Hags. On the
follow ing day, the city and private perfons oifered at the
altar fruits, and birds, and all kinds of vitlims, wild-
boars, Hags, deer, young wolves, and hearts full grown;
after which the fire wras kindled. He relates, that a
bear and another animal forced a way through the fence,
but were reconducted to the pile. It was not remem¬
bered that any wound had ever been received at this ce¬
remony, though the fpedlacle and facrifice w?ere as dan¬
gerous as favage. The number of women at Patrae was
double that of the men. They wrere employed chiefly
in a manufacture of flax which grew in Elis, weaving
garments, and attire for the head.”
PATR ANA, or Pastrana, a town of New Caftile
in Spain, with the title of a duchy. It is feated between
the rivers Tajo and Tajuna, in W. Long. 2. 45. N. Lat.
40. 26.
PATRAS, an ancient and flourifhing towTn of Eu¬
ropean. Turkey, in the Morea, capital of a duchy, with
a Greek archhifhop’s fee. It is pretty large and popu¬
lous ; and the Jew's, who are one-third part of the in¬
habitants, have four fynagogues. There are feveral
handfome mofques and Greek churches. The Jews car¬
ry on a great trade in filk, leather, honey, wax, and
cheefe. There are cyprefs trees of a prodigious height,
and excellent pomegranates, citrons, and oranges. It
has been feveral times taken and retaken, and it is juft
now in the hands of the Turks. It is feated in E. Long.
21. 45. N. Lat. 38. 17.
PATRICA, a town of Italy, in the territory of the
church, and in the Campagna of Rome, towards the
fea-coaft, and eight miles eaft of Oftia. About a mile
from this place is a hill called Monte de Livano, which
fome have thought to be the ancient Lavinium founded
by ./Eneas.
PATRES conscripti. See Conscript and Se¬
nator.
PATRIARCH, Patriarcha, one of thofe firft fa¬
thers who lived towards the beginning of the world, and
who became famous by their long lines of defcendants.
Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob, and his twelve fons, are the
patriarchs of the Old Teftament j Seth, Enoch, &c.
were antediluvian patriarchs.
The authority of patriarchal government exirted in
the fathers of families, and their firft-born after them
exercifing all kinds of eccleflaftical and civil authority
in their refpeflive houfeholds •, and to this government,
which lafted till the time of the Ifraelites dwelling in
Egypt, fome have afcribed an abfolute and defpotic
power, extending even to the punilhment by death. In
proof of this, is produced the curfe pronounced by Noah
upon Canaan (Gen. ix. 25.) ; but it muft be obferved,
that in this affair Noah feems to have afted rather as a
prophet than a patriarch. Another inftance of fuppofed
defpotic power is Abraham’s turning Hagar and llhmael
out of his family (Gen. xxi. 9, &c.) •, but this can hard¬
ly be thought to furnifh evidence of any Angular autho¬
rity vetted in the patriarchs, as fuch, and peculiar to
thofe ages. The third inftance brought fomard to the
fame purpofe is that of Jacob’s denouncing a curfe upon
Simeon and Levi (Gen. xlix, 7.), winch is maintained
by others to be an inftance of prophetic infphation more Patriarch,
than of patriarchal power. The fourth inftance is that v~'~-
of Judah with regard to Tamar (Gen.xxxviii. 24.) ; with
regard to which it is remarked, that Jacob, the father of
Judah, was ftill living -y that Tamar was not one of his
owm family 5 and that fl\e had been guilty of adultery,
the puniftunent of which was death by burning j and
that Judah on this occafion might fpeak only as a profe-
cutor.
On the w hole, howrever, it is difficult to fay which of
thefe opinions is moft agreeable to truth. Men who
believe the origin of civil government, and the obliga¬
tion to obedience, to arife from a fuppofed original con-
tradt, either real or implied, will be naturally led to
weaken the authority of the patriarchs: and thole
again who efteem government to be a divine inltilution,
will be as apt to raife that authority to the higheft pitch
that either reafon or feripture will permit them. It
cannot be denied, that authority exifted in fathers, and
defeended to their firft-born, in the firft ages of the
world j and it is neither unnatural nor improbable to
imagine, that the idea of hereditary power and heredi¬
tary honours was firft taken from this circumftance.
But whether authority has defeended through father
and fon in this way to our times, is a circumftance
that cannot in one inftance be afferted, and can be de¬
nied in a thoufand. The real fource of the dignity
and of the authority of modern times leems to have
been, Ikill in the art of W'ar, and fuccefs in the conduct
of conquefts.
Jewijh PATRIARCH, a dignity, refpecling the origin
of which there are a variety of opinions. The learned
authors of the Univerfal Hiftory think, that the firft
appearance and inftitution of thofe patriarchs happened
under Nerva the fucceffor of Dcmitian. It letms pro¬
bable that the patriarchs were of the Aaroric or Levi-
tical race 5 the tribe of Judah being at that time too
much depreffed, and too obnoxious to the Romans to be
able to affume any external power. But of whatever
tribe they w7ere, their authority came to be very confi-
derable. Their principal bufinefs w7as to inrtrubl the
people j and for this purpofe they inftituted fchools in
feveral cities. And having gained great reputation for
their extraordinary learning, zeal, and piety, they might,
in time, not only bring a great concourfe of other Jews
from other parts, as from Egypt and other weftern pro¬
vinces of their difperfion, but likewife prove the means
of their patriarchal authority’s being acknowledged
there. From them they ventured at length to levy a
kind of tribute, in order to defray the charges of their
dignity, and of the officers, (viz. the Apojtoh qx Legal:,')
under them, wffiofe bufinefs it was to carry their orders
and decifions through the other provinces of their di£-
perfion, and to fee them punctually executed by all, that
fome lhadow7 of union at leaft might be kept up among
the weftern Jews. They likewife nominated the dcClors
who were to prefide over their fchools and academies 4
and thefe w'ere in procefs of time ftyled chiefs and prin¬
ces, in order to raife the credit of that dignity, or to im¬
ply the great regard wffiich their difciples wyere to pay
to them. Thefe chiefs became at length rivals of the
patriarchs ; and fome of them poffeffed both dignities at
once ; an ufurpation w'hich caufed not only great confu-
fion amongft them, but oftentimes very violent and
bloody contefts. However; as the Jewilh Rabbles have
trumped
PAT [ Si
Patriarch. trumped up a much older era for this patriarchal digni-
—v ~ ty, and have given us a fuccefhon of them down to the
fifth century, in which it was abolifhed, it will not be
amifs to give our readers the fubftance of what they
have written of the rife and progrefs of this order of
men •, and at the fame time to (how them the abfurdity
and falfehood of that pretended fucceflion to this imagi¬
nary dignity.
According to them, the firfl: patriarch was Hillel, fur-
named the Babylonian, becaufe he was fent for from
thence to Jerufalem about 100 years before the ruin of
their capital, or 30 years before the birth of Chrift, to
decide a difpute about the keeping of Eafter, which on
that year fell out on the Sabbath-day} and it was on
Account of his wife decifion that he was raifed to that
dignity, which continued in his family till the faid fifth
century. He was likewife looked upon as a fecond Mo-
fcs, becaufe he lived like him 40 years in obfcurity, 40
more in great reputation for learning and fanftity, and
40 more in pofleflion of this patriarchal dignity. They
make him little inferior to that lawgiver in other of his
excellencies, as well as in the great authority he gained
over the whole Jewilh nation. T. he wonder will be,
how Herod the Great, who was fo jealous of his own
power, could fuffer a ftranger to be raifed to fuch a height
of it, barely for having decided a difpute which muft in
all likelihood have been adjudged by others long before
that time.
However, Hillel was fucceeded by his fon Simeon,
whom many Chriftians pretend to have been the vene¬
rable old perfon of that name, who received the divine
infant in his arms. The Jews give him but a vefy ob-
fcure patriarchate $ though the authors above quoted
make him, moreover, chief of the fanhedrim $ and Epi-
phanius fays, that the prieftly tribe hated him fo much
for giving fo ample a teftimony to the divine child, that
they denied him common burial. But it is hardly cre¬
dible that St Luke ihould have fo carelefsly paffed over
his two fold dignity, if he had been really poffeffed of
them, and have given him no higher title than that of
a juft and devout man.
He was fucceeded by Jochanan, not in right of de¬
scent, but of his extraordinary merit, which the Rab¬
bles, according to cuftom, have raifed to fo furprifirtg a
height, that, according to them, if the wdiole heavens
Were paper, all the trees in the world pens, and all the
men writers, they would not fuffice to pen down all his
leffons. He enjoyed his dignity but two years, accord¬
ing to fome, or five according to others: and was the
perfon who, obferving the gates of the temple to open
of their own acCord, cried out, “ O temple, temple !
wlw art thou thus moved ! We know that thou art to
be deftroyed, feeing Zechariah hath foretold it, faying,
Open thy gates, O Lebanus, and let the flames con-
fume thy cedars.” Upon this he is further reported
to have complimented Vefpafian, or rather, as fome
have correfted the ftory, Titus, with the title of hwg,
affuring him that it was a royal perfon who was to
deftroy that edifice •, on which account they pretend
that general gave him leave to remove the fanhedrim to
Japhne.
The Jewifli writers add, that he likewife erected an
academy there, which fubfifted till the death of Akiba,
and was likewife the feat of the patriarch ; and confift-
ed of 300 fchools, or dalles of fcholers. Another he
] PAT
erected at Lydda, not far from Japhne, and where the Patriarch.
Chriftians have buried their famed St George. Lie li¬
ved 120 years, and being alked, what he had done to
prolong his life ? he gave this wile anfwer } 1 never made
water nearer a houfe of prayer than four cubits j I never
difguifed my name : I have taken care to celebrate all
feftivals : and my mother hath even fold my head orna¬
ments to buy wine enough to make me merry on fuch
days j and left me at her death 300 hoglheads of it, to
fandify the Sabbath.—The dodors who flouriihed in
his time were no lefs confiderable, both for their num¬
ber and charader 5 particularly the famed Rabbi Cha-
nina, of whom the Bath Col was heard to lay, that the ^
world was preferved for the fake of him •, and R. Ni-
codemus* whom they pretend to have irOpped the courfe
of the fun, like another Joihua..
He was fucceeded by Gamaliel, a man, according to
them, of unfufferable pride j and yet of fo univerfal au¬
thority over all the Jews, not only in the weft, but over
the whole world, that the very monarchs fullered his
laws to be obeyed in their dominions, not one of them
offering to obftrud the execution of them. In his days
flouriihed Samuel the Lefs, who compofed a prayer full
of the bittereft curfes againft heretics, by which they
mean the Chriftians •, and which are ftill ift ufe to this
day. Gamaliel was no lefs an enemy to them j and
yet both have been challenged, the former as the cele ¬
brated mailer of our great apoftle, the other as iris dif-
ciple in his unconverted ftate.
Simon II. his fon and fucceffor, was the firft martyr
who died during the liege of Jeruialem. The people
fo regretted his death, that an order was given, inftead
of 10 bumpers of wine, which were uiually drank at
the funeral of a faint, to drink 13 at his, on account of
his martyrdom. Thefe bumpers were in time multiplied,
they tell us, to fuch lhameful height, that the fanhedrim
was forced to make fome new regulations to prevent that
abufe.
. Thefe are the patriarchs which, the Rabbles tell us,
preceded the deftru£lion of the temple } and we need no
farther confutation of this pretended dignity, than the
filence of the facred hiftorians, who not ©nly make not
the leaft mention of it, but affure us all along that they
were the high-priefts who prefided in the fanhedrim •, and
before whom all cafes relating to the Jewith religion
were brought and decided. It was the high-prieft who
examined and condemned our Saviour } that condemned
St Stephen j that forbade the apoftles to preach in
Chrift’s name; and who fat as judge on the great apo¬
ftle at the head of that fupreme court. The fame may
be urged from Jofephus, who muft needs have known
and mentioned this pretended dignity, if any fuch there
had been 5 and yet is fo far from taking the leaft notice
of it, thAt, like the evangelifts, he places the pontiffs
alone at the head of all the Jewilh affairs j and names
the high-prieft Ananus as having the care and direttion
of the war againft the Romans •,—which is an evident
proof that there were then no fuch patriarchs in being.
To all this let us add, that if there had been any
fuch remarkable fucceflion, the Talmudifts would have
preferved it to future ages ; whereas, neither they, nor
any of the ancient authors of the Jewilh church, make
any mention of it j but only fome of their do£!ors, who
have written a confiderable time after them, as of wri¬
ters to whom little credit can be given in points of this
G & nature j
PAT [ ;
Patriarch, nature j cfpeciaHy as there are fuch unfurmountable cen-
ratriarchs, ^racjJ£tions between them, as no authors either Jewifti or
Chriftian have, with all their pains, been hitherto able to
reconcile.
Their fucceflion, according to the generality of thofe
rabbies, Hands as follows :
x. Hillel the Babylonian. 2. Simeon the fon of Hil-
lel. 3. Gamaliel the fon of Simeon. 4. Simeon II.
the fon of Gamaliel. 5. Gamaliel II. the fon of Sime¬
on II. 6. Simeon III. the fon of Gamaliel II. 7. Ju¬
dah the fon of Simeon III. 8. Gamaliel III. the fon
of Judah. 9. Judah II. the fon of Gamaliel III. 10.
Hillel II. fon of Judah II. ix. Judah III. fon of Hil¬
lel II. 12. Hillel III. fon of Judah III. 13. Gama¬
liel IV. fon of Hillel III.
According to Gants Tzemach David, who hath re¬
duced them to 10, they are,
1. Hillel the Babylonian. 2^Simeon the fon of Hil¬
lel. 3. Rabb. Gamaliel Rebona. 4. R. Simeon the fon of
Gamaliel. 5. Rabban Gamaliel his fon. 6. R. Jehu-
dah the prince. 7. Hillel the prince, his fon. 8. Rab¬
ban Gamaliel the Old. 9. Simeon III. 10. R. Judah,
Naffi or prince.
On the whole, it cannot be doubted but that their
firft rife was in Nerva’s time, however much Jewifh pride
may have prompted them to fallify, and to affert their
origin to have been more ancient than it really was.
Nor have the Jews been faithful in giving an account of
the authority of thefe men. They have exaggerated
their power beyond all bounds, for the purpofe of repel¬
ling the arguments of Chriftians : for their power was
certainly more Ihowy than fubftantial. In time, how¬
ever, they certainly impofed upon the people ; and what
power they did poflefs (which the Romans only allowed
to be in religious matters, or in fuch as were connected
with religion) they exercifed with great rigour. Their
pecuniary demands, in particular, became very exorbi¬
tant ) and was the caufe of their fuppreflion in the year
429- v.
Patriarchs, among Chriltians, are ecclefiaftical dig¬
nitaries, or bilhops, fo called from their paternal autho¬
rity in the church. The power of patriarchs was not
the fame in all, but differed according to the different
cuftoms of countries, or the pleafures of kings and coun¬
cils. Thus the patriarch of Conftantinople grew to be
2 ] PAT
a patriarch over the patriarchs of Ephefus and Caefarea, Patriarchs.
and was called the oecumenical and univerfal patriarch ; z~—
and the patriarch of Alexandria had fome prerogatives
which no other patriarch but himfelf enjoyed, fuch as
the right of confecrating and approving every lingle bi-
fhop under his jurifdiition.
1 he patriarchate has been ever efteemed the fupreme
dignity in the church : the biihop had only under him
the territory of the city of which he was biihop j the
metropolitan fuperintended a province, and had for fuf-
fragans the bilhops of his province j the primate was
the chief of what was then called a diocefe^A), and had
feveral metropolitans under him 5 and the patriarch had
under him feveral diocefes, compoling one exarchate, and
the primates themfelves were under him.
Ulher, Pagi, De Marca, and Morinus, attribute the
eftablilhment of the grand patriarchates to the apoftles
themfelves ; who, in their opinion, according to the de-
feription of the world* hen given by geographers, pitch¬
ed on the three principal cities in the three parts of the
known world 5 viz. Rome in Europe, Antioch in Aha,
and Alexandria in Africa : and thus formed a trinity of
patriarchs. Others maintain that the name patriarch
was unknown at the time of the council of Nice ; and
that for a long time afterwards patriarchs and primates
were confounded together, as being all equally chiefs of
diocefes, and equally fuperior to metropolitans, who
were only chiefs of provinces. Hence Socrates gives
the title patriarch to all the chiefs of diocefes, and rec
ko'ns ten of them. Indeed, it does not appear that the dig¬
nity of patriarch was appropriated to the five grand lees-
of Rome, Conftantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Je-
rufalem, till after the council of Chalcedon in 451 ; for
when the council of Nice regulated the limits and pre¬
rogatives of the three patriarchs of Rome, Antioch, and
Alexandria, it did not give them the title of patriarchs,
though it allow ed them the pre-eminence and privileges
thereof j thus wdien the council of Conftantinople ad¬
judged the fecond place to the bilhop of Conftantinople,
who till then vras only a fuffragan of Heraclea, it laid
nothing of the patriarchate. Nor is the term patri¬
arch found in the decree of the council of Chalcedon,
whereby the fifth place is affigned to the bifiiop of
Jerufalem } nor did thefe five patriarchs govern all the
churches.
There
(a) The w7ord diocefe was then of very different import from what it bears now. Under the article Episcopa¬
cy, it was obferved, that the firft founders of churches regulated their extent and the jurifdi&ion of their bilhops by
the divifions of the Roman empire into civil jurifdiftions* One of thefe divifions was into provinces and diocefes.
A province comprifed the cities of a whole region fubjedled to the authority of one chief magiftrate, who reeled
in the metropolis or chief city of the province. A diocefe wras a ftill larger diftridt, comprehending within it fe¬
veral provinces, fubjedl to the controul of a chief magiftrate, whofe refidence wTas in the metropolis of the diocefe.
i he jurifdidlion of the bifhops of the Chriftian church wras eftablilhed upon this model. The authority of a pri¬
vate biihop extended only over the city in which he refided, together with the adjacent villages and furrounding
tradl of country. This diftridl was called Tra^oiKiot,, though it comprehended many parifhes in the modern fenfe of
that word. Under Arcadius and Honorius the empire was divided into thirteen diocefes : 1. The Oriental dio¬
cefe, containing fifteen provinces j 2. The diocefe of Egypt, fix provinces ; 3. The Afiatic diocefe, ten provinces;
4. 1 he Pontic diocefe, ten provinces 5 5. The diocefe of Thrace, fix provinces ; 6. The diocefe of Macedonia, fix
provinces j 7. \ he diocefe of Decia, five provinces; 8. The Italic diocefe, feventeen provinces ; 9. The diocefe of
Ulyricum, fix provinces •, 10. The diocefe of Africa, fix provinces j 11. The Spaniflr diocefe, feven provinces j
12. The Gallican diocefe, feventeen provinces j 13.. The Britannic diocefe, five provinces. Each of thefe pro¬
vinces comprehended many ttk^oikicu, and each many modern parilhes. See Bingham's Origincs Sa~
cree. Book ix.
PAT
Patriarchs There were*, befides many independent chiefs of dio-
|l cefes, who far from owning the jurifdiction of the grand
Patrician ‘ ' " ’ ’ • r - £--i- --_
E'def-
Hiji. vol. i
p. 7.S4.
patriarchs, called themfelves patriarchs j fuch as that of
Aquileia j nor was Carthage ever fubjeft to the patri¬
arch of Alexandria. Moiheim * imagines that the bi-
thops, who enjoyed a certain degree of pre-eminence
over the reft of their order, were diftinguiihed by the
Jewifti title of patriarchs in the fourth century. The
authority of the patriarchs gradually increafed, till about
the clofe of the fifth century, all affairs of moment with¬
in the compafs of their patriarchate came before them,
either at firft hand or by appeals from the metropolitans.
They confecrated biihops 5 aflembled yearly in council
the clergy of their refpeftive dfftricts j pronounced a
decifive judgment in thofe cafes where accufations were
brought againft bifhops ; and appointed vicars or depu¬
ties, clothed with their authority, for the prefervation of
order and tranquillity in the remoter provinces. In
ffiort, nothing was done without confulting them; and
their decrees were executed with the lame regularity
and refpeif as thofe of the princes.
It deferves to be remarked, however, that the autho¬
rity of the patriarchs was not acknowledged through
all the provinces without exception. Several diftricts,
both in the eaftern and weftern empires, were exempted
from their iurifdicfion. The Latin church had no pa¬
triarchs till the fixth century ; and the churches of Gaul,
Britain, &c. were never fubjeft to the authority of the
patriarch of Rome, whole authority only extended to the
fuburbicary provinces. There was no primacy, no ex¬
archate nor patriarchate, owned here j but the biihops,
with the metropolitans, governed the church in com¬
mon. Indeed, after the name patriarch became fre¬
quent in the weft,, it was attributed to the biihops of
Bourges and Lyons ; but it was only in the firft fignifi-
cation, viz. as heads of diocefes. Du Cange fays, that
there have been fome abbots who have borne the title of
patriarchs.
PATRIARCHAL cross, in Heraldry, is that where
the (haft is twice croffed ; the lower arms being longer
than the upper ones.
PATRICIAN, a title given, among the ancient Ro¬
mans, to the defcendants of the hundred, or, as fome
will have it, of the two hundred, firft fenators chofen
by Romulus ; and by him called pat res, “ fathers.”
Romulus eftablifhed this order after the example of the
Athenians ; who were divided into two claiTes, viz. the
ivTrxTgtSx; patricios, and di)U6Tix.ovs populares. Patri¬
cians, therefore, were originally the nobility •, in oppofi-
tion to the plebeians. They were the only perfons whom
Romulus allowed to afpire to the magiftracy *, and they
exercifed all the fun&ions of the priefthood till the year
of Rome 495. But the cognizance and character of
thefe ancient families being almoft loft and extinguiflied
by a long courle of years, and frequent changes in the
empire, a new kind of patricians were afterwards fet on
foot, who had no pretenfions fro;n birth, but whofe title
depended entirely on the emperor’s favour. This new
patriciate, Zozimus tells us, was creeled by Conftantine,
who conferred the quality on his counfellors, not became
they were defeended from the ancient fathers of the fe~
nate, but becaufe they were the fathers of the republic
or of the empire. This dignity in time became the
higheft of the empire. Juftinian calls it fummam digni¬
tatem, In efteff, the patricians feem to have had the
53 1 PAT
precedence of the confu/ares, and to have taken place Patncian
before them in the fenate j though F. Faber afferts the
contrary. What confounds the queftion is, that the two ‘AT
dignities often met in the fame perfon •, becaufe the pa¬
triciate was only conferred on thofe who had gone
through the firft offices of the empire, or had been cou-
fuls. C Pope Adrian made Charlemagne take the title of
patrician before he affumed the quality of emperor} and
other popes have given the title to other kings and prin¬
ces by reafon of its eminence.
Patrician is alfo a title of honour often conferred
on men of the firft quality in the time of our Anglo-
Saxon kings. See Thane.
Patrician Deities, Patricii Dii, in Mythology, were
Janus, Saturn, the Genius, Pluto, Bacchus, the Sun, the
Moon, and the Earth.
Patricians, in ecclefiaftical writers, were ancient
fedlaries, who difturbed the peace of the church in the
beginning of the third century : thus called from their
founder Patricias, preceptor oi a Marcionite called
Symmachiis. His diftinguiftung tenet was, that the
fubftance of the fieffi is not the work of God, but that
of the devil : on which account his adherents bore an
implacable hatred to their own fleffi; which fometimes
carried them fo far as to kill themfelves. 'They were
alfo called Tatianltes, and made a branch of the En-
CRATIT3E.
PATRICK, St, the apoftle of Ireland, and fecond
biffiop of that country. He was born April 5th A. D.
c;7^, of a good family, at Kirk Patrick near Dumbarton,
in what is now called Scotland, but then comprehended
under the general name of Britain.—His baptiimal name
Suceath, fignifies, in the Britifti language, “ valiant in
war.” On fome inroad of certain exiles from Ire¬
land lie was taken prifoner, and carried into that king¬
dom, where he continued fix years in the fervice of Mil-
cho, who had bought him of three others, when Patrick
acquired the new name of Cothraig, or Ceathar-Tigh, i. e.
four families. In this time he made himfelf matter of
the Irifh language, and at laft made his efcape, and re¬
turned home on board a ftiip. About two years after,
he formed a defign of converting the Irifti, either in
confequence of a dream, or of refleflion on wffiat he
had obferved during his acquaintance with them. The
better to qualify himfelf for this undertaking, he travel¬
led to the continent, where he continued 35 years, pur-
fuing his ftudies under the diredlion of his mother’s uncle
St Martin, biffiop of Tours, who had ordained him dea¬
con j and after his death, with St German, biffiop of
Auxerre, who ordained him priefl, and gave him his
third name Mawn or Magimm.
An ancient author, Henricus Antifioderenfis, who
wrote a book concerning the miracles of St German,
confiders it as the higheft honour of that prelate to have
been the inftruftor of St Patrick : “ As the glory of a
father ffiines in the government of his fons ; out of the
many difciples in religion who are reported to have been
his fons in Chrift, fuffice it briefly to mention one by far
the moft famous, as the feries of his atftions ffiows, Pa¬
trick the particular apoftle of Ireland, who being under
his holy difeipline l3 years, derived no little knowledge
in the infpired writings from fuch a fource. The moft
godly divine pontiff', confidering him alike diftinguiih¬
ed in religion, eminent for virtue, and ftedfaft in doc¬
trine -7 and thinking it abfurd to let one of the beft la-
PAT [ 54 ] PAT
Patrick, bourers remain ina&ive in tlie Lord’s vineyard, re-
commended him to Celeftine, pope of Rome, by his
preibyter Segetius, who was to carry to the apoitolic
fee a teftimonial of ecclefiartical merit of this excel*
lent man. Approved by his judgement, fupported by
his authority, and confirmed by his blefling, he fet
out for Ireland; and being peculiarly deftined to that
people as their apoftle, inltrudled them at that time by
his dodlrine and miracles •, and now does and will for¬
ever difplay the wonderful power of his apoftlelhip.”
Laftly, Pope Celeftine confecrated him bifhop, and
gave him his molt familiar name Patricius, expreftive
of his honourable defcent j and to give luftre and
weight to the commiflion which he now charged him
with to convert the Irifli. Palladius had been here a
year before him on the fame defign, but with little
fuccefs: the faints Kieran, Ailbe, Declan, and Ibar,
were precurfors both to Palladius and Patrick. But
the great office of apoftle of Ireland was referved for our
prelate, who landed in the country of the Evolein, or at
Wicklow, A. D. 441. His firlt convert was Sinell,
eighth in defeent from Cormac king of Leinfter j but
not meeting with encouragement, he proceeded to Dub¬
lin, and thence to Ulfter, where he founded a church
(afterwards the famous abbey of Saul, in the county of
Down), remarkable for its pofition, being made out of
a barn, and its greatefl length reaching from north to
fouth. After labouring feven years indefatigably in his
great work, he returned to Britain, which he delivered
from the herefies of Pelagius and Arius •, engaged feve-
ral eminent perfons to aflifl him j vifited the ifle of
Man, which he converted in 440, when the bifhopric
was founded 5 and, A. D. 448, returned to the fee of
Armagh (a), which he had founded three years before ;
and in 13 years more completed the converfion of the
whole ifland (b). After giving an account of his com-
miflion at Rome, he once more returned hither, and
fpent the remainder of his life between the monafteries
of Armagh and Saul, fuperintending and enforcing the
great plan of dodlrine 'and difcipline which he had efta-
blifhed. After having eftablilhed fchools, or an aca¬
demy here, he clofed his life and miniftry at Saul ab¬
bey, in the 120th year of his age, March 17. A. D.
493, and was buried at Down afterwards, in the fame
grave with St Bridget and St Columb, in the fame
place. Refpedling his burial-place, however, there
have been great difputes j and it has been as great a
fubjedl of debate with the religious, as Homer’s birth¬
place was formerly among the cities of Greece. Thofe
of Down lay claim to it, on the authority of the follow*-. Patrick,
ing verfes i w—•*
Thefe three in Down lie in tomb one,
Briget, Patricius, and Columba pious.
Thofe of Glaftenbury in England, from the old monu’
ments ol their church : And fome Scots affirm him to
have been both born and buried among them at Glaf-
gow. His genuine works were colledted and printed by
Sir James Ware, 1656. His immediate fuccelfor in thb
fee was St Binen or Begnus.
Order of St PATRICK, an inftitution which took place
in Ireland in the year 178^. On the fifth of Febru¬
ary, in that year, the king ordered letters-patent to
be palled under the great feal of the kingdom of Ire*
land, for creating a fociety or brotherhood, to be called
knights of the illufrious order of St Patrick, of which his
majefty, his heirs, and fucceffors, lhall perpetually be
fovereigns, and his majefty’s lieutenant-general and
general-governor of Ireland, &c. for the time being,
lhall officiate as grand-mafters j and alfo for appointing
Prince Edward, and feveral of the prime nobility of Ire¬
land, knights companions of the faid illultrious order. .
Patrick, Simon, a very learned Englilh biffiop,
was born at Gain/borough in Lincolnlhire in 1626.
fn 1644 he was admitted into Queen’s college, Cam¬
bridge, and entered into holy orders. After being for
fome time chaplain to Sir Walter St John, and vicar of
the church at Batterfea in Surrey, he was preferred to
the rectory of St Paul’s, Covent-garden, in London,
where he continued all the time of the plague in 166 >
among his pariihioners, to their great comfort. In
1668 he publilhed his Friendly Debate between a Con-
formilt and a Nonconformift. This was anfwered by
the Dilfenters, whom he had much exafperated by it j
but by his moderation and candour toward them after¬
wards, they were perfeftly reconciled to him, and he
brought over many of them to the communion of the
eftablilhed church. In 1678 he was made dean of
Peterborough, where he was much beloved. In 1682,
Dr Lewis de Moulin, who had been a hiltory-profef-
for at Oxford, and written many bitter books againft
the church of England, fent for Dr Patrick upon his
lick bed, and made a folemn declaration of his regret
on that account, which he figned, and it wras publiih-
ed after his death. During the reign of King James,
the dean’s behaviour ffiowed that he had nothing more
at heart than the Proteftant religion ; for which he
ventured all that was dear to him, by preaching and
wrriting
(a) At Armagh St Patrick founded, A. D. 445 or 447, a priory of Auguftine canons, dedicated to St Peter
and St Paul* much enriched by the archbilhops j reftored by Imar O Hedegan in the 12th century. It was grant¬
ed, A. D. 1611, to Sir Toby Caulfield, knight. St Patrick alfo founded there a houfe of canoneffes of the fame
order, under his filler Lupita, called Templeua frta, or the “ houfe of miracles.”
We are told, that Armagh wras made a metropolitan fee in honour of St Patrick j in confequence of which it
was held in the highell veneration not only by bilhops and priefts, but alfo by kings and biffiops, as the venerable
JBede informs us.
(b) 'There is a cave in the county of Donegal or Tir-connel, near the fource of the Liffey, wffiich, it is pretend¬
ed, was dug by Ulylfes, in order to hold converfations wfith infernals. The prefent inhabitants call it Elian «’
Eradatory, or the “ ifland of Purgatory, and Patrick’s Purgatory.” They affirm, with a pious credulity, that
St Patrick the apoftle of Ireland, or fome abbot of that name, obtained of God by his earneft prayers, that the
pains and torments which await the wicked after this life might be here fet forth to view, in order the more eafily
to recover the Irilh from their linful ftate and heathenilh errors.
4
PAT [
Patrick writing againft the errors of the church of Rome. In
Patriot I'm 168 7 he publHhed a prayer compofed for that difficult
. time, when perfecution wTas expefted by all who flood
firm to their religion. The year after the Revolution,
the dean was appointed bifhop of Chichefler, and was
employed wTith others of the new bifhops to fettle the
affairs of the church in Ireland. In 1691 he was
tranflated to the fee of Ely, in the room of the de¬
prived Bifhop Turner. He died in 1707, after having
publiffied various works; among which the moll di-
ilinguifhed are his Paraphrafes and Commentaries on
the Holy Scriptures, three volumes folio. Thefe, with
Lowth on the Preverbs, Arnold on the Apocrypha,
and Whitby on the New Teflament, make a regular
continued commentary in Engliffi on all the iacred
books.
PATRIMONY, a right or eflate inherited by a
perfon from his anceflors.
The term patrimony has been alfo given to church-
eflates or revenues •, in wdiich fenfe authors flill fay,
the patrimony of the church of Rimini, Milan, &c.
The church of Rome hath patrimonies in France, A-
frica, Sicily, and many other countries. To create
the greater refpedl to the eflates belonging to the
church, it was ufual to give their patrimonies the names
of the faints they held in the highefl veneration : thus
the eflate of the church of Ravenna was called the pa¬
trimony of St Apo/linarius ; that of Milan, the patrimony
of St Ambrofe; and the eflates of the Roman church
were called the patrimony of St Peter in Abruzzo, the
patrimony of St Peter in Sicily, and the like.
What is now called St Peter's patrimony is only the
duchy of Caflro, and the territory of Orvietto. See
Castro, &c.
PATRIOTISM, a love of one’s country, which is
one of the noblefl paffions that can -warm and animate
the human breafl. It includes all the limited and par¬
ticular affeflions to our parents, children, friends, neigh¬
bours, fellow-citizens, and countrymen. It ought to
direft and limit their more confined and partial a£lions
within their proper and natural bounds, and never let
them encroach on thofe facred and firfl regards we owre
to the great public to which rve belong. Were we fo-
litary creatures, detached from the reft of mankind,
and without any capacity of comprehending a public in-
tereft, or without affections leading us to defire and pur-
fue it, it -would not be our duty to mind it, nor crimi¬
nal to neglefl it. But as we are parts of the public
fyftem, and are not only capable of taking in large views
of its interefts, but by the ftrongeft affections connected
with it, and prompted to take a fhare of its concerns,
we are under the moft facred ties to profecute its fecuri-
fy and welfare with the utmoft ardour, efpecially in
times of public trial.
“ Zeal for the public good (fays Mr Addifon) is the
charafteriftic of a man of honour and a gentleman, and
muft take place of pleafures, profits, and ail other private
gratifications : that whofoever wants this motive, is an
open enemy, or an inglorious neuter to mankind, in pro¬
portion to the mifapplied advantages with which na¬
ture and fortune have bleffed him.” This love of our
country does not import an attachment to any parti-
culiar foil, climate, or fpot of earth, where perhaps we
firft drew our breath, though thofe natural ideas are
often affociated with the moral ones 3 and, like ex-
55 1 PAT
ternai fignS or fymbols, help to afcertain and bind Patr:ot;tm;
them 3 but it imports an affeclion to that moral fy- *
Item or community, which is governed by the fame
laws and magiftrates, and whofe feveral parts are vari-
oufty conneCIed one with the other, and all united
upon the bottom of a common intereft. Wherever
this love of cur country prevails in its genuine vigour
and extent, it fwallows up all fordid and felfifti re¬
gards 3 it conquers the love of eafe, power, pleaiure,
and wealth 3 nay, w'hen the amiable partialities of
friendfhip, gratitude, private affeflion, or regards to a
family, come in competition with it, it will teach us
to facrifice all, in order to maintain the rights, and
promote and defend the honour and happinefs of our
country. To purfue therefore our private interefts in
fubordination to the good of our country 3 to be examples
in it of virtue, and obedient to the laws 3 to choofe luch
reprefentatives as we apprehend to be the belt friends to
its conftitution and liberties 3 and if we have the power,
to promote Rich laws as may improve and perteft it 3
readily to embrace every opportunity for advancing its
profperity ; cheerfully to contribute to its defence and
fupport; and, if need be, to die for it :—thefe are
among the duties which every man, who has the happi
nefs to be a member of our free and Proteftant conftitu¬
tion, owes to his country.
The conftitution of man is Rich, that the moft felfifti
paffions, if kept within their proper bounds, have a tend¬
ency to promote the public good. There is no paffion
of more general utility than patriotifm 3 but its origin
may unqueftionably be termed fe/fjh. The love of
one’s relations and friends is the moft natural expanfion
of felf-love : this afleftion connects itfelf too with local
circumftances, and fometimes cannot eafily be feparated
from them. It often varies, as relationlhip or place
varies 3 but acquires newr power when the whole com¬
munity becomes its objeft. It was therefore with fin-
gular propriety that the poet faid, “ Self-love and focial
are the fame.” Under the article Calais we have al- Rapin's
ready given the outlines of the tranfaftions of its fiege Hijl- Eng’.
by Edivard III. during wdiich the inhabitants difplayed
a degree of patriotifm truly wonderful. Hiftory Icarce-
ly affords a more diftinguiftied inftance of true patri¬
otic virtue than on this occafion. We {hall therefore
give a fuller account of this remarkable affair, as one of
the beft examples that can poffibly be feledled of the vir¬
tue w7e have been explaining. The inhabitants, under
Count Vienne their gallant governor, made an admir¬
able defence againft a well difeiplined and powerful
army. Day after day the Englifti effected many a
breach, which they repeatedly expedled to ftorm by
morning 3 but, when morning appeared, they wondered
to behold new ramparts railed nightly, erefted out of
the ruins wdiich the day had made. France had now
put the fickle into her fecond harveft fince Edward with
his viflorious army fat down before the town. The
eyes of all Europe vrere intent on the iffue. The Eng¬
liffi made their approaches and attacks without remil-
fion 3 but the citizens were as obftinate in repelling all
their efforts. At length, famine did more for Edward
than arms. After the citizens had devoured the lean
carcafes of their half-ftarved cattle, they tore up old
foundations and rubbiffi in fcarch of vermin : they fed
on boiled leather, and the weeds of exhaufted gardens 3
and a morfel of damaged corn was accounted matter of
luxury.
PAT
luxury. In this extremity they refolved to attempt the
enemy’s camp. They boldly fallied forth ; the Eng-
lifli joined battle; and, after a long and defperate en¬
gagement, Count Vienne was taken prifoner •, and the
citizens, who furvived the daughter, retired within their
gates. On the captivity of their governor, the com¬
mand devolved upon Euftace Saint Pierre, the mayor
of the town, a man of mean birth, but of exalted virtue.
Euftace foon found himfelf under the neceflity of capi¬
tulating, and offered to deliver to Edward the city,
with all the pofl'effions and wealth of the inhabitants,
provided he permitted them to depart with life and li¬
berty. As Edward had long fince expected to afcend
the throne of France, he was exafperated to the laff, de¬
gree againft thefe people, whole foie valour had defeat¬
ed his warmeft hopes j he therefore determined to take
an exemplary revenge, though he wiftied to avoid the
imputation of cruelty. He anfwered by Sir Walter
Mauny, that they all deferved capital puniftiment, as
obftinate traitors to him, their true and notable fo-
vereign ; that, however, in his wonted clemency, he
confented to pardon the bulk of the plebeians, provided
they would deliver up to him fix of their principal ci¬
tizens with halters about their necks, as victims of due
atonement for that fpirit of rebellion with which they
had inflamed the common people. All the remains of
this defolate city were convened in the great fquare 5
and like men arraigned at a tribunal from whence there
was no appeal, expe&ed with throbbing hearts the fent-
ence of their conqueror. When Sir Walter had declar¬
ed his meffage, confternation and pale difmay was im-
preffed on every face : each looked upon death as his
own inevitable lot} for how ftiould they deftre to be
faved at the price propofed ? Whom had they to deliver
up, fave parents, brothers, kindred, or valiant neigh¬
bours, who had fo often expofed their lives in their de¬
fence ? To a long and dead filence, deep fighs and
groans fucceeded, till Euftace Saint Pierre afcending a
little eminence, thus addreffed the affembly: “ My
friends and fellow-citizens, you fee the condition to
which we are reduced ; we muft either fubmit to the
terms of our cruel and enfnafing conqueror, or yield up
our tender infants, our wives, and chafte daughters, to
the bloody and brutal lufts of the violating foldiery.
We well know what the tyrant intends by his fpecious
offers of mercy. It does not fatiate his vengeance to
make us merely miferable, he would alfo make us cri¬
minal : he would make us contemptible : he will grant
us life on no condition, fave that of our being unworthy
of it. Look about you, my friends, and fix your eyes
on the perfons whom you wifh to deliver up as the vic¬
tims of your own fafety. Which of thefe would you
appoint to the rack, the axe, or the halter ? Is there any
here who has not watched for you, who has not fought
for you, who has not bled for you? Who, through
the length of this inveterate fiege, has not fuffered fa¬
tigues and miferies a thoufand times worfe than death,
that you and yours might furvive to days of peace and
profperity ? Is it your prefervers, then, whom you
avould deftine to deftru£lion ? You will not, you can¬
not, do it. Juftice, honour, humanity, make fuch a
treafon impoflible. Where then is our refource ? Is
there any expedient left, whereby we may avoid guilt
and infamy on one hand, or the defolation and hor-
3-ors of a fa eked city on the other ? There is, my
P A T
friends, there is one expedient left 5 a gracious, an ex- Patriotifm.
cellent, a god-like expedient ! Is there any here to
whom virtue is dearer than life ! Let him offer him¬
felf an oblation for the fafety of hjs people ! he fhall
not fail of a bleffed approbation from that power, w ho
offered up his only Son for the falvation of mankind.”
He fpoke—but an univerfal filence enfued. Each man
look&l round for the example of that virtue and mag¬
nanimity in others, which all wiftied to approve in
themfelves, though they w-anted the refolution. At
length Saint Pierre refumed : “ It had been bafe in
me, my fellow-citizens, to promote any matter of da¬
mage to others, which I myfelf had not been willing
to undergo in my owrn perfon. But I held it unge¬
nerous to deprive any man of that preference and eiii-
mation, which might attend a firft offer on fo fignal
an occafion : for I doubt not but there are many here
as ready, nay, more zealous for this martyrdom than I
can be, howrever modefty and the fear of imputed often-
tation may withhold them from being foremoft in ex¬
hibiting their merits. Indeed the ftation to which
the captivity of Count Vienne has unhappily raifed me,
imports a right to be the firft in giving my life for
your fakes. I give it freely, I give it cheerfully. Who
comes next ? Your fon ! exclaimed a youth, not yet
come to maturity.—Ah, my child ! cried St Pierre} I
am then twace facrificed.—But no—I have rather be¬
gotten thee a fecond time.—Thy years are few, but full,
my fon ; the viftim of virtue has reached the utmoft
purpofe and goal of mortality. Who next, my friends ?
This is the hour of heroes.—Your kinfman, cried
John de Aire ! Your kinfman, cried James Wiffant!
Your kinfman, cried Peter Wiffant!—“ Ah ! (exclaim¬
ed Sir Walter Mauny, burfting into tears), why was I
not a citizen of Calais ?” The fixth vibtim wTas ftill
wanting, but wras quickly fupplied by lot, from num¬
bers who vTere now emulous of fo ennobling an example.
The keys of the city w ere then delivered to Sir Walter.
He took the fix prifoners into his cuftody. He ordered
the gates to be opened, and gave charge to his attend¬
ants to conduct the remaining citizens with their fami¬
lies through the camp of the Englifli. Before they de¬
parted, however, they deli red permiffion to take their
laft adieu of their deliverers.—What a parting ! what a
feene ! they crowxled with their wives and children about
St Pierre and his fellow-prifoners. They embraced,
they clung around, they fell proftrate before them.
They groaned ; they wept aloud ; and the joint cla¬
mour of their mourning paffed the gates of the city,
and was heard throughout the camp. At length Saint
Pierre and his fellow7 victims appeared under the con-
duft of Sit Walter and his guard. All the tents of
the Englilh w7ere inftantly emptied. The foldiers
poured from all parts, and arranged themfelves on
each fide to behold, to contemplate, to admire this
little band of patriots as they palled. They murmur¬
ed their applaufe of that virtue which they could not
but revere even in enemies ; and they regarded thole
ropes wrhich they had voluntarily affumed about their
necks as enfigns of greater dignity than that of the
Bfitilh Garter. As foon as they had reached the
royal prefence, “ Mauny (fays the king), are thefe the
principal inhabitants of Calais ?” “ They are (fays
Mauny) •, they are not only the principal men of Ca¬
lais, they are the principal men of France, my lord.
[ 56 ]
PAT
■patriotlfm. if virtue has any {hare in the aft of ennobling.”
"■'y “ Were they delivered peaceably, (fays Edward) ?
Was there no refiftance, no commotion among the
people ?” “ Not in the lead, my lord. They are felf-
delivered, felf-devoted, and come to offer up their inelti-
mable heads as an ample equivalent for the ranfom of
thoufands.”
The king, who was highly incenfed at the length
and difficulty of the liege, ordered them to be carried
away to immediate execution ; nor could all the re-
monftrances and intreaties of his courtiers divert him
from his cruel purpofe. But what neither a regard
to his own intereft and honour, what neither the dic¬
tates of juftice, nor the feelings of humanity, could
effeft, was happily accompliffied by the more powerful
influence of conjugal affeftion. The queen, who was
then big with child, being informed of the particulars
refpefting the fix viftims, flew into her hulband’s pre¬
fence, threw herfelf on her knees before him, and, with
tears in her eyes, befought him not to ftain his charafter
with an indelible mark of infamy, by committing fuch a
horrid and barbarous deed. Edward could refufe no¬
thing to a wife whom he fo tenderly loved, and efpeci-
ally in her condition ; and the queen, not fatisfied with
having faved the lives of the fix burghers, condufted
them to her tent, where (he applauded their virtue, re¬
galed them with a plentiful repaft, and having made
them a prefent of money and clothes, fent them back to
their fellow-citizens.
The love of their country, and of the public good,
feems to have been the predominant paffion of the Spar¬
tans. Pedaretus having miffed the honour of being
chofen one of the three hundred who had a certain
rank of diftinftion in the city* went home extremely
PMarch's pleafed and fatisfied ; faying, “ He was overjoyed there
Life of Ly- Were three hundred men in Sparta more honourable than
CUrZus' himfelf.”
The patriotifm of the Romans is well known, and has
been juftly admired. We {hall content ourfelves at pre¬
fent with the following example •, a zeal and patriotic
devotion fimilar to which is perhaps fcarcely equalled,
and certainly is not exceeded, in hiftory.
vH?”’ lb* Rome, under the confuls Caefo Fabius and T. Vir-
aml |or ginius, had feveral wars to fuftain, lefs dangerous than
lin's Rom. troublefome, againft the iEqui, Volfci, and Veientes.
Hfl. v. i. p. To put a flop to the incurfions of the laft, it would
have been neceffary to have eftabliflied a good garrifon
upon their frontiers to keep them in awe. But the
commonwealth, exhaufted of money, and menaced by
abundance of other enemies, was not in a condition to
provide for fo many different cares and expences. The
family of the Fabii {bowed a generofity and love of
their country, that has been the admiration of all ages.
They applied to the fenate, and by the mouth of the
conful demanded as a favour that they would be pleafed
to transfer the care and expences of the garrifon ne¬
ceffary to oppofe the enterprifes of the Veientes to
their houfe, which required an affiduous rather than a
numerous body, promifing to fupport with dignity the
honour of the Roman name in that poft. Every body
was charmed with fo noble and unheard of an offer;
and it was accepted with great acknowledgment. The
news fpread over the whole city, and nothing was talk¬
ed of but the Fabii. Every body praifed, every body
admired and extolled them to .the Ikies. “ If there
VOL. XVI. Part I.
r 57 i
PAT
2,66.
were tivo more fuch families in Rome,” faid they, u the Patriot!im.
one might take upon them the wTar againft the Volfci, ^ '
and the other againft the iEqui, whilft the common-
w'ealth remained quiet, and the forces of particulars fub-
dued the neighbouring ftates.”
Early the next day the Fabii fet out, with the con¬
ful at their head, robed, and with his infignia. Never
was there fo fmall, and at the fame time fo illuftrious,
an army feen; for which we have the authority of
Livy. Three hundred and fix foldiers, all patricians,
and of the fame family, of whom not one but might
be judged worthy of commanding an army, march
againft the Veii full of courage and alacrity, under a
captain of their own name, Fabius. They w’ere fol¬
lowed by a body of their friends and clients, animated
by the fame fpirft and zeal, and aftuated only by great
and noble view's. The whole city flocked to fee fo fine
a fight j praifed thofe generous foldiers in the 'higheft
terms; and promifed them confulffiips, triumphs, and
the moft glorious rewards. As they paffed before the
capitol and the other temples, every body implored the
gods to take them into their proteftion } to favour their
departure and undertaking, and to afford them a fpeedy
and happy return. But thofe prayers were not heard.
When they arrived near the river Crimera, which is not
far from Veii, they built a fort upon a very rough and
fteep mountain for the fecurity of the troops, which they
furrounded with a double foffe, and flanked with feveral
towers. This fettlement, which prevented the enemy
from cultivating their ground, and ruined their com¬
merce with ftrangers, incommoded them extremely.
The Veientes not finding themfelves ftrong enough to
ruin the fort which the Romans had erefted, applied
to the Hetrurians, who fent them very confiderable
aid. In the mean time the Fabii, encouraged by the
great fuccefs of their incurfions into- the enemy’s coun¬
try, made farther progrefs every day. Their exceffive
boldnefs made the Hetrurians conceive thoughts of
laying ambufcades for them in feveral places. During
the night they feized all the eminences that command¬
ed the plain, and found means to conceal a great number
of troops upon them. The next day they difperfed
more cattle about the country than they had done be¬
fore. The Fabii being apprized that the plains were
covered with flocks and herds, and defended by only a
very fmall number of troops, they quitted their fort,
leaving in it only a fufficient number to guard it. The
hopes of a great booty quickened their march. They
arrived at the place in order of battle ; and were pre¬
paring to attack the advanced guard of the enemy
when the latter, who had their orders, fled without flay¬
ing till they were charged. The Fabii, believing them¬
felves fecure, feized the Ihepherds, and were preparing
to drive away the cattle. The Hetrurians then quitted
their {bulking places, and fell upon the Romans from all
tides, who were moft of them difperfed in purfuit of
their prey. All they could do was to rally immedi¬
ately ; and that they could not effeft without great dif¬
ficulty. I. hey foon faw themfelves furrounded on all
fides, and fought like lions, felling their lives very dear.
But finding that they could not fuftain this kind of com¬
bat long, tney drew' up in a w'edge, and advancing with
the utmoft fury and impetuofity, opened themfelves a
paffage through the enemy that led to the fide of the
mountain. When they came thither, they halted, and
H fought
pat [ 58 ] PAT
Patnpaf. fouglit with frcfh courage, the enemy leaving them no
P u rod'us t’me t0 re^Fre- As they were upon the higher ground,
w   11 they defended themfelves v/ith advantage, notwithftand-
ing their fmall number ; and beating down the enemy,
who fpared no pains in the attack, they made a great
{laughter of them. Eut the Veientes'having gained the
top of the mountain by taking a compafs, jjyll faddenly
upon them, and galled them exceedingly from above
with ^ continual fhower of darts. The Fabii defended
themfelves to their laft breath, and wTere all killed to a
man. The Roman people were highly affected with
the lofs of this illuftrious band of patriots. The day of
their defeat rvas ranked amongft the unfortunate days,
called nefafti, on which the tribunals were Unit up, and
no public affair could be negociated, or at leaf! con¬
cluded. The memory of thefe public-fpirited patrici¬
ans, Avho had fo generoufly facrinced their lives and for¬
tunes for the feryice of the Hate, could not be too much
honoured.
PAT 111P A S S IANS, p atrip asst ani, in church
hiftory, a Chriftian feet, who appeared about the lat¬
ter end of the fecond century ; fo called, from their
aferibing the paffion to the Father j for they afferied
the unity of God in fuch a manner as to deftroy all di-
ffinftions of perfons, and to make the Father and Son
precifely the fame 5 in which they were followed by
the Sabellians and others. The author and head of
the Patripaffians was Praxeas, a philofopher of Phrygia
in Alia. Sivedenbourg and his followers feem to hold
the fame faith.
PATROCLUS, a Grecian chief at the Trojan war.
He Avas the fon of Menoetius, by Sthenele, A\Thom fome
call ’Philomela or Polymela. The murder of Clyfony-
mus, the fon of Amphidamas, by accident, in the time
of his youth, made him fly from Opus, where his father
reigned. He Avent to the court of Peleus king of Phthia.
He AA’as cordially recewed, ard contrafted the moft inti¬
mate friendthip Avith Achilles the king’s fon. When
the Greeks went to the Trojan war, Patroclus went
with them at the exprefs delire of his father, who had
vilited the court of Peleus ; and he accordingly em¬
barked with ten (hips from Phthia. He Avas the con-
ffant companion of Achilles ; lodged in the fame tent *,
and, when he refufed to appear in the field of battle,
becaufe he had been offended by Agamemnon, Patvo-
clus imitated his example, and by his abfence Avas
the caufe of much evil to the Greeks. At laft, how¬
ever, Neftor prevailed upon him to return to the Avar,
and Achilles permitted him to appear in his ar¬
mour. The bravery of Patroclus, together with the
terror which the fight of the arms of Achilles infpired,
foon routed the victorious armies of the Trojans, and
obliged them to fly to the city for fafety. Fie would
have broken doAvn the Avails} but Apollo, who inte-
tefted himfelf for the Trojans, oppofed him *, and Hec¬
tor, at the inftigation of that god; difmounted from
his chariot to attack him as he attempted to ftrip one
of the Trojans Avhom he had flain. This engagement
was obftinate *, but Patroclus Avas at length over-
poA\rered by the valour of Heftor, and the interpofition
of Apollo. His arms became the property of the
conqueror *, and HeCfor would have fevered his head
from his body bad not Ajax and Menelaus prevented
it. His body was at laft recovered, and carried to the
^Grecian camp, where Achilles received it with the
loudeft lamentations. His funerals w'ere obferved with Patrol,
the greateft folemnity. Achilles facrificed near the Patron*
burning pile twelve young Trojans, four of his horfes, y—
and two of his dogs; and the whole was concluded
by the exhibition of funeral games, in which the con¬
querors w-ere liberally reAvarded by Achilles. The
death of Patroclus, as deferibed by Homer, gave rife
to new events. Achilles forgot his refentment againft
Agamemnon, and entered the field to avenge the
fall of his friend ; and his anger Avas gratified only
by the (laughter of Heftor, who had more powerfully
kindled his wwath by appearing at the head of the Tro¬
jan armies in the armour which had been taken from
the body of Patroclus. The patronymic of Aflorides
is often applied to Patroclus, becaufe Adtor was father
to Menoetius.
PATROL, in war, a round or march made by the
guards or watch in the night time, to obfenre Avhat
paffes in the ftreets, and to fecure the peace and tranquil¬
lity of a city or camp. The patrol generally coniifts of
a body of fi\re or fix men, detached from a body on
guard, and commanded by a ferjeant.
They go every hour of the night, from the beating
of the tattoo until the reveille : they are to walk in the
ftreets in garrifons, and all over the camp in the field,
to prevent diforders, or any number of people from af-
fembling together : they are to fee the lights in the fol-
diers barracks put out, and- to take up all the foldiers
they find out of their quarters. Sometimes patrols con-
fill of an officer and 30 or 40 men, as aatII infantry as
cavalry; but then the enemy is generally near at hand,
and confequently the danger the greater.
PATRON, among the Romans, Avas an appellation
given to a mailer who had freed his Have. As foon as
the relation of mailer expired, that of patron began :
for the Romans, in giving' their Haves their freedom,
did not defpoil themfelves of all rights and privileges
in them ; the law Hill fubjedled them to confiderable
fervices and duties towards their patrons, the negledl of
which wTas very feverely punilhed.
Patron Avas alfo a name Avhich the people of Rome
gave to feme great man, under whofe proteclion they
ufually put themfelves; paying him all kinds of honour
and refpedt, and denominating themfelves his clients ;
while the patron, on his fide, granted them his credit
and protedlion. They wtit therefore mutually attach¬
ed and mutually obliged to each other; and by this
means, in confequence of reciprocal ties, all thofe fedi-
tions, jealoufies, and animofities, Avhich are fome,times
the effeft of a difference of rank, AA-ere prudently a-
voided : for it was the duty of the patron to advife his
clients in points of law, to manage their fuits, to take
care of them as of his owm children, and fecure their
peace and happinefs. The clients were to affift their
patrons with money on feveral' occafions ; to ranfom
them or their children Avhen taken in war; to contri¬
bute to the portions of their daughters; and to defray,
in part, the charges of their public employments. They
Av-ere never to accufe each other, or take contrary Tides;
and if either of them was convided of having violated
this law, the erme Avas equal to that of treafon, and
any one Avas allowed to kill the offender Avith impunity.
This patronage w^as a tie as effedual as any confangui-
nity or alliance, and had a vonderful effed towards
maintaining union and concord among the people for
PAT [ 59 i PAT
Patron, the fpace of 600 years; during which time we find no ordains that it (hall be merely in the gift or difpolal ot
Patronage, diffcnfions or iealoufies between the patrons and their the patron j iubjed to his viiitatxon only, and not to mic_
clients even in the times of the republic, when the po- that ot the ordinary ; and veiled abiolutely m the clerk J
nulace’frequently mutinied againft thofe who were moft by the patron’s deed of donation, without prcfentation,
powerful in the city. . inftitution, or induaion This is faid to have been an-
Patron in the church of Ptome, a faint whofe name ciently the only way of conferring ecclehaiacal bene-
a perfon bears, or under whofe proteaion he is put, and fices in England; the method of inftitution by the bi-
whom he takes particular care to invoke j or a faint in fliop not being eftablithed more early than the time of
whofe name a church or order is founded. Archbiftiop Becket in the reign of Henry II. and there-
Patron, in the canon or common law, is a perfon fore, though Pope Alexander III. m a letter to Becket,
who, having the advowfon of a parfonage, vicarage, or feverely inveighs againft the firava confuetudo, as he calls
the like fpiritual promotion, belonging to bis manor, it, of inveftiture conferred by the patron only, this how-
hath on that account the gift and difpolition of the be- ever (hows what was then the common ufage. . Others
nefice and may prefent to it whenever it becomes va- contend that the claim of the bfthops to inftitution is as
cant. J The patron’s right of difpoftng of a benefice ori- old as the fir if planting ot Chriftianity in this ifiand ;
ginally arifes either from the patron or Ids anceftors, and in proof of it they allege^ a letter from the Enghih
&c. being the founders or builders of the church ; from nobility to the pope in the reign of Henry tae third, _re-
their having given lands for the maintenance thereof j corded by Matthew Paris, which fyeaks of prefentation
or from the church’s being built on their ground 5 and to the bithop as a thing immemorial. I he truth icems
frequently from all three together. to be, that, where the benefice was to be conferred on a
PATRONAGE, or Advowson, a fort of incor- mere layman, he was firft prefented to the bifiiop m
poreal hereditament’ confifting in the right of prefen- order to receive ordination, who was at liberty to exci¬
tation to a church or ecclefiaftical benefice. Advow- mine and refufe him : but where the clerk was already
fon, advocatio, fignifies in clientelam recipere, the_taking in orders, the living was ufually veiled in him by the
into protedlion ; and therefore is fynonymous with pa- foie donation of the patron \ till about the middle of the
tronage, patronatus: and he who has the right of ad- 12th century, when the pope and his biftiops endeavour-
filackjl. vowfon is called the patron of the church. For when ed to introduce a kind of feodal dominion over ecclefi-
Comment. lords of manors firft built churches on their own de- aftical benefices, and, in consequence of that, began to
mefnes, and appointed the tithes of thofe manors to be claim and exercife the right of inftitution univenally, as a
paid to’ the officiating minifters, which before were given fpecies of fpiritual inveftiture.
to the clergy in common {from whence arofe the divi- However this may be, if, as the law now hands, he
fion of pantiles), the lord who thus built a church, and true patron once.waves this privilege, of donation, and
endowed it with glebe or land, had of common right a prefents to the bithop, and his clerk is admitted and m-
power annexed of nominating fuch minifter as he pleafed ftituted, the advowfon is now become for ever pretenta-
(provided he were canonically qualified) to officiate in tive, and tliall never be donative any more. ^ lor theft
that church, of which he was the founder, endower, exceptions to general rules, and common right are ever
maintainer, or, in one word, the patron. looked upon by tne law in an unfavourable view, and
"Advowfons are either advowfons appendant, or advow- couftrued as ftridlly as po.ffible. if therefore the patron,
fons in qrofs. Lords of manors being originally the on- in whom fuch peculiar right refides, does once give up
ly founders, and of courle the only patrons, of churches, that right, the lavv; which loves uniformity, wid inter-
the right of patronage or prefentation, fo long as it con- pret it to be done witn an intention of giving it up ±oi
tinues annexed to the poffeflion of the manor, as fome ever j and will theiefore reduce it to the ftandaid oi.
have done from the foundation of the church to this other eccleiiaftical livings. See furthei, Law, Part HE
day, is called an advowfon appendant: and it will pafs, Sect. v. N° clix. 5—10.
or be conveyed, together with the manor, as incident Arms of PATRONAGE, in Heraldry, are thofe on the
and appendant thereto, by a grant of the manor only, top of which are fome marks of fubje6lion and depen-
without adding any other words. But where the pro- dence : thus the city of Paris lately bore the fleurs-de-
perty of the advowfon has been once feparated from the lis in chief, to ffiow her fubjeclion to the king •, and the
property of the manor by legal conveyance, it is called cardinals, on the top of their arms, bear thofe of the
an advowfon in grofs, or at large, and never can be ap- pope, who gave them the hat, to ffiow that they are his
pendant any more ; but it is for the future annexed to creatures.
the perfon of its owner, and not to his manor or lands. PATRONYMIC, among grammarians, is applied
Advowfons are alfo either prefentative, collative, or to fuch names of men or women as are derived from
donative. An advowfon prefentative, is where the pa- thofe of parents or anceftors. I
tron hath a right of prefentation to the biffiop or ordi- Patronymics are derived, 1. From the father; as
ftary, and moreover to demand of him to inftitute Pelides, i. e. Achilles the fon of Peleus. 2. From,
his clerk if he finds him canonically qualified: and the mother; as Philyrides, 1. e. Chiron the fon oi
this is the moft ufual advowfon. An advowfon colla- Philyra. 3. From the grandfather on the father’s
tive, is where the biffiop and patron are one and the fide ; as Atacides, z. e. Achilles the grandfon of JEa-
fame perfon : in which cafe the biffiop cannot prefent cus. 4. From the grandfather by the mother’s fide;
to himfelf; but he does, by the one aft of collation, as Atlantiades, z. e. Mercury the grandfon of Atlas,
or conferring the benefice, the whole that is done in And, ?. From the kings and founders of nations; as
common cafes, by both prefentation and inftitution. Romulidae, i. e. the Romans, from their founder King
An advowfon donative, is when the king, or any fub- Romulus.
jeft by his licence, doth found a church or chapel, and The termination of Greek and Latin patronymics
H 2 are
PAT [ 60 ] P A U
Patro% are chiefly four, viz. des, of which we have examples
*'aUdns' above \ as, as Thaumantias, i. e. Iris the daughter of
Thaumas; is, as Atlantis, i. e. Eledlra the daughter of
Atlas ; and ne, as Nerine, the daughter of Nereus. Of
thefe terminations des is mafculine •, and as, is, and ne,
feminine : des and ne are of the fir it declenfion, as and
zs of the third.
The Ruffians, in their ufual mode of addrefs, never
prefix any title or appellation of refpedt to their names 5
but perfons of all ranks, even thofe of the firft diitinc-
iion, call each other by their Chriflian names, to which
they add a patronymic. Thefe patronymics are formed
in fiome cafes by adding Vitch (the fame as our Fitz, as
Fitzherbert, or the fon of Herbert) to the Chriftian
name of the father ; in others by Of or Ef 5 the former
is applied only to perfons of condition, the latter to
thoie of inferior rank. Thus,
Ivan Ivanovitch, Ivan Ivanof, is Ivan the fon of Ivan:
Peter Alexievitch, Peter Alexeof, Peter the fon of
Alexey.
The female patronymic is Efna or Ofna, as Sophia
Alexeefna, or Sophia the daughter of Alexey ; Maria
Ivanofna, or Maria the daughter of Ivan.
Great families are alfo in general diftinguifhed by
a furname, as thofe of Romanof, Galitzin, Shereme-
tof, &c.
PATROS, mentioned by Jeremiah and Ezekiel, ap¬
pears from the context to be meant of a part of E-
gypt. Bocchart thinks it denotes the Higher Egypt:
the Septuagint tranflate it the country of Pathure; in
Pliny we have the No/nos P/iaturites in the Thebais j in
Ptolemy, Pathyris, probably the metropolis. From the
Hebrew appellation Patros comes the gentilitious name
Pathrujim, (Mofes).
PATTANS, Patans, or Afghans, a very warlike
race of men, who had been fubjebts of the vaft empire
of Bochara. They revolted under their governor Ab-
ilagi, in the 10th century, and laid the foundation of the
empire of Ghizni or Gazna. In the Differtation pre¬
fixed to vol. iii. of Dow’s Hillory, we have this account
of the Pattans.
“ They are divided into dillindl communities, each
of which is governed by a prince, who is confidered
by his fubjefts as the chief of their blood, as well as
their fovereign. They obey him without reludlance,
as they derive credit to their family by his greatnefs.
They attend him in his wars with the attachment which
children have to a parent 5 and his government, though
fevere, partakes more of the rigid difcipline of a general
than the caprice of a defpot. Rude, like the face of
their country, and fierce and wild as the Iforrns which
cover their mountains, they are addidled to incurfions
and depredations, and delight in battle and plunder.
United firmly to their friends in war, to their enemies
faithlefs and cruel, they place juftice in force, and con¬
ceal treachery under the name of addrefs.”
The empire, which took its rife from the revolt of
the Pattans, under a fucceflion of warlike princes rofe to
a furprifing magnitude. In the beginning of the nth
century, it extended from Ifpahan to Bengal, and from
the mouths of the Indus to the banks of the Jaxertes,
which comprehends at leal! half of the continent of Afia.
They had fled to the mountains on the borders of Per-
|ia, that they might efcape the fword, or avoid fubmit-
tiug to the conquerors of India} and there they formed
their Hate, which the Moguls were never able thorough* Pan.
ly to fubdue. Indeed they fometimes exercifed depre- "v
dations on the adjacent countries 5 nor was it poffible
for the Moguls either to prevent it or to extirpate them.
They were lenfible that the climate and foil oi the deli¬
cious plains would only ferve to rob them of that hardi-
nefs they contradled in the hills to which they were con¬
fined ; they, therefore, for a long time gave no indica¬
tions of a defire to exchange them for more pleafing a-
bodes, or a more acceffible fituation. This enabled them
to brave the victorious army of Nadir Shah, whofe troops
they quietly fuffered to penetrate into Hindoltan, and
waited his return with the fpoils of that country.—'They
then haraiTed his army in the flraits and defiles of the
mountains, and proved themfelves fuch abfolute mafters
of the paffes, that they forced him to purchafe from them
his palfage into Perfia.
In the beginning of the 18th century, they had
fpread themfelves over the adjoining province of Kanda¬
har ; and fuch was the imbecility of the Perfian empire
at that time, that many other provinces and tributary
ftates were alfo induced to revolt. When the king or
fiiah of that time, wdiofe name was PLuJJein, oppofed the
growing power of this warlike people, he was totally de¬
feated, and Ifpahan w as befieged and obliged to furren-
der, after having fuffered dreadful calamities, to an ar¬
my confifting of only 30,000 men. In confequence of
this, they brought about a revolution in Perfia, and
fubjedted it to themfelves. This fovereignty, however,
they only held for feven years and 21 days, having fal¬
len a facrifice to the enterprifing fpirit of Kouli Khan,
or Nadir Shah. See Persia and Afghans.
PAU, a town of France, in the province of Gafcony
and territory of Bearne, having formerly a parliament, a
mint, and a caftle. “ The city of Pau (fays Wraxal*) * T™rh
will be for ever memorable in hiftory, fince it was the
birthplace of Henry IV. That immortal prince was
born in the caftle, then the ufual refidence of the kings
of Navarre. It Hands on one of the moft romantic and
fingular fpots I have ever feen, at the w^eft end of the
town, upon the brow of a rock which terminates per¬
pendicularly. Belowr runs the Gave, a river or rather
a torrent wEich rifes in the Pyrenees, and empties itfelf
into the Adour. On the other fide, about twm miles
off, is a ridge of hills covered with vineyards, which
produce the famous V/n de Jorenpon, fo much admired ;
and beyond all, at the diftance of nine leagues, appear,^
the Pyrenees themfelves, covering the horizon from eaft
to weft, and bounding the profpecf. The caftle, though
now in a ftate of decay, is ftill habitable ; and the apart¬
ments are hung with tapeftry, faid to be the work of
Jane queen of Navarre, and mother of Henry IV. Ga¬
llon IV. count de Foix, who married Leonora heirefs of
the crown of Navarre, began the edifice in 1464 ; but
his fucceffor Henry d’Albret completed and enlarged it
about the year 1519, when he made choice of the city of
Pau for his refidence, and where, during the remainder
of his reign, he held his little court. In a chamber,
which by its fize was formerly a room of ftate, is a fine
whole length portrait of that Jane queen of Navarre
whom I have juft mentioned. Her drefs is very fplen-
did, and refembles thofe in which our Elizabeth is ufual-
ly painted. Her head-drefs is adorned wflth pearls;
round her neck fire w^ears a ruff j and her arms, which
are likewife covered with pearls, are concealed by hec
habit
P A V [ 61 ]
habit quite down to the wrift. At her want hangs by a
chain a miniature portrait. The. fingers of her right
hand play on the firings of a guitar j and m her. leit
fire holds an embroidered handkerchief. I he painter
has drawn her as young, -yet not in the firft bloomo
youth. Her features are regular, her countenance thm,
but rather inclining to long j the eyes hazel, and the
eyebrows finely arched. Her nofe is well formed though
large, and her mouth pretty. She was a. great pnnceis,
of high fpirit, and undaunted magnanimity. Her me¬
mory is not revered by the French hiftorians, becauie
fire was the protecirefs of the Huguenots and the friend
of Coligni •, but the aaions of her life evince her diftin-
guiftied merit.
“ In one of the adjoining chambers, is another por¬
trait of Henry IV. himfelf when a boy \ and on the Se¬
cond floor is the apartment in which he was born. 1 he
particulars of his birth are in themfelves fo curious, and
and as relating to fo great and good a prince, are fo pe¬
culiarly interefiing, that I doubt not you will forgive
my enumerating them, even though you fliould havefeen
them elfewhere.—His mother Jane had already lofi two
fons, the duke de Beaumont and the count de Marie.
Henry d’Albret, her father, anxious to lee an heir to
his dominions, enjoined her (when flie accompanied her
huiband Anthony of Bourbon to the wars of Picardy
againft the Spaniards), if file proved with child, to re¬
turn to Pau, and to ly-in there, as he would himfelf fu-
perintend the education of the infant from the moment
of its birth. He threatened to difinherit her if flic.fail¬
ed to comply with this injundlion. Ihe. princels., in
obedience to the king’s command, being in the ninth
month of her pregnancy, quitted Compiegne in the end
of November, traverfed all France in 15 days, and ar¬
rived at Pau, where fire was delivered of a fon on the
13th December 1553. She had always been defirous to
fee her father’s will, which he kept in a golden box j
and he promifed to flrow it to her, provided fire admit¬
ted of his being prefent at her delivery, and would, du¬
ring the pains of her labour, fing a fong in the Bearnois
language. Jane had courage enough to perform this
unufual requeft ■, and the king being called on the firft
news of her illnefs, ftie immediately fung a Bearnois
fong, beginning, ‘ Notre Dame du bout du pont, aidez
* See Hen. moj en cette heure.’—As fire finiftred it, Henry * was
IV. King of born. The king inftantly performed his promife, by
giving her the box, together with a golden chain, which
he tied about her neck ; and taking the infant into his
own apartment, began by making him fwallow fome
drops of wine, and rubbing his lips with a root of gar¬
lic. They ftill ftiow a tortoife-fhell which ferved him
for a cradle, and is prelerved on that account. Several
of the ancient fovereigns of Navarre refided and died in
the caftle of Pau. Francois Phoebus, who afcended the
throne in 1479, died here in 1483.”
Pau is a handfome city, well built, and contains near
6000 inhabitants. It is a modern place, having owed
its exiftence entirely to the caftle, and to the refidence
of the kings of Navarre. W. Long. o. 4. N. Lat. 43.
15-
PAY AN, or PavanE, a grave dance ufed among
the Spaniards, and borrowed from them ; wherein the
performers made a kind of wheel or tail before each
other, like that of pavo, “ a peacock from whence
the name is derived. The pavane was formerly in great
PAY
repute; and was danced by gentlemen with cap and
fword } by thofe of the long robe in their gowns, by
princes with their mantles, and by the ladies with their
gown tails trailing on the ground. It was called the
grand ball, from the folemnity with which it was. per¬
formed. To moderate its gravity, it was ufual to intro¬
duce feveral flourifties, paflades, capers, &c. by way of
epifodes. Its tablature or fcore is given at large by
Thomot Arbeau in his Orchefographia.
PAY ETTA, a genus of plants belonging to the te-
trandria clafs \ and in the natural method ranking under
the 47th order Stellatce. See Botany Index.
PAVIA, an ancient and celebrated town of Italy,
in the duchy of Milan, and capital of the Pavelan, with
an univerfity and bifhop’s fee. It was anciently called
Ticinum, from its fituation on that river, and lies 20
miles to the fouthward of Milan. It was. formerly the
capital of the Longobardic kingdom, and is ftill remark¬
able for the broadnefs of its ftreets, the beauty and. rich-
nefs of fome of its churches, and for its univerfity found¬
ed by Charlemagne, and for feveral other literary infti-
tutions. Here is a bifhop’s lee, which was once the
richeft in Italy, but is now dependent on the pope; and
upon the whole the city is gone to decay, its trade be¬
ing ruined through the exactions of the government.
Toe few objecls within it worth the public attention be¬
long to the clergy or monks •, and the church and con¬
vent of the Carthufians are inexpreflibly noble, the court
of the convent being one of the finert in the world, and
furrounded by a portico fupported by pillars, the whole
a mile in circumference. It is defended by ftrong walls,
large ditches, good ramparts, excellent baftions, and a
bridge over the river Tafin. In the centre of the town
is a ftrong caftle, where the duke of Milan was wont to
refide. There are a great number of magnificent caftles,
and fome colleges. It was taken by the duke of Savoy
in 1706; by the French in 17335 by the French and
Spaniards in 1745 1 but retaken by the Auftrians in
1746. E. Long. 9. 5. N. Lat. 45. 10.
PAVILION, in Archite&ure, fignifies a kind of tur¬
ret, or building, ufually infulated, and contained under
a tingle roof 5 fometimes fquare, and fometimes in form
of a dome : thus called from the refemblance of its roof
to a tent.
Pavilions are fometimes alfo projefting pieces, in the
front of a building, marking the middle thereof 5 fome¬
times the pavilion flanks a corner, in which caie it is
called an angular pavilion. The Louvre is flanked
with four pavilions : the pavilions are ufually higher
than the reft of the building. There are pavilions built
in gardens, commonly called fummer-houfes, pleafure-
houfes', &c. Some caftles or forts confift only of a Angle
pavilion.
PAVILION, in military affairs, fignifies a tent raifed
on polls, to lodge under in the fummer-time.
Pavilion, is alfo fometimes applied to flags, colours,
enfigns, ftandards, banners, &c.
Pavilion, in Heraldry, denotes a covering in form
of a tent, which in veils or wraps up the armories of dL
vers kings and fovereigns, depending only on God
their fword.
The pavilion confifts of two parts 5 the top, which is
the chapeau, or coronet 5 and the curtain, which makes
the mantle.
None but fovereign monarchs, according to the French
heralds).
Pavettar!
II.
Pavilion.
P A V [ 62 ] PAY
lieralas, may bear the pavilion entire, and in all its parts:
Thofe who are eleftive, or have any dependence, fay
the heralds, muft take off the head, and retain nothing
but the curtains.
PAVILIONS, among jewellers, the underlides and cor¬
ners of the brilliants, lying between the girdle and the
collet. *
PAVING, the conftruftion of ground-floors, flreets,
or highways, in iuch a manner that they may be conve¬
niently walked upon. In Britain, the pavement of the
grand ftreets, &c. is ufually of flint, or rubble-ftone )
courts, ftables, kitchens, halls, churches, &.c. are paved
with tiles, bricks, flags, or fire-ftone } fometimes with a
kind of freeftone and ragftone.
In fome ftreets, e. g. of Venice, the pavement is of
brick : churches fometimes are paved with marble, and
fometimes with mofaic work, as the church of St Mark
at Venice. In France, the public roads, ftreets, courts,
&c. are all paved with gres or gritt, a kind of free¬
ftone.
In Amfterdam and the chief cities of Holland, they
call their brick pavement the burgher-majiers pavement,
to diftinguiib it from the ftone or flint pavement, which
ufually takes up the middle of the ftreet, and which
ferves for carriages ; the brick which borders it being
deftined for the paffage of people on foot.
Pavements of freeftone, flint, and flags, in ftreets, &c.
are laid dry, i. e. in a bed of fand; thofe of courts, fta¬
bles, ground-rooms, &c. are laid in a mortar of lime and
fand 5 or in lime and cement, efpecially if there be vaults
or cellars underneath. Some mafons, after laying a
floor dry, efpecially of brick, fpread a thin mortar over
it ; fweeping it backwards and forwards to fill up the
joints. The feveral kinds of pavement are as various as
the materials of which they are compofed, and whence
they derive the name by which they are diftinguiflied ;
as,
1. Pebble-paving, which is done with ftones collected
from the fea-beach, moftly brought from the iflands of
Guernfey and Jerfey: they are very durable, indeed the
moft fo of any ftone ufed for this purpofe. They are
ufed of various fizes, but thofe which are from fix to
nine inches deep, are efteemed the moft ferviceable.
When they are about three inches deep, they are deno¬
minated holders or bowlers; thefe are ufed for paving
court-yards, and other places not accuftomed to receive
carriages with heavy weights; when laid in geometrical
figures, they have a very pleafing appearance.
2. Rag-paving was much ufed in London, but is very
inferior to the pebbles ; it is dug in the vicinity of
Maidftone in Kent, from which it has the name of Kent-
ifh ragstone; there are fquared ftones of this material
for paving coach-tracks and footways.
3. Purbeckpitchens; fquare ftones ufed in footways;
they are brought from the ifland of Purbeck, and alfo
frequently ufed in court-yards ; they are in general
from fix to ten inches fquare, and about five inches
deep.
4. Squared paving, for diftinftion by fome culled Scotch
paving, becaufe the firft of the kind paved in the man¬
ner that has been and continues to be paved, came from
Scotland ; the firft was a clear clofe ftone, called blue
whynn, which is now difufed, becaufe it has been found
inferior to others fince introduced in the order they are
hereafter placed.
3
5. Granite, a hard material, brought alfo from Scot- Paving,
land, of a reddiih colour, very fuperior to the blue '—’—nr—*
whynn quarry, and at prefent very commonly ufed in
London.
6. Guernfey, which is the beft, and very much in ufe;
it is the lame ftone with the pebble before fpoken of, but
broken with iron hammers, and fquared to any dimen-
fions required of a prifmoidical figure, fet with its fmall-
eft bale downwards. The whole of the foregoing paving
fhould be bedded and paved in fmall gravel.
7. Purbeck paving, for footways, is in general got in
large furfaces about two inches and a half thick ; the
blue lort is the hardeft and the beft of this kind of
paving.
8. Yorkjhirepaving, is an exceeding good material
for the fame purpofe, and is got of almoft any dimenfions
of the fame thickncfs as the Purbeck. This ftone will
not admit the wet to pafs through it, nor is it affe&ed
by the froft.
9. Ryegate or freftone paving, is ufed for hearths,
ftoves, ovens, and fuch places as are liable to great heat,
which does not affect the ftone if kept dry.
i o. Newcajile flags, are ftones about two feet fquare,
and one inch and a half or two inches thick ; they an-
fwer very well for paving out-offices : they are fome-
Nvhat like the Yorkfhire.
11. Portland paving, with ftone from the ifland of
Portland ; this is fometimes ornamented with black mar¬
ble dots.
12. Swedlandpaving, is a black flate dug in Leicefter-
ftfire, and looks well for paving halls, or in party-co-
loured paving.
13. Marble paving, is moftly variegated with differ¬
ent marbles,, fometimes inlaid in mofaic.
14. Flat brick paving, done with brick laid in fand,
mortar, or groute, as when liquid lime is poured into
the joints.
1 5. Brick-on-edge paving, done with brick laid edge-
wife in the fame manner.
16. Bricks are alfo laid flat or edgewife in herring¬
bone.
17. Bricks are alfo fometimes fet endwufe in fand,
mortar, or groute.
18. Paving is alfo performed with paving bricks.
19. With ten inch tiles.
20. With foot tiles.
21. With clinkers for ftables and outer offices.
22. With the bones of animals, for gardens, &c.
And, 23. We have knob-paving, with large gravel-
ftones, for porticoes, garden-feats, &c.
Pavements of churches, &c. frequently confift of ftones
of feveral colours ; chiefly black and white, and of feve¬
ral forms, but chiefly fquares and lozenges, artfully dif-
pofed. Indeed, there needs no great variety of colours
to make a furprifing diverfity of figures and arrange¬
ments. M. Truchet, in the Memoirs of the French A-
cademy, has ftiown by the rules of combination, that
two fquare ftones, divided diagonally into two colours,
may be joined together chequerwife 64 different ways :
which appears furprifing enough ; fince two letters or fi¬
gures can only be combined two ways.
The reafon is, that letters only change their fituation
with regard to the firft and fecond, the top and bottom
remaining the fame ; but in the arrangement of thefe
itones, each admits of four feveral fituations, in each
whereof
/
Paul.
P A U
[ 63 ]
P A U
whereof the other fquare may be changed 16 times,
which gives 64 combinations.
Indeed, from a farther examination of thefe 64 com¬
binations, he found there were only 3 2 different figures,
each figure being repeated twice in the fame ntuation,
though in a different combination } fo that the two only
differed from each other by the tranfpolition of the dartc
and light parts.
PAUL, formerly named Saul, was of the tribe of
Benjamin, a native of Tarfus in Cilicia, a Pharifee by
jsrofeflion ; firft a perfecutor of the church, and after¬
wards a difciple of Jefus Chrift, and apoffle of the Gen¬
tiles. It is thought he was born about two years before
our Saviour, fuppofing that he lived 68 years, as we
read in a homily which is in the 6th volume of St Chry-
foftom’s works. Pie was a Roman citizen (Afts xxii.
27, 28.), becaufe Auguftus had given the freedom of
the city to all the freemen of Tarfus, in confideration
of their firm adherence to his interefts. His parents fent
him early to Jerufalem, where he ftudied tne law at the
feet of Gamaliel a famous dotlor (id. xxii. 3.). He made
very great progrefs in his fludies, and his life was al¬
ways blamelefs before men ; being very zealous for the
whole obfervation of the law of Mofes (id. xxvi. 4, 5.).
But his zeal carried him too far ; he perfecuted the
church, and infulted Jefus Chrift in his members (1 Tim.
i. 13.); and when the protomartyr St Stephen was
ftoned, Saul was not only confenting to his death, but
he even flood by and took care of the clothes ot thofe
that ftoned him (Adis vii. 58, 59.). This happened in
the 33d year of the common era, fome time after our
Saviour’s death.
At the time of the perfecution that was raifed againft
the church, after the death of St Stephen, Saul was one
of thofe that fhowed*moft violence in diftrefling the be¬
lievers (Gal. i. 13. and Afts xxvi. 11.). He entered
into their houfes, and drew out by force both men and
women, loaded them with chains, and fent them to pri-
fon (Adis viii. 3. and xxii. 4.). He even entered into
the fynagogues, where he caufed thofe to be beaten with
rods that believed in Jefus Chrift, compelling them to
blafpheme the name of the Lord. And having got ere- Paul,
dentials from the high-prieft Caiaphas, and the elders of
the Jews, to the chief Jews of Damafcus, with power to
bring to Jerufalem all the Chriftians he fhould find there,
he went away full of threats, and breathing nothing but
blood (Adis ix. 1, 2, 3, &c.). But as he was upon the
road, and now drawing near to Damafcus, all on a hidden
about noon, he perceived a great light to come from hea¬
ven, which encompaffed him and all thofe that were with
him. This fplendor threw them on the ground ; and
Saul heard a voice that faid to him. “ Saul, Saul, why
perfecuteft thou me ?” It was Jefus Chrift that (poke
to him. To whom Saul anfwered, “ Who art thou.
Lord ?” And the Lord repHed to him, “ I am Jefus of
Nazareth whom thou perfecuteft j it is hard for thee to
kick againft the pricks.” Saul, all in confternation,
afked, “ Lord, what is it that thou wouldft har e me
do ?” Jefus bid him arife and go to Damafcus, where
the will of the Lord fhould be revealed to him.
Saul then rofe from the ground, and fell that he was
deprived of fight •, but his companions led him by the
hand, and brought him to Damafcus, where he conti¬
nued three days blind, and without taking any nourifh-
ment. He lodp;ed at the houfe of a Jew named Judas.
O # #
On lire third day, the Lord commanded a difciple of
his, named Ananias, to go to find out Saul, to lay his
hands upon him, and to cure his blindnefs. And as
Ananias made excufes, faying that this man was one of
the moft violent perfecutors of the church, the Lord faid
to him, Go and find him, becaufe this man is an inftru-
ment that I have chofen, to carry my name before the
Gentiles, before kings, and before the children of If-
rael ; for I will ftiow him how many things he muft
fuffer for my name. Ananias went therefore, and
found Saul, laid his hand upon him, an4 reftored him to
bis fight ; then rifing, he was baptized, and filled with
the Holy Ghoft Alter this he continued fome days
with the difciples that were at Damafcus, preaching in
the fynagogues, and proving that Jefus was the Mef-
fiah (a).
From Damafcus he went into Arabia (Gal. i. 17.),
probably
(a) The converfion of fuch a man, at fuch a time, and by fuch means, furniihes one of the moft complete proofs •
that have ever been given of the divine origin of our holy religion. That Saul, from being a zealous perfecutor of
the difciples of Chrift, became all at once a difciple himfelf, is a faft which cannot be controverted without over¬
turning the credit of all hiftory. He muft therefore have been converted in the miraculous manner in which he him¬
felf faid he was, and of courfe the Chriftian religion be a divine revelation 5 or he muft have been either an im-
poftor, an enthufiaft, or a dupe to the fraud of others. There is not another alternative pofiible.
If he was an impoftor, who declared what he knew to be falfe, he muft have beeh induced to adl that part by
fome motive :'(See Miracle). But the only conceivable motives for religious ircpofture are, the hopes of ad¬
vancing one’s temporal intereft, credit, or power } or the profpcfl of gratifying fome paflion or appetite under the
authority of the new religion. That none of thefe could be St Paul’s motive for profefling the faith of Chrift cru¬
cified, is plain from the ftate of Judaifm and Chriftianity at the period of his forfaking the former and embracing
the latter faith. Thofe whom he left were the difpofers of wealth, of dignity, of power, in Judea : thoie to whom
he went were indigent men, oppreffed, and kept from all means of improving their fortunes. The certain confe-
quence therefore of his taking the part of Chriftianity was the lofs.not onlv o:: all that he poffeffed, but of all hopes
of acquiring more •, whereas, by continuing to perfecute the Chriftians, he had hopes rifing almoft to a certainty of
making his fortune by the favour of thofe who were at the head of the Jewifti ftate, to whom nothing could lb
much recommend him as the zeal which he had ftiown in that perfecution. As to credit or reputation, could the
fcholar of Gamaliel hope to gain either by becoming a teacher in a college of fiftiermen ? Could he flatter himfelf,
that the doftrines which he taught would, either in or out of Judea, do him honour, when he knew that *‘ they
were to the Jews a ftumbling block, and to the Greeks foolifhnefs ?” Was it then the love of power that induced
him to make this great change ? Power! over whom i1 over a flock of fheep whom he himfelf had aflifted to de-
ftroy, „
P A U [ 64 ] P A U
probably into tbe neigbbourbood of Damafcus, being
then under the government of Aretas king of Arabia ;
and having remained there for a little while, he return¬
ed to Damafcus, where he began again to preach the
gofpel. The Jews could not bear to fee the progrefs
that the gofpel made here 5 and fo refolved to put him
to death : and they gained to their ,lide the governor of
Damafcus, who was to apprehend him, and to deliver
him to them. Of this Saul had early notice; and
knowing that the gates of the city wTere guarded night
and day to prevent him from making his efcape, he
was let down over the wall in a balket. And coming
to Jerufalem to fee Peter (Gal. i. 38.), the difciples were
afraid to have any correfpondence with him, not believ¬
ing him to be a convert. But Barnabas having brought
him to the apoftles, Saul related to them the manner of
his converfion, and all that had followed in confequence
of it. Then he began to preach both to the Jews and
Gentiles; and fpoke to them with fuch ftrength of ar¬
gument, that not being able to withftand him in reafon-
ing, they refolved to kill him. For this reafon, the
brethren brought him to Caefarea of Paleftine, from
whence he came, probably by fea, into his own country
Tarfus in Cilicia.
There he continued about five or fix years, from the
year of Chrift 3 7 to the year 43 j when Barnabas com¬
ing to Antioch by the order of the apoftles, and there
having found many Chriftians, went to Tarfus to fee
Saul, and brought him wdth him to Antioch (Adis xi.
20, 25, 26.)} where they continued together a whole
year, preaching to and inftrudling the faithful. During
this time, there happened a great famine in Judea
(id. ib. 27, 28, &c.), and the Chriftians of Antiocb
having made fome colledtions to aflift their brethren at
Jerufalem, they made choice of Paul and Barnabas to
go thither with their offering. They arrived there in
the year of Chrift 44 5 and having acquitted themfelves
of their commiftion, they returned again to Antioch*
They had not been there long before God warned them
by the prophets he had in this church, that he had ap¬
pointed them to carry his word into other places. Then
the church betook themfelves to falling and praying, and
the prophets Simeon, Lucius, and Manaen, laid their
hands on them, and lent them to preach whither the
Holy Ghoft Ihould condufl them. And it was proba¬
bly about this time, that is, about the year of Chrift 44,
that Paul being rapt up into the third heaven, faw
there ineffable things, and which were above the com-
prehenfion of man (2 Cor. xii. 2, 3, 4. and A£ts xiii. 4,
5, 6, &c.).
Saul and Barnabas went firft into Cyprus, where they
began to preach in the fynagogues of the Jews. When
they had gone over the whole illand, they there found a
Jewifh magician called Bar-jefus, who was with the pro-
conful Sergius Paulus ; and who refilled them, and en¬
deavoured to prevent the proconful from embracing
Chriftianity : whereupon St Paul ftruck him with blind-
nefs $ by which miracle the proconful, being an eye-
witnefs of it, was converted to the Chrifiian faith.
From this converfion, which happened at the city of
Paphos, in the year of Chrift 45, many think, that the
apoftle firft began to bear the name of Pau/, which St
Luke always gives him afterwards, as is fuppofed in
memory of his converting Sergius Paulus. Some be¬
lieve
ftroy, and whofe very Shepherd had lately been murdered ! Perhaps it was-with the view of gratifying fome licen¬
tious paffion, under the authority of the new religion, that he commenced a teacher of that religion ! This cannot
be alleged 3 for his writings breathe nothing but the ftrifleft morality, obedience to magiftrates, order, and govern¬
ment, with the utmoft abhorrence of all licentioufnefs, idlenefs, or loofe behaviour, under the cloak of religion.
We nowhere read in his works, that faints are above moral ordinances ; that dominion is founded in grace 3 that
monarchy is defpotifm which ought to be abolilhed 3 that the fortunes of the rich ought to be divided among the
poor 3 that there is no difference in moral aflions 3 that any impulfes of the mind are to direfl us againft the light
of our reafon and the laws of nature 3 or any of thofe wicked tenets by which the peace of fociety has been often
difturbed, and the rules of morality often broken, by men pretending to a61 under the fan6lion of divine revela¬
tion. He makes no diftin6lions like the impoftor of Arabia in favour of himfelf 3 nor does any part of his life, ei¬
ther before or after his converfion to Chriftianity, bear any mark of a libertine difpofition. As among the Jews,
1b among the Chriftians, his converfation and manners were blamelefs.—It has been fometimes objefted to the
other apoftles, by thofe who were refolved not to credit their teftimony, that, having been deeply engaged with
Jefus during his life, they were obliged, for the fupport of their own credit, and from having gone too far to re¬
turn, to continue the fame profeflions after his death 3 but this can by no means be faid of St Paul. On the con¬
trary, whatever force there may be in that way of reafoning, it all tends to convince us, that St Paul mull natu-
rally have continued a Jew, and an enemy to Chrift Jefus. If they were engaged on one fide, he was as ftrongly
engaged on the other. If lhame withheld them from changing fides, much more ought it to have Hopped him ;
who, from his fuperior education, mull have been vaftly more fenfible to that kind of lhame than the mean and il¬
literate filhermen of Galilee. The only other difference was, that they, by quitting their Mailer after his death,
might have preferved themfelves 3 whereas he, by quitting the Jews, and taking up the crofs of Chrift, certainly
brought on his own deftru&ion.
As St Paul was not an impoftor, fo it is plain he was not an enthufiaft. Heat of temper, melancholy, igno¬
rance, and vanity, are the ingredients of which enthufiafm is compofed 3 but from all thefe, except the firft, the
apoftle appears to have been wholly free. T hat he had great fervour of zeal, both when a Jew and when a Chrif-
tian, in maintaining what he thought to be right, cannot be denied 3 but he was at all times fo much mailer of his
temper, as, in matters of indifference, to “become all things to all men,” with the moll pliant condefcenfion,
bending his notions and manners to theirs, as far as his duty fo God would permit 3 a condu6l compatible neither
with the ftiffnefs of a bigot nor with the violent impulfes of fanatical delufion. That he was not melancholy, is
plain from his condu6l in embracing every method which prudence could fuggeft to efcape danger and fhun perfe-
4 cution,
P A U [65
Paul. lleve that he changed his name upon his own conver-
—v fion ; and Chryfoftom will have this change to take
place at his ordination, when he received his miflion at
Antioch ; while others fay, he took the name Pan/ on¬
ly when he began to preach to the Gentiles: and,
finally, feveral are of opinion, that he went by the
names of both Sau/ and Pan/, like many other Jews
who had one Hebrew name and another Greek or Latin
one.
From the ifle of Cyprus, St Paul and his company
went to Perga in Pamphylia, where John Mark left
them, to return to Jerufalem : but making no flay at
Perga, they came to Antioch in Pifidia; where going
into the fynagogue, and being defired to fpeak, St Paul
made them a long difcourfe, by which he fhowed, that
Jefus Chrift was the Mefliah foretold by the prophets,
and declared by John the Baptift ; that he had been un-
juftly put to death by the malice and jealoufy of the
Jews ; and that he rofe again the third day. They
heard him very attentively 5 and he was defired to dii-
courfe again on the fame fubject the next Sabbath-day 5
and feveral, both Jew's and Gentiles, followed them, to
receive particular initructions moi'e at leifure. On the
Sabbath-day following, almoft all the city met together
to hear the w'ord of God : but the Jew’s, feeing the con-
courfe of people, wTere moved wnth envy at it 5 oppofed,
with blafphemies, what St Paul faid ; and not. being
able to bear the happy progrefs of the gofpel in this
country, they raifed a periecution againft the two
apoflles : whereupon Paul and Barnabas, fhaking off the
duff upon their feet againft them, came from Antioch in
VoL XVI. Part I.
] P A U
Pifidia to Iconium. Being come thither, they preach¬
ed in their fynagogue, and converted a great number,
both of Jew’s and Gentiles j and God confirmed their
commiffion by a great number of miracles (Acts xiv. 1,
2, &c.). In the mean time, the unbelieving Jews, ha¬
ving incenfed the Gentiles againft Paul and Barnabas,
and threatening to ftone them, they were obliged to re¬
tire to Lyftra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia, where they
preached the gofpel. At Lyftra, there wras a man who
had been lame from his mother’s womb. 'J his man fix¬
ing his eyes on St Paul, the apoftle bid him rile, and
Hand upon his feet : whereupon he prefently rofc up,
and walked ; the people, feeing this miracle, cried out,
that the gods were defcended among them in the ihape
of men. They called Barnabas Jupiter, and Paul Mer¬
cury, becaufe of his eloquence, and being the chief fpeak-
er. The priett of Jupiter brought alfo garlands and bulls
before the gate, to ofter facrifices to them : but Paul
and Barnabas tearing their clothes, and calling them-
felves into the middle of the multitude, cried out to
them, Friends, what do you do ? we are men as well as
yourfelves j and wre are preaching to you to turn away
from thele vain fuperftitions, and to w’orihip only the
true God, who has made heaven and earth. But what¬
ever they could fay, they had much ado to reftrain them
from offering facrifices to them.
In the mean time, fome Jews of Antioch in Pifidia
and of Iconium coming to Lyftra, animated the people
againfi: the apoftles. They Honed Paul, and drew’ him
out of the city, thinking him to be dead. But the dit-
ciples gathering together about him, he rofe up among
I them.
cution, when he could do it w’ithout betraying the duty of his office or the honour of his God. A melancholy en-
thufiaft courts perfecution j and when he cannot obtain it, afflicts himfelf with abfurd penances : but the helinefs
of St Paul confifted only in the fimplicity of a godly life, and in the unwearied performance of his apoftohcal du¬
ties. That he was ignorant, no man wall allege who is not grofsly ignorant himfelf for he appears to have been
mafter not only of the Jewifli learning, but alio of the Greek philofophy, and to have been very com erfant even
with the Greek poets. That he wTas not credulous, is plain from his having refilled the evidence of all tne mira¬
cles performed on earth by Chrift, as well as thofe that w’ere afterward W’orked by the apoftles j to the fame of
W’hich, as he lived in Jerufalem, he could not poffibly have been a llvanger. . And.that he was as free from va¬
nity as any man that ever lived, may be gathered from all that we fee in his writings, or know of his life. He
reprefents himfelf as the leafl of the apoflles, and not meet to be called an apoftle. He lays that he is the chief
of finners •, and he prefers, in the fcrongeft terms, univerfal benevolence to faith, and prophecy, and miracles,
and all the gifts and graces wdth which he could be endowed. Is this the language of vanity or enthufiafm ? Bid
ever fanatic prefer virtue to his own religious opinions, to illuminations of the fpirit, and even to tire merit of mar¬
tyrdom ? ......
Having thus fhown that St Paul was neither an impoftor nor an enthufiaft, it remains only to be inquired, wire-
iher he was deceived by the fraud of others : but this inquiry needs not be long, for who w’as to deceive him ? A
few' illiterate fifflermen of Galilee ? It w'as morally hnpoffible for fuch men to conceive the thought of turning the
mod enlightened of their opponents, and the cruelleft of their perfecutors, into an apoftle, and to do this by a
fraud in the very inftant of his greatefl fury againft them and their Lord. Bqt could they have been, fo extrava¬
gant as to conceive fuch a thought, it was physically impcflible for them to execute it in the manner in which we
find his converfion to have been effefded. Could they produce a light in the air, which at mid-day was
brighter than the fun ? Could they make Saul hear words from out of that light which were not heard by the reft
of the company ? Could they make him blind for three days after that vifion, and then make fcales fall oft from
his eyes, and reftore him to fight by a wrord ? Or, could they make him and thofe 11110 travelled with him be¬
lieve, that all. thefe things had happened, if they had not happened ? Moft unqueflionably no fraud was equal to
all this. _ . ,
Since then St Paul was neither an impoftor, an enthufiafl, nor deceived by the fraud of others, it follows, tnat
his converfion was miraculous, and that the Chriftian religion is a divine revelation. Sec Lyttleton s ^Oo.eira¬
tions on the Converfion of St Paul j” a treatife to w’hich it has been truly, faid, that infidelity has never been able
to fabricate a fpecicus anfwer, and of which this ncte is a very fhort and imperfect abridgement.
P A U
f
them, entered again into the city, and the day after
left it with Barnabas to go to Derbe. And having here
preached the gofpel alto, they returned to Lyftra, to
Iconium, and to Antioch of Bifidia. Fading through¬
out Pifidia, they came to Pamphylia, and having
preached the word of God at Perga, they went down
into Attalia. From hence they fet tail for Antioch in
Syria, from whence they had departed a year before.
Being arrived there, they afl'einbled the church together,
and told them the great things God had done by their
meam, and how he had opened to the Gentiles a door
of falvation j and here they continued a good while with
the difciples.
St Luke does not inform us of the afhons of St Paul
from the 45th year of Chrid to the time of the council
at Jerufalem, which was held in the 50th year of ChritL
There is great likelihood that it was during this interval
that St Paul preached the gofpel from Jerufalcm to lily-
ricum, as he informs us in his epiille to the Homans
(xv. 19.); and this without making any flay m thofe
places where others had preached berore him. Fie does
not acquaint us with the particulars of thefe journeys,
nor with the fuccefs of his preaching ; but he fays in ge
neral, that he had fuffered more labours than any other,
and had endured more prifons. He was often very neaj
death itfelf, fometimes upon the wTater and fometimes
among thieves. lie run great dangers, fome times from
the Jews and fometimes among falfe brethren and per-
verfe Chrillians •, he was' expofed to great hazards, as
well in the cities as, in the deferts : he iuiYered hunger,
third, nakednefs, cold, fallings, watchings (2 Cor. xi.
23.— 27.I, and the fatigues infeparatue trom long jour¬
neys, which were undeftaken without any proipect of
human fuccour } in this very different from the good
fortune of others who lived by the gofpel, who received
lubfidence from thole to whom tney preached n, and
who were accompanied always by religious women, who
minidered to them in their neceffary occaficns. ^ He
made it a point of honour to preach gratis, wording
with his hands that he might not be chargeable to any
one (1 Cor. ix. 1.——13O > ffc be had learned a tiace,
Vis was ufual among the Jews, which trade was to maive
tents of leather for the ufe of thofe that go to war
(A£ts xviii. 3.).
St Paul and St Barnabas were at Antioch when fome
perfons coming from Judea (Acts xv. 1, 2, &c.) pre¬
tended to teach, that there"was no falvation without cir-
cumcifion, and without the obiervation of the othei le¬
gal ceremonies. Epiphanius and Philafter fay, that he
that maintained this was Cennthus and his followers.
Paul and Barnabas vvithftood thefe new doctors j and it
was agreed to fend a deputation to the apodles and ei¬
ders at Jerufalem about this quedion. Paul and Barna¬
bas were deputed •, and being arrived at Jerufalem, they
reported to the apoftles the fubje£t of their commiffioil.
Some of the Pharifees that had embraced the faith, af-
ferted, that the Gentiles that were converted ought to
receive circumcifion, and to obferve the red or the law.
But the apoftles and elders affembling to examine into
this matter, it was by them decreed, that the Gentiles,
who were converted to Chnftianity, ftiould not be obli¬
ged to fubmit to the yoke of the law, but only to avoid
idolatry, fornication, and the eating of things ftrangied,
and blood.
St Paul and St Barnabas were then fenL back to An-
66 ] ' P A U
ticch with letters from the apoftles, which contained
the decifion of the queftion, and the reiolution of tnat
auguft afiemb’y. i he apcfties alfo deputed Jugc iui-
named Barfabas and Silas, who were principal brethren,
to go to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas to give
their teftimony alfo of what had been decreed at Jerufa-
lem. Being arrived at Antioch, they affembieci the
faithful, read to them tlie apoftles letter, and acquaint¬
ed them, that it had been relolved to difeharge them
from the yoke of the ceremonial law. Some time after
this, St Peter coming to Antioch and joining hiifueL to
the converted Gentiles, he lived with them without
fcruple } but lome brethren happening to airiye tiieie
from Jerufalem, he feparated himfelf from the Gentne
cqnverts, and did no longer eat with them : for which
conduct St Paul publicly cenfured him (Gal. li. 11 16.).
St Paul (id. ii. 2, 3, See.) m the fame journey to Jeru¬
falem declared openly to the taithful there tne QocLiiie
he preached among the Gentiles j and befides, dncojir-
fed of it in private amdng the cuiei of tnem in prefence
oi Barnabas and Iiius. St Peter, St James, ami St
John, with whom he had thefe converfa ions, could find
nothing either to be added or amended in fo pure and fo
found a doctrine and demeanour. 1 bey lave with joy
the grace that God hac given him j they acknow leaged
that he had been appointed the apoitle of the Gcntne-.,
as St Peter had been of the circumcifion. 'i hey con¬
cluded that Paul and Barnabas Ihould continue to preach
ainonn the Gentiles j and only recommended to them 10
take care concerning the collections for the poor j that
is to fay, to exhort the converted Chriftiar.s among the
Gentiles, to affuft the faithful brethren in Judea, who
were in neceftity 5 whether it were becaufe they had fold,
and diftribuied their goods, or becaufe they nad been ta¬
ken away fiom them (Heb. x. JjO* _
After Paul and Barnabas had continued fome days at
Antioch, St Paul piopofed to Barnabas to return and
vifit the brethren through all the cities wherein tnev had
planted the gofpel, to fee in what conoition tney were.
Barnabas contented to tne propofal j but minted upon
taking John Mark along with them. 1 his was oppofed
by Paul, which produced a feparation becw een them.
Barnabas and John Mark went together to Cyprus j a»id
St Paul, making choice of Silas, croffed over Syria and
Cilicia, and came to Derbe, and afterwards to Lvftra
(Acfts xvi. 1, 2, dec.). Here they found a difciple,
called Timothy^ whom St Paul took with him, and cn-
cumcifed him that tie might not offend the Jews ol that
country. When, there Sire, they had gone over the
provinces of Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Gaiatia, the^Koiy
Ghcft would not allow them to preacn tr.e goipc. in lj.l
proconfular Afia, which contained lonfe? Aoha, and
I^ydia. They therefore went on to Myfia, and coming
to Troas, St Paul had a vificn in the night. A man,
habited like a Macedonian, prefented himfelf before
him, and Lid, Pafs into Macedonia and come and fuc¬
cour us. Immediately-he fet out on, this journey, not
doubting but that God had called him into this coun¬
try. . T
Embarking therefore at 1 roas, they failed to vs ere o-
lis. Thence° they came to Philippi, where upon the
fabbath-day they went near the river fide, where the
Jews had a place of devotion, and where they found
fome religious women, among whom w as Lyc ia, v i 1
was converted and baptized, and invited the apoftle anq
Paul/
P A U [67
Ills company to lodge at her houfe. Another day, as
they went to the fame place of devotion, they .happened
to meet a maid fervant podefied with a fpirit of divina¬
tion, who followed St Paul and his company, crying
out, that thefe men were the fervants of the molt high
God, who declared to the world the way of falvation.
This (he did for feveral days together •, .at laft St Paul,
turning' himfelf towards her, laid to the ipnJt, I command
thee in the name of Jefus Chrift to come out of the body
of this woman : upon which it immediately left her.
But the mafters of this damfel, who made much money
bv her, drew Paul and Silas before the magillrates, and
accufed them of attempting to introduce a new religion
into the city. For this the magiilrates ordered them to
be whipt with rods upon the back and {boulders, and ar-
terwards lent them to prifon.
Towards midnight, as Paul and Silas were finging
hymns and praifes to God, on a hidden there was a great
earthquake, fo that the foundations of the prifon were
lhaken, and all the doors tlew open at the fame time,
and the fetters of the prifoners burl! ahinder. Ihe
gaoler being awakened at this noife, and feeing all the
doors ooen, he drew his fword with an intention to kill
himfelf, imagining that all the prifoners had made their
eicape. Hut Paul cried out to him, that he il.oi.td do
himfelf no mifehief, for they were all fate. Then the
gaoler entering and finding all the pnfoners there, lie
brought out Paul and Silas from this place, alking them
whathe mull do to be laved ? Paul and Silas inftiucting
him and all his family, gave them baptifm. After this
the gaoler let before them fomething to eat and when
the morning was come, the magiilrates fent him word
that he might releafe his prifoners, and let them go a-
bout their bufinefs; But Paul returned this anftver .to
the magiilrates*, Ye have publicly whipped us with
rods, being Roman citizens*, ye have, thrown us into
prifon j and now ye would privately dTimfs us . But it
{hull not be fo, for you yourlelvcs fnaft come to fetch us
out. The magiftrates hearing that they were Roman
citizens, came to excufe themfelves *, and having brought
them out of prifon, they defired them to depart out of
their city. Paul and Silas went firll to the home of Ly¬
dia, where having vifited and comforted the brethren,
they departed from Pmiippi.
Then paffing through Amphipclis and Apollonia, they
came to Theffalonica the capital city of Macedonia,
where the .lews had a fynagogue (A&s-xvii. 1, &c.).
Paul entered therein, according to his cuftom, and there
preached the gofpel to them for thiee Sabbath-da^s fine-
re (lively. Some Jews and feveral profelytes believed in
Jefus Chrill, and united themfelves. to Paul and Silas :
but-the greateft part of the Jews being led away by a
fake zeal, raifed a tumult in the city, and went to the
houfe of Jafon where St Paul lodged.. But not finding
him there, they took Jalon and led turn bcfoie the ma¬
giilrates, where they accufed him of harbouring in his
jioufe people that were dilbbedient to the ordinances of
the emperor, and who affirmed thac there was another
king befides him, one .lefus whom they preached up.
But Jafon having given fecurity to an liver for the people
who were accused, lie was dilivalled to his own home ;
and the night following the brethren conducted Paul
and Silas out of the city, who went to Berea, where
they began to preach in the fynagogue. The Jews of
Berea heard them gladly, and many of them were oon-
] P A U
verted } as alfo feveral of the Gentiles, and many wo¬
men of dillinftion that rvere not JewTefies.
The Jews of Theffalonica being informed that Paul
and Silas were at Berea, came thither and animated the
mob againft them 5 fo that St Paul was forced to with¬
draw, leaving Silas and 1 imothy at Berea to finilh the
work he had fo happily begun. Thofie who conduced
St Paul embarked along with him, and brought him cs
far as Athens (Theod. in x IhelTal.), where he arrived m
the 52d year of Jelus Chrill. As foon as he was got
thither, he fent back thofe that had brought him, with
orders to tell Silas and Timothy, that he defiled them
to follow him to Athens as foon as pofiiible. In the
mean time, he went into a fynagogue of the Jews, and
preached to them as often as he had opportunity j and
difputing with the philofophers who were frequent in
that place, they at lall brought him before the Aieopa-
gus, accufing him of introducing a new religion. St
Paul being come before the judges, pleaded in his own
defence, that among other marks of fuperftition which
he had found in that city, he had obterved an aiiar in-
feribed,' “ To the unknown God.” It was therefore
this God whom they confeffed that they knew not, that
he came to make known to them. Atterwaids he
{poke to them of God the creator of heaven and earth,
of the fuperintendence of a providence, of the la fit
judgement, and of the refurreflion of the dead. But
after they had heard of the refurrcclion, fome made fcorn
of him, and others defired to hear him another, time.
However fome of them embraced the Chriftian faith, of
which number was Dionyfius a fenator of the Areopa¬
gus, and a woman called Datruiris, and feveral others
with them.
St Timothy came from Berea to Athens according
to the requeil of St Paul, and intormed him of the
perfecution with which the Chrillians of Theffalonica
were then afllifled. I his obliged- the apoftle to fend
him into Macedonia, that he might comfort them and
keep them ijedfaft (1 Iheffal. iii. 1, 2, &c.). After tins
St Paul left Athens and went to Corinth, where he
lodged with one Aquila a Jew, and by trade a tent-
maker (Aas xviii. 1, 2, &c.). With this Aquila the
apollle wTorked, as being of the fame trade himfeli.
But, however, he did not negledl the preaenmg of the
gofpel, which he performed every day in the fyna¬
gogue *, (Lowing both to the Jev/s and Gentiles that
jefus was the Mefliah. There he made feveral con¬
verts : and he tells us himfelf (1 Cor. i. 14 17* ancI
xvi. 15.) that he baptized Stephanas and his whole
houfe, with Cnfpus and Gaius. About the fame time
Silas and Timothy came to Corinth, and acquainted him
with the good llate of the faithful at I heffaionica 5 and
foon after this, he wrote his firll epiilie to the Jheffrfio-
nians, which is the firll of all the epiitles that he wrote ;
and not long after he wrote his fecond epitlle to that
church.
St Paul, now finding himfelf encouraged by the pre-
fence' of Silas and Timothy, went on with'the work, of
his miniftry with new ardour, declaring and proving
that Jefus Chrill was the true Mefliah. But the Jews
oppofing him with blafphemous and opprobrious w7ords,
he (hook his clothes at them, and faid, “ Your blood be
upon your owrn head } from henceforth I lhall go to the
Gentiles.” He then quitted.the houfe of Aquila,.and
went to lod're with one I itu-s Julius, who was origi-nxn-
12 iy
P A U [ 63 1 P A U
ly a Gcnlile, but one that feared Gftd. In the mean
time the Lord appeared to St Paul in a vifion, told
him, that in Corinth he had much people ; and this
-was the reafon why the apoitle continued there eight
months.
But Gallic the proconful of Achaia being at Co¬
rinth, the Jews of that city role up againit Paul and
carried him before Gallio, accufing him of attempting
to introduce a new religion among them : however,
Gallio fent them pway, telling them he would not
meddle with difputes that were foreign to his office
Paul continued iome time longer at Corinth •, but at latl
he fet out for Jerufalero, where he had a mind to be
prefect at the feait of Pentecoft. Before he w'ent on -
Clipboard, he cut off his hair at Cenchrea, becaufe he
had completed his vow of Nazaritefhip, in which he
had engaged himfelf. He arrived at Ephefus with
Aquila and Prifcilla, from whence he went to Caffarea
of Paleftine, and thence to Jerufalem. Here having
performed his devotions, he came to Antioch, where
he flayed fome time ; and then palling from thence, he
made a progrefs through all the churches of Galatia
and Phrygia fucceflively •, and having gone over the
higher provinces of Alia, he returned to Ephefus, where
he abode three years ; that is, from the year of Chrift
54 to the year (A£ts xix. i, 2, &c.).
St Paul having arrived at Ephefus, he found there
lome difciples that had been initiated by Apollos, who
had only baptized them with the baptifm of John. St
Paul inllrucled them, baptized them with the baptifm
of Jefus Chrift, and laid his hands on them j whereupon
they received the Holy Ghoft, the gifts of languages
and of prophecy. The apoftle afterwards went into the
fynagogue, and preached to the Jews for three months,
endeavouring to convince them that Jefus Chrift was
the Meffiah : but as he found them very obftinate, he
feparated himfelf from them, and taught daily in the
fchool of one Tyrannus. He performed there feveral
miracles, infomuch, that the linen that had but touched
his body, being afterwards applied to the lick, they
■were prefently cured of their dileafes, or delivered from
the devils that polfeffed them. He alfo fuffered much
there, as well from the Jews as from the Gentiles; and
lie himfelf informs us (i Cor. xv. 31, 32.), that after
the manner of men he fought with hearts at Ephefus j
that is to fay, that he was expofed to wild hearts in the
amphitheatre, fo that it was expected he lliould have
been devoured by them ; but God miraculoully deliver¬
ed him: though fome are of opinion, that the fight
here mentioned by St Paul was nothing elfe but the
icuffie he had with Demetrius the filver-fmith and his
companions, who were difappointed in their attempt of
pu+ffng the apoitle to death. It was during his abode
at Ephefus that the apoftle wrote his epiftle to the Ga¬
latians.
After this St Paul propofed, at the mitigation of the
Holy Ghoft, to pafs through Macedonia and Achaia,
and aftenvards to go to Jerufalem, faying, that after he
had been there, he mult alfo fee Rome 5 and having fent
Timothy and Eraftus before to Macedonia, he tarried
forae time in Alia. During this time, he received in¬
telligence that domeftic troubles had rifen in the church
of Corinth, and that abufes had begun to creep in j
which made him refolve to write h^s firft epiftle to that
qhurch.
Soon after this, taking leave of the difciples, he de¬
parted for Macedonia (Adis xx. 1, 2, &c.). He em¬
barked at Troas, took Timothy with him, and together
paired into Macedonia (2 Cor. ii. 12. and vii. 5—15.).
Titus came thither to him, and acquainted him with the
good effects that has letter had produced among the Co¬
rinthians j and told him, that the collections that had
been made by the church of Corinth for the faithful in
Paleftine were now ready; which engaged Paul to
write a fecond letter to the Corinthians. St Paul, hav¬
ing palled through Macedonia, came into Greece or
Achaia, and there continued three months. Pie vifited
the faithful of Corinth : and having received their alms,
as he was upon the point of returning into Macedonia,
he wrote his epiftle to the Romans.
At laft he left Greece and came into Macedonia, in
the year of Chrift 58, intending to be at Jerufalem at
the feaft of Pentecoft. He itaid fome time at Philippi,
and there celebrated the feaft of the paffover. Prom
hence he embarked and came to Troas, where he conti¬
nued a week. On the firft day of the week the dif¬
ciples being affembled to break bread, as St Paul was to
depart the day following, he made a difeourfe to them
which held till midnight. During this time a young-
man called Eutychus, happening to fit in a window and
fall afieep, fell down three ftories high, and was killed
by the fall. St Paul came down to him, and embraced
him, and reftored him to life again. Then he went up
again, broke bread and ate it, and continued his dif¬
eourfe till daybreak, at which time he departed. Thofe
of liis company took ihip at Troas ; but as for him-
felf he went on foot as far as Affos, otherwife cal¬
led Apollon:a, and then embarked along with them at
Mitylene. From hence he came to Miletus, whither
the elders of the church of Epheius came to fee
him •, for he had not time to go to them, becaufe he
was defirous of being at Jerufalem at the feaft of Pen¬
tecoft.
When thefe elders had arrived at Miletus, St Paul
difeourfed with them, and told them that he was going
to Jerufalem without certainly knowing what fhould
happen to him ; however he did not doubt but that he
had much to fuffer there, fince in all cities the Ploly
Ghoft had given him to underftand, that chains and af-
fliftions waited for him at Jerufalem. Neverthelefs, he
declared to them, that all this did not terrify him, pro¬
vided he could but fulfil his miniftry. After having
exhorted them to patience, and having prayed along
wdth them, he went on board, going ftraight to Coes,
then to Pvhodes, and thence to Patara (A6fs xxi. 1, 2,
&c.), where finding a Ihip that was bound for Phoeni¬
cia, they went on board and arrived fafe at Tyre. Here
They made a flop for {even days, and then going on^ they
arrived at Ptolemais, and thence at Csefarea, where they
found Philip the evangelift, who was one of the feven
deacons. While St Paul was there, the prophet Aga-
bus arrived there alfo from Judea •, and have taken St
Paul’s girdle, he bound his own hands and feet with it,
faying, “ Thus ftiall the Jews of Jerufalem bind the man
that owns this girdle, and ftiall deliver him up to the
Gentiles.” But St Paul’s conftancy was not fliaken by
all thefe predictions, and he told them, that he was
ready, not only to fuffer bonds, but death itfelf, for the
name of Chrift.
When he was come to Jerufalem, the brethren re¬
ceived
P A U T 6g 1 P A U
Paul. ceived him with joy ; and the day following he went
* to fee St James the lefs, bifhop of Jerufalem, at whole
houfe all the elders affembled. Paul gave them an ac¬
count of what God had done among the Gentiles by
. his minitxry. Then St James informed him, that the
converted Jews were Urangely prejudiced againft him,
b'ecaufe they were informed he taught the Jews that
lived among the Gentiles and out of Paleftine, that
they ought to renounce the law of Mofes, and no
longer circumcife their children. Therefore, continued
St James, we muft afiemble them here together, where
you may fpeak to them yourfelf, and undeceive them.
Moreover do this, that your aftions may verify your
words: join yourfelf to four men that are here, and who
have taken upon them a vow of Nazaritelhip •, and that
you may {hare in the merit of their action, contribute to
the charge of their purification, and purify yourfelf alio,
that you may offer with them the offerings and facrifices
ordained for the purification of a Nazarite. See Naza-
RITE.
St Paul exaflly followed this advice of St James, and
on the next day went into the temple, where he declared
to the priells, that in feven days thefe four Nazarites
would complete their vow* of Nazaritefhip ; and that he
would contribute his {hare of the charges. But to¬
wards the end of thefe feven days, the Jews of Afia hav¬
ing feen him in the temple, moved all the people againft
him, laid hold of him, and cried out, “ Help, ye Ifrae-
lites, that is he that teaches every where againft the
law, and againft the temple, and has brought Gentiles
into the temple, and profaned this holy place.” At the
fame time they laid hold on him, {hut the gates of the
temple, and would have killed him, had not lyfias the
tribune of the Roman garrifon there run to his refcue,
taken him out of their hands, and brought him into the
citadel. St Paul being upon the fteps, defired the tri¬
bune to fuffer him to fpeak to the people, who followed
him thither in a great multitude. The tribune permit¬
ted him, and St Paul, making a fign with his hand,
made a fpeech in Hebrew (Adds xxii.), and related to
them the manner of his converfion, and his million from
God to go and preach to the Gentiles. At his mention¬
ing the Gentiles, the Jews began to cry cut, 11 Away
with this wicked fellow out of the world® for he is not
worthy to live.”
Immediately the tribune made him come into the
caftle, and ordered that he ftiould be examined by whip¬
ping him, in order to make him confefs the matter why
the Jews were fo incenfed againft him. Being now
bound, he faid to the tribune, “ Is it lawful for you to
whip a Roman citizen before you hear him ?” The
tribune hearing this, caufed him to be unbound, and
calling together the priefts and the fenate of the Jews,
he brought Paul before them, that he might know the
occafion of this tumult of the people. Then Paul be¬
gan to fpeak to them to this purpofe, (Acfts xxiii.) :
“ Brethren, I have lived in all good confcience before
God until this day.” At which words, Ananias, fon
of Nebedeus, who was the chief-prieft, ordered the by-
ftanders to give him a blow in the face. At Vv'hich St
Paul faid to him, n God fhall finite thee, thou whited
wall •, for fitteft thou to judge me after the law, and
commandeft me to be fmitten contrary to the law ?”
Thofe that were prefent faid to him, “ Revileft thou
God’s high prieft ?” St Paul excufed himfelf by faying,
that he did not know he was the high-prxeft, “ For it is
written, thou {halt not fpeak evil of the ruler of thy
people.” Then perceiving that part of the affembly
were Sadducees and part Pharifees, he cried out, “ Bie-
thren, I am a Pharifee, the fon of a Pharifee } of the
hope and refarreedion of the dead I am called in que-
ftion.”
Then the affembly being divided in interefts and opi¬
nions, and the clamour increaffng more and more, the.
tribune ordered the foldiers to fetch him away out. ot
the affembly, and bring him into the caftle. The fol¬
lowing night the Lord appeared to Paul, and laid
to him, “ l ake courage, for as you have borne tefti-
mony of me at Jevufalem, fo muft you alio at Rome.”
The day following more than 40 Jews engaged them-
felves by an oath, not to eat or drink till they bad
killed Paul. They came, therefore, and made known
their defign to the priefts and chiefs of the people,
faying to them, “ To-morrow caufe Paul to appear
before you, as if you would inquire more accurately
into his affair, and before he can come to you, w'e will
lie in wait for him and kill him.” But St Paul, being
informed of this confpiracy by his filler’s fon, ac¬
quainted the tribune with it ; who gave orders that
the night following he ffiould be feilt to Csefarea, to
Felix the governor, who had his ordinary"refidence
there. Felix having received letters from Lyfias, and
being informed that St Paul was of Cilicia, he told
him he would hear him when his accufers flrould ar¬
rive.
Five days after, Ananias the high-prieft and fomc
of the fenators came to Caefarea, bringing with them
Tertullus the orator, to plead againft Paul. Tertul-
lus accufed him of being a feditious perfon, a difturber
of the public peace ; one who had put himfelf at the
head of a feft of Nazarenes, and who made no fcruple
even to profane the temple, (ff/. xxiv.). But St Paul ea-
fily refuted theie calumnies, and defied his accufers to
prove any of the articles they had exhibited againft
him : be ended his difeourfe by faying, “ That for the
dodtrine of the refurreftion from the dead, his adver-
faries would have him condemned.” Felix put off the
further hearing of this caufe till another time •, and,
fome days afterwards, came himfelf with Iris wife Dru-
filla to hear Paul ; and being in hopes that the apo-
ftle would purchafe his freedom with a fum of money,
he ufed him well, often fent for him, and had frequent'
converfations with him.
Two years having thus paffed away, Felix made way
for his fucceffor Portius Feftus j but being willing to '
oblige the Jews, he left Paul in prifon. Feftus being
come to Jerufalem, the chief priefts defned to fend for
Paul, with a defign to fall upon him by the way. But
Feftus told them, they might come to Caefarea, where
he would do them juftice. Hither the Jews came, arid
accufed Paul of feveral crimes, of which they were able
to prove nothing (Y<r/. xxv.). Feftus then propofed to
the apoftle to go to Jerufalem, and be tried there ; but
he anfwered, “ That he was now at the emperor’s tri¬
bunal, where he ought to be tried 3 and that he appeal¬
ed to Caefar whereupon Feftus, having conferred with
his council, told him, that therefore to Ccefar he Ihould
go.
Some days after, King Agrippa and his wife Bere¬
nice coming to Csefarea, defired to hear Paul 3 who <
pleaded, ,
Paul.
P' A U [ 7<
pfeaded his caufe with fuch ability, that Agrippa ex¬
claimed, “ Almoft thou perfuadcft me to be a Chrillian.”
See Agrippa.
As foon, therefore, as it was refolved to fend Paul in¬
to Italy, he was put on board a (hip at Adramyttium, a
city of Myfia ; and having palled over the feas of Cili¬
cia and Pamphylia, they arrived at Myra, in Lycia,
where, having found a (hip that was bound for Italy,
they went on board, (/i/. xxvih). But the feafon being
far advanced (for it was at lead: the latter end Kif Sep¬
tember), and the wind proving contrary, they with
much difficulty arrived at the Fair Haven, a port in the
ille of Crete. St Paul advifed them to winter there :
however, others were of opinion they had better go to
Phenice, another harbour of the fame ifland ; but as they
were going thither, the wind drove them upon a little
iffimd called Cl and a, where the mariners, fearing to
ftrike upon fame bank of fand, they lowered their mall,
and fur rendered themlelves to the mercy of the waves.
Three days after this, they threw overboard the tack¬
ling of the (hip. Neither fun nor dais bad appeared
new for 14 days. In this extreme danger, an angel ap¬
peared to St Paul, and affured him, that God had given
rim the lives of all that were in the (hip with him ;
vInch were in all 276 fouls. St Paul told them of his
v in on, exhorted them to take courage, and promifed
them that they ffiould all come alive into an ifland 3 and
that the veffel only fhould be loft. On the 14th night
the feamen caft out the lead, and thought by their
founding that they approached near to fofnc land. They
were attempting to lave themfelves by going into the
boat 3 but St Paul told the centurion and the foldiers,
that except the failors continued in the (hip, their lives
could not be Caved. Then the foldiers cut the ropes of
the boat, and let her drive. About daybreak, St Paul
perfuaded them to take feme nouriftiment, alluring them
that not a hair of their heads fhould periffi. After his
example, they tcok feme food, and when they had eaten,
they lightened their veil'd, by throwing the corn into
the fea. Day being come, they perceived a (bore, where
they refolved, if poffible, to bring the (hip to. But
the veil'd having (truck againft a neck of land that run
out into the fea, fo that the head remained fixed, and
the flern was expofed to the mercy of the waves 3 the
foldiers, fearing left any of the prifoners fhould make
their efcape by fwimming, were for putting them all
to the fword. But the centurion would not fuffer
them, being willing to fave Paul 3 and he commanded
thole that could fwim to throw themfdves firft out of
the veBcl ; and the reft got planks, fo that all of them
came fafe to fiiore. Then they found that the bland
was called Melita or Malta ; the inhabitants of which
received them with great humanity, (Ads xxvii. 1, 2,
3,jkc.).
They being all very wet and cold, a great fire was
lighted to dry them 3 and Paul having gathered up a
handful of flicks, and put them upon the fire, a viper
leaped out of the fire, and took hold of his hand. Then
the barbarous people faid to one another, “ Without
doubt th is man is a murderer 3 and though he has been
faved from the fhipwreck, vet divine vengeance ftill
purfues him, and will not fuffer him to live.” But
Paul (baking the viper into the fire, received no in¬
jury from it. The people, feeing this, changed their
jppinlcn of him, and took him for a god 3 which opi-
2
1
P A U
nion of theirs was more confirmed, by bus curing the
father of Publius, the chief man of the bland, of a fever
and bloody-fiux. After this miracle, they ail brought
out their lick to him, and they were healed. See IviE-
LITA.
At the end of three months they embarked again 3
and arrived, firft at Syracufe, then at Khegium, and
laftly at Puteoli. Here St Paul found fome Chriiiians,
who detained him for feven days 3 then be fet out for
Rome. The brethren of this city having been inform¬
ed of St Paul’s arrival, came to meet him as far as
Appii-forum, and the Three Taverns. And when he
was come to Rome, he was allowed to dwell where he
pleafed, having a fokiier to guard him, who was joined
to him with a chain. Three days afterwards, St Paul
defired the chief of the Jews there to come to him. He
related to them in what manner he had been feized in
the temple of Jerufalem, and the necefftty he was un¬
der of appealing to Coefar. The Jews told him, that
as yet they had received no information about his af¬
fair 3 and, as for Chriftianity, they knew nothing of
it, but only that it was fpoken againft everywhere 3
however, that they (liould be very Willing to have fome
account of that doefrine from him. A day wras ap¬
pointed for this purpofe 3 when St Paul preached to
them concerning the kingdom of God, endeavouring
to convince them from Moles and the prophets, that
Jefus was the Mefliah. Some of them believed what
he had fald to them, while others dii believed 3 fo
that they returned from him divided among them¬
felves.
Paul dwelt for two whole years at Rcme* from the
year of Chrift 61 to the year 63, in a lodging that he
hired 3 where he received all that came to him, preach¬
ing the kingdom of God, and the religion of Jefus
Chrift, without any interruption.
Hitherto we have had the Afts of the Apoftles for
our guide, in compiling the hiftory o' St Paul 3 what we
ft.all add hereafter, will be moftly taken from his own
F.piftles. His captivity did not a little contribute to
the advancement of religion ; for he converted feveral
perfons even of the emperor’s court, (Phihp. i. J 2—13.
and iv. 22.). The Chriftians of Philippi, in Macedo-
donia, hearing that St Paul was a prifoner at Rome,
fent Epaphroditus their biftiop to him, to bring him mo¬
ney, and otherwife to aflift him in their name, (Phil. ii.
25.). Epaphroditus fell fick at Rome 3 and when he
went back to Macedonia, the apoftle lent by him his
Epiftle to the Philippians.
It is not known by what means St Paul was deliver¬
ed from liis prifon, and difeharged from the accufaticn
of the Jews. There is great probability that they durft
not appear againft him before the emperor, as not hav¬
ing fufficient proof of wffiat they laid to bis charge.
However that may be, it is certain that be was fet at li¬
berty, after having been two years a niifoner at Rome.
He wrote alfo, during this imprifonment, his Epiftles to
Philemon and the Colofhans.
Ele wras ftill in the city of Rome, or at lead in Italy,
when he wrote his Epiftle to the Hebrews. St Paul,
having got out of prifon, went over Italy 3 and, accord¬
ing to fome of the fathers, palled into Spain ; then into
Judea 3 went to Ephefus, and there left Timothy (Heb.
xiii. 24. and 1 Tim. i. 3.) 3 preached in Crete, and
there fixed Titus, to take care to cultivate the church
' '' he
Paid.
!
T> A U [ 7
V :i. he had planted in that place. Probably he might alfo
—v~ vxfit the Philippians, according to the promife he had
made them, (i hih i. 23. 26. and ii. 24.) } and it is be¬
lieved, that it was from Macedonia that he wrote the
Firit Epiftle to Timothy.—Some time after, he wrote
to Titus, whom he had left m Crete ■, he dein cs him to
come to Nicopoiis, from whence, probably, he fent this
letter. The year following, that is, the 65U! year of
the Chriftian era, the apoftle went into Afia, and came
to Troas, (2 Tim. iv. 13.). Thence he went to viiit
’j'imothy at Ephefus, and from that to Miletus, (2 iim.
iv. 20.). Latliy, he went to Home; and St Chryfoftom
fays, that it was reported, that having converted a cup¬
bearer and a concubine of Nero, this fo provoked tue
emperor, that he caufed St Paul to be apprehended, and
clapped inlo prifon. It wSs in this lall place of confine¬
ment that he wrote his Second Epiltle to limothy,
which Chry foftom looks upon as the apoftle’s iait teita-
nient. See Timothy and Titus.
This great apoftle at laft confummated his maitvr-
dom, the 29th of June, in the 66th year of Jelus
Chrift, by having his liead cut oft, at a place called
the Salvian Waters. He was buiied on the way of
Oftium, and a magnificent church was built over
his tomb, which is in being to this day. Cal met's
Did. &c. > .
Paul, <S7, Cave or Grotto of, in the iftand or JMalta,
where St Paul and his company took Ihelter from the
rains, when the viper faftened on his arm. Upon this
Foot there is a church built by the famed Alof de \ ig-
nacourt, grand-mafter of the order, in the year 1606, a
very handfqme, though but a fmall, ftruclure. On the
altar-piece is a curious painting, reprefenting the apoftle’s
lhaking off the viper, furrounded with men, women, and
children, in attitudes of admiration and furprife, and in
the old Maltese garb ; and the whole very well execut¬
ed. On the top of the painting is the following inferip-
tion :
Yipera ignis acla calore fruftra Pauli
Manum invadit ; is infulae benedicens
Anguibus et herbis adimit omne virus.
M.DC.V.
Paul, firft bifirop of Narbonne, or Sergius Paulas the
proconful, converted and made biftrop by St Paul, was
Tefcended from one of the beft families oi Rome. It is
find the apoftle called himfelf Paul, from his name.. The
Spaniards’ will have him to be their apoftle, which is
not improbable ; and it is laid he died a martyr at Nar¬
bonne.
Paul V. by birth a Roman, was firft clerk of the
chamber, and afterwards nuncio to Clement k ill, in
Spain, who honoured him with a cardinal’s hat. ^ He
was advanced to the papal chair the 1.6th of May 1605,
after Leo XI, The ancient quarrel between the fecu-
lar and ecclefiafticai jurifdiftions, which in former times
had occafioned fo much bloodihed, revived in the reign
of this pontiff. The fenate of Venice had condemned
by two decrees, 1. The new foundations of monaftenes
made without their concurrence. 2. The alienation of
the eftates both ecclefiafticai and fecular. The firft de¬
cree paft'ed in 1603, and the fecond in 1605. .About
the fame time a canon and abbot, accufed of rapine and
murder,, were arrefted bybrder of the fenate, and de¬
livered oyer to the fecular cbur.t 5 a circumftance which
, ] p a u
could wot fail to give offence to the court of home.
Clement VIII. thought it proper to diffemble or take
no notice of the affair; but Paul V. who had managed,
the Genoefe upon a fimilar occ.afion, flattered hmftelf
with the hopes that the Venetians would be equal iy
pliant. However, he was difappointed ; ror the lenate
maintained that they held their power to make laws of
God only ; and therefore they refuted to revoke their
decrees and deliver up the ecclefiaftical prifoners into-
the hands of the.nuncio, as the pe£e demanded. Pam,
provoked at this behaviour, excommunicated the doge,
and fenate ; and threatened to put the whole ftate under
an interdiPc, if fatisfaclion was not given him within the ^
fpace of 14 hours. The fenate did no more than proleft
againft this menace, and forbid the publication o* it
throughout their dominions. A number of pamphlets,
from both fides, foon announced the animofity of the
two parties. The Capuchins, the Theatms, and Jeiuits,
were the only religious orders who obferved the mtei-
diet. The fenate ihipped them all off for Rome, and
the Jefuits were banithed for ever. Meantime his holi-
nefs was preparing to make the refractory republic inb¬
uilt to his fpiritual tyranny by force of arms. He levied
troops againft the Venetians ; but he Icon found Ins de-
fign baulked, as the caufe of the Venetians^ appeared
to be the common cauie of all princes. lie nad ic-
courfe, therefore, to Henry IV. to fettle the differences :
and this prince had all the honour of bringing about a
reconciliation between the contending parties. His am-
baffadors at Rome and Venice began the negotiation,
and Cardinal de Joyeufe finiihed it in 1607. It was
agreed upon, that this cardinal ihould declare at his
entry into the fenate, that the cenfures of the chmcti
were to be taken off, or that he would remove them ;
and that the doge ihould at the fame time iurrender to
him the deeds of revocation and proteft. It was aifo
ftipulated, that all the religious who were.banifhed, ex¬
cept the jefuits, ihould be reftored to. their former pri¬
vileges. In fine, the Venetians promifed to lend an am- .
baffador extraordinary to Rorhe, in order to thank the
pope for the favour he had done them ; but they would
not allow the legate to fpeak of his holinefs granting
them abfolution. Paul was wife enough to overlook
the whole matter, but endeavoured to put an end to
another difpute, which had been long agitated in the
congregations de auxihis. He caufed it to be intimated
in form to the difputants and counfellors, that, as the
congregations were now diffolved, it was his expreis ci ¬
der \h at the contending parties ihould no longer conti¬
nue to cenfure one another. f?ome authors have affirm¬
ed that Paul V. had drawn out a bull againft the doc¬
trine of Molina, which only wanted to be prcmulged ;
but for this fad there appears to be no other evidence
than the draught of this bull, which we meet with in
the end of the hiftory of the above-mentioned congrega¬
tions. Paul was ftrongly folicited, but in vain, to make
the immaculate conception of the holy virgin an article of
faith. He contented himfelf with fairly forbidding, the
contrary dodrine to be publicly taught, that he might
not offend the Dominicans, who, at that time, maintain¬
ed that ftie was conceived, like other human creatures,
in original fin. His holinefs afterwards applied himfelf
to the embellifuing of Rome, ai\d was at great pains to
colled the works of the moft eminent.painters and en¬
gravers. Rome is indebted to him for its meft beaut up 1
G fountains.
Paid.
P A U
Pan'
[ 72 ]
P A U
fountains, cfpecially that -where the water fpouts out
from an antique vafe taken from the thermae or hot-
baths of Vefpalian, and that which they call aqua Paa¬
ta, an ancient work of Auguftus, reftored by Paul V.
He brought water into it by an aqueduc! 35 miles in
length, after the example of Sixtus V. He completed
the frontifpiece of St Peter, and the magnificent palace
of Mount Cavallo. He applied himfelf in a particular
manner to the recovering and repairing ancient monu¬
ments, which he made to advance, as much as the na¬
ture of them would admit, the honour of Chriilianity •,
as appears from an elegant infcription placed upon a co¬
lumn of porphyry, taken from the temple of Peace, and
bearing a beautiful ftatue of the Virgin, at the fide of
the church of St Mary the elder :
“ Impura falfi templa
Quondam numinis
Jubente moefta perferebam Caefare ;
Nunc beta veri
Perferens tnatrem Dei
Te, Paule, nullis obticebo fseculis.”
His pontificate was honoured with feveral illuftrious em-
baflies. The kings of-Japan, Congo, and other Indian
princes, fent ambafiadors to him. He took care to fup-
ply them with midionaries, and to found bifiiopricks in
thefe countries newly brought over to the faith. He
fhowed the fame attention to the Maronites and other
eaftern Chriftians. He fent legates to different ortho¬
dox princes, both to teftify his efteem for them, and to
confirm them in their zeal for religion. He died the
28th of January 1621, aged 69 ; after having confirmed
the French Oratory, the Urfulines, the Order of Chari¬
ty, and 1’ome other inilitutions. Bold in his claims, but
of narrow views, he diilinguifhed himfelf more by his
piety and knowledge than by his politics. It has been
remarked, that he never paffed a tingle day of his pope¬
dom without celebrating mafs. Fie enjoined all the re¬
ligious in the profecution of their ftudies to have regu¬
lar profeffors for Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic } if
there were any among themfelves properly qualified; or
if that was not the cafe, to take the affiftance of laymen
for that purpole, until there were feme of their own or¬
der who had learning enough to inftruCl their brethren.
It was very difficult to carry this decree into execu¬
tion and indeed it was always very imperfectly ob-
ferved.
Paul, Father, whofe name, before he entered into
the monaflic life, was Peter Sarpi, was born at Venice,
Auguft 14. 15; 2. His father followed merchandife,
but with fo little fuccefs, that at his death he left his
family very ill provided for •, but under the care of a
■mother whofe piety was likely to bring the bleffing of
providence upon them, and whofe wife conducl fupplied
■the want of fortune by advantages of greater value.
Happily for young Sarpi (lie had a brother, mafter of a
celebrated fchool, under whofe direction he was placed
by her. Here he loft no time, but cultivated his abili¬
ties, naturally of the firft rate, with unwearied applica¬
tion. He was born for ftudy, having a natural averfion
to pleafure and gaiety, and a memory fo tenacious that
he could repeat 30 verfes upon once hearing them. Pro¬
portionable to his capacity was his progrefs in literature:
at 13, having made himfelf mafter of fchool learning,
be turned his ftudies to philofophy and the mathematics,
and entered upon logic under Capella of Cremona, who,
though a celebrated mafter of that fcience, confeffedv"
himfelf in a very little time unable to give his pupil any
farther inftru&ions.
As Capella was of the order of the Servites, his fcho-
lar was induced by his acquaintance with him to engage
in the fame profeffion, though his uncle and his mother
reprefented to him the hardfhips and aufterities of that
kind of life, and adviled him with great zeal again!! it.
But he was Heady in his refolutions, and in 1566
took the habit of the order, being then only in his
14th year, a time of life in moft perfons very improper
for filch engagements, but in him attended with fuch
maturity of thought, and fuch a fettled temper, that he
never feemed to regret the choice he then made, and
which he confirmed by a folernn public profeffion in
I572-
At a general chapter of the Servites held at Man¬
tua, Paul (for fo we ftiall now call him) being then on¬
ly 20 years old, diftinguiflied himfelf fo much in a pu¬
blic difputation by his genius and learning, that William
duke of Mantua, a great patron of letters, folicited the
confent of his fuperiors to retain him at his court, and
not only made him public profeffor of divinity in the ca¬
thedral, and reader of cafuiftical divinity and canon lawr
in that city, but honoured him with many proofs of his
efteem. But Father Paul finding a court life not agree¬
able to his temper, quitted it two years afterwards, and
retired to his beloved privacies, being then not only ac¬
quainted with the Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Chaldee
languages, but with philofophy, the mathematics, canon
and civil law, all parts of natural philofophy, and che-
miftry itfelf; for his application was unintermitted, his
head clear, his apprehenfion quick, and his memory
retentive.
Being made a prieft at 22, he was diftlnguiffied by
the illuftrious Cardinal Borromeo with his confidence,
and employed by him on many occafions, not without
the envy of perfons of lefs merit, who were fo far ex-
afperated as to lay a charge again!! him before the In-
quifition, for denying that the Trinity could be proved
from the firft chapter of Geneiis; but the accufation
was too ridiculous to be taken notice of. After this he
paffed fiicceffively through the dignities of his order, of
which he was chofen provincial for the province of Ve¬
nice at 26 years of age} and difeharged this poft with
fuch honour, that in 1579 he was appointed, with two
others, fo draw up new regulations and ftatutes for his
order. This he executed with great fuccefs j and when
his bffice of provincial was expired, he retired for three
years to the ftudy of natural and experimental philofo¬
phy and anatomy, in which he is faid to have made fome
ufeful difeoveries. In the intervals of his employment
he applied himfelf to his ftudies with fo extenfive a ca¬
pacity, as left no branch of knowledge untouched. By
him Acquapendente, the great anatomift, confeffes that
he was informed how vifion is performed } and there arc
proofs that he was not a ftranger to the circulation of
the blood. He frequently converfed upon aftronomy
with mathematicians, upon anatomy with furgeons, upon
medicine with phyficians, and with chemifts upon the
analyfis of metals, not as a fuperficial inquirer, but as a
complete mafter. He was then chofen procurator gene ¬
ral of h’s order *, and during his refidence at Home was
greatly efleemed by Pope Sixtus V. and contracted an
intimate
Paul.
P A U [ 73 ] P A TU
intimate friendfhip with Cardinal Bellarmine and other
eminent perfons.
But the hours of repofe, which he employed fo well,
were interrupted by a new information in the Inquifi-
tion j where a former acquaintance produced a letter
written by him in cyphers, in which he faid, “ that he
detefted the court of Rome, and that no preferment was
obtained there but by difhoneft means.” This accufa-
tion, however dangerous, was pafTed over on account of
his great reputation ; but made fuch impreflions on that
court, that he was afterwards denied a bilhopric by Cle¬
ment VIII. After thefe difficulties were furmounted,
F. Paul again retired to his folitude ; where he appears,
by feme writings drawn up by him at that time, to have
turned his attention more to improvement in piety than
learning. Such was the care with which he read the
feriptures, that, it being his cuftom to draw a line
under any paffage which he intended more nicely to
confider, there was net a {ingle word in his New
Teftament but was underlined. The fame marks of
attention appeared in his Old Teitament, Pfalter, and
Breviary.
But the moil affive feene of his life began about the
year 1615; when Pope Paul V. exafperated by fome
decrees af the fenate of Venice that interfered with the
pretended rights of the church, laid the whole Rate un¬
der an interdift. The fenate, filled with indignation at
this treatment, forbade the biihops to receive or publifh
the pope’s bull; and, convening the reflors of the
churches, commanded them to celebrate divine fervice
in the accuftomed manner, with which raoft of them
readily complied : but the Jefuits and fome others refu¬
ting, were by a folemn edict expelled the Rate. Both
parties having proceeded to extremities, employed their
ablefl writers to defend their meafures. On the pope’s
fide, among others, Cardinal Bellarmine entered the lifls,
and, with his confederate authors, defended the papal
claims -with great fcurnlity of expreffion, and very fo-
phifiical reafonings j which were confuted by the Vene¬
tian apologifis in much more decent language, and with
much greater folidity of argument. On this occafion
F. Paul was moR eminently diRinguiffied by his Defence
of the Rights of the fupreme MagiRrate, his Treatife of
Excommunication, tranflated from Gerfon, with an A-
pology, and other writings 5 for which he was cited be¬
fore the Inquifitien at Rome : but it may be eafily ima¬
gined that he did not obey the fummons.
The Venetian writers, whatever might be the abilities
of their adverfaries, were at kaR fuperior to them in
the juflice of their caufe. The propofitions maintained
on the fide of Rome were thefe : That the pope is in-
vefied with all the authority of heaven and earth : that
all princes are his vaffals, and that he may annul their
laws at pleafure : that kings may appeal to him, as he
is temporal monarch of the whole earth : that he can
difeharge fubjeefs from their oaths' of allegiance, and
make it their duty to take up arms againfi their fove-
reign : that he may depofe kings without any fault com¬
mitted by them, if the good of the church requires it :
that the clergy are exempt from all tribute to kings, and
are not accountable to them even in cafes of high-treafon :
that the pope cannot err : that his decifions are to be re¬
ceived and obeyed on pain of fin, though all the world
Ihould judge them to be falfe : that the pope is God upon
earth : that his fentence and that of God are the fame :
Vol. XVI. Part I.
and that to call his power in queflion is to call in quefiiou
the power of God: maxims equally (hocking, weak, per¬
nicious, and abfurd j of which it did not require the abi¬
lities and learning of F. Paul todemonfirate the falfehood
and defirudtive tendency. It may be eafily imagined
that fuch principles were quickly overthrown, and that
no court but that of Rome thought it for its intereR to
favour them. The pope, therefore, finding his author^
confuted and his caufe abandoned, was willing to con¬
clude the affair by treaty ; which, by the mediation of
Henry IV. of France, was accommodated upon terms
very much to the honour of the Venetians. But the
defenders of the Venetian rights, though comprehend¬
ed in the treaty, were excluded by the Romans from the
benefit of it: lome, upon different pretences, were im-
prifoned ; fome fent to the galleys *, and all debarred
from preferment. But their malice was chiefly aimed
againfl F. Paul, wTho foon felt the effefls of it 5 for as
he was going one night to his convent, about fix months
after the accommodation, he was attacked by five ruffi¬
ans armed with flilettoes, who gave him no lefs than fif¬
teen flabs, three of which wounded him in fuch a man¬
ner that lie was left for dead. The murderers fled for
refuge to the nuncio, and were afterwards received into
the pope’s dominions •, but were purfued by divine ju¬
flice, and all, except one man who died in prifon, perilh-
ed by a violent death.
This, and other attempts upon his life, obliged him
to confine himfelf to his convent, where he engaged ii>
writing the Hiflory of the Council of Trent j a work
unequalled for the judicious difpofition of the matter,
and artful texture ef the narration •, commended by Dr
Burnet as the completefl model of hiflorical writing;
and celebrated by M-r Worton as equivalent to any pro¬
duction of antiquity ; in which the reader finds “ liber¬
ty without licentioufnefs, piety without hypocrify, freev
dom of fpeech without negleft of decency, feverity with¬
out rigour, and extenfive learning without oflentation.”
In this, and other works of lefs confequence, he
fpent the remaining part of his life to the beginning
of the year 1622, when he was feized with a cold and
fever, which he neglected till it became incurable. He
languifhed more than twelve months, which he fpent
almoR wholly in a preparation for his paffage ihto eter¬
nity *, and among his prayers and afpirations was often
heard to repeat, “ Lord ! now let thy fervant depart in
peace.” On Sunday the eighth of January of the next
year, he rofe, weak as he was, to mafs, and went to take
his repaff with the reff ; but on Monday was feized with
a weaknefs that threatened immediate death; and on
Thurfday prepared for his change, by receiving the via¬
ticum, with fuch marks of devotion as equally melt¬
ed and edified the beholders. Through the whole
courfe of his illnefs to the laff hour of his life he was
confulied by the fenate in public affairs, and returned
anfwers in his. greateR weaknefs with fuch prefence of
mind as could only arife from the confcioulnefs of in¬
nocence.
On Saturday, the day of his death, he had the paf-
fion of our bleffed Saviour read to him out of St John’s
gofpel, as on every other day of that week, and fpoke
of the mercy of his Redeemer, and his confidence in hi?
merits. As his end evidently approached, the brethren
of his convent came to pronounce the lafl prayers, with
which be could only join in his thoughts, being able to
K pronounce
P A U t 74 ] P A U
Paul pronounc no more than thefe words, KJlo perpetua,
p j H. “ Mayeit thou laft for ever 5” which was underftood to
■' be a prayer for the profperity of his country. Thus
died F. Paul, in the 71 ft year of his age hated by the
Romans as their moft formidable enemy, and honoured
by all the learned for his abilities, and by the good for
his integrity. His deteftation of the corruption of the
Roman church appears in all his waitings, but particu¬
larly in this memorable paflage of one of his letters :
“ There is nothing more effential than to ruin the repu¬
tation of the Jefuits. Ey the ruin of the Jeluits, Rome
will be ruined 5 and if Rome be ruined, religion wTill
reform of itfelf.” He appears, by many paffages in
his life, to have had a high efteem for the church
of England ; and his friend F. Fulgentio, who had
adopted all his notions, made no fcruple of admini-
flering to Dr Duncombe, an Engliih gentleman who
fell lick at Venice, the communion in both kinds, ac¬
cording to the Common Prayer which he had with him
in Italian. F. Paul was buried with great pomp at the
public charge, and a magnificent monument waserefled
to his memory.
Paul, in fea language, is a fhort bar of wood or
iron, fixed clofe to the capftern or wundlas of a fhip, to
prevent thofe engines from rolling back or giving way
wrhen they are employed to heave in the cable, or other-
wife charged wnth any great effort.
PAULIANISTS, Paulianistte, a feft of heretics,
fo called from their founder Paulus Samofatenus, a na¬
tive of Samofata, eledted bifhop of Antioch in 262.
His doftrine feems to have amounted to this : that the
Son and the Holy Ghoft exift in God in the fame man¬
ner as the faculties of reafon and adlivity do in man j
* that Chrift wras bom a mere man 5 but that the reafon
or wifdom of the Father defcended into him, and by
him wrought miracles upon earth, and inftrufted the na¬
tions j and, finally, that on account of this union of the
Divine Word with the man Jefus, Chrift might, though
improperly, be called God. It is alfo laid, that he did
not baptize in the name of the Father and the Son, &c. j
for which reafon the council of Nice ordered thofe bap¬
tized by him to be re-baptized.
Being condemned by Dionyfius Alexandrinus in a
council, he abjured his errors to avoid depofition \ but
foon after he refumed them, and was actually depofed
by another council in 269.—He may be confidered as
the father of the modern Socinians ; and his errors are
feverely condemned by the council of Nice, whofe
creed differs a little from that now ufed, under the fame
name, in the church of England. The creed agreed
upon by the Nicene fathers, with a view to the errors of
Paulus Samofatenus, concludes thus : ravs ae Asyavratj »»
wars t'jx. y.xi tt^iv yswijlluvaei, cvk qv, &C. review; cevceStfitct-
ri^ti q icaOehix-q x.cei ecTroalohixq cxxhqrice.—- u But thofe
who fay there wTas a time wftien he wTas not, and that he
W’as not before he was born, the catholic and apoftolic
church anathematizes.” To thofe who have any vene¬
ration for the council of Nice this muft .appear a very
fevere, and perhaps not unjuft, cenfure of fome other
modern fe6fs as wTell as of the Socinians.
PAULICIANS, a branch of the ancient Manichees,
fo called from their founder, one Paulus, an Armenian,
in the feventh century 5 who, w ith his brother John,
both of Samofata, formed this fefl: though others are
of opinion, that they wrere thus called from another Paul,
an Armenian by birth, who lived under the reign of Ju- Paulidans.
ftinian II. In the feventh century a zealot called Con-
ftantine revived this drooping feci, whieh had iuffered
much from the violence of its adverfaries, and was ready
to expire under the feverity of the imperial edicts, and
that zeal wuth which they were carried into execu¬
tion. The Paulicians, however, by their number, and
the countenance of the emperor Nicephorus, became for¬
midable to all the Eaft.
But the cruel rage of perfecution, which had for
fome years been fufpended, broke forth with redoubled
violence under the reigns of Michael Curopalates and
Leo the Armenian, wrho inflitled capital punifhment on
fuch of the Paulicians as refufed to return into the bo-
fom of the church. The emprefs Theodora, tutorefs of
the emperor Michael, in 845, would oblige them either
to be converted or to quit the empire: upon which fe-
veral of them wrere put to death, and more retired a-
mong the Saracens 5 but they W’ere neither all extermi¬
nated nor banifhed.
Upon this they entered into a league with the Sara¬
cens 5 and choofing for their chief an officer of the
greateft refolution and valour, whofe name was Carbeus,
they declared againft the Greeks a war w’hich was car¬
ried on for fifty years with the greateft vehemence and
fury. During thefe commotions, fome Paulicians, to¬
wards the conclufion of this century, fpread abroad their
doffrines among the Bulgarians; many of them, either
from a principle of zeal for the propagation of their
opinions, or from a natural defire of flying from the per¬
fecution which they fuffered under the Grecian yoke, re¬
tired, about the clofe of the eleventh century, from Bul¬
garia and Thrace, and formed fettlements in other coun?
tries. Their firft migration was into Italy ; whence, in
procefs of time, they fent colonies into almoft all the
other provinces of Europe, and formed gradually a con-
fiderable number of religious aflemblies, who adhered to
their doflrine, and who were afterwards perfecuted with
the utmoft vehemence by the Roman pontiffs. In Italy
they were called Patarini, from a certain place called Pa-
tar id, being a part of the city of Milan, where they held
their affemblies •, and Gathari or Gczari, from Gazaria,
or the Leffer Tartary. In France they were called AI-
bigenfes, though their faith differed widely from that of
the Albigenfes whom Proteftant writers generally vin¬
dicate. (See Albigenses). The firft religious affem-
bly the Paulicians had formed in Europe is faid to have
been difeovered at Orleans in 1017, under the reign of
Robert, when many of them were condemned to be
burnt alive. The ancient Paulicians, according to Pho-
tius, expreffed the utmoft abhorrence of Manes and his
doftrine. The Greek waiters comprife their errors un¬
der the fix followung particulars : 1. They denied that
this inferior and vifible world is the produdlion of the
fupreme Being •, and they diftinguilh the Creator of the
wrorld and of human bodies from the moft high God
who dwells in the heavens : and hence fome have been
led to conceive that they were a branch of the Gnoftics
rather than of the Manichaeans. 2. They treated con-
temptuoufly the Virgin Mary •, or, according to the ufu-
al manner of fpeaking among the Greeks, they refufed
to adore and wmrffiip her. 3. They refufed to celebrate
the inftitution of the Lord’s Supper. 4. They loaded
the crofs of Chrift with contempt and reproach ; by
which we are only to underhand, that they refufed to
follow
P A U
[ 75 1
P A U
Paulo.
Paulina follow the abfurd and fuperftiUous practice of the Greeks,
who paid to the pretended wood of the crofs a certain
fort of religious homage. 5’ I hey rejected, after the ex¬
ample of the greateft part of the Gnoftics, the books of
the old Teftanjent; and looked upon the writers of that
facred hiftory as infpired by the Creator of this world,
and not by the fupreme God. 6. They exdiided_ pref-
byters and elders from all part in the adminiltration of
the church.
PAULINA, a Roman lady, wife of Satumius go¬
vernor of Syria, in the reign of the emperor Tiberius.
Her conjugal peace was difturbed, and violence was of¬
fered to her virtue, by a young man named Mundus,
who fell in love with her, and had caufed her to come
to the temple of His by means of the priefts of that
o-oddefs, who declared that Anubis wilhed to communi¬
cate to her fomething of moment. Saturnius complain¬
ed to the emperor of the violence which had been offer¬
ed to his wife ; and the temple of Ifis was overturned,
aud Mundus banifhed, &c.—There was befides a Pau¬
lina, wife of the philofopher Seneca. Se attempted to
kill herfelf when Nero had ordered her hufband to
die. The emperor, however, prevented her ; and the
lived fome few years after in the greateft melancholy.
PAULINIA, a genus of plants belonging to the oc-
tandria clafs, and in the natural method ranking under
the 23d order, Trihilatce. See Botany Index.
PAULINUS, a bifhop who flourifhed in the early
part of the 7th century. He w^as the apoftle of N°rk-
ftiire, having been the firft archbifhop of York. This
dignity feems to have been conferred on him about the
year 626. He built a church at Almonbury, and dedi¬
cated it to St Alban, where he preached to and convert¬
ed the Brigantes. Camden mentions a trofs at Dews-
borough, which had been erefted to him, with this in-
fcription, Paulinas hie prcedicavit et celehravit. York
was fo fmall about this time, that there was not fo much
as a fmall church in it in which King Edwin could be
baptized. Conftantius is faid to have made it a bifliop-
ric. Pope Honorius made it a metropolitan fee. We
are told that Paulinus baptized in the river Swale, in
one day, 10,000 men, befides wTomen and children, on
the firft converfion of the Saxons to Chriftianity, befides
many at Halyftone. At Walftone, in Northumber¬
land, he baptized Segbert king of the Eaft Saxons.
Bede fays, “ Paulinus coming with the king and queen
to the royal manor called Ad Gebrin (now Yeverin),
ftaid there 36 days with them, employed in the duties of
catechizing and baptizing. In all this time he did no¬
thing from morning to night but inftruft the people,
who flocked to him from all the villages and places, in
the doftrine of Chrift and falvation } and, after they
were inftru£ted, baptizing them in' the neighbouring ri¬
ver Glen.” According to the fame Bede, “ he preach¬
ed the w'ord in the province of Lindifli *, and. firft con¬
verted the governor of the city of Lindocollina, whofe
name was Blecca, wTith all his family. In this city he
built a ftone church of exquifite workmanfhip, ivhofe
roof being ruined by long negleft or the violence .of the
enemy, only the wTalls are now Handing.” He is alfo
faid to have founded a collegiate church of prebends
near Southwell, in Nottinghamfhire, dedicated to the
Virgin Mary. This church he is faid to have built
when he baptized the Coritani ift the Trent.
PAULO, Marco, a celebrated traveller, was fon to
Nicholas Paulo, a Venetian, who went with his brother
Matthew, about the year 1255, to Conftantinople, in ~“
the reimi of Baudoin II. Nicholas, at his departuie,
left his wife big wflth child j and ftie brought to the
w’orld the famous Marco Paulo, the fubje£t of this me¬
moir. The twTo Venetians, having taken leave of the
emperor, crofted the Black fea, and travelled into Ar¬
menia 5 whence they paffed over land to the court of
Barka, one of the greateft lords of Tartary, who loaded
them with honours. This prince having been defeated
by one of his neighbours, Nicholas and Matthevy made
the beft of their way through the deferts, and arrived at
the city where Kublai, grand khan of the iartars, reft-
ded. Kublai was entertained with the account which
they gave him of the European manners and cuftoms $
and appointed them ambafladors to the pope,.in order to
demand of his holinefs a hundred miflionaries. They
came accordingly to Italy, obtained from the Roman
pontiff tw^o Dominicans, the one an Italian, the other an
Afiatic, and carried along with them young Marco, for
whom Kublai expreffed a Angular affeftion. This
young man, having learned the different dialects cf
Tartary, was employed in embaflies which gave him the
opportunity of traverfing Part ary, China, and other
eaftern countries. At length, after a refidence of feven-
teen years at the court of the grand khan, the three Ve¬
netians returned to their own country, in the year 1295,
with immenfe fortunes. A fhort time after his return,
Marco ferving his country at fea againft the Genoefe,
his galley, in a great naval engagement, was funk, and
himfelf taken prifoner, and carried to Genoa. He re¬
mained there many years in confinement j and, as well
to amufe his melancholy as to gratify thofe who defired
it from him, he fent for his notes from Venice, and com-
pofed the hiftory of his own and his father’s voyages in
Italian, under this title, Delle maraviglie del mondo da
lui vidute, &x. 5 the firft edition of which appeared at
Venice, in 8vo, His work was tranflated into
different languages, and inferted in various collettions.
The editions moft efteemed are the Latin one publifhed
by Andrew Muller at Cologne, in qto, 1671 j and that
in French, to be found in the colleftion of voyages pu¬
blifhed by Bergeron, at the Hague, 1735, in 2 vols 4to.
In the writings of Marco Paulo, there 5ire fome things
true and others highly incredible. It is indeed difficult
to believe, that as foon as the grand khan was informed
of the arrival of two Venetian merchants, who were
come to fell theriaca (or treacle) at his court, he fent
before them an efcort of 40,000 men, and afterwArds
difpatched thefe Venetians ambafladors to the. Pope, to
befeech his holinefs to fend him a hundred miflionaries.
It is equally difficult to believe that the pope, who
doubtlefs had an ardent zeal for the propagation of the
faith, inftead of a hundred, fhould have fent him only
twro miflionaries. There are therefore fome errors and
exaggerations in Marco Paulo’s narrative j but many
other things which were afterwArds verified, and which
have been of fervice to fucceeding travellers, prove that
in feveral refpetts his relation is valuable. He not only
gave better accounts of China than had been before re¬
ceived 5 but likewife fumifhed a defeription of Japan,
of many of the iflands of the Eaft Indies, of Madagaf-
car, and the coafts of Africa ; fo that from his w'ork it
might be eaftly colle&ed, that a direft paflage by fea to
the Indies was not only poflible, but practicable. It
K 2 may
Paulo.
Paulas
jEmilius
Paufanias.
P A U [ 7<5 ] PEA
may be worth while to add, that, in the opinion of the
authors of the Univerfal Hiltory, what he wrote from
his own knowledge is both curious and true, fo that
where he has erred his father and uncle muft have de¬
ceived him.
PAULUS JEmilius. See 2EMILIUS Paulus.
PAVO, the peacock } a genus of birds belonging
to the order of gallinre. See Ornithology Index.
Pavo, in AJironomy, a conllellation in the fouthern
kemifphere, unknown to the ancients, and not vilible in
our latitude. It confifts of 14 ftars, of which the names
and fituations are as follows :
The eye of the peacock
In the bread
In the right wing
In the middle
In the root of the tail, firft
fecond
third
fourth
fifth
fixth
10.
feventh
laft
In the right foot’
In the left foot
03
V?
t . , Latitude
Longitude g.
20 O 3
24 4I 51
36 II l8
46 56 21
18 41 3845 52 34
3 42 28.44 29 8
3 53 2444 6 *3
2 42 11
3 55 22
5 11 3
41 37 9
39 3 23
37 10 46
o 49 3438 54 J4
29 39 1738 3 36
27 22 54
24 7 44
1 22 11
9 43 7
40 9 28
41 28
48 6 3
5° 49 7
See Astronomy.
PAYOR, a Roman deity, wdiofe worfhip was introdu¬
ced by Tullus Hollilius, who, in a panic, vowred a flirine
to him, and one to Pallor, Palenefs ; and therefore they
are found on the coins of that family.
PAUSANIA, in Grecian antiquity, a feftival in
which were folemn games, wherein nobody contended
but free-born Spartans ; in honour of Paufanias the
Spartan general, under whom the Greeks overcame the
Perfians in tin; famous battle of Platsea.
PAUSANIAS, a Spartan king and general, wrho
fignalized himfelf at the battle of Plataea againft the
Perfians. The Greeks, very fenfible of his fervices, re¬
warded his merit with a tenth of the fpoils taken from
the Perfians. He was afterwards appointed to command
the Spartan armies, and he extended his conquefts in
Afia ; but the haughtinefs of his behaviour created him
many enemies; and the Athenians foon obtained a fu-
periority in the affairs of Greece.—Paufanias, diffatisfied
w-ith his countrymen, offered to betray Greece to the
Perfians, if he received in marriage as the rew-ard of his
perfidy the daughter of their king. His intrigues were
difeovered by means of a young man who was intrufted
with his letters to Perfia, and who refufed to go, on re-
eolledting that fuch as had been employed in that office
before had never returned. The letters were given to
the Ephori of Sparta, and the perfidy of Paufanias wras
thus difeovered. He fled for fafety to a temple of Mi¬
nerva ; and as the fanftity of the place fereened him
from the violence of his purfuers, the facred building
yvas furrounded with heaps of itoneSj the firft of which
was carried there by the indignant mother of the tin- Paufanias
happy man. He was ftarved to death in the temple, pe^C£
and died about 474 years before the Chriftian era. ‘
There was a feftival and folemn games inftituted to his
honour, in which only free-born Spartans contended.
There was alfo an oration fpoken in his praife, in
which his adlions were celebrated, particularly the
battle of Plataea, and the defeat of Mardonius. See
Pausania.
Pausanias, a learned Greek hiftorian and orator, in
the fecond century, under the reign of Antoninus the
Philofopher, vTas the difciple of Herodus Atticus. He
lived for a long time in Greece j and afterwards went
to Rome, where he died at a great age. He wrote an
excellent defeription of Greece, in ten books } in vffiich
wTe find not only the fituation of places, but the antiqui¬
ties of Greece, and every thing moft curious and worthy
of knowledge. Abbe Gedoinhas given a French tranf-
lation of it, in 2 vols qto.
PAUSE, a ftop or ceffation in fpeaking, finging,
playing, or the like. One ufe of pointing in gram¬
mar is to make proper paufes, in certain places.—
There is a paufe in the middle of each verfe ; in an
hemiflich, it is called a rejl or repofe. See Poetry,
and Reading.
PAW, in the manege. A horfe is faid to pawT the
ground, wThen, his leg being either tired or painful, he
does not reft it upon the ground, and fears to hurt him¬
felf as he walks.
PAWN, a pledge or gage for furety of payment of
money lent. It is faid to be derived a pi/gno, quia res
quee pignori dantur, pugno vel inanii traduntur. The
party that pawns goods hath a general property in them j
they cannot be forfeited by the party that hath them in
pawn for any offence of his, nor be taken in execution
for his debt •, neither may they otherwife be put in
execution till the debt for which they are pawned is
fatisfied.
If the pawn is laid up, and the pawnee robbed, he is
not anfwerable 5 though if the pawnee ufe the thing, as
a jewel, watch, &c. that wall not be the wTorfe for wear¬
ing, which he may do, it is at his peril; and if he is
robbed, he is anfwerable to the owmer, as the ufing occa-
fioned the lofs, &c.
If the pawn is of fuch a nature that the keeping is
a charge to the pawnee, as a cow or a horfe, &c, he
may milk the one and ride the other, and this ftiail go
in recompence for his keeping.
Things w'hich will grow the wmrfe by ufing, as appa¬
rel, &c. he may not ufe.
PEA, in Botany. See PlSUM.
PEACE, Temple of, a celebrated temple at Rome,
wffiich was confumed by fire A. D. 191 ; produced, as
fome wniters fuppofe, by a flight earthquake, for no
thunder was heard at the time. Dio Caffius, however,
fuppofes that it began in the adjoining houfes. Be that
as it will, the temple, with all the furrouoding buildings,
was reduced to alhes. That magnificent ftrufture had
been raifed by Vefpafian after the deftru&ion of Jerufa-
lem, and enriched with the fpoils and ornaments of the
temple of the Jews. The ancients fpeak of it as one of
the moft ftately buildings in Rome. There men of
learning ufed to hold their affemblies, and lodge their
waitings, as many others depofited their jewels, and.
whatever elfe they efteemed of great value. It was
likewifc
PEA [ 77 ] PEA
Peach Ekewife made ufe of as a kind of magazine for the
li fpices that were brought by the Roman merchants
ca * out of Egypt and Arabia ; fo that many rich per-
fons were reduced to beggary, all their valuable ef¬
fects and treafures being confumed in one night, with
the temple.
PEACH. See Amygdalus, Botany and Gar¬
dening Index.
PEACOCK. See Pavo, Ornithology Index.
PEAK of Derbyshire, a chain of very high
mountains in the county of Derby in England, famous
for the mines they contain, and for their remarkable
caverns. The moft remarkable of thefe are Pool’s-
hole and Elden-hole. The former is a cave at the foot
of a high hill called Coitmofs, fo narrow at the en¬
trance that paflengers are obliged to- creep on all-fours j
but it foon opens to a confiderable height, extending
to above a quarter of a mile, with a roof fomewhat re-
fembling that of an ancient cathedral. By the petrify¬
ing water continually dropping in many parts of the
cave are formed a variety of curious figures and repre-
fentations of the works both of nature and art. There
is a column here as clear as alabafter, which is called
The ^ueen of Scots' Pillar, becaufe Queen Mary is faid
to have proceeded thus far when fire vifited the cavern.
It feems the curiofity of that princefs had led her
thus far into this dark abode; and indeed there are
few travellers who care to venture farther ; but others,
determined to lee the end of all, have gone beyond it.
After Hiding down the rock a little way, is found the
dreary cavity turned upwards : following its courfe,
and climbing from crag to crag, the traveller arrives at
a great height, till the rock, doling over his head
on all fides, puts an end to any further fubterraneous
journey. Juft at turning to defcend, the attention is
caught by chafm, in which- is -feen a candle glim¬
mering at a vaft depth underneath. The guides fay,
that the light is at a place near Mary Queen of Scots’
pillar, and no lefs than 80 yards below. It appears
frightfully deep indeed to look down ; but perhaps
does not meafure any thing like what it is faid to do.
If a piftol is fired by the Queen of Scots’ pillar, it will
make a report as loud as a cannon. Near the extre¬
mity there is a hollow in the roof, called the Needle's
Eye ; in which if a candle is placed, it will reprefent a
ftar in the firmament to thofe who are below. At a
little diftance from this cave is a fmall clear ftream
confifting of hot and cold water, fo near each other,
that the finger and thumb of the fame hand may be
put, the one into the hot water and the other into
the cold.
Elden-hole is a dreadful chafm in the fide of a moun¬
tain which, before the latter part of the laft century,
was thought to be altogether unfathomable. In the
time of Queen Elizabeth, a poor man was let down
into it for 200 yards j but he was drawn up in a fren¬
zy, and foon after died. In 1682. 4t was examined by
Captain Collins, and in 1699 by Captain Sturmy, who
publiftied their accounts in the Philofophical Tranfac-
tmns. The latter defcended by ropes fixed at the top
of an old lead-ore pit, four fathoms almoft perpendicu¬
lar, and from thence three fathoms more obliquely, be¬
tween two great rocks. At the bottom of this he
found an entrance into a very fpacious cavern, from
whence he defcended along with a miner for 2^ fa¬
thoms perpendicular. At laft they came to a great Peak
river or water, which he found to be 20 fathoms II
broad and eight fathoms deep. The miner who ac- PeaicCl
companied him, infifted that this water ebbed and
flowed with the fea $ but the Captain difproved this
affertion, by remaining in the place from three hours
flood to two hours ebb, during which time there was
no alteration in the height of the water. As they
walked by the fide of this water, they obferved a hol¬
low in the rock feme feet above them. The miner went
into this place, which was the mouth of another cavern ;
and walked for about 70 paces in it, till he juft loft
fight of the Captain. He then called to him, that he
had found a rich mine 5 but immediately after came
running out and crying, that he had feen an evil fpi-
rit j neither could any perfuafions induce him to re¬
turn. The floor of thefe caverns is a kind of white
ftone enamelled with lead ore, and the roofs are en-
crufted with Ihining fpar. On his return from this
fubterrlmeous journey, Captain Sturmy was feized with
a violent headach, which, after continuing four days,
terminated in a fever, of which he died in a ftiort
time.
Peak of Tenerife. See Teneriffe.
PEAN, in heraldry, is when the field of a coat of
arms is fable, and the powderings or.
PEAR, See Pyrus, Botany and Gardening
Index.
PEAR-Glafs. See VjTREA Lacryma.
PEARCE, Dr, lord biihop of Rochefter, was the
fon of a diftiller in High Holborn. He married Mifs
Adams, the daughter of a diftiller in the lame neigh¬
bourhood, with a confiderable fortune, who lived with
him 52 years in the higheft .degree of connubial hap-
pinefs. He had his education in Weftminfter fchool,.
where he was diftinguilhed by his merit, and defied
one of the king’s fcholars. In 1710, when he was 20
years old, he was defied to Trinity College, Cam¬
bridge. During the firft years of his refidence at the
univerfity, he fometimes amufed himfelf with lighter
compofitions, fome of which are inferted in the Guar¬
dian and Speflator. In 1716, he publiftied his edi¬
tion of Cicero de Oratore, and, at the defire of a friend,
luckily dedicated it to Lord Chief Juflice Parker (af¬
terwards Earl of Macclesfield), to whom he wTas a
ftranger. This incident laid the foundation of his fu¬
ture fortune 5 for Lord Parker foon recommended him
to Dr Bentley, mailer of Trinity, to be made one of
the fellows ; and the doftor confented to it on this
condition, that his lordftiip would promife to unmale
him again as foon as it lay in his power to give him.
a living. In 1717, Mr Pearce was ordained at the
age of 27 ; having taken time enough, as he thought,
to attain a fufficient knowledge of the facred office.
In 1718, Lord Parker was appointed chancellor, and
invited Mr Pearce to live with him in bis houfe as
chaplain. In 1719, he was inftituted into the reftory
of Stappleford Abbots, in Effex j and in 1720, into
that of St Bartholomew^ behind the Royal Exchange,
worth 400 1. per annum. In 1723, the lord chancel¬
lor prefented him to St Martin’s in the Fields. His
Majefty, who w-as then at Hanover, was applied to in
favour of St Claget, who was then along with him :
and the doflor aflually kifled hands upon the occa-
fion : but. the chanceUps, upon the king’s return, dif- '
puted
pea r -
Pearce, puted tlie point, and was permitted to prefent Mr
 ^  Pearce.—Mr Pearce foon atrafted the notice and
efteem of perfons in the higheft ftations and of the
greateft abilities. Beiide Lord Parker, he could rec¬
kon amongft his patrons or friends, Lord Maccles¬
field, Mr Pulteney (afterwards Earl of Bath), Arch-
bilhop Potter, Lord Hardwicke, Sir Ifaac Newton,
and other illuftrious perfonages.—In 1724, the de¬
gree of doftor of divinity was conferred on him by
Archbilhop Wake. The fame year he dedicated to his
patron, the earl of Macclesfield, his edition of Lon¬
ginus on the Sublime, with a new Latin verfion and
notes.
When the church of St Martin’s was rebuilt, Dr
Pearce preached a fermon at the confecration, which
he afterwards printed, and accompanied with an effay
on the origin and progrefs of temples, traced from the
rude Hones which were firft ufed for altars to the noble
ilrudlure of Solomon, which he confiders as the firft
temple completely covered. His obfervations on that
building which is called the Temple of Dagon removes
part of the difficulty which prefents itfelf in the narra¬
tion of the manner in which Samfon deftroyed it.
The deanery of Winchefter becoming vacant, Dr
Pearce was appointed dean in 17395 and in the year
1744 he was defied prolocutor of the knver houfe of
convocation for the province of Canterbury. His friends
now began to think of him for the epifcopal dignity j
but Mr Dean’s language rather declined it. Plowever,
after leveral difficulties had been Hal ted and removed,
he confented to accept the biffiopric of Bangor, and
promifed Lord Hardwicke to do it with a good grace.
He accordingly made proper acknowdedgments of the
royal goodnefs, and wras confecrated Feb. 12. 1748*
Upon the declining Hate of health of Dr Wilcocks,
biffiop of Rochefier, the biffiop of Bangor was feveral
times applied to by Archbiffiop Herring to accept of
Rochefler, and the deanery of WeHminfler, in exchange
for Bangor j but the biffiop then firH fignified his de¬
fire to obtain leave to refign and retire to a private
life. His lordffiip, however, upon being preffed, fuf-
fered himfelf to be prevailed upon.—“My Lord (faid
he to the duke of Newcaflle), your grace offers thefe
dignities to me in fo generous and friendly a manner,
that I promife you to accept them.” Upon the death
of Biffiop Wilcocks he was accordingly promoted to
the fee of Rochefler and deanery of Weflminfler in
1756. Biffiop Sherlock died in 1761, and Lord Bath
offered his interefl for getting the biffiop of Rochefler
appointed to fucceed him in the diocefe of London }
but the biffiop told his lordffiip, that he had deter¬
mined never to be biffiop of London or archbiffiop of
Canterbury.
In the year 1763, his lordffiip being 73 years old,
and finding himfelf lefs fit for the bufinefs of his fta¬
tions as biffiop and dean, informed his friend Lord
Bath of his intention to refign both, and live in a re¬
tired manner upon his private fortune. Lord Bath un¬
dertook to acquaint his majefty 5 who named a day and
hour, when the biffiop wras admitted alone into the clo-
fet. He told the king, that he wilhed to have fome in¬
terval between the fatigues of bufinefs and eternity 5 and
defired his majefty to confult proper perfons about the
propriety and legality of his refignation. In about two
months the king informed him, that Lord Mansfield
73 ] PEA
faw no objetlion 5 and that Lord Northington, who had Pearce,
been doubtful, on farther confideration thought that the
requeft might be complied with. Unfortunately for the
biffiop, Lord Bath applied for Biffiop Newton to fiic-
ceed. This alarmed the miniftry, who thought that
no dignities ffiould be obtained but through their hands.
They therefore oppofed the refignation •, and his majefty
wras informed that the bifhops difliked the defign. His
majefty fent to him again; and at a third audience told
him, that he mull think no more of refigning. The
bilhop replied, “ Sire, I am all duty and lubmiffion j”
and then retired.
In 1768 he obtained leave to refign the deanery 5 in
1773, he loft his lady *, and after fome months of linger¬
ing decay, he died at Little Ealing, June 29. 1774.
This eminent prelate diftinguiffied himfelf in every
part of his life by the virtues proper to his ftation. His
literary abilities, and application to facred and philolo¬
gical learning, appear by his wrorks •, the principal of
which are, A letter to the clergy of the church of Eng¬
land, on occafion of the biftrop of Rochefter’s commit¬
ment to the Tow7er, 2d edit. 1722. Miracles of Jefus
vindicated, 1727 and 1728. A review of the text of
Milton, 1733. Two letters againft Dr Middleton, oc-
cafioned by the doctor’s letter to Waterland, on the
publication of his treatife, intitled, Scripture Vindicated,
3d edit. 1752. Andfince his death, a commentary with
notes on the four Evangelifts and the Afts of the Apoft-
les, together with a new tranllation of St Paul’s firft
Epiffle to the Corinthians, with a paraphrafe and notes,
have been publilhed, with his life prefixed, from origi¬
nal MSS. in 2 vols. 410.
The following charadler of this excellent bifhop was
publiffied in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1775, and
was written, as we are told, by a contemporary and
friend. “ The wrorld has not loft for many years a more
refpedtable member of fociety than the late Dr Pearce j
nor the clergy a more pious and learned prelate. In his
younger days, before he became a graduate, he publiffi¬
ed that excellent edition of Longinus, ftill admired and
quoted by the bell critics. What is faid of Longinus
himfelf by our excellent Engliffi poet, is as applicable
to the editor : ‘ He is himfelf the great fublime he
draws 5’ for very few of his order ever arrived at that
perfedfion in eloquence, for which he was fo juftly cele¬
brated. His didtion wTas fimple, nervous, and flowing;
his fentiments wrere juft and fublime 5 more fublime than
the heathen critic, in proportion to the fuperior fublimity
of the Chriftian revelation. Yet he w7as never puffed up
with the general applaufes of the wrorld, but of an hum¬
ble deportment, refembling the meek Jefus as far as the
wreaknefsof human nature can refemble a charadter wfith-
out fin. His countenance was always placid, and dif-
played the benevolence of his heart, if his extenfive cha¬
rity had not proved it to a demonftration. His thirft of
knowdedge prompted him to a very ftudious life, and
that rendered both his complexion and conilitution deli¬
cate 5 yet if held out by the bleffmg of Providence- be-
beyond the 85th year of his age 5 wffiich is the more ex¬
traordinary, confidering the midnight lamp had call a
palenefs over his complexion : yet writh all his learning
and knowledge, his humility and modefty reftrained him
from many publications, which the w^orld may hope for
from his executors •, one particularly in divinity, which
has been the objedt of Ids contemplation for many years
PEA
E 79 ]
A
Pearch,
Pearl.
pad. Willi a view to complete tliat work, and to re¬
tire from the buftle of the world, he itruggled fo hard
' to refign his bilhopric, &c. After poffeffing the efteem
and veneration of all who knew him lor a long fenes
of years, either as reftor of a very large parilh, or as a
dignitary of the church, he has left the world in tears ;
and gone to receive the infinite reward of his piety and
virtue.”
PEARCH. See Perca, Ichthyology Index.
PEARCH-G/ue, the name of a kind of glue, of re¬
markable ftrength and purity, made from the Ikins of
T)G3.rc hes.
PEARL, in Natural Hi/lory, a hard, white, finning
body, ufually roundifh, found in a teftaceous fiih, a fpe-
cies of My a \ which fee, Conchology Index.
Pearls, though efteemed of the number of gems
and highly valued in all ages, proceed only from a di-
Itemper in the animal that produces them,, analogous to
the bezoars and other ftony concretions in feveral ani¬
mals of other kinds. For an account of the mode of
formation of the pearl, fee Conchology, p. 476 } for
the hifiory of the pearl fifiiery in the bay of Condatchy
in Ceylon, fee Ceylon, p. 3^3 i ^ee a^° Cordiner s Hi-
llory of that ifland, 410. _ .
Mr Bruce mentions a mufcle found in the fait fpnngs
of the Nubian defert *, in many of which he found thole
excrefcences which might be called pearls, but all of
them ill formed, foul, and of a bad colour, though of
the fame confiftence, and lodged in the fame part of the
body as thofe in the fea. u Ihe mufcle, too (fays, our
author), is in every refpect fimilar, I think larger. 1 he
outer fldn or covering of it is of a .vivid green. Upon
removing this, which is the epidermis, what next appears
is a beautiful pink without glofs, and feemingly of a cal¬
careous nature. Below this, the mother-of-pearl, which
is undennoft, is a white without luftre, partaking much
of the blue and very little of the red } and this is all the
difference I obferved between it and the pearl-bearing
mufcle of the Red fea.”
“ In Scotland, efpecially to the northward, in all ri¬
vers running from lakes, there are found mufcles that
have pearls of more than ordinary merit, though feldom
of large fize. They were formerly tolerably cheap, but
lately the wearing of real pearls coming into fafliion,
thofe of Scotland have increafed in price greatly beyond
their value, and fuperior often to the price of oriental
ones when bought in the call. 1 he reafon of this is a
demand from London, where they are a finally employed
in work, and fold as oriental. But the excellency of all
glafs or pafte manufactory, it is likely, wrill keep the
price of this article, and the demand for it, within
bounds, when every lady has it in her power to wear in
her ears, for the price of fixpence, a pearl as beautiful in
colour, more elegant in form, lighter and eafier to carry,
and as much bigger as fhe pleafes, than the famous ones
of Cleopatra and Servilia. In Scotland, as well as in
the eaft, the fmooth and perfeft (hell rarely produces a
pearl; the crooked and diftorted fhell feldom wants one.
The mother-of-pearl manufactory is brought to the
greatefl: perfection at Jerufalem. The mofi beautiful
(hell of this kind is that of the peninim already men¬
tioned •, but it is too brittle to be employed in any large
pieces of workmanfhip •, whence that kind named dora
is moft ufually employed ; and great quantities of this
are daily brought from the Red fea to Jerufalem. Of
thefe, all the fine works, the crucifixes, the wafer-boxes, ^
and the beads, are made, which are fent to the Spanifir
dominions in the New World, and produce a return in¬
comparably greater than the fiaple ot the greateil manu¬
factory in the Old.
Very little is known of the natural hifiory of the pearl
fiih. Mr Bruce fays, that, as far as he has obferved, they
are all ftuck upright in the mud by an extremity ; the
mufcle by one end, the pinna by the fmall lharp point,
and the third by the hinge or fquare part which projeCts
from the round. “ In (hallow and clear dreams (fays
Mr Bruce), I have feen fmall furrows or tracks upon the
fandy bottom, by wdrich you could trace the mufcle
from its lafi: Ration \ and thefe not draight, but deviat¬
ing into traverfes and triangles, like the courfe of a (hip
in a contrary wind laid down upon a map, probably in
purfuit of food. The general belief is, that the mufcle
is condantly dationary in a date of repofe, and cannot
transfer itfelf from place to place. This is a vulgar pre¬
judice, and one of thofe fads that are midaken for want
of fufficient pains or opportunity to make more critical
obfervations. Others, finding the firlt opinion a falfe one,
and that they are endowed with power of changing place
like other animals, have, upon the fame foundation, gone
into the contrary extreme, fo far as to attribute fwiltnefs
to them, a property furely inconfident with their being
fixed to rocks. Pliny and Solinus fay that the mufcles
have leaders, and go in flocks ; and that their leader is^
endowed with great cunning to proted himfelf and his
flock from the fifliers j and that, when he is taken, the
others fall an eafy prey. This, however, we may jufily
look upon to be a fable j fome of the mod accurate ob-
fervers having difcovered the motion of the mufcle,
which indeed is wonderful, and that they he in beds,
which is not at all fo, have added the red, to make their
hidory complete.” Our author informs us, that the
mufcles found in the fait fprings of Nubia likewife travel
far from home, and are fometimes furprifed, by the
ceafing of the rains, at a greater didance from their beds
than they have drength and moidure to carry them. He
allures us, that none of the pearl-fidi are eatable j and
that they are the only fifli he faw in the Red fea that
cannot be eaten.
Artificial PEARLS. Attempts have been made to
take out dains from pearls, and to render the foul
opaque-coloured ones equal in ludre to the oriental.
Numerous procefles are given for this purpofe in books
of fecrets and travels ; but they are very far from
anfwering what is expefled from them. Pearls may be
cleaned indeed from any external foulnefles by walhing
and rubbing them with a little Venice foap and warm
water, or with ground rice and fait, with darch and
powder blue, plader of paris, coral, white vitriol and
tartar, cuttle-bone, pumice-done, and other fimilar fub~
dances j but a dain that reaches deep into the fub-
dance of pearls is impofiible to be taken out. Nor can
a number of fmall pearls be united into a mafs finular tn
an entire natural one, as fome pretend.
There are, however, methods of making artificial
pearls, in fuch manner as to be with difficulty didin-
guifiled from the bed oriental. The ingredient ufed for
this purpofe was long kept a fecret *, but it is now difr
covered to be a fine filver-like fubdance found upon the
under fide of the fcales of the blay or bleak fifli. The
fcales, taken gff in the ufual manner, are waflied and
* rubbed
Pearl.
PEA [§o] PEA
Tubbed vvitli frefti parcels of fair water, and the feveral
liquors fuft’ered to fettle : the water being then poured
off, the pearly matter remains at the bottom, of the con-
liffence of oil, called by the French ejj'ence d"'orient. A
little of this is dropped into a hollow bead of bluith glafs',
and fhaken about fo as to line the internal luriace ; after
which the cavity is fdled up with wax, to give folidity
and weight. Pearls made in this manner are ditlin-
suiithable from the natural, onlv by their having fewer
O V J O
blemifhes.
Mother-of-PEARL, the (hell, not of the pearl oyfter,
but of the nnjtil'us margaritferus. See Mytilus, Cox-
C HO LOGY Index.
pEARL-aJh, a fixed alkaline fait, prepared chiefly in
Germany, Ruflia, and Poland, by melting the falts out
of the aflres of burnt wood ; and having reduced them
again to drynefs, evaporating the moifture, and calcin¬
ing them for a confiderable time in a furnace moderately
hot. The goodnefs of pearl-affres muff be diftinguilhed
by a uniform and white appearance : they are neverthe-
lefs fubjedl to a common adulteration, not eafy to be di-
itinguifhed by the mere appearance, which is done by
the addition of common fait. In order to find out this
fraud, take a fmall quantity of the fufpecled fait; and
after it has been foftened by lying in the air, put it ever
the fire in a (hovel : if it contains any common fait, a
crackling and flight explofion will take place as the fait
grows hot.
Pearl-a(hes are much ufed in the manufacture of glafs,
and require no preparation, except where very great
tra»fparency is required, as in the cafe of Icoking-glafs,
and the belt kind of window-glafs. For this purpofe
diffblve them in four times their weight of boiling wa¬
ter : when they are diffolved, let the folution be put into
a clean tub, and fuffered to remain there 24 hours or
more. Let the clear part of the fluid be then decanted
off from the fediment, and put back into the iron pot in
which the folution was made •, in this let the water be
evaporated till the falts be left perfectly dry. Keep
thofe that are not defigned for immediate uie in (tone
-jars, wTell fecured from moifture and air.
Mr Kirwan, who inftitutvd a fet of experiments on
the alkaline fubftances ufed in bleaching, &c. (fee Irifh
Tranfadl. for 1789), tells-us, that in 100 parts of
the Dantzick pearl-afh, the vegetable alkali amounted
to fomewhat above 63. His pearl-afh he prepares by
calcining a ley of vegetable allies dried into a fait to
whitenefs. In this operation, he fays, “ particular care
flrould be taken that it fliould not melt, as the extrac¬
tive matter would not be thoroughly confumed, and the
alkali would form fuch a union with the earthy parts as
could not eafily be diffolved.” Fie has “ added this
Caution, as Dr Lewis and Mr Doflie have inadvertently
direfted the contrary.” We apprehend, however, that
here is a little inaccuracy ; and that it was not for pearl-
affi, but for the unrefined pot-aflr, that thefe gentlemen
directed fufion. The fa6t is, that the American pot-
aflies, examined by them, had unqueftionably fuffered
fufion ; which was effected in the fame iron pot in which
the evaporation wasfinifired, by rather increafing the fire
at the end of the procefs: by this management, one of
the moft troublefome operations in the whole manufac¬
ture, the feparation ot the hard fait from the veffelswith
hammers and chiffels, was avoided ; and though the ex-
tra&ive matter was not confumed, it was burnt ta an in-
3
dilToluble coal; fo that the fait, though black itfelf, pro- Pearfon,
duced a pale or colourlefs folution, and was uncommonly Peafant.
ftrong. Mr Kirwan bas alfo given tables of the quan- ' v
titles of aflies and fait obtained from different vege¬
tables ; and he concludes from them, 1. “ That in ge¬
neral weeds yield much more aflies, and thei afhes much
more fait, than woods 3 and that, confequently, as to
falts of the vegetable alkali kind, neither America,
Triefte, nor the northern countries, pofiefs any advan¬
tage over us. 2. That of all weeds, fumitory produces
moil fait, and next to it wormwood ; but if we attend
only to the quantity of fait in a given weight of allies,
the aflies of wormwood contain moff. Trifohum fiiri-
num alfo produces more aflies and fait than fern.” See
Potash.
PEARSON, Johk, a very learned Englifh bifliop in
the 17th century, was born at Snoring in 1613. After
his education at Eton and Cambridge, he entered into-
holy orders in 1639, and was the fame year collated to
the prebend of Neti erhaven in the church of Sarum. In
1640 he w’as appointed chaplain to the lord keeper Finch,
and by him prefented to the living of Torrington in Suf¬
folk. In 1650 he was made niinifter of St Clement’s,
Eaft-Cheap, in London. In 1657, ^le ari^ Gunning-
had a difpute with two Roman Catholics upon the fub-
jebt of fchifm 5 a very unfair account of which was print¬
ed at Paris in 1658. Some time after, he pubb’ihed at
London An Expofition of the Creed, in folio, dedicated
to his pariftiioners of St Clement’s Eaft-Cheap, to whem
the fubftance cf that excellent work had been preached
feveral years before, and by whom he had been defired
to make it public. The fame year he likewife publilhed
The Golden Remains of the ever memorable Mr John
Hales of Eton : to which he prefixed a preface, contain-
ino; of that great man, with whom he had been ac-
quainted for many years, a charafter drawn with great
elegance and force. Soon after the Reftoration, he was
prefented by Juxon, then bilhop of London, to the rec¬
tory of St Chriftopher’s in that city *, created do«ftor of
divinity at Cambridge, in purfuance of the king’s letters
mandatory •, inftalled prebendary of Ely, archdeacon of
Surry \ and made mafter of Jelus college in Cambridge :
all before the end of the year 1668. March 25th 1661,
he was appointed Margaret profeffor of divinity in that
univerfity ; and, the firit day of the enfuing year, was
nominated one of the commiflioners for the review of
the liturgy in the conference at the Savoy. April 14th
1662, he wTas admitted mafter of Trinity college in
Cambridge ; and, in Auguft, refigned his reftory of St
Chriftopher’s and prebend of Sarum.—In 1667 he was
admitted a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1672 he
publilhed at Cambridge, in 4to, Vindicice Epifiolarum S.
Jgnatii, in anfwer to Monf. Daille •, to which is fubjoin-
ed, Ifaaci VoJJii epi/iolce duee adverfus Davidem Planded
him. Upon the death of the celebrated Wilkins, Pear¬
fon was appointed his fucceffor in the fee of Chefter, to
which he was confecrated February 9th 1672-3. In
1682, his Annales Cyprianki, Jive tredecim annorum,
quibus S. Cyprian, inter Chriflianos verfatus ejl, hijioria
chromlogica, was publilhed at Oxford, with Fell’s edi¬
tion of that Father’s works. Pearfon was difabled from
all public fervice by ill health a confiderable time before
his death, which happened at Chefter, July 16th 1686.
PEASANT, a hind, one whofe bufinejs is in rural
labour.
It
PEA [
Peafant. It is amongfl this order of men that st philofopher
,r ■■ would look for innocent and ingenuous manners. 1 he
fituation of the peafantry is fuch as fecludes them from
the devaftations of luxury and licentioufnels j for when
the contagion has once reached the receffes of rural
retirement, and corrupted the minds of habitual inno¬
cence, that nation has reached the fummit of vice, and
is hallening to that decay which has always been the
effeft of vicious indulgence. The peafantry of this coun¬
try ftill in a great meafure retain that fimplicity of man¬
ners and ruftic innocence which ought to be the cha-
rafteriftic of this order of fociety ; and, in many parts,
their condition is fuch as, were all its advantages fuf-
ficiently known, would create envy in the minds of
thofe who have toiled through life, amidft the buftle
of the world, in queft of that happinefs which it could
not confer.
0 fortunatos nitnium, fua Ji bona nor in t,
Agricolas.  Virgil.
In other countries the peafants do not enjoy the
fame liberty as they do in our ©wn, and are confe-
quently not fo happy. In all feudal governments they
are abject Haves, entirely at the difpoial of fome petty
defpot. This was the cafe in Poland, where the na¬
tive peafants were fubject to the molt horrid flaVery,
though thofe defcended of the Germans, who fettled
in Poland during the reign of Boleflaus the Chafte
and Caffimir the Great, enjoyed very diftinguifhed pri¬
vileges. Amongft the native flaves, too, thole of the
crown were in a better condition than thofe of indivi¬
duals. See Poland.
The peafants of Ruffia (Mr Coxe tells us) are a
hardy race of men, and of great bodily ftrength. Their
cottages are conftrufted with tolerable propriety, after
the manner of thofe in Lithuania j but they are very
poorly furnilhed. The peafants are greedy of money,
and, as the fame author informs us, fomewhat inclined to
thieving. They afford horfes to travellers, and a£t the
ffore’j Tia- part of coachmen and poftilions. “ In their common in-
vels into tercourfe they are remarkably polite to each other:
they take off their cap at meeting j bow ceremonioufly
and frequently, and ufually exchange a falute. They
accompany their ordinary difcourfe with much aftion,
and innumerable geltures ; and are exceedingly fervile
in their expreffions of deference to their fuperiors : in
accofting a perfon of confequence, they proftrate them-
felves, and even touch the ground with their heads.
We were often ftruck at receiving this kind of eaftern
homage, not only from beggars, but frequently from
children, and occalionally from fome of the peafants
themfelves.
“ The peafants are well clothed, comfortably lodged,
and feem to enjoy plenty of wholefome food. Their
rye-bread, whofe blacknefs at firft difgulls the eye, and
whofe fournefs the tafte, of a delicate traveller, agrees
very well with the appetite : as I became reconciled to
it from ufe, I found it at all times no unpleafant morfel,
and, when feafoned with hunger, it was quite delicious :
Vol. XVI. Part I.
Poland,
Rujfta,
Sweden,
and Den¬
mark.
81 ] PEA
they render this bread more palatable, by Huffing it with
onions and groats, carrots or green corn, and ieafomng
it with fweet oil. The rye-bread is fometimes white,
and their other articles of food are eggs, ialt-filh, bacon,
and mulhrooms , their favourite diih is a kind of hedge
podge, made of fait or fometimes frelh meat, groats,
rye-tlour, highly feafoned -with onions and garlick,
which latter ingredients are much ufed by the Ituflians.
Befides, muftirooms are fo exceedingly common in thefe
regions, as to form a very effential part of their provi-
fion. I feldom entered a cottage without feeing great
abundance of them j and in paifing through the markets,
I was often aflonilhed at the prodigious quantity expoled
for fale : their Variety was no lefs remarkable than their
number *, they wTere of many colours, amongfl; which I
particularly noticed white, black, brown, yellow, green
and pink. T he common drink of the peafants is quafs,
a fermented liquor, iomewhat like fweet wTort, made by
pouring warm water on rye or barley meal j and deem¬
ed an excellent antifcorbutic. They are extremely fond
of whifky, a fpirituous liquor diflilled from malt, which
the pooreft can ocCafionally command, and which their
inclination often leads them to ule to great excefs.”
Thefe people are extremely backward in the me¬
chanic arts, though, where they have much intercourfe
with other nations, this does not appear, and there¬
fore does not proceed from natural inability $ indeed
we have already given an inftance of one peafant of
Ruffia, who feems to poffefs very fuperior talents. See
Neva.
The drefs of thefe people is well calculated for the
climate in which they live : they are particularly care¬
ful of their extremities. On their legs they wear one
or two pair of thick worfted ftockings ; and they en¬
velope their legs with wrappers of coarfe flannel or
cloth feveral feet in length, and over thefe they fre¬
quently draw a pair of boots, fo large as to receive
their bulky contents with eafe. The lower fort of
people are grofsly ignorant j of which we {hall give a
very furprifing inftance in the words of Mr Coxe.—
“ In many families, the father marries his fon while a
boy of feven, eight, or nine years old, to a girl of a
more advanced age, in order, as it is faid, to procure
an able-bodied woman for the domeftic fervice : he
cohabits with this perfon, now become his daughter-
in-law, and frequently has feveral children by her.
In my progrefs through Ruffia, I obferved in fome
cottages, as it were, twTo miftreffes of a family j one the
peafant’s real wife, who was old enough to be his mo¬
ther } and the other, who was nominally the fon’s
wife, but in reality the father’s concubine. Thefe in-
ceftuous marriages, fanftified by inveterate cuftom, and
permitted by the parifti-priefts, were formerly more
common than they are at prefent j but as the nation
becomes more refined, and the priefts fomewhat more
enlightened ; and as they have lately been difeounte-
nanced by government, they are daily falling into dif-
ufe 3 and, it is to be hoped, will be no longer tolera¬
ted (a).”
L The
PeaCmt.
(a) “ The truth of this fa6t, wffiich fell under my owm obfervation, and which I authenticated by repeated inqui¬
ries from all ranks of people, is ftill further confirmed by the following paffage in the Antidote to the Journey into
■Siberia, although the author gives another reafon for thofe early marriages. ‘ The peafants and common people
not
PEA
Peafant. The peafants of Ruflia, like thofe of Poland, are
divided into thofe of the crown and thofe of indivi¬
duals ; the firft of which are in the beft condition 5 but
all of them undergo great hardfhips, being fubjeft to
the defpotic w7ill of lome cruel overleer. They may
obtain freedom, 1. By manumiffion on the death of
their mailer,-or otherwife : 2. By purchafe 5 and, la Illy,
By ferving in the army or navy. The emprefs has
redrdled lome of the grievances of this clafs of her
fubjects. TKe hardinefs of the peafants arifes in a great
meafure from their mode of education and way of life,
and from the violent changes and great extremes of heat
and cold to which they are expofed.
“ The peafants of Finland differ widely from the
Ruffians in their look and drefs: they had for the moil
part fair complexions, and many of them red hair: they
fhave their beards, wear their hair parted at the top, and
hanging to a confiderable length over their fhoulders (b).
W e could not avoid remarking, that they were in gene¬
ral more civilized than the Ruffians 5 and that even in the
fmalleft villages we were able, to procure much better ac¬
commodations than rve ufually met with in the largeft
towms which we had hitherto vifited in this empire.”
The peafants of Sweden (Mr Coxe informs us) are
more honeff than thofe in Ruflia ; in better condition,
and poffefiing more of the conveniencics of life, both
with refpecl to food and furniture. “ They are well
clad in flrong cloth of their own vreaving. Their
cottages, though built with wood, and only of one
flory, are comfortable and commodious. The room
in which the family flcep is provided with ranges of
beds in tiers (if I may fo exprefs myfelf), one above
the other : upon the wooden tefters of the beds in
which the wTomen lie, are placed others for the recep¬
tion of the men, to which they afeend by means of
ladders. To a perfon who has juft quitted Germany,
and been accuftomed to tolerable inns, the Swedith cot¬
tages may perhaps appear miferable hovels ; to me, who
had been long ufed to places of far inferior accommo¬
dation, they feemed alrnoft palaces. The traveller is
able to procure many conveniences, and particularly a
feparate room from that inhabited by the family, which
could feldom be obtained in the Polifh and Ruffian vil¬
lages. During my courfe through thofe two countries,
a bed was a phenomenon which feldom occurred, ex¬
cepting in the large towns, and even then not always
completely equipped ; but the pooreft huts of Sweden
were never deficient in this article of comfort: an evi¬
dent proof that the Swedifh peafants are more civilized
than thofe of Poland and Ruflla.—After having witnefs-
ed the flavery of the peafants in thofe two countries, it
was a pleafing fatisfaftion to find myfelf again among
freemen, in a kingdom where there is a more equal di-
P E A
vifion of property 5 where there is no vaffalage; where Peafcnt,-
the loweft order enjoy a fecurity of their perfons and Peat‘
property ; and where the advantages refulting from this ”~'r"
right are viable to the commpneft obferver.”
The peafants of Holland and Switzerland are all in
a very tolerable condition 5 not fubjedt to the undifpu-
ted controul of a hireling mafter, they are freemen,
and enjoy in their feveral Rations the bleffings of free¬
dom. In Bohemia, Hungary, and a great part of Ger¬
many, they are legally Haves, and fuller all the miferies
attending fuch a condition. In Spain, Savoy, and Italy,
they are little better. In France, their liiuation was
fuch as to warrant the firft Revolution ; but by carrying
matters too far, they are now infinitely worfe than they
were at any former period.
PEAT, a well known inflammable fubftance, ufed
in many parts of the world as fuel. There are two
fpecies :
1. A yellowilh-brown or black peat, found in moor-
ilh grounds in Scotland, Holland, and Germany.—-
When frefh, it is of a vifeid coufiftence, but hardens
by expofure to the air. It confifls, according to Kir-
wan, of clay mixed with calcareous earth and pyrites j
fometimes alfo it contains common fait. While foft,
it is formed into oblong pieces for fuel, after the py-
ritaceous and ftony matters are feparated. By diftil-
lation it yields water, acid, oil, and volatile alkali; the
afhes containing a fmall proportion of fixed alkali ; and
being either white or red according to the proportion of
pyrites contained in the fubftance.
The oil which is obtained from peat has a very pun¬
gent tafte } and an empyreumatic fmell, lefs fetid than
that of animal fubftances, more fo than that of mineral
bitumens : it congeals in the cold into a pitchy mafs,
which liquefies in a fmall heat : it readily catches fire
from a candle, but burns lefs vehemently than other
oils, and immediately goes out upon removing the exter- ,
nal flame : it diflblves almoft totally in redlified fpirit of
wine into a dark brownifli red liquor.
2. The fecond fpecies is found near Newbury in Berk-
fhire. In the Philofophical Tranfaftions for the )7ear
1757, we have an account of this fpecies; tlxe fubftance
of which is as follows :
Peat is a compolition of the branches, twigs, leaves,
and roots of trees, with grafs, ftraw, plants, and weeds,
which having lain long in water, is formed into a mafs
fo foft as to be cut through with a fharp fpade. The
colour is a blackifti brown, and it is ufed in many places
for firing. There is a ftratum of this peat on each fide
the Kennet, near Newbury in Berks, which is from
about a quarter to half a mile wide, and many miles t
long. The depth below the furface of the ground is
from one foot to eight. Great numbers of entire trees
are
[ 82 ]
not only marry their fons at 14 and 15 years of age, but even at eight or nine, and that for the fake of having a
workwoman the more in the perfon of the fon’s wife : By the fame rule, they try to keep their daughters fingle as
long as poflible, becaufe they don’t choofe to lofe a workwoman. Thefe premature marriages are of little ule to
the Rate 5 for which reafon, methods to get the better of this cuftom have been fought for, and, I hope will foon
take place : the biftrops are attentive to prevent thefe marriages as much as poflible, and have of late _ fucceeded
greatly in their endeavours. It is only the inhabitants of fome of the province's in Ruflia that ftiil retain this bad
cuftom.”
(b) The Ruflians have generally dark complexions and hair : they alfo wear their beards, and cut their hair
Ihort..
/
PEC
are found lying irregularly in the true peat
chiefly oaks, alders, willows, and firs, and appear to
have been torn up by the roots: many horfes heads,
and bones ot feveral kinds of deer, the horns of the an¬
telope, the heads and talks of boars, and the heads of
beavers, are alfo found in it. Not many years ago an
urn of a light brown colour, large enough to hold about
a gallon, was found in the peat-pit in Speen moor, near
Newbury, at about 10 feet from the river, and four
feet below the level of the neighbouring ground.. Juft
over the foot where the urn was found, an artificial hill
was raifed about eight feet high } ana as tins hill con¬
fided both of peat and earth, it is evident that the peat
was older than the urn. From the fide oi the.n\er fe¬
veral femicircular ridges are drawn round the hill, with
trenches betw'een them. 1 he urn was broken to Ihivers
by the peat-diggers who found it, fo that it could not be
critically examined j nor can it be known whether any
thing was contained in it.
For the mode of converting mofs or peat into a va¬
luable manure, fee Agriculture Index.
PEAUCFER, in Anatomy, a name given by Win¬
dow, in his Treatife on the Flead, and by fome of the
French writers, to the muicle called by Albinus latiffi-
mus colli; and by others detraliens quadratics, and qua¬
drat us genre. Santorini has called the part of this which
arifes from the cheek mufculus riforius novus ; and iome
call the whole platyfma myoides.
PEBBLES, a trivial name frequently given to dif¬
ferent varieties of the agate. See Agate, Mineralogy
Index'.
PECARY, in Zoology. See Mammalia Index.
PECCANT, in Medicine, an epithet given to the
humours of the body, when they offend either in quan¬
tity or quality, i. e. wdien they are either morbid, or in
too great abundance. Moft dileafes arife from peccant
humours, which are either to be correfted by alteratives
and fipecifi.cs, or elfe to be evacuated.
PECHEM, in the Materia Medico, a name given by
the modern Greek writers to the root called behem by
Avicenna and Serapion. Many have been at a lofs to
know what this root pechem was; but the virtues a-
icribed to it are the dime with thofe of the behem. of
the Arabians; its defeription is the fame, and the divi-
fion of it into white and red is alfo the fame as that of
the behem. Nay, the word pechem is only formed of
leliem by changing the b into a p, which is very com¬
mon, and the afpirate into or ch, which is as com¬
mon. Myrepfus, who treats of this root, fays the fame
thing that the Arabian Avicenna fays of behem, name¬
ly, that it was the fragments of a woody root, much cor¬
rugated and wrinkled on the furface, which was owing
to its being fo moift whilft frefh, that it always ftirunk
greatly in the drying.
PECHYAGRA, a name given by fome authors to
the gout affecting the elbow.
PECHYS, a name ufed by fome anatomical writers
for the elbow.
PECHYTYRBE, an epithet ufed by fome medical
writers for the feurvy.
PECK, a meafure of capacity, four of which make a
bufhel.
Peck, Francis, a learned antiquarian, was born at
Stamford in Lincolnftiire, May 4. 1692, and educated
at Cambridge, where he took the degrees of B. and M.
[ 83 J PEC
They are A. He was the author of many works, of which the
firft is a poem, entitled, “ Sighs on the Death of Queen
Anne printed probably about the time of her death
in 1714. Two years afterwards he printed “TO T-^OS
lNAriON ; or an Exercife on the Creation, and an Hymn
to the Creator of the World j wrritten in the expreis
words of the facred Text, as an Attempt to ftiow the
Beauty and Sublimity of the Holy Scriptures, 1716,
8vo.” In 1721, being then curate of King’s Clifton in
Northamptonlhire, he iffued propofals for printing the
Hiftory and Antiquities of his native.town, which was
publilhed in 1727, in folio, under the title of “ Academia
tertia Anglicana; or the Antiquarian Annals of Stam¬
ford in Lincoln, Rutland, and Northamptonlhires
containing the Hiftory of the Univerfity, Monafteries,
Gilds, Churches, Chapels, Hofpitals, and Schools there,
&c.” inferibed to John duke of Rutland. This work
was haftened by “ An Effay on the ancient and prefent
State of Stamford, 1726, qto,” written by Francis Har¬
grave, who, in his preface, mentions the difference
wrhich had arifen between him and Mr Peck, on ac¬
count of the former’s publication unfairly foreftalling
that intended by the latter. Mr Peck is alfo therein
very roughly treated, on account of a fmall wTork be had
formerly printed, entitled, “ The Hiftory of the Stam¬
ford Bull-running.” Mr Peck had before this time ob¬
tained the rettory of Godeby near Melton in Leicefter-
Ihire, the only preferment he ever enjoyed. In. I729>
he printed on a fingle ftieet, “ Queries concerning the
Natural Hiftory and Antiquities of Leicefterlhire and
Rutland,” which were afterwards reprinted in 17405
but although the progrefs he had made in the work wTas
very confiderable, yet it never made its appearance. In
1732 he publifhed the firft volume of “ Dejiderata
Curiofa; or, a Collection of divers fcarce and curious
Pieces relating chiefly to Matters of Englifh Hiftory.5
confifting of choice trafts, memoirs, letters, wills, epi¬
taphs, &c. tranferibed, many of them, from the origi¬
nals themfelves, and the reft from divers ancient MS.
copies, or the MS. collations of fundry famous anti¬
quaries and other eminent perfons, both of the laft and
prefent age : the whole, as nearly as poffible, digefted
into order of time, and illuftrated with ample notes,
contents, additional difeourfes, and a complete index.”
This volume was dedicated to Lord William Manners,
and was followed, in 1735, by a fecond volume, dedi¬
cated to Dr Reynolds bilhop of Lincoln. In 1735 Mr
Peck printed in a qto pamphlet, “ A complete catalogue
of all the difeourfes written both for and againft popery
in the time of King James II. containing in the whole
an account of 457 books and pamphlets, a great number
of them not mentioned in the three former catalogues 5
with references after each title, for the more fpeedy
finding a further account of the faid difeourfes and their
authors in fundry writers, and an alphabetical lift of
the writers on each fide.” In 1739 he was the editor
of “ Nineteen Letters of the truly reverend and learned
Henry Hammond, D. D. (author of the Annotations on
the New Teftament, &c.) written to Mr Peter Stain-
nough and Dr Nathaniel Angelo, many of them on
curious Tubjecls, &c.” Thefe were printed from the
originals, communicated by Mr Robert Marfden arch¬
deacon of Nottingham, and Mr John Worthington.
The next year, 1740, produced two volumes in 4to,
one of them entitled, “ Memoirs of the Life and Ac-
L a tions
PEG
Peck
Fecquet
[ 8+ ]
PEC
tiorv> of Oliver Cromwell, as delivered in three pane¬
gyrics of him written in Latin ; the firft, as faid, by
Lon Juan Roderiguez de Saa Menefes, Conde de Pen-
guiap, the Portugal ambaffador 5 the fecond, as affirmed
by a certain Jefuit, the lord ambaffador’s chaplain ; yet
both, it is thought, compofed by Mr John Milton (La¬
tin fecretary to Cromwell), as was the third j with an
Engliffi verfion of each. The whole illuftrated with a
large hitlorical preface ; many fimilar paflages from the
Paradife Loft, and other works of Mr John Milton, and
notes irom the belt hiftorians. To all which is added,
a colleiftion of divers curious hiftorical pieces relating to
Cromwell, and a great number of other remarkable per-
fons (after the manner of Dejiderata Curio fa, v. i. and
ii.)” The other, “ New Memoirs of the Life and
poetical Works of Mr John Milton ; with, firft, an exa¬
mination of Milton’s ftyle j and fecondly, explanatory
and critical notes on divers paffages in Milton and
Shakefpeare, by the editor. Thirdly, Baptiftes $ a fa-
cred dramatic poem in defence of liberty, as written in
Latin by Mr George Buchanan, tranflated into Eng-
liftr by Mr John Milton, and firft publiffied in 1641,
by order of the houfe of commons. Fourthly, the
Parallel, or Archbiftiop Laud and Cardinal Wolfey
compared, a Vifion by Milton. Fifthly, the Legend
of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, knt. chief butler of
England, who died of poifon, anno 15 70, an hifto¬
rical poem by his nephew Sir Thomas Throckmor¬
ton, knt. Sixth, Herod the Great, by the editor.
Seventh, the Refurreftion, a poem in imitation of Mil-
ton, by a friend. And eighth, a Difcourfe on the Har¬
mony of the Spheres, by Milton ; with prefaces and
notes.” Thefe were the laft publications wffiich he
gave the world. When thefe appeared, he had in con¬
templation no lefs than nine different works; but
whether he had not met with encouragement for thofe
which he had already produced, or whether he was
rendered incapable of executing them by reafon of his
declining health, is uncertain j but none of them ever
were made public. He concluded a laborious, and,
it may be affirmed, an ufeful life, wholly devoted to
antiquarian purfuits, Aug. 13. 1743, at the age of 61
years.
PECORA, in Zoology, the fifth order of the clafs
mammalia, in the Linnean fyftem. See Zoology.
PECQUET, John, was a phyfician in Dieppe,
and died at Paris in 1674. He was phyfician in or¬
dinary to the celebrated Fouquet, whom he entertain¬
ed at his fpare hours with fome of the moft amufing
experiments in natural philofophy. He acquired im¬
mortal honour to himfelf by the difcovery of a ladteal
vein, which conveys the chyle to the heart ; and which
from his name is called le Refervoir de Pecquet. This
difcovery was a freffi proof of the truth of the cir¬
culation of the blood; though it met with oppofition
from many of the learned, particularly from the famous
Riolau, who wrote a treatife againft the author of it,
with this title : Adverfus Pecquetum et Pecquetianos.
The only wTorks which we have of Pecquet, are, 1. Ex-
penmenta nova Anatomica, publiffied at Paris, 1654.
2. A Differtation, De Thoracis LaBeis, publiffied at
Amfterdam, 1661. He was a man of a lively and adtive
genius 5 but his fprightlinefs fometimes led him to adopt
dangerous opinions. He recommended, as a remedy for
all difeafes, the ufe of brandy. This remedy, however,
proved fatal to himfelf, and contributed to ffiorten his
days, which he might have employed to the advantage
of the public.
PECTEN, the Scallop ; a fpecies of fliell-fiffi. See
Ostrea, Concholog y Index.
PECTORAL, a facerdotal habit or veftment, worn
by the Jewiffi high-prieft. The Jews called it Hhofchen,
the Greeks the Latins rationale and pe&orale,
and in our verfion of the Bible it is called breajlplate.
It confifted of embroidered fluff, about a fpan fquare,
and was worn upon the breaft, let with twelve precious
ftones, ranged in four rows, and containing the names of
the twelve tribes. It was fattened to the ffioulder by
two chains and hooks of gold God himfelf prefcribed
the form of it. See Breastplate.
Pectoral, a breaftplate of thin brafs, about 12 fin¬
gers fquare, worn by the poorer foldiers in the Roman
army, who were rated under 1000 drachmae. See Lo-
RICA.
Pectoral, an epithet for medicines good in difeafea
of the breaft and lungs.
PECTORALIS. See Anatomy, Table of the
Mufcles.
PECULATE, in Civil Law, the crime of embezzl¬
ing the public money, by a perfon intrufted with the re¬
ceipt, management, or cuftody thereof. This term is
alfo ufed by civilians for a theft, whether the thing be
public, fifcal, facred, or religious.
PECULIAR, in the Canon Law, fignifies a particu¬
lar parifh or church that has jurifdidtion within itfelf
for granting probates of wills and adminiftrations, ex¬
empt from the ordinary or bilhop’s courts. The king’s
chapel is a royal peculiar, exempt from all fpiritual ju-
rifdiftion, and referved to the vifitation and immediate
government of the king himfelf. There is likewife the
archbiffiop’s peculiar j for it is an ancient privilege of
the fee of Canterbury, that wherever any manors or
advowfons belong to it, they forthwith become exempt
from the ordinary, and are reputed peculiars: there are
57 fuch peculiars in the fee of Canterbury.
Befides thefe, there are fome peculiars belonging to
deans, chapters, and prebendaries, which are only ex¬
empted from the jurifdiftion of the archdeacon : thefe
are derived from the biftiop, who may vifit them, and
to ’whom there lies an appeal.
Court of PECULIARS, is a branch of, and annexed to,
the court of arches. It has a jurifdidtion over all thofe
pariffies difperfed through the province of Canterbury
in the midft of other diocefes, wffiich are exempt from
the ordinary’s jurifdiftion, and fubjedt to the metropo¬
litan only. All ecclefiaftical caufes, arifing wfithin
thefe peculiar or exempt jurifdidtions, are originally cog¬
nizable by this court: from which an appeal lay form¬
erly to the pope, but now by the flat. 25. Hen. VIII.
c. 19. to the king in chancery.
PECULIUM, the flock or eftate wffiich a perfon,
in the powrer of another, whether male or female, either
as his or her Have, may acquire by his induftry. Roman
flaves frequently amaffed confiderable fums in his way.
The word properly fignifies the advanced price which a
(lave could get for his matter’s cattle, &c. above the
price fixed upon them by his matter, which was the
llave’s own property.
In the Romitli church, peculium denotes the goods
which each religious referves and poffeffes to himfelf.
PEDALS
Pecften
H.
Peculium.
-J
P E D [85
PEDx\LS, the largeft pipes of an organ, fo called
becaufe played and Hopped with the foot, ihe pedals
are n>ade fcjuare, and of wood 5 they are ufually 13 m
number. They are of modern invention, and ferve to
carry the founds of an oftave deeper than the reft. See
Organ.
PEDAGOGUE, or Pedagogue, a tutor or mailer,
to whom is committed the difcipline and direftion of a
fcholar, to be inftrufted in grammar and other arts.
The word is formed from the Greek xyayos,
puerorum du£ior, “ leader ofboys.”
M. Fleury obferves, that the Greeks gave the name
pcedagogus to (laves appointed to attend their children,
lead them, and teach them to walk, &c. Ihe Romans
gave the fame denomination to the flaves who were in¬
truded with the care and indru£!ion of their children.
PEDANT, a fchoolmader or pedagogue, who pro-
feffes to indraft and govern youth, teach them the hu¬
manities, and the arts. See Pedagogue.
Pedant is alfo ufed for a rough, unpolifhed man of
letters, who makes an impertinent ufe of the fciences,
and abounds in unfeafonable criticifms and oblervations.
Dacier defines a pedant, a perfon who has more read¬
ing than good fenfe. See Pedantry.
Pedants are people ever armed with quibbles and
fyllogifms, breathe nothing but difputation and chi¬
canery, and purfue a propodtion to the lad limits of
logic.
Malebranche defcribes a pedant as a man full of falfe
erudition, who makes a parade of his knowdedge, and is
ever quoting fome Greek or Latin author, or hunting
back to a remote etymology.
St Evremont fays, that to paint the folly of a pedant,
we mud reprefent him as turning ah converfation to fome
one fcience or fubjeft he is bed acquainted withal.
There are pedants of all conditions, and all robes,
Wicquefort fays, an ambadador, always attentive^ to
formalities and decorums, is nothing elfe but a political
pedant.
PEDANTRY, or Pedantism, the quality or man¬
ner of a pedant. See Pedant.
To fwell up little and low things, to make a vain
(how of fcience, to heap up Greek and Latin, without
judgement, to tear thofe to pieces wTho differ from us
about a paffage in Suetonius or other ancient authors, or
in the etymology of a word, to dir up all the wrorld
againd a man for not admiring Cicero enough, to be in-
tereded for the reputation of an ancient as if he were
our next of kin, is what we properly call pedantry.
PEDARIAN, in Roman antiquity, thofe fenators
who fignified their votes by their feet, not with their
tongues j that is, fuch as walked over to the fide of
thofe whofe opinion they approved of, in divilions of the
fenate.
Dr Middleton thus accounts for the origin of the
word. He fays, that though the magitlrates of Rome
had a right to a place and vote in the fenate both du¬
ring their office and after it, and before they were put
upon the roll by the cenfors, yet they had not pro¬
bably a right to fpeak or debate there on any quedion,
at lead in the earlier ages of the republic. For this
feems to have been the original didinftion between them
and the ancient fenators, as it is plainly intimated in the
formule of the confular edift, fent abroad to fummon
the fenate, which was addrelfed to all fenators, and to
] FED
all thofe who had a right to vote in the fenate. From Pedatara
this didinftion, thofe who had only a right to vote pJ*iu_
were called in ridicule pedarian ; becaufe they fignified viurrt
their votes by their feet, not their tongues, and upon   —-
every divifion of the fenate went over to the fide of thofe
whofe opinion they approved. It was in allufion to this
old cudom, which feems to have been wholly dropt in
the latter ages of the republic, that the mute part of the
fenate continued dill to be called by the name oftpeda-
rianS) as Cicero informs us, who in giving an account to
Atticus of a certain debate and decree of the fenate upon
it, fays that it was made with the eager and general con¬
currence of the pedarians, though againd the authority
of all the confulars.
PEDATURA, a term ufed, in Roman antiquity,
for a fpace or proportion of a certain number of feet
fet out. This word often occurs in writers on mili¬
tary affairs : as in Hyginus de Cadrametatxone we meet
with meminenmus itaque ad computationem cohortts equi-.
tatce milliarice pedaturam ad mille trecentos fexaginla dan
debere; which is thus explained : The pedatura, or
fpace allowed for a cohors equitata or provincial cohort,
confiding of both horfe and foot, could not be the fame
as the pedatura of an uniform body of infantry, of the
fame number, but mud exceed it by 360 feet} for the
proportion of the room of one horleman to one foot
foldier he affxgns as two and a half to one.
PEDERASTS, the fame with Sodomites.
PEDESTAL, in ArchiteBure, the lowed part of an
order of columns, being that part wdiich fudains the
column, and fervesit as a foot to dand. See Column.
PEDI/EAN, in Grecian antiquity. The city of
Athens was anciently divided into three different parts ^
one on the defcent of a hill; another on the iea-fhore }
and a third in a plain between the other two. I he inhabi¬
tants of the middle region were called U^mci, Pediaans,
formed from “ plain,” or “ fiat 5” or as Aridotle
will have it, Pediaci: thofe of the hill, Diacrians 3 and
thofe of the (hore, Paralians.
Thefe quarters ufually compofed fo many different
faftions. Pifidratus made ufe of the Pediaeans againft
the Diacrians. In the time of Solon, wdien a form of
government was to be chofen, the Diacrians chofe it
democratic 5 the Pediseans demanded an aridocracy j
and the Paralians a mixed government.
PEDICLE, among botanids, that part of a dalk
which immediately fudains the leaf of a dower or a fruit,
and is commonly called afootftalk.
PEDICULUS, the Louse, a genus ofinfefts be¬
longing to the order of aptera. See Entomology
Index.
PEDILUVIUM, or Bathing of the Feet. The
ufes of warm bathing in general, and of the pediluvium
in particular, are fo little underdood, that they are often
prepoderoudy ufed, and fometimes as injudicioudy ab -
dained from.
In the Edinburgh Medical Effays, we find an inge¬
nious author’s opinion of the warm pediluvium, not-
withdanding that of Borelli, Boerhaave, and Hoffman,
to the contrary, to be, That the legs becoming warmer
than before, the blood in them is w armed : this blood
rarifying, didends the veffels 5 and in circulating im¬
parts a great degree of warmth to the red of the mafs )
and as there is a portion of it condantly palling through
the legs, and acquiring new heat there, which heat is in
P E D [8
PcJliu- the courfe of circulation communicated to the reft of the
vinm blood, the whofe mafs rarifying, occupies a larger fpace,
Pedlar aild of confequence circulates with greater force. The
—Y—volume of the blood being thus increafed, every veffol
is diitended, and every part of the body feels the effe&s
of it; the diftant parts a little later than thofe firft heat¬
ed. The benefit obtained by* a warm pediluvium is ge¬
nerally attributed to its making a derivation into the
parts immerfed, and a revulfion from thofe afteefed, be-
caufe they are relieved 5 but the cure is performed by
the dire<ft contrary method of operating, viz. by a great¬
er force of circulation through the parts affefted, remo¬
ving what was ftagnant or moving, too fluggilhly there-
Warm bathing is of no fervice where there is an irre-
foluble obftruflion, though, by its taking off from a
fpafm in general, it may feem to give a moment’s eafe j
nor does it draw from the diftant parts, but often hurts
by puftiing againft matter that will not yield with a
ftronger impetus of circulation than the ftretched and
difealed .veffels can bear : fo that where there is any
fufpicion of feirrhus, warm bathing of any fort fttould
never be ufed. On the other hand, where obftruftions
are not of long (landing, and the impacted matter is
not obftinate, warm baths may be of great ufe to refolve
them quickly. In recent colds, with (light humoral
peripneumonies, they are frequently an immediate cure.
This they effedl by increafing the force of the circula¬
tion, opening the (kin, and driving freely through the
lungs that lentor which ftagnaied or moved (lowly in
them. As thus conducing to the refolution of obftruc-
tions, they may be confidered as (hort and fafe fevers ;
and in ufing them we imitate nature, which by a fever
often carries off an obftrufting caufe of a chronical ali¬
ment. Borelii, Boerhaave, and Hoffman, are all of
opinion, that the warm pediluvium adls by driving a
larger quantity of blood into the parts immerfed. But
arguments rnuft give way to facts: the experiments re¬
lated in the Medical Effays feem to prove to a demon-
flration, that the warm pediluvium a£ls by rarifying the
blood.
A warm pediluvium, when rightly tempered, may be
ufed as a fafe cordial, by which circulation can be roufed,
or a gentle fever railed ; with this advantage over the
cordials and fudorifics, that the effedl of them may be
taken off at pleafure.,
Pediluvia are fometimes ufed in the fmallpox •, but
Dr Stevenfon thinks their frequent tumultuous opera¬
tions render that iufpedled, and at bed of very doubt¬
ful effeft; and he therefore prefers Monf. Martin of
Laufanne’s method of bathing the (kin, not only of the
*■ legs, but of the whole body, with a foft cloth dipped in
warm water, every four hours, till the eruption ; by
which means the puftules may become univerfally high¬
er, and confeqnently more fafe.
PEDIMENT. See Architecture.
PEDLAR, a travelling foot-trader. See Hawkers.
In Britain (and formerly in France) the pedlars are
defpifed •, but it is othenvife in certain countries. In
Spanifii America, the bufinefs is fo profitable, that it
is though*: by no means difhonourable ; and there are
many gentlemen in Old Spain, who, when their cir-
cumftances are declining, fend their fons to the Indies
to retrieve their fortunes in this way. Almoft all the
commodities of Europe are diftributed through the
fouthern continent of America by means of thefe ped-
2
6 ] FED
bus. They come from Panama to Paita by fea; and Pedlar
in the road from the port lalt mentioned, they make !!
Peura their firft voyage to Lima. Some take the road , ‘Jedr0^
through Caxamalia: others through Truxillo, along
(bore from Lima. They take their paffage back to
Panama by fea, and perhaps take with them a little car¬
go of brandy. At Panama they again (lock themfelves
with European goods, returning by (ea to Paita, where
they are put on ibore ; there they hire mules and load
them, the Indians going with them in order to lead them
back. Their travelling expences are next to nothing;
for the Indians are brought under fuch fubjedlion, that
they find lodging for them, and provender for their
mules, frequently thinking it an honour done them for
their gueits to accept of this for nothing, unlefs the
ftranger now and then, out of generofity or compafiion,
makes a fmall recompence.
In Poland, where there are few or no manufaclures,
almoft all the merchandife is carried on by pedlars, who
are faid to be generally Scotfmen, and who, in the reign
or King Charles II. are faid to have amounted to nb
fewer than 53,000.
PEDOMETER, or Podometer, formed from vn/s.
pes, “ foot,” and fiftgoy, “ meafure,” way-wifer ) a me¬
chanical inftrument, in form of a watch, confiding o!
various wheels with teeth, catching in one another, all
difpofed in the fame plane ; which, by means of a chain
or ftring faftened to a man’s foot, or to the wheel of a
chariot, advance a notch each ftep, or each revolution
of the wheel j fo that the number being marked on the
edge of each wheel, one may number the paces, or mea¬
fure exactly the diftance from one place to another.
There are fome of them which mark the time on a dial-
plate, and are in every refpeH much like a watch, and
are accordingly worn in the pocket like a watch. See
Perambulator. r
FEDRO, Dox, of Portugal, duke of Coimbra, was
the fourth child and fecond furviving fon of King John
of Portugal, and was born March the 4th 1394. His
father gave him an excellent education, which, joined
to ftrong natural abilities and much application, render¬
ed him one of the moll accompliftied princes of his time.
He was not only very learned himfelf, but a great lovei*
of learning, and a great patron of learned men. It was
chiefly with a view to improve his knowledge that he
fpent four years in travelling through' different countries
in Europe, Ada', and Africa, with a train fuitable to
his quality ; of which travels there is a relation dill ex¬
tant, but fo loaded with fabulous circumllances, that it
wounds the reputation it was defigned to raife. At his
return he efpoufed Ifabella, daughter to the count of
Urgel, and grand-daughter to Don Pedro, the fourth
king of Portugal, which was efteemed a very great ad¬
vancement of his fortune. He was elefted into the mod
noble order of the Garter, April 22. 1417, in the fifth
year of the reign of his coufin Henry V. grandfon of
John of Gaunt, by the father’s fide, as our duke of
Coimbra was by the mother. In 1440 he was declared
regent during the minority of his coufin Don Alonfo V.
fon of King Edward, who died by the plague. He
found fomc difficulty at firft in the difeharge of his of¬
fice, both from the queen-mother and others. But, up¬
on the whole, his admir.iftration was fo mild and fo juft,
that the magiftrates and people of Lifbon concurred in
demanding his leave to ere£l a ftatue to him. The re¬
gent
PEE
[ 8? 1
PEE
Pedro
gent thanked them, faid lie Ihould be unwilling to lee a
work of their’s demolilhed ; and that he was fufficiently
rewarded by this public teftimony of their affections.
The queen dowager wifhed to raiie diiturbances in Por¬
tugal by aiming to recover the regency to herferf 3 but
the fteadinefs of the regent’s adminiitration, the attach¬
ment of the belt part ot the nobility to him, and his en¬
joying, m fo abfolute a degree, the confidence of tne
people, not only fecured the interior tranquillity of the
date, but raifed the credit likewife of the crown of Por¬
tugal to a very great height in the fentiments of its
neighbours: for in the courfe of his regency he had
made it his continual ftudy to purfue the_ public good ;
to eafe the people in general, and the inhabitants of
Lifbon in particular, of feveral impofitions 3 to maintain
the laws in their full vigour 3 to give the king an ex¬
cellent education 3 and if that had been at all practica¬
ble, to diffufe a perfefl unanimity through the court, by
affuaging the malice and envy ol his enemies. 1 he
king when he came of age, and the cortes ox parliament,
expreffed their entire fatisfaction witjj the regent’s ad¬
miniitration 3 and all parties entirely approved of the
king’s marriage with Donna Ifabella, the regent’s daugh¬
ter, which was celebrated in 1446. J he enmity or his
enemies, however, was not in the leaft abated by the re¬
gent’s being out of office. Ihey (till perfecuted him
with their unjuft calumnies, and unfortunately made tne
king hearken to their falfehoods. I he untortunate
duke, when ordered to appear before the king, was ad-
vifed to take with him an effort of horfe and foot. In
his paffage he was proclaimed a rebel, and quickly after
he was furrounded by the king’s troops. Soon after he
was attacked, and in the heat of aft ion he was killed :
nor was the envy of his enemies even then fatiated 3 his
body was forbid burial 3 and was at length taken away
privately by the pealants. His virtue, however hated
in courts, was adored by the uncorrupt part of his coun¬
trymen. At length, though, by an inlpeftion of his
papers, the king faw, when it was too late, the injuf-
tice that had been done the man who had behaved fo
■well in fo high and difficult an office 3 and whole papers
only difcovered figns of further benefit to the king and
his dominions. In confequence of thefe diffoveries, the
duke’s adherents were declared loyal fubjefts, all pro-
fecutions were ordered to ceafe, and the king defired the
body of Coimbra to be transported with great pomp
from the caftle of Abrantes to the monaftery of Batal-
ha 3 where it was interred in the tomb which he had
caufed to be erefted for himfelf. The royal name of
Don Pedro occurs often in the hiftory of Portugal, and
many who bore the name were fingularly diftinguifhed
either for great abilities, or external fplendor. See Por¬
tugal.
PEDUNCLE, in Botany. See Pedicle.
PEEBLES, a royal borough and county town of
Peebles-fhire or Tweedale, is fituated on the banks of
the Tweed, 22 miles fouth from Edinburgh. Peebles
w7as a royal refidence in the time of James I. of Scot¬
land ; and here it is fuppofed, he compofed the poem of
“ Peebles at the Play.” Peebles has confiderable wool¬
len manufaftures, and is noted for excellent beer. Po¬
pulation in 1792 amounted to 1480 inhabitants.
PEEBLES-SHIRE, or Tweedale, a county of
Scotland, extending 36 miles in length and about 10 in
breadth. It is bounded on the call by Ettrick Forefl,
on the fouth by Annandale, on the welt by Crydeldale,
and on the north by Mid-Lothian, iweedale is a hilly ^
country, wTeIl watered with the I weed, the T arrow,
and a great number of fmaller ftreams that fertilize the
valleys, which produce good harvefts of oats and barley,
with fome proportion oi wheat. fAll the rivers of any
confequence abound with trout and falmon. ihe lake
called" Wejl-Water Loch fwarms with a prodigious num¬
ber of eels. In the month of Augult, when the weft
wind blows, they tumble into the river Yarrow in fuch
thoals, that the people who wrade in to catch them run
the rilk of being overturned. About the middle of this
county is the hill or mountain of Braidalb, from the top
of which the ffia may be ffien on e^ch fide of the ifiand.
Tweedale abounds with limeftone and freeftonc. The
hills are generally as green as the downs in Suffex, and
feed innumerable flocks of Iheep, that yield great quan¬
tities of excellent wool. The country is well {haded
with woods and plantations, abounds with all the necef-
faries of life, and is adorned with many fine feats and fe¬
veral populous villages. The earls ol March were he¬
reditary "theriffs of Tweedale, which bellows the title of
marquis on a branch of the ancient houfe of Hay, earls
of Errol, and hereditary high conftables of Scotland.
The family of Tweedale is, by the female fide, deffend-
ed from the famous Simon de Frafer, propnetor of great
part of this county, who had a great (hare in obtaining
the triple victory at Roflin. The chief town in J weed-
ale, is Peebles, a royal borough, and feat of a prefby-
tery, pleafantly fituated on the banks of the '.I weed,
over which there is at this place a {lately Hone bridge
of five arches. In the neighbourhood of Peebles, near
the village of Romana, on the river Lene, we fee the
veftiges of two Roman caftella, or ftationary forts 3 and
a great many terraces on the neighbouring hills, which
perhaps have ferved as itinerary encampments. In the
{hire of Tweedale there are many ancient and honour¬
able families of the gentry. Among thefe, Douglas ol
Cavers, who was hereditary Iheriff of the county, {till
preferves the flandard and the iron mace of the gallant
Lord Douglas, who fell in the battle of Otterburn, julf
as his troops had defeated and taken Henry Percy, fur-
named Hotfpur. In the church-yard of Drumelzier, be¬
longing to an ancient branch of the Hay family, the fa¬
mous Merlin is fuppofed to lie buried. There was an
old traditional prophecy, that the two kingdoms ffiould
be united when the waters of the Tweed and the Panfel
fhouid meet at his grave. Accordingly, the country
people obferve that this meeting happened in confequence
of an inundation at the acceffion of James VI. to the
crown of England.
The population of this county, in 1801, amounted to
8717. But the following is the population at two dif¬
ferent periods, according to its pariffies.
Peebles-
fliire.
PariJljes.
I Broughton
Drumelzier
Eddleftown
Glenholm
3 Inverleithen
Kilbucho
Kirkurd
Linton .
Population
in 1755-
3° 5
679
39 2
559
279
310
831
Population in
119°—DP®7
264
270
71O
3°°
560
362
288
928
T.vnr
PEE [88] PEE
Peebles-
fliire Tarifhes.
Peers.
Lyne
IO Manner
Newlands
Peebles
Skirling
Stobo
15 Traquair
r6 Tweedfmuir
Population Population in
in 1:755. 1790—1798.
265 160
320 229
1009 S91
1896 1920
335 234
3I3 3l8
651 446
397 227
8908 8107
8107
* Statijl. Decreafe, 801 *
Jif^ovol.xx. __ „ . . r
PEEK, in the lea-language, is a word ufed in vari¬
ous fenfes. Thus the anchor is faid to be a-peek, when
the fhip being about to weigh comes over her anchor in
fuch a manner that the cable hangs perpendicularly be¬
tween the haufe and the anchor.
To heave a-peek, is to bring the peek fo as that the
anchor may hang a-peek. A fhip is faid to ride a-peek,
when lying with her main and foreyards hoifted up, one
end of her yards is brought down to the fhrouds, and
the other raifed up on end ; which is chiefly done when
fhe lies in rivers, left other fhips falling foul of the yards
fhould break them. Riding a-broad peek, denotes much
the fame, excepting that the yards are only raifed to
half the height.
Peek is alfo ufed for a room in the hold, extending
from the bitts forward to the ftern : in this room men
of war keep their powder, and merchantmen their
vidtuals.
PEEL, a town in the ifle of Man, formerly called
Holm-town, has a fort in a fmall ifland, and a garrifon
well fupplied with cannon. In it are the ancient cathe¬
dral, the lord’s houfe, with fome lodgings of the bifhops,
and other remains of antiquity.
PEER, in general, fignifies an equal, or one of the
fame rank and ftation : hence in the a61s of fome coun¬
cils, we find thefe words, with the confetti of our peers,
bifhops, abbots, &c. Afterwards the fame term was
applied to the vaffals or tenants of the fame lord, who
were called peers, becaufe they were all equal in condi¬
tion, and obliged to ferve and attend him in his courts ;
and peers in fiefs, becaufe they all held fiefs of the fame
lord.
The term peers is now applied to thofe who are im-
pannelled in an inqueft upon a perfon for convi61ing or
acquitting him of any offence laid to his charge : and
the reafon why the jury is fo called, is becaufe, by the
common law and the cuftom of this kingdom, every per¬
fon is to be tried by his peers or equals j a lord by the
lords, and a commoner by commoners. See the article
Jury.
Peeb of the Realm, a noble lord who has a feat and
vote in the houfe of lords, which is alfo called the
Houfe of Peers.
1 hefe lords are called peers, becaufe though there is
a diftinftion of degrees in our nobility, yet in public ac¬
tions they are equal, as in their votes in parliament, and
in trying any nobleman or other perfon impeached by
the commons, &c. See Parliament.
Houfe of PEEBB, or Houfe of Lords, forms one of the Peer*,
three eftates of parliament. See Lords and Parlia- Pec refs.
MKNT. u—y—•,
In a judicative capacity, the houfe of peers is the fu-
preme court of the kingdom, having at prefent no origi¬
nal jurifdiftion over caufes, but only upon appeals and
Writs of error j to re6Hfy any injuftice or miftake of the
law committed by the courts below. To this authority
they fucceeded of courfe upon the diffolution of the Au/a
Regia. For as the barons of parliament were conftituent
members of that court, and the reft of its jurifdi6tion
was dealt out to other tribunals, over which the great
officers who accompanied thofe barons were refpedlively
delegated to prefide, it followed, that the right of re¬
ceiving appeals, and fuperintending all other jurifdic-
tions, ftill remained in that noble affembly, from which
every other great court was derived. They are there¬
fore in all cafes the laft refort, from whofe judgement no
farther appeal is permitted •, but every fubordinate tri¬
bunal muft conform to their determinations : The law
repofing an entire confidence in the honour and con-
fcience of the noble perfons who compofe this important
affembly, that they will make themfelves mailers of
thofe queftions upon which they undertake to decide ■,
fince upon their decifion all property muft finally de¬
pend. See Lords, Nobility, &c.
Peers, in the former government of France, were
twelve great lords of that kingdom } of which fix were
dukes and fix counts 5 and of thefe, fix were ecclefiaf-
ticS and fix laymen ; thus the archbifhop of Rheims, and
the biffiop of Laon and Langres, were dukes and peers}
and the bifliops of Chalons on the Marn, Noyons, and
Beauvais, were counts and peers. The dukes of Bur¬
gundy, Normandy, and A.quitain, were lay peers and
dukes 5 and the counts of Flanders, Champagne, and
Touloufe, lay peers and counts. Thefe peers affifted at
the coronation of kings, either in perfon or by their re-
prefentatives, where each performed the fun61ions at¬
tached to his refpe61ive dignity : but as the fix lay peer¬
ages wrere all united to the crown, except that of the
count of Flanders, fix lords of the firft quality were cho-
fen to reprefent them ; but the ecclefiaftical peers gene¬
rally affifted in perfon. The title of peer was lately be¬
llowed on every lord whofe eftate was ere6ted into a
peerage 5 the number of which, as it depended entirely
on the king, was uncertain.
PEERESS, a woman who is noble by defeent, crea¬
tion, or marriage. For, as wTe have noblemen of feveral
ranks, fo we may have noblewomen •, thus King Hen¬
ry VIII. made Anne Bullen marchionefs of Pembroke j
King James I. created the lady Compton, wife to Sir
Thomas Compton, countefs of Buckingham, in the life¬
time of her hulband, without any addition of honour to
him $ and alfo the fame king made the lady Finch, vif-
countefs of Maidftone, and afterwards countefs of Win-
chelfea, to her and the heirs of her body ; and King
George I. made the lady Schulenberg, duchefs of Ken¬
dal.
If a peerefs, by defeent or creation, marry a perfon
under the degree of nobility, flie ftill continues noble:
but if Ihe obtain that dignity only by marriage, ffie lofes
it, on her afterwards marrying a commoner 5 yet by the
courtefy of England, Ihe generally retains the title of
her nobility.
4
A
PEG [
A cor.rtc-Vcr baronefs may not be ai rcfled for debt
or trefpafs 5 for though in refpect of their fex, they can¬
not ht n parliament, they are neverthelefs peers of the
realm, and thall be tried by their peers, &c.
PEWIT, a fpecies of gull. See Larus, Ornitho¬
logy Index1.
PEGASUS, among the poets, a horfe imagined to
have wings ; being that on which Bellerophcn was fabled
to be mounted when he engaged the Chimera. See Chi¬
mera.
Ti e opening of the fountain Hippocrene on Mount
Helicon is aferibed to a blow of Pegafus’s hoof. It was'
feigned to have flown awav to heaven, where it became
a conftellatmn. Hence
.Pegasus, in AJirdnomy, the name of a con della tibn
of the northern hemifphere, in form of a 'flying horfe.
See Astronomy.
PEGM ARES, a name by which certain gladiators
were diftinguifhed, vrho fought upon moveable fcaflblds
c died pevino.ta, which were fometimes unexpeftedly rai¬
led, and by this means furprifed the people with gladia¬
tors in hot contention. They were fometimes fo fud-
denly lifted up as to throw the combatants into the air ;
and fotnetimes they were let down into dark and deep
holes, and then fet on fire, thus becoming tire funeral-
piles of thofe miferable wretches 5 and loading them
alive to divert the populace.
PEGU, a very confiderable kingdom of Afia, lae-
vond the Ganges. The country properly fo called is
but about 3 po miles in length from north to fouth, and
as much in breadth from eaft to wtft. It is fitualed on
the eaftern fide of the bay of Br a gal, nearly oppofite to
Arixa, and to the north-eafl of the cnafl of Coromandel.
It is bounded on the north by the kingdoms of A.rrakan
and Ava j on the eaft by the Upper and Lower* Siam ;
on the fouth bv part of Siam and the lea } and on the
weft by the fea and part of Artak an.
The kingdom of Pegu is faid to have been founded
about 1100 years ago. Its fivft king was a feamati;
concerning whom and his fucceffors we know nothing
till the difeovery of the Eaft Indies by the Portuguefe
in the beginning of the ibth century. In 1518 the
throne of Pegu was pofieffed by one Brefiagukah, with
whom Antony Correa the Portuguefe ambafiador fo-
lemnly concluded a peace in 1 119. This monarch,was
poflefled of a very large and rich empire, nine kingdoms
being in fubjeefion to him, whofe revenues amounted to
three millions of gold. We hear no farther account of
his tranlaftions after the conclufion of the treaty with
the Portuguefe'. In 1 ego he was murdered on the fol¬
lowing occafion : Among other princes who were his
tributaries was Para Mandera, king of the Birmans or
Barmans. Thefe people inhabited the high lands called
Pav$avirau, to the northward of the kingdom of Pegu.
Their prince, by one of the terms of his vaffalage, was
obliged to furnifti the king of Pegu with 30,000 Bir¬
mans to labour in bis mines and other public works. As
the king ufed frequently to go ar.d fee how his works
went forward, and in thefe, journeys took along with
bum none but his women, the Birmans obfervlng thefe
vifits frequently repeated, formed a defign of robbing
the queen and all the concubines of their jewels *, and
plirfuant to this defign, the next time the king vifited
the work®, they murdered him, and having ftripped the
ladies, fled to their Own country.. x
Vcl. XVI. Part I.
89 ] 'PEG
By this enormity all Pegu was thrown into confu- P 11
lion : but, inftead of revenging the death of their king, /~~
the people divided everywhere into faftions } lo that
Dacha Rupi, the lawful heir to the crown, found bim-
felf unable to maintain his authority. Of thefe commo¬
tions, the king of the Birmans taking the advantage,
not only fhook off the yoke, but formed a defign of con¬
quering the kingdom of Pegu itfelf.—With this view he
invaded the country with an army of more than a mil¬
lion of foot, and 5000 elephants; befides a great fleet
which he fent down the river Ava towards Eagou or
Pegu, the capital of the empire 5 while he hin\fclf
marched thither by land. Juft at this time Ferdinand
de Mirales arrived at Pegu from Goa with a large gal¬
leon richly laden on account of the king of Portugal.
As foon as Dacha Rupi heard of his coming, he fenl 90
defire his aflrftance againft the enemy. This he obtain¬
ed by great prefents and promifes: and Mirales, fetting
out in a galliot, joined the king’s {hips. Had the num¬
bers been any thing near an equality, the fuperior {kill
of Mirales would undoubtedly have gained the victory ;
But the fleet of the Birmans covered the whole river,
though as large as the Ganges, while that of Dacha Ru¬
pi could fcarcely be obferved in comparifon with them.
Mirales did every thing that man could do, and even
held out alone after the natives had deferted him ; but
at la ft, oppreffed and overwhelmed with numbers, he
was killed, with all his men.
Thus Para Mandara became mafter of all Pegu; af¬
ter which he attacked the tributary kingdoms. In 1544
he befieged Martavan, the capital of a kingdom of the
fame name, then very great arid flourifhing. 'The land
forces which he brought againft it confifted of ^00,000
men, while by fea he attacked it with a fleet of i^cd
fail *, ico of which were large galleys, and in them 700
Portuguefe commanded by John Cayero, who had the
reputation of being a valiant and experienced officer.
The fiege, however, continued feven months, during
which time the Birmans loft 120,000 men •, but at lait
the befieged king, finding l,imfelf ftraitened for want of
provifions, and unable to withftand fo, great a power, of¬
fered terms of capitulation. The befiegers would admit
of no terms, upon which the diftreffed king applied to
the Porfuguefe in the fervice of his enemy ; for by their
affiftance he doubted not to be able to drive away the
Birmans. Accordingly, he. Tent one Seixas to Cayero,
intreating him to receive himfelf, his family, and trea-
fure, on board the four fhips he had under his com¬
mand ; offering, on that condition, to give half his
riches to the king of Portugal, to become bis vaffak, and
pay fuch tribute as ihould be agreed upon. Cayero con-
fid ted the principal officers, and in their prefence a filed
Seixas what he thought the treafure might amount to.-
Seixas’aniwered, that out of what he had feen, for he-
had not feen all, two fliips might be loaded with gold,
and four or five with filver. This propofal was too ad¬
vantageous to be flighted 5 but the reft of the ofticers
envying the great fortune which Cayero would make,
threatened to difeover the whole to the king of Barma or
Birma if he did not rejeft it. The unhappy king of
Martavan had now no other refource but to fet fire to
the city, make a fifty, and die honourably with the few
men he had with him': but even here he was difappoint-
ed; for by tbe defertion of 4000 of his troops the ene-"
my were apprifed of his defign, and prevented it. Thus
M betrayed,
PEG [ 90 ] PEG
betrayed, be capitulated with the Barma l ing for his
J own life and the lives of his wife and children, with
leave to end his days in retirement. All this was rea¬
dily granted, but the conqueror intended to perform no
part of his promile. The city was plundered and burnt,
by which above 60,000 perfons perilhed, while at Lealt
an equal number were carried into llavery. Six thou-
fand cannon were found in the place ; 100,000 quintals
of pepper, and an equal quantity of other fpices. The
day after this deftruftion, 21 gibbets were ere&ed on a
»hill adjoining to the city ; on which the queen, her
children, and ladies, were executed, by hanging them
up alive by the feet : however, the queen expired with
anguilh before Ihe luffered fuch a cruel indignity. The
Jang, with 50 of his chief lords, was calf into the fea,
with Hones about/ their necks. This monftrous cruelty
lo provoked the tyrant’s foldiers, that they mutinied, and
lie was in no fmall danger of fufferjng for it : however,
he found means to pacify them after which he pro¬
ceeded to befiege Prom, the capital of another king¬
dom. Here he increafed his army to 900,000 men.
Ihe queen by whom it was governed offered to fubmit
to be his vaffal; but nothing would fatisfy the Barma
monarch lens than her furrender at difcretion, and put-
img all her treafure into his hands. This Ihe, who
jhnew his perfidy, refufed to do : on which the city was
fiercely afiaulted, but greatly to the difadvantage of the
Barmas, who loft near 100,000 men. However, the
city was at laft betrayed to him, wfien Mandara be¬
haved with his ufual cruelty. Two thoufand children
were {lain, and their bodies cut in pieces and thrown
to the elephants j the queen wTas ftripped naked, pub¬
licly whipped, and then tortured, till {he died ; the
young king was tied to her dead body, and both toge¬
ther caft into a river, as were alfo 300 other people of
quality.
While the tyrant was employed in fortifying the city,
he was informed, that the prince of Ava had failed
blown the river Queytor with 400 rowing veffels having
30,000 foldiers on board ; but that, hearing of the
queen’s difafter, he Hopped at Meletay, a ft rong fort refs
about 1 2 leagues north of Prom, wdiere he waited to be
joined by his father the king of Ava with 80,000 men.
On this news the Banna king fent his fofter-brother
Chaumigrem along the river fide with 200,000 men,
while he himfelf followed wath 100,000 more. The
prince, in this emergency, burnt his barks, forming a
vanguard of the mariners, and, putting his fmall army
in the heft pofttion he could, expcfted the enemy. A
moft defperate engagement enfued, in wftftch 800 only of
the prince’s army were left, and 115,000 out of 200,000
Barmas who cppofed him w^ere killed. The 800 Avans
retired into the fort: but Mandara coming up foon af¬
ter, and being enraged at the terrible havock made in
his army, attacked the fortrefs moft violently for feven
days; at the end of which time, the 800, finding them-
felves unable to hold out any longer, rufhed out in a
dark and rainy night, ip order to fell their lives at as
dear a rale as poftible. This laft effort was fo extreme¬
ly violent, that they broke through the enemy’s troops
in feveral places, and even preffed fo hard on the king
himielf that he was forced to jump into the river. How¬
ever, they were at laft all cut off, but not before they
had deftroyed 12,000 of their enemies.
Mandara having thus become piaftcr of ihe fort, com¬
manded it to be named ately repaired j and failed uo
the river to the port of Ava, about a league from the
capital, where he burnt between 2000 and 3000 veflels,
and loft in the enSerprife about 8000 men. The citv
itfeli he did rot think proper to invert, as it had been
newly fortified, was defended by a numerous garrifon,
and an army of 80,000 men was advancing to its relief.
I he king alfo, apprehenfive of Mandara’s power, had
implored the protection of the emperor of Siam ; offering
to become his tributary on condition that he would af-
fift him with his forces in recovering the city of Prom,
i o this the emperor readily affented ; which news great¬
ly alarmed the Barma monarch, fo that he difpatched
ambaffadors to the Kalaminham or fovereign of a large
territory adjacent, requefting him to divert the emperor
from his purpofe. On the ambaffadors return from this
court, it appeared that the treaty had already taken ef-
fehf ; but as the feafon was not yet arrived for invading
Ava, Chaumigrem, the king’s fofter-brother, was fent
wiih 150,000 men to reduce Sebadi or Savadi the capi¬
tal of a fmall kingdom about 130 leagues north-eaft from
Pegu. The general, however, failed in his attempt;
and afterwards endeavouring to revenge himfelf on a
town in the neighbourhood, he was furprifed by the
enemy and put to flight.
In the meantime, the empire of Siam fell into great
dirtraftions 5 the king, together with the heir to the
crown, were murdered by the queen, who had fallen in
love with an officer, whom {he married after her huf-
band’s death. However, both of them were foon after
killed at an entertainment *, and the crown was given to
a natural brother of the late king, but a coward and a
tyrant. On this Mandara refolved to invade the coun¬
try ; and, his principal courtiers concurring in the
fcheme, he collected an army of 800,000 men, with no
fewer than 20,000 elephants. In this army were xoco
Portuguefe, commanded by one James Suarez, who al¬
ready had a penfion of 200,000 ducats a-year from the
king of Pegu, with the title of his brother, and gover¬
nor of the kingdom. With this formidable army he fet
out in April 1548. His firft atchievement was the tak¬
ing of a fortrefs on the borders of the enemy’s country j
before which, being feveral times repuifed, and having
loft 3000 of his men, he revenged himlelf by putting all
the rvomen to the fword. He next befieged the capital
itfelf; but though the fiege was continued for five
months, during which time the moft violent attacks
were made upon it, the affailants were conftantly repui¬
fed with great lofs. However, it was ftill refolved to
continue the fiege ; and a mount of earth was raifed, on
which wrere placed 40 pieces of cannon, ready to batter
it anew, when, in Oblober, advice was received of a re¬
bellion having broke out in Pegu.
The perfon who headed the rebels on the prefent oc-
caficn was Shoripam Shay, near akin to the former mo¬
narch {lain x 2 years before. He was a religious perfon,
of great underftanding, and efteemed a faint. As he
was a famous preacher, he made a fermon, in which he
fet forth the tyranny of the Birmans in fuch a manner,
that he was immediately taken out of the pulpit, and
proclaimed king by the people, who, as a token of fo-
vereignty, gave him the title of Shemindoo. The firft:
aft of fovereignty which he exerted was to cut in pieces
15,000 Birmans, and feize on the treafure ; and fo a-
grecable was this change of government to all ranks of
people^
PEG [ 91 .] PEG
Pegu. people, that in three weeks time all the flrongholds of
'' ^ Pegu fell into his hands.
On this news the king immediately raifed the fiege in
which he was engaged, and in 17 days got to Marta-
van. Here he was informed, that Shemindoo had poftr
ed 1500,000 men in different places, in order to intercept
his paffage ; at the fame time that he had the mor¬
tification to find 50,000 of his belt troops deferted. To
prevent a greater defertion, after 14 days ftay, he de¬
parted from Martavan, and foon met Shemindoo at the
head of 600,000 men. A defperate engagement fol¬
lowed ; in which Shemin-doo was entirely defeated,
with the lofs of 300,000 men. Of the Birman troops
were {lain 6o,oco ) among whom were 280 Portu-
guefe.
The morning after this victory, the tyrant marched
to the city •, the inhabitants of which furrendered, on
condition of having their lives and effedts fpared. 1 he
kingdom being thus again brought under his fubjebtion,
his next ftep was to punilh the principal perfons concern¬
ed in the rebellion : their heads he cut off", and confif-
cated their eftates, which amounted to no lefs than ten
millions of gold. Others fay, that he put all without
dillindtion to the fword, excepting only 12,coo, who
took Ihelter in James Suarez’s houfe •, that alone afford¬
ing an afylum from the general {laughter, i he plunder
was incredible, Suarez alone getting three millions.
All thefe cruelties, however, were infufficient to fecure
the allegiance of the tyrant’s fubjefts : for in lefs than
three months news was brought that the city of Marta¬
van had revolted 5 and that the governor had not only
declared for Shemindoo, but murdered 2000 Birmans.
Mandara then fummoned all the lords of the kingdom
to meet him with their force, within 15 days, at a place
called Mouckau, not far from his capital, whither he
himfelf went with 300 men, to wait their arrival. But
in the meantime he received intelligence that the fliemin
or governor of Zatan, a city of fome confequence, had
fubmitted to Shemindoo, and alfo lent him a large fum
of gold. The Ihemin was immediately fent for in order
to be put to death; but he, fufpe&ing Mandara’s de-
lign, excufed himfelf by pretending ficknefs 5 after
which, having confulted with his friends, he drew toge¬
ther about 600 men; and having with thefe privately
advanced to the place where the king was, he killed
him, with the few attendants that were about him at
the time. The guards in the court being alarmed with
the noife, a Ikirmiffi enfued with the (hemin’s men, in
which about 800 were flain on both fides, mod of them
Birmans. The Ihemin then retreated to a place called
Ponte/; whither the people of the country, hearing of
the death of the king, who was univerfally hated, re-
forted to him. When he had affembled about 5000
men, he returned to feek the troops which the late king
had with him *, and finding them difperfed in feveral
.places, eafily killed them all. With the Birmans were
flain 80 out of 300 Portuguefe. The remainder fur-
rendered, with Suarez their leader ; and were fpared,
on condition of their remaining in the fervice of the
Ihemin.
The Ihemin, now finding his forces daily increafe, af¬
firmed the title of king ; and, to render himfelf the more
popular, gave out that he would exterminate the Barmas
fo effectually, as not to leave one in all the kingdom.
It happened, however, that one of thofe who were with
the late king at the time he was murdered, efcaped the Pegu-,
general flaughter; and, fwimming over the river, in- ’-“’—v'-*"
formed Chaumigrem of the king’s death. He had with
him 180,000 men, all of them natives of Pegu, except-
ting 30,000 Barmas. He knew very well, that if the
natives had known that the king was dead, he and all
his Barmas would have inftantly been put to the fword.
Pretending, therefore, that he had received orders to
put garrifons into feveral places, Chaumigrem difpatch-
ed all the natives into different parts •, and thus got rid
of thofe whom he had fo much caufe to fear. As foon
as they were marched, he turned back upon the capital,
and feized the king’s treafure, together with all the
arms and ammunition. He then fet fire to the maga¬
zines, arfenals, palace, fome of vhofe apartments were
ceiled with gold, and 2000 row ing veffels w hich were on.
the river. Then deftroying all the artillery, he tied with
the 30,000 Barmas to his own country, being purfued
in vain by the natives of Pegu.
Thus the Ihemin of Zatan was left in quiet poffeffion
of the kingdom •, but, by his repeated abbs of tyranny
and cruelty, he fo difgufted his fubjefts, that many tied
to foreign countries, while others went over to Shemin-
doo, who began now to gather ftrength again. In the
mean time, James Suarez, the Portuguefe whom we
have often mentioned, loft his life by attempting to ra-
vilh a young woman of diftinelion; the ftiemin being
unable to proteCf him, and obliged to give him up to
the mob, wlro ftoned him to death. The ftiemin him¬
felf did not long furvive him; for, being grown intole¬
rable by his oppreflions, moft of his followers abandoned
him, and he was befieged in his capital by Shemindoo
with an army of 200,000 men, and foon after flain in a
fally : fo that Shemindoo now feemed to be fully efta-
blilhed on the throne. But in the mean time Chaumi¬
grem, the fofter brother to the deceafed king, hearing
that Pegu was very ill provided with the means of de¬
fence, invaded the kingdom with an army of 300,000
men. Shemindoo met him with three times their num¬
ber ; but his men, being all natives of Pegu, were in¬
ferior in ftrength, notwithftanding their numbers, to the
enemy. The confequence wras, that Shemindoo was de¬
feated with prodigious daughter, and Chaumigrem caufed
himfelf to be proclaimed king of Pegu. Shortly after,
Shemindoo himfelf wras taken •, and, after being treated
with the utmoft cruelty, was beheaded.
The hiftory of Chaumigrem is very imperfect. How*-
ever, we know that he was a very great conqueror, and
not at all inferior in cruelty to his predeceffors. He re¬
duced the empire of Siam and Aracan, and died in
1583; being fucceeded by his fon named Pranjinoko^
then about 50 years of age. When this prince afeend-
ed the throne, the kingdom of Pegu wras in its greateft
height of grandeur ; but by his tyranny and obftinacy
he loft all that his father had gained. He died in 11599,
and after his death the kingdom of Pegu became fub-
je£t to Aracan. For fome time part it has been tributa¬
ry to the more powerful kingdom of Ava •, the love—
reigns of which country have hitherto been extremely
cautious of permitting Europeans to obtain any fettle-
men t among them.
The air of Pegu is very healthy, and prefently reco¬
vers fick ftrangers. The foil alfo is very rich and fertile
in com, rice, fruit, and roots 5 being enriched by the
inundations of the river Pegu, which are almoft incre-
M 2 dibla,
V;
PEI [ 92 1 PEI
Peguntium dible, extending above 30 leagues beyond its channel.
!! It produces alio good timber of leveral kinds. The
. jcountry abounds with elephants, -buffaloes, goats, hogs,
and olher animals, particularly game j and deer is fb
'plenty in September and October, that one may be
bought for threepence or fourpence: they are very tiethy,
but have' no fat. There is itore of good poultry ; the
cocks are very large, and the hens very beautiful. As
for fitly there are many forts, and veil tailed. In Pegu
are found mines, not only of gold, iron, tin, and lead,
or rather a kind of copper or mixture of copper and
lead, but alio of rubies, diamonds, and fappbires. The
rubies are the' belt in the world $ but the diamonds are
fmall; and it is hid they arc fometirnes found in the craws
of poultry. Belides, only cue family has the privilege of
felling them and none dare open the ground to dig for
them. The rubies are found in a mountain in the pro¬
vince of Kabian, or Kapelan, between the city of Pegu
and the port of S’rian.
But for a fuller account of Pegu, and the Birman
empire, fee Asia, from p. 740 to p. 760 j and for a
defeription of the temple of Shoemadoo, of. which we
Plate have given an engraving, taken from Syme’s Embafiy
CCCGVII. to that kingdom, fee alfo A^ia, p. 751.
PEGUNTIUM, in Ancient Geography, (Ptolemy) 5
Piguntice, (Pliny) ( a town or citadel of Dalmatia, on
the Adriatic, oppefite to the illand Brattia, icarcely five
miles oT, and 40 miles to the call of Salome. Accord¬
ing to Fortis, a mountain, a large hollow, and fubma-
Tra-oels in- rine fprings are feen here. “ This hollow (fays he)
to Dalma- fe^rns |-0 have been excavated by feme ancient river.
Tne fprings which bubble up from under the fea are fo
confiderable, that they might pafs for the riling again of
a river funk under ground. Vrullia'has the fame dcri-
yalion as the word Vril, which in Sclavonian fignifies a
fountain ; and this etymology, rendering the name of
Vrullia the BerulHa of Porphyrogenitus analogous to
that of Peguntium, fii.ee IJsyj and Veil are fynpnymous,
induces me to believe, that the caftle named Peguntium
by- ancient geographers was fituated in this place, and
not at the mouth of the Celtina. No remarkable vefli-
^ ges of antiquity now exift on the fpot; yet it is evident,
by the quantity of fragments of yafes, tiles, and fepul-
chral inferiptions now and then dug up, that this tradf
of coaft was well inhabited in the Roman times. The
principal caufe why the trafts of ancient habitations can¬
not be difeovered about Vrullia, is the fteepnefs of the
hill above it, and the quantity of ftones brought down
from thence by the waters. The mouth of the hollow
of Vrullia is dreaded by feamen, on account of the Hid¬
den impetuous gulls of wdnd that blow from thence, and
in a moment raife a kind of hurricane in the channel be¬
tween the Primorie and the illand of Brazza, to the
great danger of barks furprifed by it.”
PEINE FORTE ET DURE, (Lat. pcena fortis et dura),
fignifies a fpecial punifhment infliffed on thofe who, be¬
ing arraigned of felony, refufe to put them (elves on the
ordinary trial, but ilubbornly Hand mute ) it is vulgarly
called prefjing to death. See ARRAIGNMENT.
PEIRCE, James, an eminent diffenting minifter,
was bom at Wapping, in London, in the year 1674,
and was educated at Utrecht and Leyden 5 after which
he fpgnt fome time at Oxford, in order to enjoy the be¬
nefit of frequenting the Bodleian library. He then for
two years preached the Sunday-evening’s leelure at' the Ume
meetmg-houfe in Miles-Lane, London, and then fettled ~ v
at Cambridge. In 1713 be was removed to a congre¬
gation at Exeter, where he continued till the year 1718 :
when the Calviniils among the diiTenters piopofing a
fubfeription to articles of faith to be figned by alt the
diiienting minifters in the kingdom, feveial at kits weie
proposed to him and IVir John Hal let, another diifientsng.
miniiter at Exeter, in order to their iubicribir.g them,
they both refufed, imagining this proceeding of them
diiienting brethren to be an unworthy impofition on reli¬
gious liberty and private judgement 5 and for this they
were ejected from their congregation. Upon th.s, a new
meeting was opened for them at Exeter, cf rvhich Mr
Peirce continued mil lifter till his death, in 1726. He
was a man of the iiricieil virtue, exemplary piety, and
great learning. He wrote, 1. Exercitatio pnilafopkica de
Homarneria Anaxagorca. 2. Thirteen pieces on the
Qontroverfy between the Church cf England and the
Diffenters. 3. Ten pieces on the Cent rover fy about the
Eiefiment at Exeter. 4. Six pieces on the Dochine oi
the Trinity, c. A Paraphrafe and Notes on the Epiities
of St Paul to the CololTians, Philippians, and Hebrews.
6, An Eiiay in favour of giving tl\e Euchariil: to Chil¬
dren. 7. Fourteen Sermons.
PEIRESC, Nicoi.as Ci.audeFarri, born in 1380,
was defeended from an ancient.and noble iamily, feated
originally at Pifa in Italy. At ten years of age, he was
feat to Avignon, where lie fpent five years hr thejefuits
college, in the fttidy of what in Scotland and on the
Continent is called humanity. From Avignon he was,
in 1591;, removed to Aix, and entered upon the itudy
of plulofophy. In the interim, he attended the proper
matters for dancing, riding, and handling arms $ in all
which, though he performed the lefibns regularly, it was
with reluclancp : for this being done only to pleafe an
uncle, whofe heir he was to be, he never praclited by
himfelf, efteeming all the time loti that wras rot fpent
in the pursuits of literature. During this period, his fa¬
ther being prefented'villi a medal .of the emperor Arca-
■dius, which was found at Belgenfer, Peirefc begged the
favour of it 5 and, charmed with deciphering the cha-
raflers in the exergue, and reading the emperor’s name,
he.carried the medal with a tranfport of joy to his uncle;
who for his encouragement gave him two mere, toge¬
ther with fome books upon the fubjefl. I his is the
epoch of his application to antiquities, for which he be¬
came afte'rwards fo famous. In 1596. be was fent to fi-
niili his courfe of philofophy under the Jefuits at Tour-
non, where he turned his attention particularly to ccf-
mography, as being ncceffary to the underftanding of
• hifiory, abating, however, nothing of his application to
antiquity, in which he was afiifted by Petrus Rogerus,
one of the profefibrs, and a Ikilful medalift : nor did he
omit the ftudy of humanity in general, wherein he was
the mailer and inftru&or of a brother who w-as with him.
But to do all this he was obliged to fit up late at nights;
and fo much labour and attention, as he was naturally
of a tender ccnilitution, increafed tne weaknefs of his
ftomach formerly cent rafted, and for which he had ufed
a kind of digeftive powfter. Being - recalled by his
uncle in 1597, he returned to Aix, and entered there
upon the ftudy of the law; which he profecuted, how¬
ever, fo as to find leifure to vifit and converfe frequent¬
ly
Plate CCCCVil
Shoejviadoo
PEI [ 93 ] PEI
ly with Peter A. R. Bagarr, a molt fkilful antiquary,
who was afterwards made mafter of the jewels to Hen-
ry IV.
The following year he went agam to Avignon, to
carry on his courle of law under one Peter David ; who,
being well'{killed likewile in antiquities, was pleafed to
fee Peirefc join this ftudy to that of the law. But Ghi-
bertus of Naples, auditor to Cardinal AquaViva, fed his
curiofty the molt, in fliov/ing him fome rarities, inch as
he had never feen before. Ghibertus alio lent him Gol-
tzius’s Treatife upon Coins, and advifed him to go into
Italy, efpecialiy to Rome, where he would meet with
curiofities to iatisfy his moll ardent withes. According¬
ly, his uncle having procured a proper governor, he and
his brother fet out upon that tour September 1599 j and
patTing' through Florence, Bononia, and Ferrara, when
he had Raid a few days at Venice, he fixed his refidence
1 at Padua, in order to complete his courfe of law.' But
once a quarter, going to Venice to get carh for biHs of
exchange, he took ihefe opportunities of introducing
himfeif to the molt diilinguifhed literati there 5 and was
particularly carefied by F. Contarin, procurator of St
Mark, who was podeiTed of a curious cabinet of medals,
and other antiquities, without knowing the value of
them. This was fully ihown to him by Peirefc, who
like wife explained the Greek inferiptions upon his me¬
dals, and the monumental ftones. After a year’s ftay
at Padua, he fet out for Rome, and arrived there Octo¬
ber 1600, in order to be in time for feeing the jubilee :
to celebrate which, the Porta Sancla would be opened
in the beginning of the next year. He paffed fix months
in this city, viewing the numberlefs curiofities there, and
in cultivating the friendthip of Galileo, by whom he was
much beloved. This friertdthipTed him to carry his re-
fearches into aftronomy and natural philofophy 5 and he
was prefent when Fabricius ab Aquapendente, out of a
parcel of eggs upon which a hen was fitting, took one
every day, to obferve the gradual formation of the chick
from firif to laft. From this time it was generally ac¬
knowledged, that he had taken the helm of learning in¬
to his hand, and began to guide the commonwealth of
of letters.
: Having now fpent almoffc three years in Italy, he be¬
gan to prepare for his departure j and in the end of
1602, having packed up all the rarities, gems, &c.
which he had procured, and put them into the road to
Marfeilles, he left Padua, and crofling the Alps to Ge¬
neva, went to Lyons •, where receiving money he made
a handfome prefent to his governor, who took the route
of Paris. From Lyons he,went to Montpelier, to im¬
prove himfeif in the law under Julius Parius. From
Montpelier he difpatched more rarities to his urcle,
who fending for him home, he arrived , at Aix in No¬
vember ; but, bringing Parius along with him, he ob¬
tained leave to return to Montpelier in a few days. He
waited upon Parius back again, under whom he conti¬
nued purfuing his law Rudies till the end of 1603, when
he returned to Aix, at the earneft requefl: of his uncle,
who, having refigned to him his fenatorial dignity, had
ever fince the beginning of the year laboured to get the
king’s patent. The degree of doflor of-law was a ne-
ceflary qualification for that dignity. Pdrefc, there¬
fore, having kept the ufual exercife,-took'that degree
Jan. 18. 1604, when the aforefaid patent was given in
to the fenate, and ordered to be. recorded : yet Peirefc
procured leave not to be prefently entered into the lift
of-fenators. The bent of his inclination was not fo
much to bufinefs as to advanoe arts and feiences, and to
affifl: all the promoters of learning. For this .purpofe,
he refolved to lead a fingle life } fo that when his father
had concluded a match for him with a refpeftable lady,
he begged to be excufed.
Pi ] 605, he accompanied G. Varius, firfi: prefident
of the fenate at Aix, who was very fond of him, to Pa¬
ris $ whence, having vifited every tiling curious, has
croffed the water, in company with the king’s amfcaf-,
fador, i6oj5, to England. Here he was very graci-
oully received by King James 1.5 and having leen Ox¬
ford, and vifited Camien, Sir Robert Cotton, Sir
Henry Saville, and other learned men, he paffed oyer
to Holland j and after vifiting the feveral towns and
univerfities, with the literati in each, he went through
Antwerp to Bruffels, and thence back to Paris, to lee
the ceremony of the Dauphin’s bapti&l; which being
folemnized Auguft 24, he returned home in September
1606, being expected for the ordering of the family
affairs.
Prefently after this, he purchafej thebarony of .Rian-q
and at the felicitation of his uncle, haying approved
himfeif before that affembly, he-was .received a fenatcr
on the iff of July 1607. January 1608 he loft his
uncle j and the following year, falling himfeif into a
dangerous fever, recovered by eating mufk-melons be¬
fore fupper, for which he had conceived a longing.-
He was ordered by his phyfician to eat them before
his meals without bread, and to drink a glafs of pure .
wine upon them. He continued this method all his life
afterwards *, and grew fo fond of them, that, though he •
could abftain from any other meat as he lifted, yet to-'
wards them he profeffed he was unable to mafter him¬
feif. He frequently experienced, that in the mulk-me-
lon feafon he rvas never troubled with the gravel. In
1618, having procured a faithful cory of “ the A£ls of.
the Monaftery of Maren in Switzerland,” he publifhed
a fecond edition of that work. As it was written in de- •
fence of the royal line of France againft Thecdoric
Piefpordius, who had attempted to prove the title of the
Auftrian family to the French crown by right- of fuc-
ceffion, he was, upon; this publication, nominated tire.
fame year, by Louis XIII. abbot of San ft a Maria Aqui-
ftrienfis. He ftayed in France till 1623 ; when, upon
a meffage from bis father, now grown old and fickly, he
left' Paris, where he had fpent feven years and fome
months. He arrived at Aix in Oftober j and not long
after prefented to the court a patent from the king, per¬
mitting him to continue in the function of his ancient
dignity, and to exercife the office of a fecular or lay
perfon, notwithftanding that, being an abbot, he had
affumed the chara&er of a churchman. To this the-
court of parliament not affenting, decreed unanimoully,
that, being already admitted into the firft rank, he-
firould abide perpetually therein ; not returning, as the
cufiiom of the court was, to the inferior auditory, where¬
in trials are ufually had of criminal cafes. In 1625,. he
buried his father, who had been long afflicted with the
gout. In 1627, he prevailed with the archbifhop of-,
Aix to eftabliffi a poft thence to Lyons, and fo to Paris
and all Europe } by which the correfpondence conftant-
ly held with the literati everywhere was much facilitat.:
ed. In 1629, he began to be much tormented with the
ftrangury
PET
Pegii,
Pekin.
Gaffe netts
Life of
Peirefc, in
Engljh.
Loud.
i<>57-
ftrangury and heeftlorrhbides; and in 1631, having com-
pleted the marriage of his nephew Claudius with Mar¬
garet Alrefia, a noblewoman of the county of Avignon,
he beftowed upon him the barony of Riantv, together
■unn a grant of Ins fenatonal dignity, only relervmij the
function to himfelf for three years. But the parliament
not waiting his furrendry of it, he refented that affront
fo hemoufly, that he procured, in 1635, letters patent
from the king to be reftored, and to exercife the office
for five years longer, which happened to be till his
death : for being feized, June 1637, with a fever
-that brought on a floppage of urine, this put an end
to his life on the 24th of that month, in his 57 th
year.
lire character of Peirefc may be fummed up in a
few words. His perfon was of a middle fize, and of a
thin habit : nis forehead large, and his eyes gray 5 a
little hawk-nofed 5 his cheeks tempered with red 5 the
hair of his head yellow, a-s alfo his beard, which he
ufed to wear long ) his whole countenance bearing the
marks of uncoinmcm and rare courtefy and affability.
In his diet he affected cleanlinefs, and in all thino-s
about him but nothing fuperfluous or coffly. His
clothes were fuitable to his dignity ; yet he never wore
fhk. In like manner, the reft of his houfe was adorn-
■ed according to his condition, and very well furniffied ;
but he neglected his own chamber. Inftead of tapeftry,
there hung the pidtures of his chief friends and of fa¬
mous men, beftdes innumerable bundles of commenta¬
ries, tranfcrlpts, notes, collections from books, epiftles,
and utch like papers. His bed was exceedingly plain,
and his table continually loaded and covered with pa¬
pers, books, letters, and other things ; as alfo all the
feats round about, and the greateft part of the fioor.
Thefe were fo many evidences of the turn of his mind •,
in refpeCt to which, the writer of his euloge compares
him to the Roman Atticus} and Rayle, confidermg his
uniyerfal correfpondence and general affiitance to all the
literati in Europe, dallied it out luckily enough, when
he called him “ the attorney genera] of the literary re¬
public.” The works which he publifhed are, “ Hifto-
ria provincial Gallise Narbonenfis “ Nobilium ejuf-
dem provinciae familiarum Origines, et feparatim Fa-
briciie 5” “ Commentarii rerum omnium memoria dig-
narum fua astate geftarum 3” “ Liber de ludicris na¬
turae operibus 3” “ Mathematica et aftronomica varia 3”
“ Obfervationes mathematicae 3” “ Epiftolae ad S. P.
Urbanum VIII. cardinales Barberinos, &c. 3” “ Au-
thores antiqui Grasci et Latmi de ponderibus et men-
faris 3” “ Elogia et epitaphia 3” “ Infcriptiones an-
tiquae et novae 3” “ Genealogia domus Auftriacae
44 Catalogus librorum biblioth. reg. 3” “ Poemata va¬
ria 3” “ Nummi Gallici, Saxonici, Britannici, &c. 3”
Linguae onentales, Hebrma, Samaritana, Arabica,
Egyptiaca, et Indices, librorum harum linguarum 3”
“ Obfervationes in varios auclores.” It is remarkable,
that though Peirefc bought more books than any man
oi his time, yet his colle&ion left tvas not large. The
reafon was, that, as faft as he purchafed, he kept con¬
tinually making prefents of them to fuch learned men
as he knew they would be ufeful to.
PEKIN, the capital city of the empire of China, in
Afta,. where the emperor generally refides. It is fttu-
ated in a very fertile plain, 20 leagues diftant from the
great wail. This name, which fiunifies the northern
3
r 94 ]
P E K
Pekin,
(ourt, is given to it, to diftinguifh it from another con-
fiderable city called Nanking, or the fouthern court,
I he emperor formerly refided in the latter 3 but the
1 a; tars, a reftlefs and warlike people, obliged this
prince to remove Ins court to the northern provinces,
dial he might more effectually repel the incurfions of
th.ofe. barbarians, by oppoftng to them a numerous
militia which he generally keeps around iris perfon. It
is an exaCt fquare, and divided into two parts 3 namely,
that which contains the emperor’s palace, which is in
the new city, or, as it is called, the Tartar’s city, be-
caufe it is inhabited by Lartars ever fince they conquer¬
ed this empire 3 the other, called the Old City, is inhabi¬
ted by the Chinefe. The circuit of both thefe together
is 52 Chinefe lys, each of which contains 240 geometri¬
cal paces 3 being, without the iuburbs, full fix leagues
in circumference, according to the moft accurate mea-
furement made by order of the emperor.
Thofe who have paid attention to the population of
this place, reckon the number of inhabitants at 2,000,000 j
but we learn from Sir George Staunton, in his account
of the late embaffy to China, that the population of this
prodigious city is not lefs than 3,000,000.
Grofier tells us, “ that the height and enormous p.. r >
thicknefs of the walls of the Tartar city excite admi- Defrription
ration 3 twelve horfemen might eafily ride abreaft up- of China,
on them 3 they have fpacious towers raifed at intervals,
a bow-fhot diftant from one another, and large enough
to contain bodies of referve in cafe of neceffity. The
city has nine gates, which are lofty and well arched.
Over them are large pavilion-roofed towers divided in¬
to nine dories, each having feveral apertures or port¬
holes the lower ftory forms a large hall for the ufe of
the foldiers and officers who quit guard, and thofe ap¬
pointed to relieve them. Before each gate a fpace is
left of more than 360 feet: this is a kind of place of
arms, inclofed by a femicircular wall equal in height
and thicknefs to that furrounding the city. The great
road, which ends here, is commanded by a pavilion-
roofed tower like the firft, in fuch manner, that, as the
cannon of the former can batter the houfes of the city,
thofe or the latter can fweep the adjacent country. The
ftreets of Pekin are ftraight, about 120 feet wide, a full
league in length, and bordered with fliops. It is afto-
mfhing to lee the immenfe concourfe of people that con¬
tinually fills them, and the confufion caufed by the pro¬
digious number of horfes, camels, mules, and carriages,
which crofs or meet each other. Befides this inconve¬
nience, one is every now' and then Hopped by crowds,
who ftand liftening to fortune-tellers, jugglers, ballad-
fingers, and a thoufand other mountebanks and buffoons,
who read and relate dories calculated to promote mirth
and laughter, or diftribute medicines, the -wonderful ef¬
fects of which they explain with all the eloquence pecu¬
liar to them.
“ People of diftinftion oblige all their dependents
to follow' them. A mandarin of the firft rank is al¬
ways accompanied in his walks by his whole fribunal j
and, to augment his equipage, each of the inferior man¬
darins in his fuit is generally attended by feveral dome-s
ftics. The nobility of the court, and princes of the
blood, never appear in public w-ithout being furrounded'
by. a large body of cavalry 3 and, as their prefence is re¬
quired at the palace every day, their train alone w'ould
be fufficient to create confufion in the city. It is very
fingular,
I
PEK [95] PEK
Pekin lingular, that In all this prodigious concouiTt no women
—v— are ever feen : hence we may judge how great the po¬
pulation of China muft be, fince the number of females
in this country, as well as everywhere elfe, is fuperior
to that of the other fex.
“ As there is a continual influx of the riches and
merchandize of the whole empire into this city, the
number of ftrangers that refort hither is immenfe.
They are carried in chairs, or ride on horfeback $ the
latter is more common : but they are always attended
by a guide, acquainted with the ilreets, and who knows
the houfes of the nobility and principal people of the
city. They are alfo provided -with a book, containing
an account of the different quarters, fquares, remarkable
places, and of the refidence of thole in public offices.
In fummer there are to be feen fmall temporary (hops,
where people are ferved with water cooled by means of
ice ; and one finds everywhere eating-houfcs, with re-
frefhments of tea and fruits. Each kind of provifion has
a certain day and place appointed for its being expofed
N to fale.
“ The governor of Pekin, who is a ivfantchew Tar¬
tar, is llyled Governor of the Nme Gates. His jurif-
dicfion extends not only over the foldiers, but alfo
over the people in every thing that concerns the police.
No police can be more a6live ; and it is furprifing to
fee, among an infinite number of Tartars and Chinefe
mixed together, the greateft tranquillity prevail. It
is rare, in a number of years, to hear of houfes Oemg
robbed, or people affaffinated. All the principal flreets
have guard-rooms, and foldiers patrole night and day,
each having a fabre hanging from his girdle, and a
whip in his hand, to correcf, without diftinffion, thofe
who excite quarrels or caufe diforder. The lanes are
guarded in the fame manner ; and have latticed gates,
which do not prevent thofe from being feen who walk
in them : they are ahvays kept fhut during the night,
and feldom opened even to thofe wffio are known 5 if
they are, the perfon to whom this indulgence is granted
muft carry a lanthorn, and give a fufficient reafon for
his going out. In the evening, as foon as the foldiers
are warned to their quarters by beat of drum, two
centinels go and come from one guard-room to ano¬
ther, making a continual noife ivith a kind of caftanet,
to fhow that they are not afleep. They permit no
one to walk abroad in the night-time. They even
examine thofe wffiom the emperor difpatches on bufi-
nefs •, and if their reply gives the leaft caufe of fufpi-
cion, they have a right to convey them to the guard¬
room. The foldiers in each of the guard-rooms are
obliged to anfwer every time the centinels on duty
call out.
“ It is by thefe wife regulations, obferved with the
greateft flriclnefs, that peace, filence, and fafety reign
throughout the whole city. The governor is alfo
obliged to go the round *, and the officers ftationed on
the walls, and in the towers over the gates (in which
are kept large kettle drums that are beat every time
the guard is relieved), are continually nifpatching fub-
alterns to examine the quarters belonging to the gates
where they are ported. The leaft neglect is punifhed
next morning, and the officer who was on guard is
cafhiered. This police, which prevents r.ofturnal af-
femblies, would appear no doubt extraordinary in Eu¬
rope, and in all probability would not be much relilhcd
by our young mefl of fortune and ladies of Quality. Ptfcin.
Eut the Chinefe think juftly : they confider it to be the v
duty of the magiftrates of a city to prefer good order
and public tranquillity to vain amufements which gene¬
rally occafion many attempts againft the lives and pro¬
perty of the citizens. It is true, the fupport of this po¬
lice cofts the emperor a great deal ; for part of the fol-
dieis we have mentioned are maintained for this purpole
only. They are all infantry, and their pay is generally
very high. Their employment confifts not only in
\vatching for thofe who may occafion difturbar.ee in the
day-time, or wralk abroad during the night j they muft'
alfo take care that the ftreets are kept clean and fwept
every day •, that they are watered morning and evening
in time of dry weather ; and that every nuifance is re¬
moved. They have orders alfo to affilt in this labour
themfelves ; and to clear the kennels, that the water
may have a free coiirle.”
The walls of the emperor’s palace, including that
and the gardens, are about two miles in length. “ Al¬
though (fays Grofier) the Chinefe architeilure has no
refemblance to that of Europe, the imperial palace of
Pekin does not faiEto ftrike beholders by its extent,
grandeur, and tire regular difpofition of its apartments,
and by the fingular ft nurture of its pavilion roofs, orna¬
mented at each corner with a carved plat-band, the
lower extremity of which is turned upwards. Thefe
roofs are covered with varniftied tiles of fo beautiful a
yellow colour, that, at a diftance, they make as fplendid
an appearance as if they were gilded. Below the upper
roof there is another of equal brilliancy, which hangs
(loping from the wall, fupported by a great number of
beams, daubed ever wnth green varnifti, and interfperfed
with gilt figures. This fecond roof, with the projection,
of the firft, forms a kind of crown to the whole edifice.
The palace is a fmall diftance from the fouth gate of
the Tartar city. The entrance to it is through a fpa-
cious court, to which there is a defeent by a marble
ftaircafe, ornamented with two large copper lions, and
a baluftrade of white marble. This baluftrade runs in
the form of a horfe-fhoe, along the banks of a rivulet,
that winds acrcfs the palace with a ferpentine courfe, the
bridges over which are of marble. At the bottom of
this firft court arifes a facade with three doors : that in.
the middle is for the emperor only ; the mandarins and
nobles pafs through thofe on each fide. Thefe doors
condudl to a fecond court, which is the largeft of the
palace : it is about 300 feet in length, and 50 in
breadth. An immenfe gallery runs round it, in which
are magazines, containing rich effecls, which belong
to the emperor as his private property •, for the public
treafure is entrufled to a fbvereign tribunal called Hou-
pou. The fitft of thefe magazines is filled with plate
and veflels of different metals • the fecond contains the
fineft kinds of furs 5 the third, drefles lined with fable,
ermine, minever, and foxes fkins, which the emperor
fometimes gives in prefents to his officers ; the fourth
is the depofitory of jewels, pieces of curious marble,
and pearls fifhed up in Tartary •, the fifth, confiding
of two (lories, is full of wardrobes and trunks, whidh
contains the (ilk (luffs ufed by the emperor and his fa¬
mily •, the reft are filled with bows, arrows, and other
pieces of armour taken from the enemy or prefented by
different princes.
“ The royal hall, called Tai-haiien, or the Hall of
the.
P E K [ 96 ] PEL
Ftk n. tlie Grand Union, is in tins fccond'court. It is built
v - upon a terrace about 18 feet in height, incrufted with
while marble, and ornamented with baluftrades of ex¬
cellent workmanfhip. Before this hall all the manda¬
rins range themfelves, when they go, on certain days,
to renew their homage, and perform thofe ceremonies
that are appointed by the laws of the empire. This
hall is almc.it fquare, and about 130 feet in length.
The ceiling is carved, varnifhed green, and loaded
with gilt dragons. The pillars which fupport the
roof within are fix feet in circumference towards the
bafe, and are coated with a kind of mailich vamifhed
red 5 the door is partly covered with coarfe carpets,
after the Turkilh manner ; but the walls have no kind
of ornament, neither tapeftry, luftres, nor paintings.
“ The throne, which is in the middle of the hall,
confills of a pretty high alcove, exceedingly- neat. It
has no infcription but the character clung, which the
authors of this relation have interpreted by the word
hohf: but it has not always this signification; for it
anfwers better fometimes to the Latin word eximius,
or the Englifh words excellent, perfcB, mojt wife. Upon
the platform onpofite to this hall Hand large veffels of
bronze, in which incenfe is burnt when any ceremony
is performing. There are alfo chandeliers Ihaped like
birds and painted different colours, as well as the wax-
candles that are lighted up in them. This platform
is extended towards the north, and has on it’two leffer
halls; one of them is a rotunda that glitters with varnilh,
and is lighted by a number of windows. It is here that
the emperor changes his drefs before or after any cere¬
mony. The other is a falcon, the door of which opens
io the north : through this door the emperor muff pafs,
when he goes from his apartment to receive op his
throne the homage of the nobility ; he is then carried
in a chair, by officers dreffed in long red robes bordered
w’th fill-:, and caps ornamented with plumes of feathers.
4, would be difficult to give an exact defeription of the
interior apartments which properly form the palace of
the emperor, and are fet apart for the ufe ot his family.
Tew are permitted to enter them but wemen and eu¬
nuchs.”
The temples and'the towers of this city are fo nu¬
merous, that it is difficult to count them. Provifions
of all kinds are exceeding plentiful, they being, as
Well as the merchandifes, brought from other parts by
means of canals cut from the fivers, and always crowded
with veffels of different fizes, as well as from the adja¬
cent country. An earthquake which happened here
in 1731 buried above 100,000 petfons in the ruins of
the houfes which were thrown down. E. Long. 116.
47. N. Lat. 39. 54.
The have already, under the article O?servatory,
mentioned the famous obfervatory in this city, of which
we fhall give this further account from the Univetfal
Mai. Un. Hiftorv. ' “ The Chinefe had thought- nothing in
Hijt. voi. 7 t|le univerfe could equal in magnificence this famous
place ; and one of the moft celebrated mathematicians
of the royal academy, of Paris hath made no fcruple to
reprefent it as one of the greateft prodigies of art and
ingenuity, of beauty and magnificence 3 and yet, when
(a) Dr Henry thinks he was born in North VVah
2
this celebrated ftruflure came to be viewed by more Pekin
proper and unbiaiTed judges, it appears to have been
of little worth as to its ancient machines, and lefs as.
to its fituation ; and that ail that is now valuable in it
is owing to the improvements made by Father Verbielt
a Flemifh Jefuit, who caufed a new fet of inftruments
to be made, with extraordinary care, neatnefs, atid pre-
cifion.
“ This fabric Hands in a court of a moderate extent,
and is ' built in the form of a fquare tower, contiguous
to the city wall on the infide, and railed but ten or
twelve feet above its bulwark. The afeent up to the
top is by a very narrow itaircafe ; and on the platform
above were placed all the old inftruments, which, though
but few, took up the whole room, till Father Verbieit
introduced his new apparatus, which he difpofed in a
more convenient order. Thefe are large, well call,
and embelhfhed ; and were the neatnefs of the divifions
an fiver able to the work, and the telefcopes faftened to
them according to the new method, they would be
equal to thofe of Europe 5 but the Chirftefe artificers
were, it feems, either too negligent, or incapable of
following his direftions. As to the old inftruments,
they were, by order of the emperor Kang-hi, let afide
as ufelefs, and laid in the hall near the tower, where
they may be feen through a crofs-barred window, all
covered with ruft, and buried in oblivion.
“ In this famed obfervatory there are five mathemati¬
cians employed night and day, each in a proper apart¬
ment on the top t>f the tower, to obferve all that paffes
over their heads : one of them is gazing towards the
zenith, and the others towards the four points of the
compafs, that nothing may efcape their notice. Their
obfervations extend not only to the motions of the
heavenly bodies, but to fires, meteors, winds, fain, thun¬
der, hail ftorms, and other phenomena of the atrco-
fohere ; and thefe are carefully entered in their journals,
and an account of them is brought every morning to
the furveyor of the mathematics, and regiftered in his
office.”
PELAGIANS, a Chriftian feet who appeared
about the fifth or end of the fourth century. Tl ey
maintained the following doctrines : j. That Adam was
by nature mortal, and, whether he had finned or not,
would certainly have died. 2. That the confequences
of Adam’s' fin were confined to his own perfon. 3. That *
new-born infants are in the fame fituation with Adam
before the fall. 4. That the law qualified men for the
kingdom of heaven, and was founded upon equal
promtfes with the gofpel.. 5. That the general refur-
reflion of the dead does not fol'ow in virtue of our
Saviour’s relurreftion. 6. That the grace of God is
given according to our merits. 7. That this grace' is
not granted for the performance of every moral a6t ;
the liberty of the will, and information in points of
duty, being fufficient, Sec. The founder of this feci
was
PELAGIUS, a native of Great Britain *, but whe¬
ther of England, Scotland, or Wales, is as uncertain as
it is immaterial (a). He was born towards the clofe
of the fourth century, and educated in the monaftery
of
• that his real name was Morgan, of-which Felag'us
is
/
PEL [
■Pelagius. of Banchor, in Wales, of which lie became a monk,
    and afterwards abbot. In the early part of his life he
went over to France, and thence to Rome, where he
had the infolence to promulgate certain opinions fome-
what different from thofe of the infallible church. His
morals being irreproachable, he gained many difciples;
and the dreadful herefy made fo rapid a progrefs, that,
for the falvation of fouls, it became neceffary for the
pope to exert his power. Pelagius, to avoid the dan¬
ger, in the year 409 paffed over to Sicily, attended
by his friend and pupil Celeftius. In 411 they landed
in Africa, continued feme time at Hippo, and rvere
prefent at the famous conference between the Catholics
and Donatifts rvhich was held at Carthage in 412.
From thence they travelled into Egyptand irom Egypt,
in 415, to Paleftine, where they wrere gracioufly recei¬
ved by John bilhop of Jerulalem. In the fame year
Pelagius wTas cited to appear before a council of feven-
teen bifhops, held at Diofpolis. They wTere fatisfied
rvith his creed, and abfolved him of herefy. The
African bifhops, however, being difpleafed wuth their
proceedings, appealed to the Roman pontiff: he firft
approved, and afterwards condemned, the opinions of
Pelagius, who, with his pupil Celeftius, wTas publicly
excommunicated ; and all the bifhops who refufed to
fubferibe the condemnation of the Pelagian herefy were
Vol. XVI. Part I.
97 1. PEL
immediately deprived. What became of him after this Pelagofa.
period is entirely unknown 5 but it feems very probable " v
that he retired to Banchor, and died abbot of that
monaftery. He wrrote, 1. Kxpofitionum in epijl. Paulinas,
lib. xiv. 2. Epijlola ad Demetriade/n de virginitate.
3. Explanations.fymbcli ad Damafum. 4. Epijlolce ad
viduam duce. 5. De hbero arbilrio. Thefe and many
other fragments are fcattered among the works of St
Jerome. They are alfo collected by Garnerius, and
publifhed in Append, op. Mercatoris, p. 373* 1 Aw.
PELAGOSA, an ifland in the Adriatic, which, to¬
gether with feveral rocks that appear above water near
it, are the remains of an ancient volcano. “ I will not Travels
affure you (fays Fortis) that it was thrown up out of the a
fea like feveral other iilands in the Archipelago, though
there is fome ground to futpeft this to have been the cafe}
becaufe we find no precife mention of it in the moft an¬
cient geographers. It fhould feem that it ought not to
be confufed with the Diomedee, from which it is 30
miles diftant} yet it is not impolhble that they have
reckoned it among them. The lava which forms the
fubftance of this illand, is perfe&ly like the ordinary
lava of Vefuvius, as far as I could difeover in pafling
near it. If a naturalift fhould land there, and viftt on
purpofe the higheft parts of the ifland, perhaps wre might
then know whether it has been thrown up by a fubma-
N rine
is a tranflation 5 and that he was born on the 13th of November A. D. 354, the fame day with his great anta-
gonift St Auguftin. The fame learned hiftorian gives us the following account of Pelagius and his great coadju¬
tor Celeftius. “ He received a learned education in his own country, moft probably in the great monaftery of
Banchor near Chefter, to the government of w7hich he wras advanced A. D. 404. He was long efteemed and
loved bv St Jerome and St Auguftin, who kept up a friendly correfpondence with him by letters before they difeover-
ed the heretical pravity of his opinions } for Pelagius, being a cautious and artful man, for fome time vented his
peculiar notions as the fentiments of others, without difeovering that they were his ov;n. At length, how ever, he
threw' off the mafk, and openly publifhed and defended his doftrines at Rome about the beginning, of the fifth cen¬
tury. This involved him in many troubles, and drew upon him the indignation of his former friends St Jerome
and St Auguftin, who wrote againft him with great acrimony. He is acknowledged, even by his adverfaries, to
have been a man of good fenfe and great learning, and an acute difputant, though they load him with the moft
bitter reproaches for his abufe of thefe talents. His perfonal blemifhes are painted in very ftrong colours 5 and he
is reprefented by thefe good fathers, in the heat of their zeal, as a very ugly fellow', ‘ broad-fhouldered, thick-neck-
td, fat-headed, lame of a leg, and blind of an eye.’ Even the moft northern parts of this ifland (Britain) produced
fome men of learning in this period. Celeftius, the difciple and friend of Pelagius, was a Scotlman, who made a
prodigious noife in the wmrld by his writings and difputations about the beginning of the fifth century. He de¬
fended and propagated the peculiar opinions of his mafter Pelagius wdth fo much learning, zeal, and fuccefs, that
thofe who embraced thefe opinions were frequently called Celeftians. Before he became acquainted with thefe
dodtrines he W'rote feveral books, which were univerfally admired for their orthodoxy, learning, and virtuous ten¬
dency. After he had fpent his youth in his orvn country in a ftudious privacy, he travelled for his further im¬
provement to Rome, where he became acquainted w ith Rufinus and Pelagius, and wyas by them infedted with their
herefies. From that time he became the moft indefatigable and undaunted champion of thefe herefies, and thereby
brought upon himfelf the indignation of the orthodox fathers of thefe days, w:ho gave him many very bad names in
their writings. St Jerome, w'hofe commentaries on the Ephefians he had prefumed to crilicife, calls him, ‘ an ig¬
norant, ftupid fool, having his belly fwelled and diftended with Scots pottage a great, corpulent, barking dog,
who was fitter to kick with heels than to bite with his teeth •, a Cerberus, who, with his mafter Pluto (Pelagius 1,
deferved to be knocked on the head, that they might be put to eternal filence.’ Such were the fhrwers of rhetoric
which thefe good fathers employed againft the enemies of the orthodox faith ! But candour obliges us to obfe-rve,
that this was perhaps more the vice of the age in which they lived than of the men. Both Pelagius and Celeftius
were very great travellers 5 having vifited many different countries of Afia and Africa, as well as Europe, with a
view' to elude the perfecutions of their enemies, and to propagate their opinions. It is no inconfiderable evidence oi
their fuperior learning and abilities, that their opinions gained great ground in all the provinces both of the eaftem
and weftern empire, in fpite of the writings of many learned fathers, and the decrees of many councils againft them.
4 The Pelagian and Celeftian herefy (fays Photius) not only fiourilhed in great vigour in the Weft, but was alfo
propagated into the Eaft.’
PEL [ 98 ] PEL
Peldiah rine volcano, as the ifland near Santerini was in our
!!. age 3 or if we ought to believe it the top of fome an-
Pclatidh. c'enl volcanic mountain, of which the roots and Tides
have been covered by the waters, which divided Africa
from Spain, forming the ftraits of Gibraltar 3 an inva-
fion that no one can doubt of who has examined the
bottoms and Ihores of our fea. The Liffan fifhermen
fay, that Pelagofa is fubjeft to frequent and violent
earthquakes 3 and the afpe6t of the ifland proves at firft
fight, that it has fuffered many revolutions 3 for it is
rugged, ruinous, and fubvferted.”
PELAIAH, a Levite (Nehem. viii. 7. x. 10.). Pie
was one of the principal Levites that returned from cap¬
tivity, and wTas one of thofe that figned the covenant that
Nehemiah renewed with the Lord.
PELALIAH, fon of Amazi and father of Jeroham,
of the family of Pafhur fon of Malchiah, of all whom
mention has been made : he was of the race of the
priefts (Nehem. xi. 1 2.).
PELASGI. See Pelasgiotis.
PELASGIA (Pliny 3 the ancient name of Lejbos ;
fo called from the Pelafgi, its firff inhabitants (Diodo¬
rus Siculus). Alfb the ancient name of Peloponnefus,
from Pelafgius, a native of the country (Nicolaus Da-
mafcemis, Ephorus).
PELASGICUM (Paufanias, Pliny) 3 the north w^all
of Athens 3 fo called from the builders, the Pelafgi.
There was an execration pronounced on any that fhculd
build houfes under this wall, becaufe the Pelafgi, wdiile
dwelling there, entered into a confpiracy again!! the
Athenians (Thucydides).
PELASGIOTIS, a third part of Theffaly, (Stra¬
bo) 3 fo called from a very ancient people, the Pelafgi,
called Pelafgiotce (Ptolemy) 3 -who formerly, together
with the Atolians, occupied Theffaly, and thence that
part was called Pe/afgicum Argos ; befides many other
parts of Greece. Their name Pelafgi, or Pe/argi, de¬
noting ilorks, was given them from their wandering
roving life (Strabo). The poets extend the appellation
to Greeks in general. Pelafgus, the epithet. Some of
the inhabitants of Crete were called P^lafgi (Homer) 3
who thus alfo calls the neighbouring people to the Cili-
cians in Troas. The Pelafgi wrere originally of Arcadia,
(Hefiod) 3 but Atfchylus makes Argos, near Mycenae,
their country. The Pelafgiotis wras fituated between
Pieria and Macedonia to the north and weft, Theffaliotis
to the fouth, and Magnefia to the call, (Strabo, Pliny).
PELATAL, wTere free-born citizens, among the A-
thenians, who by poverty w'ere reduced to the necef-
fity of ferving for wrages. During their fervitude they
had no vote in the management of public affairs, as
having no eftate to qualify them 3 but this reilridlion
was removed whenever they had releafed themfelves
from their fervile fituation, wdiich they were allowed
to do wrhen able to fupport themfelves. While they
continued fervants, they had alfo a right to change
their mailers. We find them fometimes dillinguilhed
by the name of Thetce.
PEL ATI AH, fon of Hananiah, and father of Ifhi,
of the tribe of Simeon. He fubdued the Amalekites
upon the mountain of Seir (1 Chron. iv. 42.). The
time of this adlion is unknown.
Pelatiab, fon of Benaiah, a prince of the people,
who lived in the time of Zedekiah king of Judah, and
Qppored the wholefome advice given by Jeremiah, to
fubmit to King Nebuchadnezzar. Ezekiel (xi, 1, 2, 3, Pele
4.) being a captive in Mefopotamia, had a vilion, peietj|ron;j
which he faw five and twenty men at the door of the i
temple of Jerufalem, among whom were Jaazaniah
the Ion of Azur, and Pelatiah the fon of Benaiah,
who were the moll remarkable. Then the Lord faid
to him, “ Son of man, thefe are the men that have
thoughts of iniquity, and who are forming pernicious
defigns again!! this city, faying, Have not the houfes
been built a long time ? Jerufalem is the pot, and we
are the ilelh. Thus faith the Lord : You have made
great havock in this city, and have filled its llreets ^
with dead bodies. Thefe men are the flelh, and the
city is the pot. But as for you, I will make you
come forth from the middle of this city, and I will
make you perilh by the hand of your enemies.” As
he w'as prophecying in this manner, Pelatiah the foil
of Benaiah died.
PELE, (Stephanus). There were two towns of thL
name in Theflaly 3 the one fubjeft to Eurypylus, tlm
other to Achilles 3 both extindl. Peleus the gentilitious
name (id-)-
PE LEG, fon of Eber, was born in the year of the
world 1757. The fcripture fays his father gave him
the name of Peleg, lignifying divifion, becaule in his
time the earth began to be divided (Gen. xi. 16. x.
25) 3 w'hether it was that Noah had begun to dillri-
bute the earth among his defcendants, lome years be¬
fore the building of Babel 3 or that Peleg came into the
world the fame year that Babel w’as begun, and at the
divifion of languages 3 or that Eber by a fpirit of pro¬
phecy gave his fon the name of Peleg fome years before
the tower of Babel w as begun, is not abfolutely certain.
That which here perplexes the interpreters is, firlt, that
Peleg came into the world not above too years after the
deluge. But it Ihould feem, that the number of men
was not then liifficient for fuch an undertaking as that
of Babel. Secondly, Joktan the brother of Peleg
had already thirteen fons at the time of this difperfion,
which happened after the confufion of Babel (Gen. x.
26, 27, 28, &c.). Peleg being born in the thirty-fourth
year of Eber (Gen. xi. 16.), it is impolfible his bro¬
ther Joktan Ihould have fuch a number of children at
the birth of Peleg. It feems therefore that he was
not born at the time of the difperfion. To this may
be anfwered, that Mofes has there enumerated the
names of the thirteen fons of Joktan (in Gen. x. 26.)
by wray of anticipation, though they wrere not born
till a good while after the confufion at Babel 3 but as
they polfelfed a very large country, it wTas convenient
to take notice of them, and to name them among the
other defcendants of Noah, wrho divided the provinces
of the call among themfelves. Howrever this may have
been, at the age of thirty years Peleg begat lieu 3 and
he died at the age of 239.
PELETH1TES. The Pelethites and Cherethites
were famous under the reign of King David. They
were the moll valiant men in the army of that prince,
and had the guard of his perfon. See Ezekiel xxv. 16*
Zephaniah ii. 5. 1 Samuel xxx. 14. 2 Samuel xv. 18.
xx. 7. Patrick's Comm. Pool's Annot. and Delamj's Hfi.
of the Life of David.
PELETHRONII, a name or epithet given to the
Lapithae, either becaufe they inhabited the town of
Pelethronium at the foot of Mount Pelion in Thef*
PEL [ 99 ] PEL
Pelethro- faly, or becaufe one of their number bore the name of
muro, Pe/etJiromus. It is to them, we are told, that nian-
Peleus* kind are indebted for the invention of the bit with
which they tamed their horfes with fo much dex-
terity.
PELETHRONIUM (Nicander and Schohaft) ; a
town of Theffaly, fituated in a flowery part of Mount
Pelion; and hence the appellation throna, fignifying,
“ flowers.” Lucan fays the Centaurs were natives of
that place j to whom Virgil afligns Mount Othrys.
Mold authors, however, afcribe the breaking of horfes
to the Centaurs. Some make the Lapithte and Cen¬
taurs the fame \ others a different people ; allowed how¬
ever to be both of Theflaly. Their ftory is greatly in¬
volved in fable. See Lapithus.
PELEUS, in Fabulous Hijlory, a king of Theffaly,
fon of yTiacus and Endeis, the daughter of Chiron. He
married Thetis one of the Nereids, and was the only
mortal man who ever married an immortal. He was
concerned in the murder of his brother Phocus, and
was therefore obliged to leave his father’s dominions.
He fled to the court of Eurytus the fon of Actor, who
reigned at Phthia, or according to the opinion of Ovid,^
the truth of which is queftioned, to Ceyx king of
Trachinia. He was purified of his murder by Eur^tus,
with the ufual ceremonies, and the king gave him his
daughter Antigone in marriage. After this, as Peleus
and Eurytus went to the chace of the Calydonian boar,
the father-in-law was accidentally killed by an arrow
which his fon-m-law had aimed at the beait. 1 his un¬
fortunate accident ooliged him to banifh himfelf from
the court of Phthia, and he went to lolchos, where he
was alfo purified of the murder of Eurytus by Acaftus
the king of the country. His refidence at lolchos was
fliort : Aftydamia the wife of Acaftus fell in love with
him j but when fhe found him infenfible to her paf-
flonate declarations, fhe accufed him of attempts upon
her virtue. The king her hufband partly believed the
accufations of his wife j but not willing to violate the
laws of hofpitality, by putting him inftantly to death,
he ordered his officers to condu£! him to Mount Pe-
lion, on pretence of hunting, and there to. tie him
to a tree and to leave him a prey to the wild beafts
of the place. The orders of Acaftus were faithful¬
ly obeyed : but Jupiter knowing the innocence of
his grandfon Peleus, ordered "V ulcan to fet him at
liberty. As foon as he had been delivered from dan¬
ger, Peleus affembled his friends in order to punifti the
ill treatment which he had received from Acaftus.
He took lolchos by force, drove the king from his
pofleflions, and put to death the wicked Aftydamia.
On the death of Antigone, Peleus made love to The¬
tis, of whofe fuperior charms Jupiter himfelf had been
enamoured. His pretenfions were rejected j for as he
was but a mortal, the goddefs fled from him with the
utmoft abhorrence, and the more effeftually to evaoe
his inquiries, fhe generally aflumed the fhape of a bird,
or a tree, or of a tygrefs. Peleus’s paflion was fanned
by refufal : he offered a facrifice to the gods j and Pro¬
teus informed him, that to obtain 1 hetis he muft fur-
prife her while fhe was afleep in her grotto, near the
ihores of Theffaly. This advice was immediately at¬
tended to j and Thetis, unable to efcape from the grafp
of Peleus, at laft confented to marry him. I heir nup¬
tials were celebrated with the gre.ateft folemnity, all the
gods attending and making them each the moft valu¬
able prefents. The goddefs of Difcord was the only
one of the deities who was abfent } and fhe punifhed
this feeming negleft by throwing an apple^ in the. midft
of the aflembly of the-gods, with the infcription of
Dctur pulchriori. The celebrated Achilles was the
fruit of this marriage, whofe education was early en-
trufted to the Centaur Chiron, and afterwards to Phoe¬
nix, the fon of Amyntor. Achilles, it is well known,
went to the Trojan war, at the head of his father’s
troops; and Peleus gloried in having a fon who was fu¬
perior to all the Greeks In valour and intrepidity. His
death, however, was the fource oi great grief to Peleus j
but Thetis, to comfort her hutband, ^romifed him im¬
mortality, and ordered him to retire into the grottoes of
the ifland of Leuce, where he fhotild fee and converfe
with the manes of his fon. Peleus had a daughter called
Polydora, by Antigone.
PELEW islands, a clufter of fmall iflands fituated
between the latitudes of 50 and 7° north, and the longi¬
tudes' 1340 and 136° eaft. Various conjectures have
been formed refpefling the time of their firft diicovery by
Europeans. Mr Keate, the editor of the only voyage
in which we have any account of their climate, foil, and
produce, together with the manners of their inhabitants,
thinks they were firft noticed by the Spaniards from
the Philippines, and by them named Palos from the
number of trees growing in them refembling the mails
of fhips. This conjefture has been vehemently oppoled
by a critic, who affirms that the whole of Mr Keate’s
introduction is erroneous, and that the iflands in queftion
were firft difeovered by a French Jefuit named Pere
Papin. The Jefuit, he imagines, was directed to them
by one of the .inhabitants, who had found his way to the
Moluccas, where he was baptized. 1 hey are faid to
have been again noticed by P. Centova in 1724, who
faw at Agdane, the capital of the Merian iflands, fonie
of the inhabitants j and from their account gives a de-
feription not very favourable of thefe harmlefs iflanders.
Centova’s defeription is to be found in the ijph volume,
and the relation of the difeovery by P. Papin in the 1 ith
volume, of Lettres Edifiantes et Curiciifcs, publiffied at
Paris 1781.
The lateft and moft authentic account of them, how¬
ever, is given from the Journals of Captain Wilfon of
the Antelope, a packet belonging to the Eaft. India
company, which was wrecked upon one of them in Au-
guft 1783. This {hip was fitted out in England by the
court of directors in the fummer 1782, as was then ge¬
nerally underftood, for a fecret expedition. \\ hatever
may have been her deftination, as fhe was proceeding
from Macao in fqually weather, the man who, on the
night of the 10th of Auguft, had the look-out, fuddenly
called out Breakers ! But the found of the word had
fcarce reached the ears of the officer on deck, before
the ffiip ft ruck and ftuck fall; and in lefs than an hour
bulged and filled with water. Having fecured the gun¬
powder, fmall arms, bread, and fuch other pro.vifions as
were liable to be fpoiled by water, Captain Wilfon, af¬
ter many difficulties, effeCted a landing. The crew of
the Antelope confifted of 33 Europeans befides the cap¬
tain, and 16 Chinefe : and the only poffible means by
which they could be delivered front an ifland, which at
firft appeared to them uninhabited, was by building a
ffiip capable of tranfporting them to the neareft Euro-
* N 2 pean
Pelev*
Ilian As.
PEL [ ioo ] PEL
Ft lew pean Tettlement in that quarter of the globe. Whilft
j{lands, they were meditating upon this undertaking, the natives
appeared on the fecond day after their arrival; and their
intercourfe with them was facilitated by means which
appear as lingular as they vVere providential. Captain
Wilfon had a fervant recommended to him at Macao,
who fpcke both the Malay and Englilh languages per-
fedtly -well j and they had not been long at Pelew be¬
fore they had the good fortune to meet with a Malay,
who had been thrown by a tempeft upon this very fpot
about a year before, and had made himfelf acquainted
with the language of the country ; i’o that by ibis ex¬
traordinary event each party had an interpreter who
’ could readily explain their wants and deiires, and by
that means prevent a number of mifconceptions which
might have arii'en from making ule of ligns and gef-
tures only.
The natives are ail of a deep copper colour, going per¬
fectly naked. They are of a middling ftature, very
liraight, mufcular, and well formed; but their, legs,
from a little above their ancles to the middle -of their
thighs, are tatooed ib very thick, as to appear dyed of
a far deeper colour than the reft of their 11;in. Their
hair is of a fine black, long, and rolled up behind, in a
limple manner, clofe to the back of their heads, which
appeared both neat and becoming ; but few of them
had beards, it being the general cuftom to pluck them
out by the roots.
They began by ftrokirig the bodies and anns of the
Englilh, or rather their waiftcoats and coat fieeves, as
if they doubted whether the garment and the man were
not of the fame fubftance 5 and as the Malay explained
the circumftances to them, our people wTere greatly fur-
prifed at the quxcknefs with which they feemed to com¬
prehend every information he gave them. The next
thing they noticed w^as our people’s white hands, and
the blue veins of their wrifts; the former of which they
feemed to confider as artificial, and the other as the
Englilh manner of tatooing. After being, fatisfied in
this particular, they eyprefied a further wiftwto _ fee
their bodies ; and, among other things, wTere greatly
furprifed at finding hair on their breafts, it being confi-
dered by them as a great mark of indelicacy, as it is
their cuftom to eradicate it from every part of the body
in both fexes.
They afterwards walked about, teftifying great curic-
fity at every thing they faw, but at the fame time ex-
prefting a fear that they might be thought too intruding.
As our people were condufting them to the tents, one
of the natives picked up a bullet, which had been cafu-
ally dropped on the ground, and immediately expreffed
his furprife, that a fubftance fo fmall to the eye Ihould
he fo very ponderous to the touch ; and on their enter¬
ing the tent, a large Newfoundland dog, and a fpaniel,
which had been tied up there to prevent their being loft,
fet up a moft violent barking, and the natives a noife but
little lefs loud, which at firft it was not eafy to account
for. They ran in and out of the tent, and feemed to
wilh that they might be made to bark again. This
the Malay foon explained to be the effeft of their
joy and furprife, as thefe were the firft large animals
they had ever feen, there being no quadrupeds of any
fpecies on thefe illands, except a very few grey rats in
the woods.
After feme time it was agreed on by Captain Wilfon
and his people, that fame of the crew {Lould be lent to Pc lev,*
the king of the place, in order to folicit his friendfhip, l^ancis-
and intreat his permillion to build a veffel that might
carry them back to their own country. This bufinefs
was allotted to the captain’s brother j and during his ab-
fcnce, Raa Kook, the king’s brother, and feveral of the
natives, remained with our people. This amiable chief
feemed to place an entire confidence in thofe he was
among ; he endeavoured to accommodate himfelf to
their manners 5 would fit at table as they did, inftead of
fquatting on bis hams 5 and inquired particularly into
the principles and caules of every thing he obierved
about him, lending his perfonal afliftance in all that was
going forward, and even defiring the cook to let him aid
him in blowing the fire.
In order to conciliate their affections, Captain Wilfon
had prefented Arra Kobker, another of the king’s bro¬
thers, with a pair of trowfers ; but having conceived a
greater paffion for a white fhirt, one was immediately
given to him ; which he had no fconer put on, than he
began to dance and jump about with fo much joy, that
every body was diverted by bis fingular geftures, and the
contrail; which the linen formed with his ikin. This
prince was about 40, of a fhort ftature, but fo plump
and fat that he was nearly as broad as he was long. He
poffeffed an abundant lhare of good humour, and a won¬
derful turn for mimickry *, and had befides a counte¬
nance fo lively and expreflive, that though our people
at this time were ftrangers to aimoft all he faid, yet his
face and geftures made them accurately comprehend
whatever he was deferibing.
After three or four days, Abba Thulle the king arri¬
ved with a great retinue. He was received with every
mark of refpeCl by the fhip’s company, who were exer-
cifed before him, and fired three volleys in different po-
fitions. The furprife of the natives, their hooting, hal¬
looing, jumping, and chattering, produced a noife ai¬
moft equal to the difeharge of the mulkets *, and when
one of the men (hot a bird, which was done to difplay
the efteft of them arms, the furprife it occafioned w*as
wonderful. Some of the natives ran for it, and carried
it to the king, who examined it with great attention, but
was unable to comprehend how it could be wounded,
not having feen any thing pafs out of the gun.
Raa Kook expreffed great impatience to (how the king
whatever had impreffed his owrn mind ; and taking his
brother by the hand, led him to a grindftone which w*as
fixed behind one of the tents. He immediately put it
in motion, as he had frequently done before ; at the ra¬
pidity of which the king was greatly aftoniihed, parti¬
cularly when he -was informed that it would Iharpen.
iron. Captain Vv ilfon ordered a hatchet £to be brought
and ground, that they might more readily perceive its
operation, when Raa Kook eagerly feized the handle,
and began turning it, appearing highly delighted to let
his brother fee how well he underftood it. The whole
appeared like fomething fupernatural ; but the circum-
ftance which moft bewildered their ideas was, how the
fparks of fire could come, and how a ftone fo well wet¬
ted could become fo foon dry.
The king then vifited the different tents, and inquired
about every thing he faw : all was novelty, and of courle
interefted his attention. When he got to the tent w*here
the Chinefe men were, who had been brought with them
from Macao, Raa Kook, whole retentive mind never
PEL [ ic
Ptlew loft a ftngle trace of any thing he had been informed
of, acquainted the king that thefe were a people quite
v L different from the Englifh, and that he had learnt
there were many other nations befides thefe inter-
fperfed through the world, feme of which fought with
guns and others with boarding-pikes, an inftrument
which he held very cheap in comparifon with the former.
When the king heard his brother difcourfing about
a variety of nations, who all fpoke differently, and had
before him the example of the Chinefe, whole language
was not the fame wnth the Englilh, he appeared inftant-
ly thoughtful and ferious, as if ftruck by conceptions
which had never before crofted his mind. He remained
a while penftve and bewildered ; and this circumftance
impreffed on every one at the time an idea that
there was every reafon to imagine that there had ne¬
ver been a communication between thofe people and
any other nation : and indeed it is evident, that if Pere
Papin did really viftt them in 1710, they hid before
1783 loft the remembrance of every trace of European
manners. This indeed is not furprifing, as they had no
other record than knots fimilar to the quipes of Peru at
the landing of the Spaniards.
i Raa Kook would now Ihow his brother the kitchen,
which was in the hollow of a rock, a little above the
cove. It was at the time when the cook Was preparing
xlinner} and though the implements were exceedingly
fcanty, an iron pot, a tea kettle, a tin fauce-pan, with
a poker, a pair of tongs, and a frying pan, were here of
fufficient confequence to excite admiration ; nor were the
bellows now forgotten by Raa Kook, who taking them
up, as he explained their ufe to the king, feemed ambi¬
tious to let his brother fee what an adept he was at
< blowing. The little bald cook, who was always clofc
fhaven, and never wore any thing on his head, was like-
wife pointed out to the king as an object of mernment
and curiofity.
Some time after this the king requefted five of Captain
Wilfon’s men to attend him in a war he was going to
make againft the inhabitants of a neighbouring ifland
called C^jo/otig, who, as he faid, had done him an inju¬
ry. But before this req'ueft was made known, he had
long ftruggled xvith a delicacy of fentiment which no
one would have expected to find in regions fo disjoined
from the reft of mankind. This was no other than
that it might prove a temporary inconvenience to the
unfortunate ftrangers who had fought his protection, and
might be confidered by them as an ungenerous proceed¬
ing. It was, however, no foonet; made known, than
Captain Wilfon inftantly complied; and every face,
which had before been clouded with doubt and appre-
henfion, became immediately brightened and gay.
In this enterprife little more was done than braving
their enemies, ftripping fome cocoa-nut 'trees of their
fruit, and carrying off a number of yams and other pro-
vifions ; but in another, which was undertaken againft
the iftand of Artingail, they were more fuccefsful, and
Ihowed figns of the fame fanguinary difpofition which
fome demon has infufed into the whole human race.
Nine prifoners of war who had been taken upon this
occafion were cruelly put to death •, and notwithftand-
ing the Englilh ftrongly remonftrated. againft this pro¬
ceeding, all the arguments they could ufe were of no
avail. In juftification of their conduft, they alleged
the neceflity of doing it for their own fecurity. declaring
I ] PEL
that they had formerly only detained them as menial fer- Pciew-
vants, but that they always found means to get back to
their own country, and return with fuch a force as fre- v
quently made great depredations.
Having given this general account of the charade;-
and conduct of thefe hitherto unknown people, we npw
proceed to lay before our readers what we have learned
of their government, cuftoms, manners, and arts, toge¬
ther with a defeription of the face of their country. In
this the editor of Captain Wilfon’s voyage muft be our
guide *, and if our narrative do not fatisfy the man of
fcience, it is to be obferved, that the Antelope was not
a Hup fent out purpofely to explore undifeovered regions,
nor were there people on board properly qualified to efti-
mate the manners of a new race of men } they had
amongft them no philofophers, botanifts, or draughtfmen,
experienced in fuch feientific purfuits as might enable
them to examine with judgement every objeft which
prefented itfelf. Diftrefs threw them upon thefe illands 5
and while they were there, all their thoughts were oc¬
cupied on the means of liberating themfelves from a fi-
triation of all others the moil affliding to the mind,
that of being cut off for ever from the fociety of the
reft of the world.
It, however, clearly appears, from their uniform tefti-
mony, that at Pelew the king was confidered as the firll
perfon in the government,
“ He was looked up to as the father of his people y
and though diyefted of all external decorations of royal -
ty, had every mark of diftindion paid to his perfon.
His rupacis or chiefs approached him xvith the greateil
refped 5 and his common fubjeds, xvhenever they paffed
near him, or had ;jeafion to addrefs him, put their
hands behind them, and crouched towards the ground.
Upon all occurrences of moment, he convened xhe ru-
packs and officers of ftate 5 their councils were always
held in the open air, xvhere the king firft ftated the bufi-
nefs upon which he had affembled them, and fubmitted
it to their confideration. Each rupack delivered his
opinion, but without riling from his feat ; and xvhen the
matter before them was fettled, the king Handing up
put an end to the council.
“ When any meffage xvas brought him, xvhether in
council or elfexvhere, if it came by one of the common
people, it was delivered at fome diftance in a low voice ■
to one of the inferior rupacks, who, bending in an
humble manner at the king’s fide, delivered it in the
fame manner xxdth his face turned afide. His com,
mands appeared to be abfolute, though he aefted in no
important bufinefs without the adxdce of his chiefs;
and every day in the afternoon, whether he was at Pe~
lexv or with the Englifh, he went to fit in public for
the purpofe of hearing any requefts, or of adjufting any
difference or difpute which might have arifen among
his fubjedls.”
But thefe, according to our editor, feldom happened1;
for as their real wants were but few, and they faw no- ,
thing to create artificial ones ; every one was chiefly oc¬
cupied xvith his own humble purfuits ; and' as far as the
fhip’s crexv, who remained among them about three
months, could decide, they appeared to conduct them¬
felves toxvards each other xvith the greateft civility and
benevolence ; never wrangling or entering into quarrel-
fome contentions, as is cuftomary among thofe xvho call'
themfelves a polilked. and enlightened people. Even
Tolew
lilands.
PEL [ i
when children fhowed a difpoiition of this kind, they
ftrongly marked their dilpieafure, by ftifling with rebuke
their little animofities.
1 he charafter of the king is thus drawn by the edi¬
tor : “ The excellent man who reigned over thefe fons
of nature, fhowed himfelf in every part of his conduct
fiim, noble, generous, and benevolent; there was a
dignity in all his deportment, a gentlenefs in all his
manners, and a warmth and fenfibility about his heart,
that wron the love of all who approached him. Nature
had beftowed on him a contemplative mind, wdrich he
had improved by thofe refkaions that good fenfe dic¬
tated and obfervation confirmed. The happinefs of his
people feemed to be always in his thoughts. In order
more effeftually to ftimulate them to ufeful labour, he
Irad himfelf learpt all the few arts they poffelfed, and
was looked on in feme of them to be the belt workman
m his dominions. Placed as he w7as by Providence in
its obfeurer Scenes, he lived beloved by his chiefs, and
revered by his people ; over wThom, whilft he preferved
a dignity which diflinguilhed his fuperior flation, he
reigned more as the father than the fovereign. The
eyes of his fubjedls beheld their naked prince with as
much awe and refpeft as thofe are viewred with wrho
govern polifhed nations, and are decorated with all the
dazzling parade and ornaments of royalty; nor w\as
the purple robe or the fplendid diadem neceffary to
point out a charafter which the mafterly hand of nature
had rendered fo perfedt.
^ Next in power to the king w7as his brother Raa
Kook, who was official general of all his forces. It
was his duty to fummon the rupacks to attend the king
for whatever purpofe they were wanted. He was alfo
his prefumptive heir ; the fucceffion of Pelerv not going
to the king’s children till it had palfed through his bro-
theis; lo that after the demife of Abba Thulle, the fo-
vereignty would have defeended to Raa Kook ; on his
demife to Arra Kooker; and on the death of this laft it
would have reverted to Qui Bill, the king’s elded: fon,
w hen Lee Boo, his fecond fon, of whom we have much
to fay, would have become the hereditary general.
I he office of fir ft minifter is deferibed as follows :
I he king was always attended by a particular chief
or rupack, who did not appear to poffefs any hereditary
office, but only a delegated authority. He w7as aftvays
near the king's perfon, and the chief who was alwrays
firft confulted; but whether his office wTas religious or
civil, or both, our people could not learn with any cer¬
tainty. He was not confidered as a warrior, or ever
bore arms, and had only one wdfe, whereas the other
rupacks had twTo. The Englifh were never invited to
his houfe, or introduced into it, although they w ere con¬
duced to thofe of almoft every other chief.”
Of the rupacks it is obferved, “ That they could
only be regarded as chiefs or nobles ; they were not
all of the fame degree, as was plain by a difference in
the hone (a) they wrore : they generally attended the
king, and were always ready at his command to accom¬
pany him on any expedition wdth a number of canoes
properly manned, and armed with darts and fpears, who
1
PEL
were to remain witn him till they had his penruffion to
return home with their dependents. In this part of
their government we may trace an outline of the feudal
fyftem; but from the few opportunities our people had
of inveftigating points of internal government, it appear¬
ed that the titles of rupacks were perfonal badges of
rank and diftindon; nor did they apprehend they wTere
hereditary honours, unlefs in the reigning family, who
muft of neceffity be of this clafs.”
As to property, it was underftood, “ That the people
poffeffed only fuch as arofe from their own work and la¬
bour, but no abfolute one in the foil, of which the king
appeared to be general proprietor. A man’s houfe, fur¬
niture, or canoe, was confidered as his private property,
as was alfo the land allotted him, as long as he occupied
and. cultivated it; but whenever he removed with his
family to another place, the ground he held reverted to
the king,, who gave it to whom he pleafed, or to thofe
who folicited to cultivate it.”
. All that part of the ifland which they had an opportu¬
nity of feeing is faid to have been well cultivated. It was
covered with trees ©f various kinds and fizes, many of
which mull have been very large, as they made canoes
of their trunks, fome of which wrere capable of carrying
twrenty-eight or thirty men. Among the timber trees
was noticed.the ebony, and a tree which when pierced or
wmunded, yielded a thick wffiite liquor of the confiftence
of cream. “ 1 hey had alfo a fpecies of the manchineel
tree, in cutting dowrn of which our people frequently
got bliftered and fwrelled; the inhabitants pointed out
the caufe, faying, it was owing to their being fprinkled
by the lap. This they reckoned among the unlucky
trees, and advifed our people againft the ufe of it.”
But the moft lingular tree noticed at Pelew, wras one
m its fize and manner of branching not unlike our cher¬
ry tree, but in its leaves refembling the myrtle. Its
peculiarity was, that it had no bark, but only an out¬
ward coat of about the thicknefs of a card, which was
darker than the infide, though equally clofe in texture.
Its colour was nearly that of mahogany, and the w7ood
was fo extremely hard, that few of the tools which the
Englifh had could wTork it. They alfo found cabbage-
trees, the wild bread-fruit, and another tree whofe fruit
fomething refembled an almond. But yams and cocoa-
nuts, being their principal articles of fuftenance, claimed
their chief attention.
The ifland Coorooraa, of which Pelew is the capital,
likewife produced plantains, bananas, Seville oranges,
and lemons, but neither of them in any confiderable
quantity. None of theiflands which the Englifh vifited
had any kind of grain. As to birds, they had plenty
of common cocks and hens, which, though not domefti-
c.ated, kept running about near their houfes and planta¬
tions ; and what appears extremely Angular is, that the
natives had never made any ufe of them, till our people
told them they were excellent eating. Pigeons they
accounted a great dainty ; but none but thofe of a cer¬
tain dignity w7ere permitted to eat of them. The En¬
glifh left them twm geefe, which were the only remains
of their live flock.
From
PeIcw
Illaiids.
(a) 1 his was a mark of rank worn upon the wrift, with which Captain Wilfon was invefted by the king; but
what animal it came from our people eould not learn.
4
PEL
[ 1 °3 ]
P E L
From the defcription of the country it appears to be
very mountainous 5 but fome of the valleys are repre-
fented as extenfive and beautiful, affording many delight¬
ful profpefls. The foil being very rich produces great
abundance of grafs, which, as there are no cattle to eat
grows very high, and was fcorched and burnt up by
the fun. Our people faw no river at Pelew •, their fup-
plies of frefh water being obtained from fmall dreams
and ponds, of which there are a great many.
From this account of the fcanty _ produce of thefe
i(lands, it is evident that no luxury reigned among their
inhabitants, whofe principal article of food appears to be
fifhj they had no fait, nor did they make ufe of (auce or
any feafoning in any thing they ate. 1 heir drink was
alfo as fimple as their diet: it principally confided of
the milk of the cocoa nut j but upon particular occafions
they ufed a kind of fweet drink and dierbet, which lat¬
ter had the addition of fome juice of orange.
The idands appeared to be populous, though to what
extent could not be afcertained. Their houfes were
raifed about three feet from the ground, upon dones
which appeared as if hewn from the quarry. 1 lie inte¬
rior part of them was without any divifion, the whole
forming one great room, which rofe in a ridge like our
barns, the outfide being thatched thick and clofe with
bamboos or palm leaves. All their implements, uten-
lils, weapons of war, and canoes, are much of the fame
kind with thofe which w'ere found in the South fea
idands. • r •
In their marriages they allow a plurality of wives,
though not in general more than two. When a woman
is pregnant, the utmod attention is paid to her } but
upon other occafions no more refpedf is diown to one
lex than the other. “ One of our people endeavouring
to make himfelf agreeable to a lady belonging to one of
the rupacks, by what we fhould call a marked adiduity,
Arra Kooker, with the greated civility, gave him to
underdand that it was not right to do fo.”
They have places particularly appropriated to fepul-
ture j their graves being made nearly the fame as they
are in our country churchyards. I he corpfe is attend¬
ed only by women, who at the place of interment make
a great lamentation. TlIic men, however, aflemble round
the body before it is carried to the grave, on which oc-
cafion they preferve a folemn filence } u their minds,
from principles of fortitude or philofophy, being armed
to meet the events of mortality with manly fubmidion,
diveded of the external tedimbny of human weaknefs.”
On the article of religion our editor obferves, “ 1 hat
among all the race of men whom navigation has brought
to our knowledge, few appear to be without a fenfe of
fomething like religion, however it may be mixed with
idolatry or fuperdition. And yet our people, during
their continuance with the natives of Peiewr, never faw
any particular ceremonies, or obferved any thing that
had the appearance of public wordrip. But though
there was not found on any of the idands they vifited
any place appropriated to religious rites, it would per¬
haps be going too far to declare that the people of Pe¬
lew had abfolutely no idea of religion. Independent of
external tedimony, there may be fuch a thing as the re¬
ligion of the heart, by which the mind may in aweful
filence be turned to contemplate the God of Nature j
and though unbleffed by thofe lights which have point¬
ed to the Chridian world an unerring path to happinefs
and peace, yet they might, by the light of reafon only,
have difcovered the edicacy of virtue, and the temporal _
advantages arifing from moral reftitude.
“ Superdition is a word of great latitude, and vaguely
defined : though it hath in enlightened ages been called
the offspring of ignorance, yet in no time hath it exided
without having fome connexion with religion. Now
the people of Pelew had beyond all doubt fome portion
of it, as appeared by the wiih expreflied by the king
when he faw the (hip building, that the Englith would
take out of it fome particular wrood, which he perceived
they had made ufe of, and which he obferved was deem¬
ed an ill omen, or unpropitious.
“ They had alfo an idea of an evil fpirit, that often
counteracted human affairs. A very particular indanee
of this was feen when Mr Barker, a mod valuable mem¬
ber in the Englilh fociety, fell backwards from the fide
of the veiTel, whild he was on the docks . Raa Kook,
who happened to be prelent, obferved that it was owing
to the unlucky wood our people had differed to remain
in the veffel, that the evil fpirit had occafioned this mu-
chief to Mr Barker.” _ .
They likewife appeared to entertain a drong idea ol
divination, as was evident from the ceremonies they
praClifed before they undertook any enterprife of mo¬
ment. A few occurrences, which are mentioned in the
courfe of the narrative, would alfo lead us to believe
that they could not be altogether unacquainted with the
nature of religious worftiip } for when they were prefent
at the public prayers of the Engliffi, they expreffed no
furprife at what was doing, but feemed defirous to join
in them, and condantly preferved the mod profound fi¬
lence. The general even refufed to receive a meffage
from the king which arrived during divine fervice. And
upon another occafion, when Captain VVilfon told Lee
Boo, that good men would live again above, he replied,
with great earnednefs, “ All fame Pelew} bad men
day in earth *, good men go into (ky j become verj
beautifulholding his hand up, and giving a flutter¬
ing motion to his fingers. Some later voyagers, how¬
ever, have affirmed, that thefe people, notwithdanding
their fuperdition, have no notion whatever ol a Deity p
a circumdance to which it is extremely difficult to give
full credit.
The mod wonderful circumdances in the hidory of
this people, except that lad mentioned, are the acute-
nefs of their underdanding, their hofpxtality, and the
implicit confidence which they placed in utter drangers.
'That their manners were pleafing, and their fociety not
dflagreeable, is evident from the conduft of IMadan.
Blanchard, one of the feamen, who, when the. veffel
was built and ready to take her departure with his cap¬
tain and his companions, was left behind at his own par¬
ticular requed. That they had the fulled confidence
in Captain Wilfon and his crew, is put beyond a doubt
by the behaviour of the king and Raa Kook when their
gueds were to leave them. Raa Kook fohcited his
brother’s permiffion to accompany the Englilh, but from
prudential motives was refufed. The fovereign, how¬
ever, refolved to entrud his fecond fon Lee Boo to Cap¬
tain Wilfon’s care, that he might improve his mind, and
learn fuch tilings as at his return would benefit his-
country.
The indruftions which he gave the young man, and,
the fortitude which he Ihowed upon this cccafion,,
would.
Pelew
Ifiands.
Peiew
Iflands.
PEL [ 104 ]
would have done honour to the molt enlightened mind, charge, he would
Upon delivering him to Captain Wilfon, he ufed thefe
cxpredions : “ I would with you to inform Lee Boo
of all things which he ought to know, and make him
an Englilhman. The fubjecf of parting with my fon
I have frequently revolved ; I am well aware that the
diftant countries he muft go through, differing much
from his own, may expofe him to dangers, as well as
difeafes, that are unknown to us here, in confequence
of which he may die 5 I have prepared my thoughts to
this : I know that death is to all men inevitable 5 and
whether my fon meets this event at Peiew or elfewhere
is immaterial. I am fatisfied, from what I have ob-
ferved of the humanity of your character, that if he is
lick you will be kind to him } and Ihould that happen,
which your utmoft care cannot prevent, let it not hin¬
der you, or vour brother, or your fon, or any of your
countrymen, returning here •, I fhall receive you, or
any of your people, in friendfhip, and rejoice to lee you
again.” Plow noble ! This is the language of a king,
a father, and a philofopher, who would have been de¬
lighted to fee his fon nith European accomplilhments.
But, alas ! the fubfequent hiftory ol this amiable youth
muff force a tear from the eye of every reader whofe
heart is not callous to the genuine feelings of nature
and humanity. As foon as they arrived at Macao, the
houfe into which he firft entered, and the different ar¬
ticles of furniture, fixed him in filent admiration ; but
what ftruck his imagination moll was the upright walls
and flat ceilings of the rooms, being utterly unable to
comprehend how they could be fo formed. When he
■Was introduced to the ladies of the family, his deport¬
ment was fo eafy and polite, that it could be exceeded
by nothing but his abundant good natureq and at his
departure, his behaviour left on the mind of every
one prefent the imprefiion, that, however great the fur-
prife might be which the fccncs of a new world had
awakened in him, it could hardly be exceeded by that
which his cwn amiable manners and native polilh would
excite in others.
They were now conduced to the houfe of an Eng-
liih gentleman, who introduced them into a large hall,
which was lighted up, with a table in the middle, co¬
vered for fupper, and a fideboard handfomely decorated.
Here a new feene burft at once upon Lee Boo‘s mind ;
he was all eye, all admiration. The veffels of glafs par¬
ticularly rivetted his attention ; but when he furveyed
himfelf in a large pier glafs at the upper end of the hall,
he was in raptures with the deception. It was in truth,
to him, a feene of magic, a fairy tale.
Soon after the people of the veffel came on fhore,
fome of them went to purchafe things they were in want
of-, in doing which they did not forget Lee Boo, who
was a favourite with them all. Among the trinkets
they brought him was a firing of large glafs beads, the
firft fight of which almoft threw him into an ecftacy : he
hugged them with a tranfport which could not have
been exceeded by the interefted poffeffor of a firing of
oriental pearls. His imagination fuggefted to him that
he held in his hand all the wealth the world could
afford him. He ran with eagernefs to Captain Wilfon
to fhow him his riches, and begged he would get him
a Chinefe veffel to carry them to the king his father,
that he might fee what the Englifh had done for him ;
adding, that if the people faithfully executed their
3
PEL
t their return prefent them with one
or two beads as a reward for their fervices.
Having no quadrupeds at Peiew, the fheep, goats,
and oilier cattle, which he met with at Macao, were
viewed with wonder; but foon after, feeing a man pafs
the houfe on horfeback, he was fo much aftonifhed,
that he wanted every one to go and look at the ftrange
fight. After the matter, however, was explained to
him, he was eafily perfuaded to get upon horfeback
himfelf j and when he was informed what a noble, do¬
cile, and ufeful animal it was, he befought the captain
to fend one to his uncle Raa Kook, as he was fure it
would be of great fervice to hirn.
Omitting a number of other particulars of this kind,
which excited his curiofity and ftiowed the excellent
difpofition of his heart, we fhall follow him to Eng¬
land, the country from which he was never to return.
Here he had not been long before he was fent to an aca¬
demy to be inftrudled in reading and writing, which he
was extremely eager to attain, and moft affiduous in
learning. His temper was mild and compaflionate in
the higheft degree ; but it was at all times governed by
diferetion and judgement. If he faw the young afking
relief, he would rebuke them with what little Englifh
he had, telling them it was a fliame to beg when they
were able to work ; but the intreaties of old age he
could never withftand, faying, “ Muft give poor old
man, old man no able to work.”
He always addrefled Mr Wilfon by the name of
Captain, but never would call Mrs Wilfon by any other
name than mother, looking on that as a mark of the
greateft refpeft 5 and fucli was the gratitude of his heart
for the kindnefs they fhowed him, that if any of the fa¬
mily were ill, he always appeared unhappy, would creep
foftly up to the chamber, and fit filent by the bedfide for
a long time together without moving, peeping gently
from time to time between the curtains, to fee if
flept or lay ftill.
He was now proceeding with hafty ftrides in
ing the Englifh language, writing, and accounts,
he was overtaken by that fatal difeafe, the fmallpox,
which the greateft pains had been taken to guard him
againft 5 and notwithftanding the utmoft care and at¬
tention of his pbyfician, he fell a viclim to this fcourge
of the human race.
Upon this trying occafion, his fpirit was above com¬
plaining, his thoughts being all engroffed by the kind¬
nefs of his benefadlors and friends. He told his at¬
tendant, that his father and mother would grieve very
much, for they knew he was fick. This he repeated
feveral times, “ and begged him to go to Peiew, and
tell Abba Thulle that Lee Boo take much drink to
make fmallpox go away, but he die *, that the captain
and mother very kind ; all Englifh very good men j
much forry he could not fpeak to the king the number
of fine things the Englifh had got.” Then he reckoned
up the prefents which had been given him, defiring that
they might be properly diftributed among the chiefs,
and requefting that particular care might be taken of
two glafs pedeftals, which he begged might be prefent-
ed to his father.
We have given this fhort hiftory of Lee Boo, becaufe
it exhibits in a ftrong light the manners of the natives
of the Peiew iflands, to which we know nothing fimilar
in the hiftory of man from the favage ftate to that of
civilization.
Peiew
Iflands.
they
gam-
when
PEL [ 105 ] PEL
Pdew civilization. They appear to have had no communica-
Iflanc!s- tion with any other people, and were yet neither
" v treacherous, cruel, nor cowardly. They are a ftriking
inftance of the weaknefs of all the philofophic theories
by which mankind are ufually traced from their origin
through the ieveral ftages of favagifm, barbarifm, and
civilization, down to the period of refinement, ending in
effeminacy.
Since the publication of Captain Wilfon’s voyage
we have fome further accounts of thefe iflands, all con¬
firming what we were firll told of the gentlenefs of
the people. Two armed fhips were, by order of the
court of dire£tors, fitted out at Bombay, for the pur-
pofe of furveying the iflands of Pelew, and furnifhing
the natives with domeftic animals, and fuch other things
-as might add to the comforts of life. Among the pre-
fents to the king were fwords and other European im¬
plements of war j of which it is at leaf! poffible that he
and his people might have been equally happy had they
remained for ever in total ignorance. The foundation
of a fort was likewife laid on one of the iflands, and pof-
fefiion of it taken in the name of the Englifh; we trull
with no remote view of en Having the people, or of driv¬
ing them from their native country. It has been like¬
wife announced in a late publication, that Captain
M‘Cluer, who commanded the armed fhips, was fo de¬
lighted with the manners of the king and his fubje&s,
that he has refolved to pafs the remainder of his days on
thofe iflands at the early age of 34. The following is the
fequel of the adventure here alluded to. The two veffels
called the Panther and Endeavour, under the command
of Captain M‘Cluer, were fitted out for a voyage to the
Pelew iflands, to acquaint Abba Thulle the king with
the death of his favourite fon Lee Boo, who went to
England with Captain Wilfon in the Antelope in 1783,
where he died. On the 24th of Auguft 1790 Captain
jYPCluer failed from Bombay, having on board Meffrs
White and Wedgeborough, who had been fhipwrecked
with Captain Wilfon, and were much efteemed by the
king of thofe iflands, at which he arrived in January
1791. Abba Thulle, the king, received them with de-
monflrations of joy as Englifhmen, of whom he had
prewoufly found reafon to entertain a very favourable
opinion. The prefents ivhich the company fent to Ab¬
ba Thulle were landed with all convenient fpeed. Thefe
confifled of a confiderable quantity of live flock, fuch as
cows, bulls, ewes, rams, goats, pigs, and poultry, to¬
gether wdth arms, ammunition, and packages of hard¬
ware, comprifing a number of articles which could not
fail to be of lingular advantage to the natives. The
grateful king was aflonifhed at the meaning of all this,
and being informed that it was a fmall acknowledge¬
ment for his generous treatment of the crew of the An¬
telope when wrecked on his coafl, he expreffed his re¬
gret that it was not in his power to have done more.
With the nature and fituation of thefe iflands, as well
as the amiable and engaging manners of the natives,
Captain M‘Cluer was fo well pleafed, that he confidered
them as a paradife, where he could fpend wTith pleafure
the remainder of bis days. Soon after thefe tranfadlions
the Panther failed in the month of February from the
Pelew iflands for China, the Endeavour remaining be¬
hind till her return, which happened on the 10th of
June the fame year. Having vifited thefe iflands a
third time, after a furvey of the coafl of New Guinea,
V.OL. XVI. Part I.
he fignified to the officers of the Panther his intention of Pelew
refigning the command of the expedition, and remain- '
ing on the iflands. To render his new fituaticn as com-. . -v-L
fortable as poffible, he requelled from Mr Wedge-
borough about 20 mufkets with bayonets, 12 piflols,
1 2 pole-axes, 2 wall-pieces, fufee and piflol ammuni¬
tion, an anvil, bellows, frame-faw, Handing vice, &c.
After a confultation with the other officers, it was
agreed on to fend him thefe articles, on condition that
they ffiould be accounted for by his attorneys, if the
the Eafl India Company fhould not be fatisfied with
the meafure. This refolution was carried into effedl in
the month of February J 793.
Scarcely, however had he been 15 months in his new
fettlement till he became impatient to abandon it, and
he foon after fet fail for 'Macao. He returned to the
Pelew iflands in the year 1795,' for the purpofe of re¬
moving his family j and failing from thence to Bom¬
bay, he touched at Bencoolen, where he met with a
frigate bound for Bombay, into which he put a part of
his family with fix Pelew women, failing himfelf writh
the other natives towards Bengal, from which lafl place
he fet fail fome time after j but neither he nor any of
his crew have been fince heard of.
PEL IAS, in fabulous hiflory, twin-brother of Neleus,
was fon of Neptune by Tyro, daughter of Salmoneus.
His birth was concealed by his mother, who wiflied her
father to be ignorant of her incontinence. He was ex-
pofed in the woods, but his life was preferved by
fhepherds; and he received the name of Pelias, from
a fpot of the colour of lead in his face. Some time af¬
ter Tyro married Cretheus, fon of Aldus, king of lol-
chos, and became mother of three children, of whom
Aifon was the eldeft. Pelias vilited his mother, and
was received in her family 5 and after the death of
Cretheus, he unjuftly feized the kingdom, which be¬
longed not to him, but to the children of Tyro by the
deceafed king. To llrengthen himfelf in his ufurpation,
Pelias confulted the oracle; and when he was told to
beware of one of the defendants of AEolus, who ffiould
come to his court with one foot ffiod and the other
bare, he privately removed the fon of AEfon, after he
had openly declared that he was dead. Thefe precau¬
tions proved vain. Jafon, the fon of Alfon, who had
been educated by Chiron, returned to lolchos, when
come to years of maturity ; and having loll one of his
ffioes in croffing the river Anaurus or the Evenus, Pe¬
lias immediately perceived that this was the perfon
whom he had fo much dreaded. His unpopularity
prevented him from ailing with violence to a llranger,
whofe uncommon drefs and commanding afpefl had
raifed admiration in the people. But his aftoniffiment
was greatly excited, when he faw Jafon arrive at his
palace, with his friends and his relations, and boldly
demand the kingdom which he had ufurped. Pelias,
confcious that his complaints were well founded, en¬
deavoured to divert his attention, and told him that he
would voluntarily refign the crown to him, if he went
to Colchis to avenge the death of Phryxus, the fon of
Athamas, whom AEeres had cruelly murdered. He
further declared, that the expedition would be attend¬
ed with the greateft glory, and that nothing but the
infirmities of old age had prevented himfelf from
vindicating the honour of his country, and the injuries
of his family, by punilhing the affaffin. This fo warm-
O ly
P E L [ 106 1 PEL
Pi.has 3y recommended, was with equal warmth accepted by
pJJa the young hero, and his intended expedition was made
— , known all over Greece. While Jafon was abient in the
Argonaulic expedition, Pelias murdered /Efon and
ail his family •, but, according to the more received
opinion of Ovid, /fifon was ftili living when the Ar¬
gonauts returned, and he was reftored to the liower of
youth by the magic of Medea* This change in the
vigour and the conftitution of Aifon aftonifhed all the
inhabitants of lolchosj and the daughters of Pelias, who
have received the patrommic of Peliades, expreffed
their deiire to fee their father’s infirmities vanilh by
the fame powerful magic. Medea, who withed to a-
veuge the injuries which her hufband Jafon had re¬
ceived from Pelias, raifed the defrcs of the Peliades,
by cutting an old ram to pieces, and boiling the fleih
in a cauldron, and then turning it into a fine young
lamb. After they had feen this fuccefsful experiment,
the Peliades cut their father’s body to pieces, after they
bad drawn all the blood from his veins, on the affu-
ranee that Medea would repleniih them by her won¬
derful power. The limbs were immediately put into
a cauldron of boiling water; but Medea buffered the
fleftr to be totally confirmed, and refufed to give the
promiied affiftance, and the bones of Pelias did not
even receive a burial. The Peliades were four in num¬
ber, Alcefte, Pifidice, Pclopea, and Hippothoe, to
whom Hyginus adds Medufa. Their mother’s name
was Anaxibia, the daughter of Bias or Plplomache, the
daughter of Amphion. After this parricide, the Pe¬
liades fled to the court of Admetus, where Acaftus, the
fon-in-law of Pelias, purfued them, and took their pro-
teftor prifoner. The Peliades died, and were buried in
Arcadia.
PELICAN, a genus of birds belonging to the order
of anferes. See Ornithology Index.
Pelican, in Chemijlry, is a glafs alembic confiding
of one piece, with a tubulated capital, from which two
oppofite and crooked beaks pafs out, and enter again at
the bottom of the cucurbit. This veffel was contrived
by the older chemifisfor a continued difiillation, but has
gone into difufe.
PELICANUS, a genus of birds belonging to the
order of anferes. See Ornithology Index.
PELION (Diodorus Siculus, &c.), Velios, mons
underftood, (Mela, Virgil, Horace, Seneca), a moun¬
tain of Theffaly near Offa, and hanging over the Sinus
Pelafgicus or Pegaficus } its top covered with pines,
the fides with oaks, (Ovid). Said alfo to abound in
wild afh, (Val. Elaccqs). From this mountain was cut
the fpear of Achilles, called pelias, which none but him-
felf could wield, (Homer). Dicearchus, Ariftotle’s
fcholar, found this mountain i 2 50 paces higher than any
other of TheiTaly, (Pliny). Vehus, Cicero ) Peliacus,
(Catullus), the epithet.
PELLA, in Ancient Geography, a town fituated on
the confines of Emathia, a dillridt of Macedonia, (Pto¬
lemy) •, and therefore Plerodotus allots it to Bottiaea, a
maritime diftrift on the Sinus Thermai'cus. It was the
royal refidence, fituated on an eminence, verging to the
fouth-wdl, encompaffed with unp affable mar flies fummer
and winter: in which, next the town, a citadel like an
ifland rifes, placed on a bank or dam, a prodigious work,
both fupporting the wall and fecuring it from any hurt
by means of the circumfluent water. At a diftance, it
feems elefe to the town, but is feparated from it by the Pdia.
Ludias, running by the walls, and joined to it by a Pei*etier.
bridge, (Livy): diflant from the fea 120 ftadia, the v
Ludias being fo far navigable, (Strabo). Mela calls
the town Pdie, though mofl Greek authors write Vella.
i he birth-place of Philip, who enlarged it j and after¬
wards of Alexander, (Strabo, Mela). Continued to l e
the royal refidence down to Perfes, (Livy). Called
Vclta Coloma, (Pliny) ; Colonia Julia Avgujla, (Coin),
it afterwards came to decline, wuh but few and mean in¬
habitants, (Lucian). It is now called T« UaXaliirix, the
Little Valace, (Holflenius). Vella us, both the gentiliti-
OUS name and the epithet, (Lucian, Juvenal, Martial.)
—Another Pella, (Polybius, Pliny) ; a town of the
Decapolis, on lire other fide the Jordan } abounding in
water, like its cognomina! town in Macedonia 5 built
by the Macedonians, (Strabo); by Seleucus, (Euicbius);
anciently called But is, (Stepbanus) •, Aparnea, (Strabo);
fituated 35 miles to the north-call of Gerafa, (Ptolemy).
Thither the Chriflians, juft before the fiege of Jerufalt m
by Titus, were divinely admonifhed to ily, (Eufebius).
It was the utmoft boundary of the Pertea, or Transjor¬
dan country, to the north, (Jofephus).
PELLETILK, Bertrand, a celebrated chemical
philofopher, was bom at Bayonne in 1761, and very
boon dhoovered a Prong predileflicn for the fciences,
to cherifh which he had every thing in his father’s
houie that could be reafonably defired, and here be ac¬
quired the elements of that art for which he was after¬
wards fo famous. His fubiequent progrefs he made
under Dnrcet, who admitted him among the pupils at¬
tached to the chemical laboratory of France. Five
years intenfe application under fuch a mafter, gave him
a flock of knowledge very uncommon at his years. As
a convincing proof of this, he publiftied, when only 21,
a number of valuable obfervations on arfenic acid, pro¬
ving, contrary to the opinion of Pvlacquer, that fulphuric
acid diftilled from the arfeniate of potafh, difengages the
acid of arfenic.
Encouraged by the fuccefs which extended his firft
labours of a chemical nature, he communicated his re¬
marks on the cryftallization of fulphur, cinnabar, and
the deliquefeent falts; the examination of zeolites, par¬
ticularly the falfe zeolite of Freyburg, which he difeo-
vered to be merely an ore of zinc. He alfo made ob¬
fervations on the oxygenated muriatic acid, in reference
to the abforption of oxygen ; on the formation of ethers,
chiefly the muriatic and the acetous; and a number of
memoirs on the operation of phofphorus made in the
large way ; its converfion into phofpbtcric acid, and its
combination with fulphur and moft metallic fubftances.
It was by his operations on phofphorus that he burnt
himfelf fo feverely as nearly to endanger bis life. Imme¬
diately on his recovery he began the analyfis of different
varieties of plumbago from France, England, Germany,
Spain, and America, and gave both novelty and intereft to
his work, even after the labours of Scbeele on the fame
fubjecl had made their appearance. The analyfis of the
carbonate of barytes led him to make experiments on
animals, from which he difeovered that this earth is a
real poifon, in whatever way adminiftered. Stronthes
was alfo analyfed by this celebrated chernift, which was
found to contain a new earth.
Pelletier difeovered a procefs for preparing verditer
in the large way, equal, it is faid, in beauty to that
which
PEL [i
Pelletier wiiicli- is manufk&u'red in England. He was alfo
H among the firft who {hewed the poiTibility of refining
C fus°nne' bell metal, and feparating the tin. His firfl; experi-
u—y— ments w ere performed at Paris, after which he went to
the foundery at Rojnilly, to prove their accuracy in the
large way. He was fooii after this admitted a member
of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, and afterwards
accompanied Borda and General Daboville to La Fere,
to a {lilt in experiments on a new fpecies of gunpowder.
Being obliged to pais great part of the day in the open
air during a cold and moiit feafon, in order to render his
experiments more decifive, his health, which was natu¬
rally delicate, was very much impaired. He partly re¬
covered it, but again fell a victim to his third after
knowledge, for he was at one time nearly .deftroyed by
infpiring the oxygenated muriatic acid gas, which occa-
fioned a convulfive afthma, which at times appeared to
abate, but was found to be incurable. The afliftance
of art was infufficient to fave him, and he died at Paris
on the 2id of July 1797, of a pulmonary confumption,
in the flower of his age, being only 36.
PELLETS, in Heraldry, thofe roundles that are
black ; called alfo ogrejfes and gunjlones, and by the
French tortcaux de fable.
PELLICLE, among phyficians, denotes a thin film
or fragment of a membrane. Among chemifls it figni-
fies a thin furface of cryftals uniformly fpread over a fa-
line liquor evaporated to a certain degree.
PELLISON, or Pellison Fontakier, Paul,
one of the fineft geniufes of the 17th century, was the
Ton of James Pellifon counfellor at Caftres. He was
born at Beziers in 1624, and educated in the Proteftant
religion. He ftudied with fuccefs the Latin, Greek,
French, Spanifh, and Italian tongues, and applied him-
fclf to the reading the befl: authors in thefe languages \
after which he ftudied the law at Cadres with reputa¬
tion. In 1652 he purchafed the pod of fecretary to the
king, and five years after became fird deputy to M.
Fouquet. He differed by the difgrace of that minider ;
and in 1661 was confined in the Badile, from whence
he was not difcharged till four years after. During his
confinement he applied himfelf to the dudy of contro-
verfy 5 and in 1670 abjured the Protedant religion.
Louis XIV. beflowed upon him an annual penfion of
2000 crowns; and he likewife enjoyed feveral pods. In
1676116 had the abbey of Giment, and fome years after
the priory of St Orens' at Auch. He died in 1693.
His principal works are, 1. The Hidory of the French
Academy. 2. Reflexions on religious Difputes, &c. in
4 vols. i2mo. 3. The Hidory of Louis XIV. 4. Hi-
dorical Letters and Mifcellanies, in 3 vols, 1 2mo.
PELOPIA, a fedival oblerved by the Eleans in
honour of Pelops. A ram was facrificed on the occa-f
fion, which both prieds and people were prohibited
from partaking of, on pain of excommunication from
Jupiter’s temple : the neck only was allotted to the of¬
ficer who provided wood for the facrifice. This officer
was called HvAev? ; and white poplar was the only wood
made ufe of at this folemnity.
PELOPONNESUS, (Dionyfius), a large peninfula
to the fouth of the red of Greece; called, as it were
Pelopis nefus, or infula, though properly not an ifland,
but a peninfula •, yet wanting but little to be one, viz.
the iflhmus of Corinth, ending in a point like the leaf
of the platane or plane tree. Anciently called Apia
07 ] PEL
and Pelafgia ; a pcninfula fecond to no other country Pries
for noblenefs 5 fituated between two Teas, the Egean pe)Jj-lum
and Ionian, and refembling a platane-leaf, on account of ^ b
its angular receffes or bays, (Pliny, Strabo, Mela).
Strabo adds from Homer, that one of its ancient names
was Argos, with the epithet Achaicum, to diilinguilh it
from Theffaly, called Pclafgicum. Divided into fix
parts; namely, Argolis, Laconica, Meffenia, Elis, .
Achaia, and Arcadia, (Mela). Now called the Morea.
PELOPS, in fabulous hiftory, the fon of Tantalus
king of Phrygia, ivent into Elis, where he married
Hippodamia the daughter of Oenomaus king of that
country ; and became fo powerful, that all the terri¬
tory which lies beyond the ifthmus, and compofes a
confiderable part of Greece, wras called Peloponnefus,
that is, the if and of Pelops, from his name and the
WTOrd Nscroj.
PELT A, a fmall, light, manageable buckler, ufed
by the ancients'. It was worn by the Amazons. The
pelta is faid by fome to have relembled aw ivy leaf in
form ; by others it is compared to the leaf of an Indian
fig tree } and by Serbius to the moon in her firif
quarter.
PELTARIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
tetradynamia clafs, and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 39th order, Siliquofe. See Botany
Index.
PELUSIUM, in Ancient Geography, a ftrong city
°f Egypt, without the Delta, dillant 20 ftadia from
the fea ; fituated amidft marlhes j and hence its name
and its ftrength. Called the hey or inlet of Egypt (Dio¬
dorus, Hirtius) ; which being taken, the reft of Egypt
lay quite open and expofed to an enemy. Called Sin
(Ezekiel). Pelufiacus the epithet (Virgil, Diodorus).
From its ruins arofe Damietta. E. Long. 320, N. Lat.
31°*
Mr Savary gives us the following account of this
place : “ '[’he period of its foundation, as w'ell as that Letters on.
of the other ancient, cities of Egypt, is loft in the ob- ‘-gypt-
feurity of time. It flourilhed long before Herodotus.
As it commanded the entrance of the country on the
fide of Alia, the Pharaohs rendered it a confiderable
fortrefs ; one of them railed a rampart of 30 leagues in
length from the walls of this town to Heiiopolis. But
wre find from the hiftory of nations that the long wall of
China, thofe which the weaknefs of the Greek emperors
led them to build round Conftantinople, and many
others, built at an immenfe expence, were but feeble
barriers againft a warlike people : thefe examples have
taught us, that a ftate, to be in fecurity againft a foreign
yoke, muft form warriors within itfelf, and that men muft
be oppofed to men. This rampart which covered Pelu-
'fium, did not flop Cambyfes, wEo attacked it with a
formidable army. The feeble charaXer of the fon of
Amafis, unable to prevent the defertion of 200,000
Egyptians, w’ho went to found a colony beyond the ca-
taraXs, had not force fuificient to oppofe that torrent
which broke in upon his country. Cambyfes, after a
bloody battle, wherein he cut his enemies to pieces, en¬
tered Pelufium in triumph. That memorable day, which
faw the defertion of one part of the Egyptian militia
and the ruin of the other, is the true epoch of the fubju-
gation of that rich country. Since that period, it has
paffed under the yoke of the Perfians, the Macedonians,
the Romans, the Greeks, the Arabs, and the Turks. A
O 2 continued
Pel u hum
II
Pembroke.
P E M [ i
continued flavery of more than 20CD years feems to fe-
cure them an eternal bondage.
“ Herodotus, who vifited Pelufium fome years after
the conquelt of Cambyfes, relates an anecdote which
I cannot omit : ‘ I furveyed (fays he) the plain where
the two armies had fought. It was covered with hu¬
man bones colledted in heaps. Thofe of the Perfians
were on one fide, thofe of the Egyptians on the other,
the inhabitants of the country having taken care to fepa-
rate them after the battle. They made me take notice
of a fa6t which would have appeared very altonifhing to
me without their explanation of it. The Ikulls of the
Perfians, wTich were flight and fragile, broke on being
lightly ftruck with a Hone ; thofe of the Egyptians,
thicker and more compaft, refilled the blow’s of flint.
This difference of folidity they attributed to the cu-
Hom the Perfians have of covering their heads from
their infancy wuth the tiara, and to the Egyptian cu-
Ilom of leaving the heads of their children bare and
lhayed, expofed to the heat of the fun.’ This expla¬
nation appeared fatisfadlory to me.’ Mr Savary affures
us that the fame cultoms Hill fubfift in Egypt, of which
he frequently had ocular demonftration.
“ ^ Pelufium (continues he), after palling under the
dominion of Perfia, was taken by Alexander. The brave
Antony, general of cavalry under Gabinius, took it from
his fucceffors, and Rome reftored it to Ptolemy Auletes.
Pompey, whofe credit had eftablilhed this young prince
on the throne of Egypt, after the fatal battle of Pharfa-
lia took refuge at Pelufium. He landed at the entrance
of the harbour 5 and on quitting his wnfe Cornelia and
his fon, he repeated the twro following verfes of Sopho¬
cles, ‘ The free man who feeks an afylum at the court
of a king wall meet with llavery and chains.’ He there
found death. Scarcely had he landed on the Ihore, wdien
Theodore the rhetorician, of the ifle of Chio, Septimius
the courtier, and Achillas the eunuch, w'ho commanded
his troops, wilhing for a viftim to prefent to his con¬
queror, ftabbed him with their fwords. At the fight of
the afiaflins Pompey covered his face wnth his mantle,
and died like a Roman. They cut off his head, and em¬
balmed it, to offer it to Caefar, and left his body naked
on the Ihore. It was thus that this great man, whofe
warlike talents had procured the liberty of the feas for
the Romans, and added whole kingdoms to their ex¬
tended empire, w'as bafely llain in fetting foot on the
territory of a king who owed to him his crown. Philip
his freedman, coliefling together, under favour of the
flight, the wreck of a boat, and llripping off his owm
cloak to cover the fad remains of his mafter, burnt
them according to the cuftom. An old foldier, who had
ferved under Pompey’s colours, came to mingle his tears
with thofe of Philip, and to affifl: him in performing the
laft offices to the manes of his general.—Pelufium w^as
often taken and pillaged during the wars of the Romans,
the Greeks, and the Arabs. But in fpite of fo many
difafters, {he preferved to the time of the Crufades her
riches and her commerce. The Chriftian princes having
taken it by florin, facked it. It never again rofe from
its rums ; and the inhabitants went to Damietta.” See
Dam 1 etta.
PELVIS, in Anatomy. See Anatomy Index.
PEMBROKE, Mary, Countess of. See Her¬
bert.
Pembroke, in Pembrokefhire, in England, is the
08 ]
P E M
principal town in the county. It is fituated upon a Pembrokf
creek of Milford-Haven, and in the molt pleafant part
of Wales, being about 256 miles diflant from London.
It is the county-town, and has two handfome bridges
over two fmall rivers which run into a creek, forming
the weft fide of a promontory. It is well inhabited,
has feveral good houfes, and but one church. There is
alfo a cuftomhoufe in it. There are feveral merchants
in it, who, favoured by its fituation, employ near 200
fail on their own account; fo that, next to Caermarthen,
it is the largeft and richefl town in South Wales. It
has one long llraight flreet, upon a narrow part of a
rock ; and the two rivers feem to be two arms of Mil¬
ford-Haven, which ebbs and flows clofe up to the town.
It was in former times fortified with walls, and a mag¬
nificent caftle feated on a rock at the weft , end of the
town. In this rock, under the chapel, is a natural ca¬
vern called PVogan, remarked for having a very fine
echo : this is fuppofed to have been a ftore-room for the
garrifon, as there is a llaircafe leading into it from the
caftle : it has alfo a wide mouth towards the river. This
ftrufture being burnt a few years after it was erefled, it
was rebuilt. It is remarkable for being the birth-place
of Henry VII. and for the brave defence made by the
garrifon for Charles I.
PEMBROKESHIRE, a county of Wales, bounded
on all fides by the Iriffi fea, except on the eaft, where it
joins to Caermarthenffiire, and on the north-eaft to Car-
diganfhire. It lies the neareft to Ireland of any county
in Wales j and extends in length from north to fouth
35 miles, and from eaft to weft 29, and is about 140 in
circumference. It is divided into feven hundreds •, con¬
tains about 420,000 acres, one city, eight market-towns,
two forefts, 145 parhhes, about 11,800 houfes, and
56,000 inhabitants. It lies in the province of Canter¬
bury, and diocefe of St David’s. It fends three mem¬
bers to parliament, viz. one for the fliire, one for Haver-
fardweft, and one for the town of Pembroke.
The air of Pembrokefinre, confidering its fituation,
is good ; but it is in general better the farther from the
fea. As there are but few mountains, the foil is gene¬
rally fruitful, efpecially on the fea-coafts ; nor are its
mountains altogether unprofitable, but produce pafture
fufficient to maintain great numbers of ffieep and goats.
Its other commodities are corn, cattle, pit-coal, marl,
filh, and fowl. Among thefe laft are falcons, called
here peregrines. Amongft the birds common here are
migratory fea-birds, that breed in the ifle of Ramfey,
and the adjoining rocks called The Bijhop and his Clerks.
About the beginning of April fuch flocks of fea-birds,
of feveral kinds, refort to thefe rocks, as appear incre¬
dible to thofe who have not feen them.
The inhabitants of this county make a very pleafant
durable fire of culm, which is the dull of coal made up
into balls with a third part of mud. The county is-
well watered by the rivers Clethy, Dougledy, Cledhew,
and Teive ; which laft parts it from Cardiganfliire.
There is a divifion of the county flyled Rhos in the
Welch, by which is meant a large green plain. This
is inhabited by the defendants of the Flemings, placed
there by Henry I. to curb the Welch, who were never
able to expel them, though they often attempted it.
On the coafts of this county, as well as on thofe of
Glamorganffiire and the Severn fea, is found a kind of
alga or laver, which is gathered in fpring 5 and of which
the
PEN [ 109 ] PEN
Pen. the inhabitants make a fort of food, called in Welch
» lfiavany and in Englifh black-butter. Having walked it
clean, they lay it to fweat between two flat Hones, then
fhred it fmall, and knead it well, like dough for bread,
and then make it up into great balls or rolls, which is
by fome eaten raw, and by others fryed with oatmeal and
butter. It is accounted excellent again!! many dillem-
pers.
PEN, a town of Somerfetlhire, in England, on the
north-eail fide of Wincaunton, where Kenwald a Well
Saxon king fo totally defeated the Britons, that they were
never after able to make head again!! the Saxons j
and where, many ages after this, Edmund Ironfide
gained a memorable viftory over the Danes, who had
before, i. e. in 1001, defeated the Saxons in that fame
place.
P£NT, a little inllrument, ufually formed of a quill,
ferving to write withal.
Pens are alfo fometimes made of filver, brafs, or
iron.
Dutch PENS, are made of quills that have pafied
through hot alhes, to take off the groffer fat and moi-
llure, and render them more tranfparent.
Fountain PEN, is a pen of filver, brafs, &c. contri¬
ved to contain a confiderable quantity of ink, and let
it flow out by gentle degrees, fo as to fupply the writer
a long time without being under the neceflity of taking
frefh ink.
CCCCVII The fountain pen is compofed of feveral pieces. The
p- u ' middle piece, fig. 1. carries the pen, which is fcrewed
into the infide of a little pipe, which again is foldered
to another pipe of the fame bignefs as the lid, fig. 2.5 in
which lid is foldered a male fcrew, for fcrewing on the
cover, as alfo for Hopping a little hole at the place and
hindering the ink from palling through it. At the
other end of the piece, fig. x. is a little pipe, on the
outfide of which the top-cover, fig. 3. may be fcrewed.
In the cover there goes a port-crayon, which is to be
fcrewed into the lafl-mentioned pipe, in order to flop the
end of the pipe, into which the ink is to be poured by
a funnel. To ufe the pen, the cover fig. 2. mufl be
taken off, and the pen a little lhaken, to make the ink
run more freely.
There are, it is well known, fome inflruments ufed
by practical mathematicians, which are called pens, and
which are diflinguilhed according to the ufe to which
they are principally applied } as for example, the draw¬
ing pen, &c. an inffrument too common to require a
particular defcription in this place. But it may be pro¬
per to take fome notice of the geometric pen, as it is
not fo well known, nor the principles on which it de¬
pends fo obvious.
The geometric PEN is an inffrument in which, by a
circular motion, a right line, a circle, an ellipfe, and
other mathematical figures, may be defcribed. It was
firff invented and explained by John Baptiff Suardi, in
a work intitled Nuovo Injlromenti per la Dcfcri%%ione
di diverfe Curve Antichi e Moderne, &c. Several wri¬
ters had obferved the curves arifing from the compound
motion of two circles, one moving round the other ; but
Suardi firff realized the principle, and firll reduced it
to pradlice. It has been lately introduced with fuccefs
into the fteam-engine by Watt and Bolton. The num¬
ber of curves this inftrument can defcribe is truly ama-
zing} the author enumerates not lefs than 1273, which
(he fays) can be defcribed by it in the fimple form. We fen,
lhall give a fhort defcription of it from Adam’s Geo- Penanec- ^
metrical and Graphical Effays.
Fig. 1. reprefents the geometric pen j A, B, C, the plate
Hand by which it is fupported 5 the legs A, B, C, are CCCCVII.
contrived to fold one within the other for the conveni- F'S- u
ence of packing. A ftrong axis D is fitted to the top
of the frame 5 to the lower part of this axis any of the
wheels (as z) may be adapted j -when fcrewed to it they
are immoveable. EG is an arm contrived to turn round
upon the main axis D j two Hiding boxes are fitted to
this arm; to thefe boxes any of the wheels belonging
to the geometric pen may be fixed, and then Hid fo that
the wheels may take into each other and the immove¬
able wheel z'; it is evident, that by making the arm EG
revolve round the axis D, thefe wheels will be made to
revolve alfo, and that the number of their revolutions
will depend on the proportion between the teeth. F g
is an arm carrying the pencil j this arm Hides backwards
and forwards in the box c d, in order that the diffance
of the pencil from the centre of the wheel h may be
eafily varied; the box cz/ is fitted to the axis of the
wheel h, and turns round with it, carrying the arm fg
along with it: it is evident, therefore, that the revolu¬
tions will be fewer or greater in proportion to the dif¬
ference between the numbers of the teeth in the wheels
h and i; this bar and focket are eafily removed for
changing the wheels. When two wheels only are ufed,
the bar fg moves in the fame direftion with the bar
EG ; but if another wheel is introduced between them,
they move in contrary dire£lions.
“ The number of teeth in the wheels, and confe-
quently the relative velocity of the epicycle or arm
f g, may be varied in infinitum. The numbers we
have ufed are 8, 16, 24, 32, 40, 48, 36, 64, 72, 80,
88, 96.
“ The conitru61ion and application of this inftru¬
ment is fo evident from the figure, that nothing more
need be pointed out than the combinations by which va¬
rious figures may be produced. We lhall take two as
examples:
“ The radius of EG (fig. 2.) mult be to that oi fig y-
as 10 to 5 nearly; their velocities, or the number of S'
teeth in the wheels, to be equal; the motion to be in
the fame direction.
“ If the length of fg be Varied, the looped figure
delineated at fig. 3. will be produced. A circle may F:g.
be defcribed by equal wheels, and any radius but the
bars muff move in contrary dire6tions.
“ To defcribe by this circular motion a firaight line
and an ellipfis. For a ftraight line, equal radii, the ve¬
locity as 1 to 2, the motion in a contrary dire ft ion; the
fame data will give a variety of ellipfes, only the radii
muff be unequal; the ellipfes may be defcribed in any
direftion.” See fig. 4. Fig. 4^
Pen, or Penfiock. See Penstock.
Sea-PEN. See Pennatula, Helminthology In¬
dex.
PENANCE, a punilhment, either voluntary or im-
pofed by authority, for the faults a perfon has commit¬
ted. Penance is one of the feven facraments of the
Romilh church. Befides faffing, alms, abftinence, and
the like, which are the general conditions of penance,
there are others of a more particular kind; as the re¬
peating a certain number of ave-marys, pater-nofters,
and
pen r i
Penates, and credos, wearing a hair-fhirt, and giving one's felt a
Pencil, certain number of ftripes. In Italy and Spain it is ufu-
al to fee Cliriftians almolf naked, loaded with chains and
a crofs, and lathing thcmfelves at every flep.
PENATES, in Roman antiquity, a kind of tutelar
deities, either of countries or particular houfes j in which
laft fenfe they differed in nothing from the lares. See
Lares.
The penates were properly the tutelar gods of the
Trojans, and were only adopted by the Romans, who
gave them the title of penates.
PENCIL, an inftrument ufed by painters for laying
on their colours. Pencils are of various kinds, and
made of various materials; the largeft forts are made of
boars briftles, the thick ends of which are bound to a
Rick, bigger or lefs according to the ufes they are de-
figned for *, thefe, when large, are called brujhes. The
finer forts of pencils are made of camels, badgers, and
fquirrels hair, and of the dowui of fwans; thefe are tied
at the upper end with a piece of flrong thread, and en-
clofed in the barrel of a quill.
All good pencils, on being drawn between the lips,
come to a fine point.
Pencil, is alfo an inftrument ufed in drawing, writ¬
ing, &c. made of long pieces of black lead or red
chalk, placed in a groove cut in a flip of cedar; on
which other pieces of cedar being glued, the whole is
planed round, and one of the ends being cut to a point,
it is fit for ufe.
Black lead in fine powder, ftirred into melted ful-
phur, unites with it fo uniformly, and in fuch quantity,
in virtue perhaps of its abounding with fulphur, that
though the compound remains fluid enough to be pour¬
ed into moulds, it looks nearly like the coarfer forts of
black lead itfelf. Probably the way which Prince Ru¬
pert is faid to have had, mentioned in the third volume
of Dr Birch’s Hiftory of the Royal Society, of making
black lead run like a metal in a mould, fo as to ferve for
black lead again, confifted in mixing with it fulphur or
fulphureous bodies.
On this principle the German black lead pencils are
faid to be made ; and many of thofe which are hawked
about by certain perfons among us are prepared in the
lame manner: their melting or foftening, when held to
a candle, or applied to a red hot iron, and yielding a
bluiih flame, with a llrong fmell like that of burning
brimftone, betrays their compofition •, for black lead it-
felt yields no fmell or fume, and fuffers no apparent al¬
teration in that heat. Pencils made with fuch additions
are of a very bad kind •, they are hard, brittle, and do
not call or make a mark freely either on paper or wood,
rather cutting or fcratching them than leaving a colour¬
ed ftroke.
The true Englifh pencils (vdiich Vogel in his mine¬
ral fyftem, and fome other foreign writers, imagine to
be prepared alio by melting the black lead with fome
additional fubftances, and calling it into a mould) are
formed of black lead alone fawed into flips, which are
fitted into a groove made in a piece of wood, and ano¬
ther flip of wmod glued over them : the fofteft wrood, as
cedar, is made choice of, that the pencil may be the ca¬
ller cut \ and a part at one end, too Ihort to be conve¬
niently ufed after the reft has been wTorn and cut away,
is left unfilled with the black lead, that there may be
no wafte of fo valuable a commodity. Thefe pencils
2
o ] PEN
are greatly preferable to the others, though feldom fo Pendant
perfect as could be wifhed, being accompanied with II
fome degree of the fame inconveniences, and being ve- Pen'1l:lutn-
ry unequal in their quality, on account of different v ’
finiA or tue mineral being fraudulcntlv joined together
in one pencil, the fore part being commonly pretty good,
and tiie reft of an inferior kind. Some, to avoid thele
imperfeaions, take the finer pieces of black lead itfelf,
vhicn they ian into flips, and fix for ufe in portcrayons:
this is doubtlefs the fureft way of obtaining black’ lead
crayons, whofe goodnefs can be depended on.
PENDANT, an ornament hanging at the ear, fre¬
quently compofed of diamonds, pearls, and other
jeivels.
f j-Nn ANTS, in Is era!dry , parts hanging down from
the label, to the number of three, four, five, or fix at
moft, refembling the drops in the Doric freeze. When
they are more than three, they muft be fpecified in bla¬
zoning.
PENDANTS of a Ship, are thofe ftreamers, or long
colours, which are fplit and divided into two parts, end¬
ing m points, and hung at the head of mafts, or at the
yard-arm ends.
PENDENE-Vow, in Cornwall, in England, on the
north coaft, by Morvath. There is here an unfathom¬
able cave under the earth, into which the fea flows at
high water. The cliffs between this and St Ives ftiinc
as if they had ftore of copper, of which indeed there is
abundance wuthin land.
PENDENNIS, in Cornwall, at the mouth of Fal¬
mouth haven, is a peninfula of a mile and a half in
compafs. On this Henry VIII. erefted a caftle, oppo-
fite to that of St Maw's, which he likewife built. It
was fortified by Queen Elizabeth, and ferved then for
the governor’s houfe. It is one of the largeft caftles in
Britain, and is built on a high rock. It is ftronger bv
land than St Maw’s, being regularly fortified, and ha
ving good outworks.
PENDULOUS, a term applied to anything that
bends or hangs dovvnwrards.
PENDULUM, a vibrating body fufpended from a
fixed point. For the hiftory of this invention, fee the
article Clock.
The theory of the pendulum depends on that of the
inclined plane. Hence, in order to underftand the na¬
ture of the pendulum, it will be neceffary to premiie
fome of the properties of this plane referring, how¬
ever to Inclined PLANE, and to the article Mechanics,
for the demonftration.
I. Let AC (fig. I.) be an inclined plane, AB its Plate
perpendicular height, and D any heavy body: then CCCCVIII.
the force which impels the body D to defeend along FlS- I*
the inclined plane AC, is to the abfolute force of gra¬
vity as the height of the plane AB is to its.length AC;
and the motion of the body will be uniformly accelerat¬
ed.
II. R he velocity acquired in any given time by a
body, defeending on an inclined plane AC, is to the
velocity acquired in the fame time by a body fallino-
freely and perpendicularly, as the height of the plane
AB to its length AC. The final velocities will be
the lame; the Ipaces deferibed will be in the fame
ratio ; and the times of defeription are as the fpaces
deferibed.
III. II a body defeend along Averal contiguous
planes,
PEN [ii
PenJalum, planes, AB, BC, CD, (fig. 2.) the final velocity, name-
  ^—' ly, that at the point D, will be equal to the final velo¬
city in defcending through the perpendicular AE, the
perpendicular heights being equal. Hence, if thefe
planes be fuppofed indefinitely ihort and numerous, they
may be conceived to form a curve , and therefore the
final velocity acquired by a body in defcending through
any curve AF, will be equal to the final velocity ac¬
quired in defcending through the planes AB, BC, CD,
or to that in defcending through AE, the perpendicular
heights being equal.
IV. If from the upper or lower extremity of the
vertical diameter of a circle a cord be drawn, the time
of defcent along this cord will be equal to the time of
defcent through the vertical diameter •, and therefore
the times of defcent through all cords in the fame circle,
drawn from the extremity of the vertical diameter, will
be equal. >
V. The times of defcent of two bodies through two
planes equally elevated will be in the fubduplicale
ratio of the lengths of the planes. If, inftead of one
plane, each be compofed of feveral contiguous planes
fimiiarly placed, the times of defcent along thefe planes
Vxill be in the fame ratio. Hence, alfo, the times of
defcribing fimilar arches of circles fimiiarly placed will
be in the fubduplicate ratio of the lengths of the arches.
VI. The fame things hold good with regard to bodies
projedled upward, whether they afcend upon inclined
planes or along the arches of circles.
The point or axis of fufpenfion of a pendulum is that
point about which it performs its vibrations, or from
which it'is fufpended.
The centre of ofcillation is a point in which, if all
the matter in a pendulum were colledled, any force
applied at this centre would generate the fame angular
velocity in a given time as the fame force when applied
at the centre of gravity.
The length of a pendulum is equal to the diftance
between the axis of fufpenfion and centre of ofcilla-
ticn.
Fig. 3. Let PN (fig-3.) reprefent a pendulum fufpended
from the point P ; if the lower part N of the pendu¬
lum be raifed to A, and let fall, it will by its own gra¬
vity delcend through the circular arch AN, and will
have acquired the fame velocity at the point N that a
body wrould acquire in falling perpendicularly from C
to F, and will endeavour to go off with that 1 velocity
in'the tangent ND j but being prevented by the rod
or cord, wall move through the arch NB to B, where,
lofing all its velocity, it will by its gravity defcend
through the arch BN, and, having acquired the fame
velocity as before, will afcend to A. In this manner
it will continue its motion forward and backward along
the arch ANB, which is called an ofcillatoni or vibra¬
tory motion ; and each frying is called a vibration.
Prop. I. If a pendulum vibrates in very fmall circu¬
lar arches, the times of vibration may be confidered as
equal, whatever be the proportion of the arches.
Fig. 4. Let PN (fig. 4.) be a pendulum \ the time of de¬
fcribing the arch AB wall be equal to the time of de¬
fcribing CD •, thefe arches being fuppofed very fmall.
Join AN, CN ; then fince the times of defcent along
all cords in the fame circles, drawn from one extremity
of the vertical diameter, are equal; therefore the cords
AN, CN, and confequently their doubles, will be defaib-
i ] PEN
ed in the fame time } but the arches AN, CN being Pc
fuppofed very fmall, will therefore be nearly equal to
their cords: hence the times of vibrations in thele arches
will be nearly equal.
Prop. If. Pendulums which are of the fame length
vibrate in the fame time, whatever be the proportion of
their weights.
This follows from the property of gravity, which is
always proportional to the quantity of matter, or to
its inertia. When the vibrations of pendulums are com¬
pared, it is always underllood that the pendulums de-
feribe either fimilar finite arcs, or arcs of evanefeent mag¬
nitude, unlefs the contrary is mentioned.
Prop. III. If a pendulum vibrates in the fmall arc
of a circle, the time of one vibration is to the time of
a body’s falling perpendicularly through half the length
of the pendulum, as the circumference of a circle is to its
diameter.
Let PE (fig. 5.) be the pendulum which deferibes
the arch ANC in the time of one vibration •, let PN
be perpendicular to the horizon, and draw the cords
AC, AN •, take the arc E infinitely fmall, and draw
EFG, efg perpendicular to PN, or parallel to AC j
deferibe the femicircle BGN, and draw e r, g s perpen¬
dicular to EG : now let t— time of defcending through
the diameter 2PN, or through the cord AN : Then
the velocities gained by falling through 2PN, and by
the pendulum’s defcending through the arch AE, will
be as y/2PN and a,/bF ; and the fpace deferibed in
the time t, after the fall through 2PN, is 4PN. But
the times are as the fpaces divided by the velocities.
Therefore
4PN
v'zPN
- or 2\/ 2 PIN : t
defcribing E e :
txEe
2^/2PNxBF
triangles PEE, Eer, and KGF, G ^ r,
EF
As PE=PN : EF :: E e : er^^xEe ;
r r EG
a, . g.'=:Vi7x
And KG = KD : EG
But e r — G s ;
r PN x FG
Hence E e —
. f ’EF _ FG
therefore p^-xEerr^
X G^.
xGg.
KD x EF
And by fubftituting this value of E e in the former
equation, we have the time of defcribing E e rz:
t X PN x bG X G^ . But by the nature of the
f\
2KD X EE X VBF X 2 PN
circle FG~ VBF x FN, and EF—V PN-f- PF-f FN-
Hence, by fubftitution, we obtain the time of defcribing
^ / X PN x ^BFx FN x Gff __
2 KD x VPN-j-PF x FN x v^BFx 2PN
/■X v/PN x G^
/X ^2PN x G^
2KD x v' PN -f-PF X ^ 2
^X ^2PN  ^ ^
2BNx \/2PN—nf x s'
4KD x VPN-fPF
But NF, in its mean
quantity for all the arches G g, is nearly equal to NK j
for if the femicircle deferibed on the diameter BN,
which correfoonds to the whole arjh AN, be divided
into
Fig-
time’ of
" VEE
But in the fimilar
PEN [ i
Pendulum, into an indefinite number of equal arclies, G g, &c. the
' fum of all the lines NF, will be equal to as many times
NK, as there are arches in the femicircle equal to^G^ }
tyiV 2PN
therefore the time of defcnbmg Ee=r——  ; ———
2BNXv/2PN-NK
X G g. Whence the time of defcribing the arch AED
= / ^ X ^ BGN •, and the time of de-
2BN x ^2PN—NK
{bribing the whole arch ADC, or the time of one vi-
t X ^2PN -nr-vr n t
bration, is =     X 2BGN. But
2BNx ^2PN—NK
when the arch ANC is very fmall, NK vanilhes, and
then the time of vibration in a very fmall arc is
Fig- 6.
/X
-s/sPN
X 2BGN=ri/x
2BGN
"BN *
Now if t
2BNx\/ 2PN
be the time of defcent through 2PN ; then fince the
fpaces defcribed are as the fquares of the times, 4 ^ will
be the time of defcent throught 4-PN : therefore the
diameter BN is to the circumference 2BGN, as the
time of falling through half the length of the pendulum
is to the time of one vibration.
Prop. 1V. The length of a pendulum vibrating fe-
conds is to twice the fpace through which a body falls
in one fecond, as the fquare of the diameter of a circle
is to the fquare of its circumference.
Let d— diameter of a circle —\,c — circumference
= 3.14159, &x. t to the time of one vibration, and f> the
length of the correfponding pendulum 5 then by the
laft propofition c:d::l":- = time of falling through
half the length of the pendulum. Let j1 = fpace de¬
fcribed by a body falling perpendicularly m the firft
fecond : then fince the fpaces defcribed are in the fub-
duplicate ratio of the times of defcription, therefore
V'T:
c
It has
been
Hence c* : d* :: 2s : p.
found by experiment, that in latitude
514° a body falls about 16.11 feet in the firft fecond :
hence the length of a pendulum vibrating feconds in
that latitude is = : 3 ' - = 3 feet 3.174 inches.
Prop. V. The times of the vibrations of two pen¬
dulums in fimilar arcs of circles are in a fubduplicate
ratio of the lengths of the pendulums.
Let PN, PO (fig. 6.) be two pendulums vibrating in
the fimilar arcs AB, CD; the time of a vibration
of the pendulum PN is to the time of a vibration
of the pendulum PO in a fubduplicate ratio of PN
to PO.
Since the arcs AN, CO are fimilar and Similarly
placed, the time of defcent through AN will be to
the time of defcent through CO in the fubduplicate
ratio of AN to CO : but the times of defcent through
the arcs AN and CO are equal to half the times of
vibration of the pendulums PN, PO refpeftively.
Hence the time of vibration of the pendulum PN in
the arc AB is to the time of vibration of the pen¬
dulum PO in the fimilar arc CD in the fubduplicate
ratio of AN to CO : and fince the radii PN, PO are
proportional to the fimilar arcs AN, Co, therefore
the time of vibration of the pendulum PN will be to
4
12] PEN
the time of vibration of the pendulum PO in a fubdu- Pdalulum.
plicate ratio of PN to PO. ’ v " ■ J
If the length of a pendulum vibrating feconds be
39.174 inches, then the length of a pendulum vibra¬
ting half feconds will be 9.793 inches. For 1" : : :
•^39.174 : Vhr ; and 1 : ^ : 39.174 : -v. Hence
39.174
* = ~ 9-793-
4
Prop. VI. The lengths of pendulums vibrating ia
the fame time, in different places, will be as the forces
of gravity.
For the velocity generated in any given time is dire61-
ly as the force of gravity, and inverlely as the quantity
of matter. Now the matter being fuppofed the fame
in both pendulums, the velocity is as the force of gra¬
vity ; and the fpace paffed through in a given time will
be as the velocity ; that is, as the gravity.
Cor. Since the lengths of pendulums vibrating in the
fame time in fmall arcs are as the gravitating forces, and
as gravity increafes with the latitude on account of the
fpheroidal figure of the earth and its rotation about its
axis; hence the length of a pendulum vibrating in a
given time will be variable with the latitude, and the
fame pendulum will vibrate flower the nearer it is car¬
ried to the equator.
Prop. VII. The time of vibrations of pendulums
of the fame length, acted upon by different forces of
gravity, are reciprocally as the fquare roots of the
forces.
For when the matter is given, the velocity is as the
force and time ; and the fpace defcribed by any given
force is as the force and fquare of the time. Hence the
lengths of pendulums are as the forces and the fquares
of the times of falling through them. But thefe times
are in a given ratio to the times of vibration; whence
the lengths of pendulums are as the forces and the
fquares of the times of vibration. Therefore, when the
lengths are given, the forces will be reciprocally as the
fquare of the times, and the times of vibration recipro¬
cally as the fquare roots of the forces.
Cor. Let p — length of pendulum, g — force of
gravity, and t = time of vibration. Then fince p =r
g x /*. Hence g~ p X -7 j and t — »JpY.-.
. %.
That is, the forces in different places are direftly as
the lengths of the pendulums, and inverfely as the
fcjuare roots of the times of vibration ; and the times
of vibration are direftly as the fquare roots of the
lengths of the pendulums, and inverfely as the fquare
roots of the gravitating forces.
Prop. VIII. A pendulum which vibrates in the
arch of a cycloid defcribes the greateft and leaft vibra¬
tions in the fame time.
This property is demonftrated only on a fuppofition
that the whole mafs of the pendulum is concentrated in
a point : but this cannot take place in any really vibra¬
ting body; and when the pendulum is of finite magni¬
tude, there is no point given in pofrtion which deter¬
mines the length of the pendulum ; on the contrary the
centre of ofcillation will not occupy the fame place in
the given body, when defcribing different parts of the
trail it moves through, but will continually be moved in
refpecl of the pendulum itfelf during its vibration. It
may, however, be obferved, that Huyghens, aware that
a
PE.N [113] PEN
P. iidrJum a pendulum ball fufpended at the end of a thread vibra-
-v'-— ting between cycloids, would not deicribe a cycloid
with its center of ofciliation, gave a very beautiful and
fimple method of fufpenfion, which fecured its vibrations
in that curve. Harrifon, whole authority is next, infills
on the advantage of wide vibrations, and in his own
clocks, he always ufed cycloidal checks. This circum-
itance has prevented any general determination of the
time of vibration in a cycloidal arc, except in the ima¬
ginary cafe referred to.
There are many other obltacles which concur in ren¬
dering the application of this curve to the vibration of
pendulums deligned for the meafures of time the fource
of errors far greater than thofe which by its peculiar
property it is intended to obviate ; and it is now wholly
dilufed in praftice.
Although the times of vibration of a pendulum in
different arches be nearly equal, yet from what has been
faid, it will appear, that if the ratio of the leaft of thefe
arches to the greatelt be confiderable, the vibrations will
be formed in different times ; and the difference, though
fmall, will become fenfible in the courfe of one or more
days. In clocks ufed for agronomical purpofes, it will
therefore be neceffary to obferve the arc of vibration 5
which if different from that defcribed by the pendulum
when the clock keeps time, there a corre&ion muff be
applied to the time Ihown by the clock. This correc¬
tion, expreffed in feconds of time, will be equal to the
half of three times the difference of the fquare of the
given arc, and of that of the arc defcribed by the pen¬
dulum when the clock keeps time, thefe arcs being ex¬
preffed in degrees; and fo much will the clock gain
or lofe according as the firft of thefe arches is lefs or
O
greater than the fecond.
Thus, if a clock keep time when the pendulum vi¬
brates in the arch of 30, it will lofe 104.' feconds daily
in an arch of 4 degrees.
For 41—3* X 1= 7 X £—ior feconds.
The length of a pendulum rod increafes with heat ;
and the quantity of expanfion anfwering to any given
degree of heat is experimentally found by means of a
pyrometer -f- ; but the degree of heat at any given time
is ihown by a thermometer: hence that inftrument
ihould be placed within the clock cafe at a height near¬
ly equal to that of the middle of the pendulum 5 and
its height, for this purpofe, ihould be examined at leaft
once a day. Now by a table conftrutfted to exhibit
the daily quantity of acceleration or retardation of the
clock anfwering to every probable height of the ther¬
mometer, the correfponding corredlion may be obtain¬
ed. It is alfo neceffary to obierve, that the mean
height of the thermometer during the interval ought
to be ufed. In Six’s thermometer this height may
be eanly obtained •, but in thermometers of the common
conftrudlion it wall be more difficult to find this mean.
It had been found, by repeated experiments, thata brafs
rod equal in length to a fecond pendulum will expand
or contrail ToW Par! °f inch by a change of tem¬
perature of one degree in Fahrenheit’s thermometer 5
and fince the times of vibration are in a fubduplicate
ratio of the lengths of the pendulum, hence an expan-
fion or contraction of ToWo Part: °f an inch will anfwer
nearly to one fecond daily : therefore a change of one
degree in the thermometer will occafion a difference in
the rate of the clock equal to one fecond daily.
Vol. XVI. Part I.
f See Py¬
rometer,
Chemi¬
stry In¬
dex.
Whence, if the clock be fo adjufted as to keep time Pendulum,
when the thermometer is at 550, it will lofe xo feconds 'r* *
daily when the thermometer is at 65°, and gain as much
when it is at 450.
Hence the daily variation of the rate of the clock
from fumrner to winter will be very confiderable. It
is true indeed that moft pendulums have a nut or re¬
gulator at the lower end, by which the bob may be rai¬
led or lowered a determinate quantity j and therefore,
while the height of the thermometer is the fame, the
rate of the clock will be uniform. But fince the ftate
of the w eather is ever variable, and as it is impoffible to
be raifing or lowering the bob of the pendulum at every
change of the thermometer, therefore the correclion
formerly mentioned is to be applied. This correclion,
however, is in fome meafure liable to a fmall degree of
uncertainty ; and in order to avoid it altogether, feveral
contrivances have been propofed by conitru61ing a pen¬
dulum of different materials, and 1b difpofing them that
their effedls may be in oppofite directions, and thereby
counterbalance each other j and by this means the pen¬
dulum wall continue of the fame length.
Mercurial PENDULUM. The firft of thefe inven¬
tions is that by the celebrated Mr George Graham. In Mercurial
this, the rod of the pendulum is a hollow tube, into which Pendulum.
a fufficient quantity of mercury is introduced. Mr Graham
firft ufed a glafs tube, and the clock to wffiich it wras
applied w*as placed in the moft expofed part of the
houfe. It was kept conftantly going, without having
the hands or pendulum altered, from the 9th of June
1722 to the 14th of OClober 1725, and its rate wras de- Philof.
termined by tranfits of fixed ftars. Another clock Tranf.
made with extraordinary care, having a pendulum about
6o pounds weight, and not vibrating above one degree"'0'
and a half from the perpendicular, was placed befide
the former, in order the more readily to compare them
with each other, and that they might both be equally
expofed. The refult of all the obfervations was this, that
the irregularity of the clock with the quickfilvei pendu¬
lum exceeded not, when greateft, a fixth part of that of
the other clock with the common pendulum, but for the
greateft part of the year not above an eighth or ninth part •,
and even this quantity wmuld have been leffened, had the
column of mercury been a little Ihorter: for it differed a
little the contrary wTay from the other clock, going fafter
with heat and flower wfith cold. To confirm this expe¬
riment more, about the beginning of July 1723 Mr
Graham took off the heavy pendulum from the other
clock, and made another with mercury, but with this
difference, that inftead of a glals tube he ufed a brafs
one, and varniflied the infide to fecure it from being in-
jtired by the mercury. This pendulum he ufed after¬
wards, a!;d found it about the fame degree of exaClnefs
as the other.
The Gridiron PENDULUM is an ingenious contri- Gridiron
vance for the fame purpofe. Inftead 01 one rod, this Pendulum.
pendulum is compofed of any convenient number of
rods, as five, feven, or nine } being fo connedled, that
the effedl of one fet of them counteracts that of the
other let ; and therefore, being properly adjufted to
each other, the centres of fufpenficn and ofcillaticn
will always be equidiftant. Fig. 7. reprefents a gridiron Fig. 7,
pendulum compofed of nine rods, fteel and brafs al¬
ternately. The tw-o outer rods AB, CD, which are
of fteel, are faftened to the crofs pieces AC, BD by
P means
P E N
T it
Pendulum means of pins. The next two rods, P F, GFI, are of
v“—*v—brafs, and are faftened to the lower bar BD, and to the
fecond upper bar EG. The two following rods are of
jfteel, and are faflened to the crofs bars EG and IK.
Tipi two rods adjacent to the central rod being of
brafs, are faftened to the crofs pieces IK and LM *,
and the central rod, to which the ball of the pendu¬
lum is attached, is lufpended from the crofs piece LM,
and paffes freely through a perforation in each of the
crofs bars IK, BD. From this difpofition of the rods,
it is evident that, by the expanlion of the extreme
rods, the crofs piece BD, and •the two rods attached
to it, will defeendbut fince thefe rods are expanded
by the fame heat, the crofs piece EG will confequent-
iy be railed, and therefore alio the two next rods j but
becauie thefe rods are alfo expanded, the crofs bar IK
will defeend } and by the expanlion of the two next
rods, the piece LM will be raifed a quantity Sufficient
to counteract tire expanuen of the central rod. Whence
it is obvious, that the euedt of the fleel rods is to in-
•crcafe the length of the pendulum in hot weather, and
to diminilh it in cold weather, and that the brafs reds
have a contrary effedl upon the pendulum. \ he effeft
of the brafs rods mult, however, be equivalent not only
to that of the ft^el rods, but alfo to the part above the
frame and fpring, which connefts it with the cock, and
to that part between the lower part of the frame and
the centre of the ball.
M Th'.out. Another excellent contrivance for the fame purpofe
is deferibed in a French author on clock-making. It
was ufed in the north of England by an ingenious ar-
tift about 40 years ago. This invention is as follows :
A bar of the fame metal with the rod of the pendu¬
lum, and of the fame dimenlions, is placed againft the
back part of the clock cafe : from the top of this a part
projefts, to which the upper part of the pendulum is
connected by turn fine pliable chains or lilken firings,
which juft below pafs between two plates of brafs,
whofe lower edges will always terminate the length of
the pendulum at the upper end. Thefe plates are fup-
ported on a pedeftal fixed to the back of the cafe.
The bar refts upon an immoveable bale at the lower
-part of l;he cafe ; and is inferred into a groove, by
which means it is always retained in the fame pofition.
From this conftruction, it is evident that the extenfion
or contraflion of this bar, and of the rod of the pen¬
dulum, will be equal, and in contrary direftions. For
fuppofe the rod of the pendulum to be expanded any
given quantity by heat \ then, as the lower end of the
bar refts upon a fixed point, the bar will be expanded
upwards, and raife the upper end of the pendulum juft
as much as its length was increafedj and hence its length
below the plates will be the fame as before.
■ Of this pendulum, fomewhat improved by Mr Crof-
thwaite watch and clock maker, Dublin, we have the
following defeription in the Tranfaftions of the Royal
Jig 8, Irifti Academy, —“ A and B (fig. 8.) are two
rods of fteel forged out of the fame bar, at the fame
time, of the fame temper, and in every refpeft fimilar.
On the top of B is formed a gibbet C} this rod is
firmly fupported by a fteel bracket D, fixed on a large
piece of marble E, firmly fet into the wall F, and hav¬
ing liberty to move freely upwards between crofs fta-
ples of brafs, 1, 2, 3, 4, which touch only in a point
An front and rear (the ftaples having been carefully
4 ] PEN
formed for that purpofe) } to the oilier rod is firmly Pendulum,
fixed by its centie the lens G, of 24 pounds weight, ~v——
although it Ihould in ftridlnefs be a little below it.
This pendulum is fufpended by a fhort fteel fpring on
the gibbet at C ; all which is entirely independent of
the clock. To the back of the clock plate I are firm¬
ly ferewed two cheeks nearly cycloidal at K, exadlly in
a line with the centre of the verge L. The maintain¬
ing power is applied by a cylindrical fteel ftud, in the
ufual way of regulators, at M. Now, it is very evi¬
dent, that any expanfion or contraction that takes
place in either of thefe exaftly fimilar rods, is inftantly
counteracled by the other 5 whereas in all compenfatkn
pendulums compofed of different materials, however
juft calculation may feem to be, that can never be the
cafe, as not only different metals, but alio different bars
of the fame metal, that are not manufactured at the
fame time, and exactly in the fame manner, are found
by a gooff pyrometer to differ materially in their degrees
of expanfion and contraction, a very fmall change affect¬
ing one and not the other.”
The expanfion or contraction of ftraight grained fir Tir Vendu~
wood lengthwife, by change of temperature, is lo frnall,iu,!u
that it is found to make very good pendulum rods.
The wood called fapadillo is faid to be (till better.
There is good reafon to believe, that the previous ba¬
king, vamifhing, gilding, or foaking of thefe woods in
any melted matter, only tends- to impair the property
that renders them valuable. They fnould be fimply
rubbed on the outfide with wax and a cloth. In pen¬
dulums of this conftruftion the error is greatly dimi-
niftied, but not taken away.
Angular PENDULUM, is formed of two pieces of legs Angular
like a fecflor, and is fufpended by the angular point, l^ndulum.
This pendulum was invented with a view to diminifti the
length of the common pendulum, but at the fame time
to preferve or even increafe the time of vibration. In
this pendulum, the time of vibration depends on the
length of the legs, and on the angle contained between
them conjointly, the duration of the time of vibration
increafing with the angle. Hence a pendulum of this
conftrufftion may be made lo ofcillate in any given
time. At the lower extremity of each leg of the pen¬
dulum is a ball or bob as ufual. It may be eafily
fhown, that in this kind of a pendulum, the fqua:es
of the times of vibration are as the fecants of half the
angle contained by the legs : hence if a pendulum of
this conftruffion vibrates half feconds when its legs
are clofe, it will vibrate whole feconds when the
legs are opened, fo as to contain an angle equal to
1510 2~'.
'The Conical or Circular PENDULUM, is fo called
from the figure deferibed by the firing or ball of the
pendulum. This pendulum was invented by Mr Huy¬
gens, and is alfo claimed by Dr Hooke.
In order to underftand the principles of this pendu¬
lum, it will be neceffary to premife the following lem¬
ma, viz. the times of all the circular revolutions of a
heavy globular body, revolving within an inverted hol¬
low paraboloid, will be equal, whatever be the radii of
the circle, deferibed by that body.
In order therefore, to conftrucfl the pendulum fo
that its ball may always deferibe its revolutions in a pa¬
raboloid furface, it will be neceffary that the rod of
the pendulum be flexible, and that it be fufpended in
fuck,
'a:, ■
p i-; x i) r i, r M .
purir- cccr vm ,
PEN [ir
Pendulum, fucli a manner as to form the evoiute of the given pa-
u-"v   rabola. Hence, let KH (fig. 9.) be an axis perpendi-
Flg' cular to the horizon, having a pinion at K moved by
the lad wheel in the train of the clock j and a harden¬
ed fteel point at H moving in an agate pivot, to render
the motion as free as poflible. Now, let it be required
that the pendulum {hall perform each revolution in a
fecond, then the paraboloid furface it moves in muft
be fuch whofe latus reSlum is double the length of the
common half fecond pendulum. Let O be the focus
of the parabola MEC, and MC the intus return ; and
make AEizrMOrr^MCzzthe length of a common
half fecond pendulum. At the point A of the verge,
let a thin plate AB be fixed at one end, and at the
other end B let it be fattened to a bar or arm BD per¬
pendicular to DH, and to which it is fixed at the point
D. The figure of the plate AB is that of the evoiute
of the given parabola MEC.
The equation of this evoiute, being alfo that of the
femicubical parabola, xs—Let -^/>=P;then
P.v1^3, and in the focus P=2y. In this cafe lx1—
7p~^P* : hence a^rr-g-P1, and .r=P />-yZ-g-—the
dittance of the focus from the vertex A.—By affirming
the value of .v, the ordinates of the curve may be found j
and hence it may be eafily drawn.
The firing of the pendulum muft be of fuch a length
that when one end is fixed at B, it may lie. over the
plate AB, and then hang perpendicular from it, fo that
the centre of the bob may be at E when at reft. Now,
the verge KH being put into motion, the ball of the
pendulum will begin to gyrate, and thereby conceive a
centrifugal force which will carry it out from the axis
to fome point F, where it will circulate feccnds or half
feconds, according as the line AE is 9.8 inches, or 2^
inches, and AB anfwerable to it.
One advantage poffeffed by a clock having a pendu¬
lum of this conftrudlion is, that the fecond hand moves
in a regular and uniform manner, without being fubjeft
to thofe jerks or ftarts as in common clocks ; and the
pendulum is entirely filent.
Theory has pointed out feveral other pendulums,
known by the name of Elliptic, Horizontal, Rotulary,
&c. pendulums. Thefe, however, have not as yet attain¬
ed that degree of perfeftion as to fupplant the common
pendulum.
Obferving that both the gridiron aad mercurial pen¬
dulums are fubjeft to many inconveniences and errors,
Mr Kater has attempted to conftnnft one poffefling fuch
properties in refpecft of cheapnefs and accuracy as he
thinks might juftly give it the preference to any other.
As wood poffeffes a lefs degree of expanfibility by
means of heat than any other fubftance •, on this ac¬
count, if it could be rendered quite impervious to
moifture, it would be the beft of all fubftances for the
rod of a pendulum *, and as it alfo appears that zinc,
above all other metals, poffeffes the greateft degree of
expanfibility by means of heat, he confidered it the beft
fubftance which could be employed for a compenfation.
His next objeft was to inftitute a fet of delicate experi¬
ments, in order to afcertain the precife degree of the
expanfibility of wood by the application of heat, and he
difcovered by the ufe of a pyrometer, that a rod of very
Pemel.
5 ] PEN
dry, well feafoned white wood, four feet long, three- Pendulum
fourths of an inch broad, and one-fourth of an inch
thick, wdien expofed in an oven to the temperature of
23 50, had contrailed. Being again put into the oven,
where it was permitted to remain for a long time, till it
became a little dii’coloured, with a viewr to diflipate the
whole of the moifture, it was placed in the pyrometer,
and allowed to remain till it reached the temperature of
the room, or 490, wdien it was found to have contract¬
ed 0.0205 of an inch with 1860 of Fahrenheit, from
which we obtain by proportion 0.0049 of an inch for
the expanfion of one foot with x 8o° uifterence of tem¬
perature. Thus,
0.0205 X 180 o.oi98_
186 4
0.0049.
But for a general defcription of this pendulum, and
a full account of the manner in which it is conftrucded^
we muft refer our readers to the inventor’s own paper,
Nichol. Jour. vol. xx. p. 214.
Befides the ufe of the pendulum in meafuring time,
it has alfo been fuggefted as a proper ftandard for mea-
fures of length. See Measure.
PENEA, a genus of plants belonging to the tetran-
dria clafs, and in the natural method ranking with thofe
of wdaich the order is doubtful. See Botany Index.
PENELOPE, in Fabulous Hijfory, the daughter of
Icarus, married Ulyffes, by wrhcm ftie had lelemachus.
During the abfence of Ulyffes, who w-as gone to the fiege
of Troy, and wdio ftaid 20 years from his dominions, fe-
veral princes charmed with Penelope’s beauty, told her
that Ulyffes was dead, offered to marry her, and preffed
her to declare in their favour. She promifed compliance
on condition they would give her time to finifti a piece
of tapeltry fhe was weaving 5 but at the fame time ftie
undid in the night what fine had done in the day, and
by this artifice eluded their importunity till Ulyffes’s re¬
turn.
Penelope, a genus of birds of the order of gallirue.
See Ornithology Index.
PENESTICA, (Antonine), a town of the Helvetii,
fituated between the Lacus Laufonius and Salodurum j
called Petenifca by Peutinger. Thought now to be
Biel, (Cluverius) 5 the capital of a fmall territory in
Swifferland.
PENEUS, (Strabo) ; a river running through the
middle of Theffaly, from weft to eaft, into the Sinus
Thermaicus, between Olympus and Offa, near Tempe
of Theffaly, rifing in Mount Pindus, (Ovid, Val. Ilac-
cus).
PENETRATE, a facred room or chapel in private
houfes, which was fet apart for the worlhip of the houfe-
hold gods among the ancient Romans. In temples alfo
there were penetralia, or apartments of diftinguifhed
fan&ity, wdiere the images of the gods were kept, and
certain folemn ceremonies performed.
PENGUIN, or Pinguin. See Penguin, Orni¬
thology Index.
PENICILLUS, among furgeons, is ufed for a tent
to be put into wounds or ulcers.
PENIEL, or Penuel, a city beyond Jordan, near
the ford or brook Jabbok. This w^as the occafion of
its name. Jacob, upon his return from Mefopotamia,
(Gen. xxxii. 24, &c.) made a ftop at the brook Jabbok:
and very early the next morning, after he had fent all
P 2 the
P E N [i
Peninnah the people before, he remained alone, and behold an
p .11 angel came, and wreftled with him till the day began
- ' ^ to appear. Then the angel faid to Jacob, Let me go,
for the morning begins to appear. Jacob anfwered, I
{hall not let you go from me till you have given me your
blefting. The angel blelTed him then in the lame place,
which Jacob tlaence called Peniel, faying, I have feen
God face to face, yet continue alive.
In following ages the Ifraelites built a city in this
place, which was given to the tribe of Gad. Gideon,
returning from the purfuit of the Midianites, overthrew
the tow^er of Peniel, (Judges viii. 17), and put ail the
inhabit ants of the city to death, for having refufed fuften-
ance to him and his people, and having anfwered him in
a very infulting manner. Jeroboam the fon of Nebat re¬
built the city of Peniel, (1 King xii. 25.). Jofephus fays,
that this prince there built himfelf a palace.
PENINNAH, the fecond wife of Eikanah, the fa¬
ther of Samuel. Peninnah had feveral children, (1 Sam.
i. 2, 3, &c.), but Plannah, who afterwards was mother
of Samuel, was for a great while barren : Peninnah, in-
flead of giving the glory to God, the author of fruitful-
nefs, rvas elevated with pride, and infulted her rival
Hannah. But the Lord having vilited Hannah, Penin¬
nah was thereupon humbled: and fome interpreters think,
that God took away her children from her, or at leait
that (lie had no more after this time, according to the
words of the long of Plannah, (1 Sam. ii. 5.), “ The
barren hath born feven, and die that hath many children
is waxed feeble.”
PENINSULA, in Geography, a portion or extent
of land joining to the continent by a narrow neck or
ifthmus, the red being encompaffed with water.
PENIS, in Anatomy. See Anatomy Index.
PENITENCE, is fometimes ufed for a date of re¬
pentance, and fometimes for the a£l of repenting. See
Repentance. It is alfo ufed for a difeipline, or punilh-
ment attending repentance ; more ufually called penance.
It alfo gives title to feveral religious orders, confiding
either of converted debauchees, and reformed proditutes,
or of perfons who devote themfelves to the office of re¬
claiming them. Of this latter kind is the
Order of PENITENCE of St Magdalen, edabliflied
about the year 1272 by one Bernard, a citizen of Mar-
feilles, who devoted himfelf to the work of converting
the courtezans of that city. Bernard was feconded by
feveral others ; who, forming a kind of fociety, were at
length erefted into a religious order by Pope Nicholas
III. under the rule of St Augudine. F. Gefnay fays,
that they alfo made a religious order of the penitents, or
women they converted, giving them the fame rules and
obfervances which they themlelves kept.
Congregation of PENITENCE of St Magdalen at Paris,
owed its rife to the preaching of F. Tifferan, a Francif-
can, who converted a vad number of courtezans about
the year 1492. Louis duke of Orleans gave them his
houfe for a monadery •, or rather, as appears by their
conditutions, Charles VIII. gave them the hotel called
Bochaigne, whence they were removed to St George’s
chapel, in 1572. By virtue of a brief of Pope Alex¬
ander, Simon bifhop of Paris, in 1497, drew up for them
a body of datutes, and gave them the rule of St Augu¬
dine. It was necedary, before a woman could be ad¬
mitted, that die had firit committed the fin of the flefli.
None w7ere admitted who were above 35 years of age.
6 ] PEN
Till the beginning of the lad century, none but peni- Penitents
tents were admitted} but fince its reformation by Mary ||
Alveqnin, in 1616, none have been admitted but maids, P£mten-
wdio, however, dill retain the ancient name penitents. , tiary'
PENITENTS, an appellation given to certain fra¬
ternities of penitents didinguidied by the different drape
and colour of their habits. Thefe are fecular {bcieties,
who have their rules, datutes, and churches, and make
public proceffions under their particular erodes or banners.
Of thefe there are more than a hundred, the mod con-
fiderable of which are as follow^ : the white penitents, of
which there are fisveral different forts at Rome, the mod
ancient of which was condituted in 1264 } the brethren
of this fraternity every year give portions to a certain
number of young girls, in order to their being married :
their habit is a kind of white fackloth, and on the
dioulder is a circle, in the middle of which is a red and
xvhite crofs. Black penitents, the mod confiderable of
which are the brethren of mercy, inidtuted in 1488 by
fume Florentines, in order to adid criminals during their
imprifonment, and at the time of their death : on the
day of execution, they walk in proceffion before them,
finging the feven penitential pfalms and the litanies j and
after they are dead, they take them down from the gib¬
bet and bury them 5 their habit is black fackcloth.
There are others whofe bufinefs it is to bury fuch per¬
fons as are found dead in the dreets : thefe wear a
death’s head on one fide of their habit. There are al-
fo blue, gray, red, green, and violet penitents; all of
whom are remarkable tor little elfe befides the different
colours of their habits.
Mabillon tells us, that at Turin there are a fet of pe¬
nitents kept in pay to walk through the dreets in pro¬
ceffion, and cut their {boulders with whips, &c.
PENITENTS, or Converts of the Name ofjefus, a con¬
gregation of religious at Seville in Spain, confiding of
wromen w ho had led a licentious life, founded in 1 1550.
This monadery is divided into three quarters : one for
profeffed religious ; another for novices*, a third for tfeofe
w7ho are under correction. When thefe lad give figns
of a real repentance, they are removed into the quarter
of the novices, where, if they do not behave themfelves.
well, they are remanded to their correftion. They ob-
ferve the rule of St Augudine.
PENITENTS of Orvieto, are an order of nuns, indi-
tuted by Antony Simoncelli, a gentleman of Orvieto in
Italy. The monadery he built was at fird defigned for
the reception of poor girls, abandoned by their parents,
and in danger of lofing their virtue. In 1662 it was
ereCIed into a monadery, for the reception of fuch as,
having abandoned themfelves to impurity, were willing
to take up, and confecrate themfelves to God by fo-
lemn vowrs. Their rule is that of the Carmelites.
Thefe religious have this in peculiar, that they un¬
dergo no noviciate. All required is, that they con¬
tinue a few* months in the monadery in a fecular ha¬
bit *, after which they are admitted to the vows.
PENITENTIAL, an ecclefiadical book, retained
among the Romanids 5 in which is preferibed what re¬
lates to the impofition of penance and the reconcilia¬
tion of penitents. See Penance.
There are various penitentials, as the Roman peni¬
tential, that of the venerable Bede, that of Pope Gre¬
gory III. &c.
PENITENTIARY, in the ancient Chridian church,
ii
PEN' [ i
Peniten- a name given to certain prefbyters or priefts, appointed
tiary in every church to receive the private confetnons of the
j i! people," in order to facilitate public difcipline, by ac-
P'”n' , quainting them what fms were to be expiated by public
penance, and to appoint private penance for fuch private
crimes as were not proper to be publicly cenfufed.
Penitentiary, at the court of Rome, is an office in
which are examined and delivered out the fecret bulls,
graces, or difpenfations relating to cafes of confcience,
eonfeffions, &c.
Penitentiary, is alfo an officer, in fome cathedrals,
veiled with power from the bilhop to abfolve, in cafes
referved to him. The pope has at prefent his grand
penitentiary, who is a cardinal, and the chief ot the
other penitentiary priefts eftablifhed in the church of
Rome, who confult him in all difficult cafes. He pre-
fides in the penitentiary, difpatches difpenfations, abfo-
lutions, &c. and has under him a regent and 24 proc¬
tors, or advocates of the facred penitentiary.
PENMAN-Mawr, a mountain in Caernarvonftiire,
1400 feet high. It hangs perpendicularly over the fea,
at fo vail a height, that few fpeclators are able to look
down the dreadful fteep. On the fide which is next the
fea, there is a road cut out of the fide of the rock, about
fix or feven feet wide, which winds up a fteep afcent,
and ufed to be defended on one fide only by a {light
wall, m fome parts about a yard high, and in others by
only a bank, that fcarce rofe a foot above the road.
The fea was feen daftiing its waves 40 fathoms below,
with the mountain rifing as much above the traveller’s
head. This dangerous road was a few years ago fecured
by a wall breaft-high, to the building of which the city
of Dublin largely contributed, it being in the high road
to Holyhead.
PENN, William, an eminent writer among the
Quakers, and the planter and legiilator of Penfylvania,
was the fon of Sir William Penn, and was born at Lon¬
don in 164.4* IR 1660, he was entered a gentleman
of Chrift-Church, in Oxford ; but having before receiv¬
ed an impreffion from the preaching of one Thomas
Loe a Quaker, withdrew with fome other {Indents from
the national worffiip, and held private meetings, where
they preached and prayed amongft themfelves. This
giving great offence to the heads of the college, Mr
Penn, though llfet 16 years of age, was fined for non¬
conformity ; and continuing his religious exercifes, was
at length expelled his college. Upon his return home,
he was, on the fame account, treated with great feverity
by his father, who at laft turned him out of doors ; but
his refentment afterwards abating, he fent him to France
in company with fome perfons of quality j where he con¬
tinued a confiderable time, and returned not only well
fkiiled in the French language, but a polite and ac-
.compliffied gentleman. About the year 1666, his fa¬
ther committed to his care a confiderable eftate in Ire¬
land. Being found in one of the Quakers meetings in
Cork, he, with many others, was thrown into prifon ;
but on his writing to the earl of Orrery, was foon dif-
charged. However, his father being informed he ftill
adhered to his opinions, fent for him to England and
finding him inflexible to all his arguments, turned' him
out of doors a fecond time. About the year 1668, he
became a public preacher among the Quakers •, and that
year was committed clofe prifoner to the Tower, where
he wrote feveral treatifes. Being difcharged after feven
17 ] PEN
months imprifonment, he went to Ireland, where he alfo
preached amongft the Quakers. Returning to England, '
he was in 1670 committed to Newgate, for preaching
in Gracechurch-ftreet meeting-houfe, London ; but be¬
ing tried at the feffions-houfe of the Old Bailey , he was
acquitted. In September the fame year, his father died j
and being perfeftly reconciled to him, left him both his
paternal bleffing and a good eftate. But his perfecu-
tions were not yet at an end ; for in 1671 he was com¬
muted to Newgale for preaching at a meeting in Wheel¬
er ftreet, London 5 and during his imprifonment, which
continued fix months, he alio wrote feveral treatifes.
After his difeharge, he went into Holland and Ger¬
many ; and in the beginning of the year 1672, married
and fettled with his family at Rickmanfworth in Hert ■
fordfture. The fame year he publiffied feveral pieces *,
and particularly one againft Reeve and Muggleton. In
1677, he again travelled into Holland and Germany in
order to propagate his opinions •, and had frequent con-
verfations with the princels Elizabeih, daughter to the
queen of Bohemia, and filter to the princefs Sophia, mo¬
ther to King Geo. I. In 1681, King Charles II. in
confideration of the fervices of Mr Penn’s father, and
feveral debts due to him from the crown at the time ot
his deceafe, granted Mr Penn and his heirs the province
lying on the weft fide of the river Delaware in North
America, which from thence obtained the name of Peti-
fyhania. Upon this Mr Penn publilhed a brief account
of that province, with the king’s patent } and propofing
an eafy purchafe of lands, and good terms of fettlexnent
for fuch as were inclined to remove thither, many went
over. Thefe having made and improved their planta¬
tions to good advantage, the governor, in order to le-
cure the planters from the native Indians, appointed
commiffioners to purchafe the land he had received
from the king of the native Indians* and concluded a
peace with them. The city of Philadelphia was plan¬
ned and built j and he himfelf drew up the fundamental
conftitutions of Penfylvania in 24 articles. In '681,
he was defied a member of the Royal Society ; and the
next year he embarked for Penfylvania, where he conti¬
nued about two years, and returned to England in Au-
guft 1684. Upon the acceffion of King James to the
throne, he was taken into a great degree of favour with
his majefty, which expofed him to the imputation of
being a Papift *, but from which he fully vindicated
himfelf. However, upon the Revolution, he was ex¬
amined before the council in 1688, and obliged to give
fecurity for his appearance on the firft day of next term,
which was afterwards continued. He was feveral times
difcharged and examined : and at length warrants being-
ififted out againft him, he was obliged to conceal him¬
felf for two or three years. Being at laft permitted t»
appear before the king and council, he reprefented his
innocence fo effefinally that he was acquitted. In Au-
guft 1699, he, with his wife and family, embarked for.
Penfylvania; whence he returned in 1701, in order to
vindicate his proprietary right, which had been attack¬
ed during his abfence. Upon Queen Anne’s acceffion
to the crown, he was‘in great favour with her, and was
often at court. But, in 1707, he was involved in a law-
fuit with the executors of a perfon who had been for¬
merly his fteward ; and, though many thought him ag¬
grieved, the court of chancery did not think proper to
relieve him ; upon which account he was obliged to live
within
\
PEN [ x i
Penn, within the rules of the Fleet for feverai months, till the
Pennant, matter in difpute was accommodated. He died in 1718.
v At one period of his life, Penn lodged in a houie in
Norfolk-ftreet in the Strand. In the entrance to it he
had a peeping-hole, through which he cculd fee any
perfon that came to him. A creditor one day fent in his
name, and having been made to wait more than a rea-
fonable time, he knocked for the fervant, whom he alk-
ed, “ Will not thy mafter fee me ?” “ Friend (anfwer-
ed the fervant) he has feen thee, but he does not like
thee.”
Mr Penn’s friendly and pacific manner of treating
the Indians produced in them an extraordinary love for
him and his people } fo that they have maintained a per-
feft amity with the Englifli in Penfylvania ever fince.
Pie was the greateil bulwark of the Quakers j in whole
defence he wrote numberlefs pieces. Relides the above
works, he wrote a great number of others j the molt
clleemed of xvhich are, 1. His Primitive Chriftianity re¬
vived. 2. His defence of a paper, intitled Gofpcl 1 rut/is,
againjl the ilxceptlons of the Bi/hop of Cork. 3 • His Per-
fuafive to Moderation. 4. His Good Advice to the
Church of England, Roman Catholic, and Proteidant
Diffenter. 5. The Sandy Foundation lhaken. 6. No
Crofs, no Crown. 7. The great Cafe of Liberty of
Confidence debated. 8. The Chriftian Quaker and his
Teflimony Hated and vindicated. 9. A Difcourfe of the
general Rule of Faith and Pra&ice, and Judge of Con-
troverfy. 10. England’s Prefent Intereft confidered.
ji. An Addrefs to Proteftants. 12. His RefiedHoris
and Maxims. 13. His Advice to his Children. 14. His
Rife and Progrefs of the People called Quakers. 15. A
Treatife on Oaths. Molt of thefe have pafied ftveral
editions, fome of them many. The letters between \V il-
liam Penn and J)r Tillotfon, and William Penn and
William Popple, Efq. together with Penn’s letters to
the princefs Elizabeth of the Rhine, and the countefs of
Hornes, as alfo cne to his wife on his going to Penfyl¬
vania, are inferted in his works, which were firft col¬
lected and publlihed in 2 vols. folio •, and the parts fince
felefted and abridged into 1 vol. folio, are very much
and defervedly admired for the good fenfe they contain.
PENNANT, Thomas, Efq. a celebrated naturalift,
was born in Flintlhire, about the year 1726. His
family had their refidence in that country for feverai
hundred years; and he informs us himfelf, that he ac¬
quired the rudiments of his education at Wrexham,
from whence he was fent to P'ulham. Not long after
this he went to the univerfity of Oxford, where his pro¬
grefs in claflical knowledge was very confiderable j after
which he turned his attention to the ftudy of jurifpru-
dence 5 but it is no where faid that he ever followed the
law as a profeffion.
We are informed that his tade for natural hiftory, for
his knowledge of which he afterwards became fo conlpi-
cuous, was firft excited by the perufal of Willoughby’s
Ornithology, a copy of which had been fent him in a
prefent. He began his travels at home, which was cer¬
tainly the moft proper ftep, to acquire a knowledge of
the manners, curiofities, and productions of his native
country, before he attempted to delineate thofe of any
other nation. He then vifited the continent, where he
acquired additional knowledge refpedting his moft fa¬
vourite ftudies, and became acquainted with fome of the
ipoft celebrated literary characters which that period
3
8 ] PEN
produced. When he returned home he married and had Pennant,
two children; but he was 37 years of age before he gain- —v—
ed poffeflion of the family eftate, after which he took up
his refidence at Downing.
On the death of his wife he fet out again for the con¬
tinent, where he became acquainted with Voltaire, Buf-
fon, Pallas, and other eminent characters. Being an
author as early as the year 1750 (then only 24 years of
age), he had acquired a confiderable degree of reputa¬
tion in that capacity, by the time he became acquainted
with the forementioned philofophers. His reputation as
a naturalift was eftablilhed by his Britilh Zoology in
four vols. qto, and ftill farther increafed by his epiftolary
correfpondence with lo' great a man as Linnaeus. He
undertook a tour to Cornwall at an early period of life,
and alfo felt an irrefiftible propenlity to ftirvey the works
of nature in the northern parts of the kingdom. For
this purpofe he fet out for Scotland in 1771, and pub-
lifhed an amufing account of his tour in three vols. qto.
which was dellined to receive fuch a lhare of public fa¬
vour as to pafs through feverai editions. His Welch
tour was publiftied in 1778, and his journey from Che-
fter to London in 1782, in one volume 4to. About
1784 came out his ArCfic Zoology, a work xvhich xvas
very much efteemed, both in his oxvn, and in many
other countries. He alfo gave the world a natural hi¬
ftory of the parifttes of Holywell and Downing, within
the latter of which he had refided for more than 50
years. Not long before his death appeared his View of
Hindoftan, in two \rols. 410, to undertake which it feems
he had folicitations from private friends, as well as the
wifhes of perfons entirely unknown to him, which were
expreffed in the public prints. This was unqueftionably
a very bold attempt in a man who was turned of 70, a
period at xvhich the faculties of the mind muit certainly
be impaired, efpecially when exerted xvith vigour for
fuch a number of years before. Notwithftanding his
great age, however, the xvork is executed in an able
manner, bearing a ftrong refemblance to the introduc-
tioii of his Arftic Zoology.
He alfo publiftied a letter on the earthquake which
xvas felt at Doxvning in Flintftiire, in the year 1753 ?
another which was inferted in the Philofophical Tranf-
aefions in 1756 ; his Synopfis of Quadrupeds in 1771 ;
a pamphlet on the militia j a paper on the turkey, and
a mifcellanecus volume.
Almoft every fpecies of literary honour was conferred
upon him \ for he was complimented xvith the degree
of L L. D. by the univerfity in which he was educated;
he xvas alfo fellow of the Royal Society, and a member
of the Society of Antiquaries ; a fellow of the Royal
Society of Upfal in Sxveden ^ a member of the American
Philofophical Society 5 an honorary member of the Anglo-
Linnoean Society, &c. &c.
He was enabled to exhibit the greateft hofpitality at
his table, in confequence of the ample fortune xvhich was
left him at his father’s deceafe, and he gax^e the profits
arifing from the fale of feverai publications to charitable
endoxvments. By his generous patronage a number of
engravers met xvith great encouragement, and he contri¬
buted not a little to the promotion of the fine arts. ,
About the age of 50 he married for the fecond time, a
Mifs Moftyn, fifter of his neighbour, the late Sir Roger
Moftyn of Flintftiire. The concluding part of his life
was cheerful, and it may be affirmed that he fcarcely
/
PEN [n
Pennant felt the advances of old age. He died at his feat at
I' Downing in 1798, and in the 72d year of his age.
Penny. jje inherited from nature a fhong and vigorous con-
v ftitution , his countenance was open and intelligent;
his difpolitipn adtive and cheerful j and his vivacity,
both in writing and converfation, made him perpetually
entertaining. His heart was kind and benevolent, and
in the relations of demeftic life his conduit was highly
worthy of imitation. The dutreffes in which his poor
neighbours were at any time involved gave him urn
feigned unea'mefs, and he endeavoured to relieve them
by every means in his power, hie was poffeifed of can¬
dour, and free from common prejudices, a truth fully
evinced in all ids publications. The people of Scotland
were proud to confefs, that he wras the firft Englifh tra¬
veller who had fairly ryprefented their country in its fa¬
vourable, as well as in its lefs pleating appearances. His
flyle is lively, and fitted to convey the ideas which lie
intended to exprefs, but it is not always correct, in
zoology his arrangement is judicious, and his defenp-
tions characleriitic. If we difeover feveral traces of va¬
nity in thofe works which he publifhed near the clofe of
life, it ought to be remembered that it is the vanity of
an old man, which is feldom difagreeable ; and it ts alfo
the vanity of one who in the meridian of life gave the
world fuch fruits of his labours as will be jufliy admired
in all fucceeding ages, while a tafle for polite and valu¬
able literature is cherifhed among men.
PENNATULA, or Sea-pen, a genus of animals
belonging to the order zoophyta. See Helminthology
Index.
PENNI, Giovanni Francisco, born at Florence
in 1488, was the difciple of Raphael, who obferving his
genius and integrity, intruded his domeftic concerns
entirely to his management *, by which means he got the
appellation of il fatore, or the “ fteward,” which he
retained ever after. The genius of Penni was univer-
fal ; but his greatefl pleafure was in painting landfcapes
and buildings: he was an excellent defigner, and co¬
loured extremely well in oil, diitemper, and frefco.
He painted portraits in an exquifite dyle ; and had fuch
happy natural talents, that Raphael left him heir to his
fortune in partnerfhip with Julio Romano his fellow-
difciple. After Raphael’s death, Penni painted many
pictures at Rome, particularly in the palace of Chigi,
fo exactly in the dyle of his mader, that they might
not undefervedly have been imputed to him : he finilh-
ed, in conjunction with Julio and Pierino del Vaga, the
celebrated defigns of the battles of Condantine, and
others, which Raphael had left imperfect •, but differ¬
ing with them about a copy of the transfiguration,
which the pope intended for the king of France, they'
feparated. Penni went to Naples 5 but the air of that
country difagreeing with his conditution, he died boon
after in 1528. He had a brother called Lucca Pennt\
who worked at Genoa and other parts of Italy in con¬
junction with Pierino del Vaga, who married his lider;
he went thence to England, where he worked for
Henry VIII. and for feveral merchants ; was employ¬
ed by Francis I. at Fontainbleau; but at lad quitted
the pencil, and devoted himfelf to engraving.
PENNY, or Peny, in commerce, an ancient Englifh
coin, which had formerly confiderable currency ; but is
now generally dwindled into an imaginary money, or
9 ] PEN
money of account. Camden derives the word from the
Latinpccunia, “ money.”
The Ancient Englilh penny, penig, or pening, was „
the firlt diver coin druck in England } nay, and the
only one current among our Saxon ancedors : as is
agreed by Camden, Speiman, Dr Hicks, &c.
The penny was equal in weight to our three-pence j
five of them made one {hilling, or fcilling Saxon; 30
a mark or mancufe, equal to 71. 6d.
Till the time of King Edw. I. the penny was druck
with a crofs, fo deeply indented in it, that it might be
eafily broke, and parted, on occafion, into two parts,
thence called haf-pennies; or into four, thence called
fourUiings or farthings.—But that prince coined it with¬
out indenture, in lieu of wiiich, he fird druck round
halfpence and farthings.
He alfo reduced the weight of the penny to a dand-
ard ; ordering that it fhouid weigh 3 2 grains of wheat,
taken out of the middle of the ear.—This penny w'as
called the penny fading.—Twenty of thefe pence were
to weigh an ounce 5 whence the penny became a
weight as well as a coin. See STERLING and PENNI-
Weight.
The penny derling wTas long difufed as a coin } and
was fcarce known, but as a money of account, contain¬
ing the twelfth part of a {billing 5 but. of late years it
has been introduced into the Bntiih current coin.
Penny, in ancient datutes, &c. is ufed for all diver
money. And hence the ward-penny, aver-penny, hund¬
red-penny, tithing-penny, and brothai-penny.
PENNT-Weight, a Troy weight, containing twenty-
four grains} each grain weighing a grain of wheat ga¬
thered out of the middle of the ear, wHl dried. The
name took its rife hence, that this was anciently the
wreight of one of our ancient diver pennies. See
Penny.
Twenty of thefe penny-weights make an ounce
Troy.
PENRITH, an ancient town of the county of Cum¬
berland in England, feated under a hill called Penrith-
Fell, near the rivers Eamont and Lowther. It is a
great thoroughfare lor travellers j but has little other
trade, except tanning, and a fmall manufacture of
checks. Formerly it had a cadle, but it is now in ruins.
In the churchyard is a monument of great antiquity,
confiding of two done pillars 11 feet 6 inches high, and
5 in circumference in the lower part, which is rounded \
the upper is fquare, and tapers to a point j in the fquare
part is feme fretwork, and the relievo of a crofs \ and
on the interior fide of one is the faint reprefentation of
fome animal. But thefe Hones are mortifed at their
lower part into a round one : they are about 15 feet
afunder, and the fpace between them is inclofed on each
fide with two very large but thin femicircular dones ; fo
that there is left between pillar and pillar a walk of two
feet in breadth. Two of thefe leffer dones are plain, the
others have certain figures, at prefent fcarcely intelligi¬
ble. Not far from thefe pillars is another called the
gianPs thumb, five feet eight inches high, with an ex¬
panded head, perforated on both fides; from the middle
the done rifes,again into a leffer head, rounded at top ;
but no part has a tendency to the figure of a crofs, being
in no part mutilated. The pillars are faid to have been
fet up in memory of Sir Owen Caefarius, a famous war-
penny
II
Penrith.
PEN [ 120 ] PE N
iinitli, rior buried here, who killed fo many wild bears, which
much infefled this county, that the figures of bears, cut
out in ftone, on each fide of his grave, were fet there in
remembrance of the execution he made among thole
beafts; and it is likewife faid his body extended from
one pillar to the other. In the market-place there is a
town-houfe of wood, beautified with bears climbing up
a ragged ftaff. There is a memorandum on the north
fide of the veftry without, that, in 1598, 2266 perfons
died here of the plague. There is a charity fchool in
this place for 26 boys, and another for 30 girls, main¬
tained by 55I. a-year, by the facrament-money and pa-
rilh-ftock. In 1715 the Scotch Highlanders entered
this town, and quartered in it for a night, in their way
to Prefton, without doing much harm ; but in the lalt
rebellion, in 1745, they were, it is faid, very rapacious
and cruel. Its handfome fpacious church has been late¬
ly rebuilt, and the roof fupported by pillars, whofe
(hafts are of one entire reddifh (lone, dug out of a neigh¬
bouring quarry. On the call part of the parifh, upon
the north bank of the river Eamont, there are two caves
or grottoes, dug out of the folid rock, and fufficient to
contain 100 men. The palfage to them is very narrow
and dangerous; and it is poflible that its perilous accefs
may have given it the name of Tfis Par/is ; though the
vulgar tell (Irange (lories of one Ills, a giant, wrho lived
there in former times, and, like Cacus of old, ufed to
feize men and cattle, and draw them into his den to de¬
vour them. But it is highly probable, that thefe fub-
terraneous chambers wTere made for a fecure retreat in
time of fudden danger 5 and the iron gates, which were
taken av^ay not long ago, feem to confirm that fuppofi-
tion. W. Long. 3. 16. N. Lat. 54. 35.
PENROSE, Thomas, wras the fon of the reverend
Mr Penrofe, reel or of Newbury, Berks, a man of high
character and abilities, defeended from an ancient Cor-
ni(h family, beloved and refpected by all wrho knew
him. Mr Penrofe, jun. being intended for the church,
purfued his (Indies wnth fuccefs, at Chrift-church, Oxon,
until the fummer of 1762, when his eager turn to the
naval and military line overpowering his attachment to
his real Intereft, he left his college, and embarked in the
unfortunate expedition againft Nova Colonia, in South
America, under the command of Captain Macnamara.
The iffue was fatal. The Clive (the larged vefl'el) w5as
burnt; and though the Ambufcade efcaped (on board of
v.’hich Mr Penrofe, adling as lieutenant of marines, w as
wounded),.yet the hardfliips which he afterwards fudain-
ed in a prize (loop, in which he was (lationed, utterly
ruined his conditution. Returning to England with
ample tedimonials of his gallantry and good behaviour,
he finidied, at Hertford College, Oxon, his courfe of
fiudies •, and having taken orders, accepted the curacy
of Newbury, the income of which, by the voluntary
fubfeription of the inhabitants, wTas confiderably aug¬
mented. After he had continued in that datlon about
nine years, it feemed as if the clouds of difappointment,
which had hitherto overfhadow^ed his profpefts, and
tinftured his poetical eflays with gloom, were clearing
aw'ay ; for he was then prefented by a friend, who knew
his worth and honoured his abilities, to a living worth
near 500I. per annum. It came, however, too late •, for
the date of Mr Penrofe’s health was now fuch as left lit¬
tle hope, except in the affidance of the waters of Brif-
tok Thither he wont; and there he died in 1779, aged
2
36 years. In 1768 he married Mifs Mary Siocock of
Newbury, by whom he had one child, Thomas, who
was educated at Winton College.
Mr Penrofe was refpecled for his extenfive erudition,
admired for his eloquence, and equally beloved and
edeemed for his focial qualiiies. By the poor, towards
whom he was liberal to his ulmod ability, he was vene¬
rated to the highed degree. In oratory and compofition
his talents wore great. His pencil was ready as his pen,
and on fubjedls of humour had uncommon merit. To
his poetical abilities the public, by their reception of
his Flights of Fancy, Sec. have given a favourable tedi-
Penrofe
II
Penfacola.
mony.
PENRYN, a town of Cornwall, in England, feated
on a hill at the entrance of Falmouth-haven by Penden-
nis cattle. It confids of about 300 houfesq and the
dreets are broad and well paved. There are fo many
gardens and orchards in it, that it refembles very much
a town in a wood. It is well watered with rivulets, and
has an arm of the fea on each fide of it, with a good
cudomhoufe and quay, and other neat buildings. It
drives a confiderable trade in pilchards, and in the New¬
foundland fifhery. It was anciently governed by a port¬
reeve •, but James I. made it a corporation, confiding of
a mayor, 11 aldermen, 12 Common-council-men, with a
recorder, dew ard, &c. an office of record every three
w’eeks, with a prifon, and power to try felons in their
jurifdicfion. And he granted, that the mayor and two
aldermen diould be juilices of the peace, and that they
fhould have a guildhall. There was once a monadery
in this place, which wras a cell to Kirton } and there are
dill to be feen a tow7er, and part of the garden walls, the
ruins of a collegiate church. It has neither church nor
chapel, but belongs to the paridr of Gluvias, a quarter
of a mile off. It has fent members to parliament ever
fince the fird year of Queen Mary ; and James II.
granted it a new charter, whereby their election was
veded in the magidracy only; but it was never made
ufe of, all the inhabitants that pay fcot and tot, who are
not much above 100, being the eleddors. Mr Rymer
gives a very remarkable account how7 Penryn was once
faved by a company of drolling players. Fie fays, that
towards the latter end of the 16th century the Spa¬
niards w ere landing to burn the town jud as the players
were fetting Samfon upon the Philidines} which per¬
formance w7as accompanied with fuch drumming and
diouting, that the Spaniards thought feme ambufh was
laid for them, and fcampered back to their (hips.
Queen Elizabeth founded a free-fehool in this place.
W. Long. 5. 3 5. N. Lat. 50. 23.
PENSACOLA, a fettlement in North America, fi-
tuated at the mouth of a river on the gulf of (Mexico.
It wn.r edablid ed by the French, and ceded to Great
Britain in 1763. Its fird difeoverer was Sebadian Ca¬
bot in 1497.
The year 1781, fo eventful to Britain in many re-
fpecls, was alfo remarkable for the redudlion of Penfa¬
cola by the Spaniards under Don Bernardo Galvez.
Great preparations for this expedition had been making
at the Havannah; but it was for fome time retarded by a
dreadful hurricane which attacked the Spanidi fleet, and
by which four diips of the line, befides others of inferior
note, were lod, together with the people on board, to
the amount of more than 2000. By this difader the re¬
mainder were obliged to put back to the Havannah to
repair •,
PEN [ i
repair j but as Toon as the fleet was again judged capa¬
ble of putting to fea, an embarkation was made of near
8000 men, with Don Bernardo at their head, together
with five (hips of the line, who arrived at Penfacola on
the 9th of March 1781. This force was foon augment¬
ed by ten (hips of the line and fix frigates ; while Gene¬
ral Campbell, the Britilh governor, could oppofe fuch a
formidable armament with few more than 1000 men,
confifting of fome regulars and feamen, with the inhabi¬
tants. The entrance of the harbour, which was the
principal objedt of defence, was guarded by two fmall
armed veffels, but they were infufficient to fecond the
batteries that had been eredted for its protedtion ; and
thefe, without the afliflance of fome fhips of force, were
incapable of refifting a vigorous attack. Notwithftand-
ing this prodigious odds, however, the Spaniards met
with the molt determined oppofition. Every inch of
ground was difputed with the greatell refolution. The
harbour was not forced without the greatelt difficulty,
nor could the veffels be taken that defended it; the com¬
panies belonging to them, after fetting them on fire, re¬
tired on ffiore.
The Spaniards, now in pofleffion of the harbour, in-
vefted the place in form, and made their approaches in
a cautious and regular manner 5 while, on the other
hand, the befieged were no lefs adtive and vigilant in
their own defence. Sallies were made occafionally with
great fuccefs, at the fame time that an uninterrupted fire
was kept up in fuch a manner as not only greatly to an¬
noy, but even to ftrike the befiegers with aftonilhment.
This incenfed the Spanilh general the more, as he knew
that the garrifon could expect no relief, and therefore
that all their efforts could only prolong the date of their
furrender. The refiftance was the more mortifying, as
he was perfedtly confcious of the bravery of his troops 5
and he had artillery fit, as his officers expreffed them-
felves, “ to be employed againft Gibraltar.” With all
thefe advantages, however, fo refolute was the defence
of the garrifon, that after the fiege had continued for
two months, very little hope could be entertained of its
fpeedy termination. As they defpaired therefore of
making any effedtual impreffion by means of their can¬
non, they erected a battery of mortars, with which they
bombarded a redoubt that commanded the main avenue
to the place ; and in this they were favoured by an un-
expefted accident. On the 8th of May a ffiell burft
open the door of the powder magazine under the re¬
doubt, by which it was blown up, with the lofs of near
100 men killed and wounded. Fortunately for the gar¬
rifon, however, two flank-works ftill remained entire,
from both which fo heavy a fire was kept tip, that
though an affault was immediately given, the alfailants
Were repulfed with great (laughter. This afforded lei-
fure to the garrifon to carry off the wounded men, with
fome of the artillery, and to fpike up the reft. As the
enemy, however, foon recovered themfelves, and prepa¬
red for a general ftorm, it was thought proper to aban¬
don the flank-works, and retire into the body of the
place. The poffeffion of thefe outworks, however, gave
the enemy fuch advantages, that the place was no long¬
er tenable. Their fituation, on a rifing ground, enabled
them to command the battery oppofite to their chief ap¬
proach with fmall arms, and to Angle out the men at
their guns. A capitulation therefore became abfolutely
neceffary, which was obtained on honourable terras.
Voiu XVI. Part L
21 ] PEN
The town, with the whole province of Weft Florida, Peiifance,
was confirmed to the Spaniards by the treaty of 1783. Penfilvania-
W. Long. 87. 20. N. Lat. 30. 22. v
PENSANCE, a town of Cornwall, in England, at
the bottom of MountfbayT, about ten miles from the
Land’s End. It wras burnt in J595 by the Spaniards,
who, with four galleys, furprifed this part of the coaft,
and fet fire to feveral villages and farms : but it was foon
after rebuilt, made one of the coinage towms, and has
now a confiderable trade. It lies in the parifli of Ma~
dern, noted for its reftorative fpring, very effedtual in
the cure of lamenefs as well as the cholic, &c. It is
■well built and populous, and has many fhips belonging
to it. The ffiore abounds fo with lead, tin, and copper
ore, that the veins thereof appear on the utmoft extent
of land at low-water mark.
PENSILES horti, Hanging Gardens, in antiquity.
See Babylon, N° 5.
PENSILVANIA, late one of the principal Britiffi
colonies in North America, had its name from the fa¬
mous Quaker William Penn, fon of Sir William, com¬
mander of the Engliffi fleet in Oliver Cromw?ell’s time,
and in the beginning of Charles II.’s reign, wffio ob¬
tained a grant of it in the year 1679 ; is bounded on
the eaft by Delaware bay and river, and the Atlantic
ocean 5 on the north by the country of the Iroquois, or
five nations ; and on the fouth and wxft by Maryland.
Its extent from north to fouth is about 200 miles 5 but
its breadth varies greatly, from x 5, and even lefs, to
near 200.
The air in Penfilvania is fweet and clear. The fall,
or autumn, begins about the 20th of Odlober, and lafts
till the beginning of December, wffien the winter fets
in, wffiich continues till March, and is fometimes ex¬
tremely cold and fevere j but the air is then generally
dry and healthy. The river Delaware, though very
broad, is often frozen over. From March to June, that
is, in the fpring, the weather is more inconftant than in
the other feafons. In the months of July, Auguft, and
September, the heats would be almoft intolerable, if
they wrere not mitigated by frequent cool breezes. The
rvind during the fummer is generally fouth-weft : but in
the winter blows for the moft part from the north-wreft,
over the fnowy frozen mountains and lakes of Canada,
which occafions the exceffive cold during that feafon.
On the whole, the climate of this ftate differs not ma¬
terially from that of Connefticut, except that on the weft
fide of the mountains the weather is much more regular.
The inhabitants never feel thofe quick tranfitions from
cold to heat, by a change of the wind from north to
fouth, as thofe fo frequently experience who live eaft-
ward of the mountains and near the fea. The hot fouth-
wardly winds get chilled by paffing over the long chain
of Allegany mountains.
Longevity^, when tolerably afcertained, is doubtlefs
the trueft mark of the healtbinefs of any country ; but
this ftate, wffiich has not been fettled above 100 years,
is not fufficiently old to determine from fafts the ftate of
longevity. Among the people called Quakers, who are
the oldeft fettlers, there are inftances of longevity, oc-
cafioned by their living in the old cultivated counties,
and the temperance impofed on them by their religion.
There are few^er long-lived people among the Germans
than among other nations, occafioned by their excefs of
labour and lov; diet. They live chiefly upon Vegetables
Q and
2
PEN [ 12
• and watery food, that affords too little ncuriftiment to
repair the waffe of their ftrength by hard labour. Near¬
ly one half of the children born in Philadelphia die un¬
der two years of age, and chiefly with a dii’eafe in the
Itomach and bowels. Very few die at this age in the
country.
As to the face of this country, towards the coafl, like
the adjacent colonies, it is flat, but rifes gradually to the
Appalachian mountains on the well. As much as nearly
one third of this ftate may be called mountainous; par¬
ticularly the counties of Bedford, Huntingdon, Cum¬
berland, part of Franklin, Dauphin, and part of Bucks
.-and Northampton, through which pafs, under various
names, the numerous ridges and fpurs, which collective¬
ly form what we choofe to call, for the fake of clear-
aiefs, life great range tf Allegany mountains. There is
a remarkable difference between the country on the call
and weft fide of the range of mountains we have juft
been deferibing. Between thefe mountains and the low¬
er falls of the rivers which run into the Atlantic, not
Only in this, but in all the fouthern fiates, are feveral
ranges of ftones, land, earths, and minerals, which lie
in the utmoft confufion. Beds of ftone, of vaft extent,
particularly of limeftone, have their feveral layers bro¬
ken in pieces, and the fragments thrown confufedly in
every direCKos. Between thefe lower falls and the
ocean is a very extenfive colleftion of fand, clay, mud,
and {hells, partly thrown up by . the waves of the fea,
partly brought down by floods from the upper county,
and partly produced by the decay of vegetable fabftan-
ces. The country weftward of the Allegany mountains,
in thefe refpeCls, is totally different. It is very irregu¬
lar, broken, and variegated, but there are no moun¬
tains } and when viewed from the moft weftern ridge of
the Allegany, it appears to be a vaft extended plain.
All the various ftrata of ftone appear to have lain undi-
fturbed in the fituation wherein they were firft formed.
The layers of clay, fand, and coal, are nearly horizon¬
tal. Scarcely a Angle inftance is to be found to the
contrary. Every appearance, in (hort, tends to confirm
the opinion, that the original cruft, in which the ftone
was formed, has never been broken up on the weft fide
of the mountains, as it evidently has been eaftward of
them.
The chief rivers are three, Delaware, Sufquehanna,
and Skoolkil. The Delaware, rifing in the country of
the Iroquois, takes its courfe fouthward.; and after di¬
viding this province from that of New Jerfey, falls into
the Atlantic ocean between the promontories or capes
May and Henlopen, forming at its mouth a large bay,
called from the river Delaware Bay. This river is na¬
vigable above 200 miles. The Sufquehanna rifes alfo
in the country of the Iroquois, and running fouth
through the middle of the province, falls into the bay
of Chefapeake, being navigable a great way for large
{hips. The Skoolkil has its fource in the fame country
as the other two, and alfo runs fouth, almoft parallel to
them \ till at length, turning to the eaftward, it falls
into the Delaware at the city of Philadelphia. It is na¬
vigable for boats above ico miles. Thefe rivers, with
the numerous creeks and harbours in Delaware bay, ca¬
pable of containing the largeft fleets, are extremely fa¬
vourable to the trade of this province.
As to the foil, produce, and traffic of Penfilvania,
B-e refer the reader to the articles New-Yorjl and the
] PEN
Jerseys., fince what is there faid on thofe heads isPenfdv
equally applicable to this province 5 and if there is any '■“’“"'V
difference, it is on the fide of this province. They have
feme rice here, but in no great quantities 5 and fome
tobacco, but it is not equal to that of Virginia. From
the premiums offered by the fociety of arts in London,
it appears that the {oil and climate of this province are
looked upon as proper for the cultivation of fome fpecies
of vines. The trade carried on from hence and the
other colonies to the French and Dutch iflands and Su¬
rinam, was greatly to the difadvantage of Britain, and
very deftruftive to the fugar-colonies : for they take mo-
laffes, rum, and other fpirits, with a great many Euro¬
pean goods, from thefe foreigners ; carrying them horfes,
provifions, and lumber in return ; without which the
French could not carry op. their fugar-manufadlures to
that advantage they do.
New York, the Jerfeys, and Penfilvania, were difeo-
vered, with the reft of the continent of North America,
in the reign of Henry VII. by Sebaftian Cabot, for the
crown of England ; but Sir Walter Raleigh was the firft.
adventurer that attempted to plant colonies on thefe
{bores, in the reign of Oueen Elizabeth j and, in ho¬
nour of that princefs, gave all the eaftern coaft ol North
America the name of Virginia. Mr Hudfon, an Eng-
lifinman, failing to that part of the coaft which lies be¬
tween Virginia and New England, in the beginning of
the reign of James I. and being about to make a fettle-
ment at the mouth of Hudfon's river, the Dutch gave-
him a fum of money to difpofe of his intereft in this
country to them. In the year 1608 they began to plant
it; and, by virtue of this purchafe, laid claim to all
thofe countries which are now denominated New TTorh^
New Jerfey, and Penflvania ; but there remaining fome
part of this coaft which was not planted by the Holland¬
ers, the Swedes fent a fleet of (hips thither, and took
poffeffion of it for that crown ; but the Dutch having a
fuperior force in the neighbourhood, compelled the
Swedes to fubmit to their dominion, allowing them,
however, to enjoy the plantations they had fettled. The
Englifli not admitting that either the Dutch or Swedes
had any right to countries firft difeovered and planted
by a fubjedl of England, and part of them at that time
poffeffed by the fubjedls of Great Britain, under charier
from Queen Elizabeth and King James I. ; King
Charles II. during the firft Dutch war in 1664, granted
the countries of New York, the Jerfeys, and Penfilva¬
nia, of which the Dutch had ufurped the poffeffion, to
his brother James duke of York ; and Sir Robert Carr
being fent over with a fquadron of men of war and land
forces, and fummoning the Dutch governor of the city
of New Amfterdam, now New York, to furrender, he
thought fit to obey the fummons, and yield that capital
to the Englifti: the reft of the places in the poffeffion
of the Dutch and Swedes followed his example 5 and
thefe countries were confirmed to the Engliffi by the
Dutch at the next treaty of peace between the two na¬
tions. The duke of York afterwards parcelled them
out to under proprietors ; felling, in particular, to Wil¬
liam Penn the elder, in 1683, the town of Newcaftle,
alias Delaware, and a diftrift of 12 miles round the
fame ; to whom, his heirs and affigns, by another deed
of the fame date, he made over all that trad! of land
from 12 miles fouth of Newcaftle to the Whore-hills,
otherwife called Cape Henlopen) now divided into the two
«ounUe-»
PEN Ci
Fenfilvania. counties of Kent and Suffex, which, with Newcaftle di-
v drift, are commonly known by the name of the Three
Lower Counties upon Delaware River. All the reit of
the under-proprietors, fome time after, furrendered their
charters to the crown j whereby New York and the
Jerfeys became royal governments 5 but Penn retained
that part of the country which had been fold to him by
the duke of York, together with what had been grant¬
ed to him before in 1680-1, which now conftitutes the
province of Penfilvania. As foon as Penn had got his
patent, he began to plant the country. Thole who
went over from England were generally Diffenters and
Quakers, whofe religion is eilabliihed by law here, but
with a toleration of all other Proteftant fefts. The
Dutch and Swedes, who were fettled here before Mr
Penn became proprietor, choofing ftill to relide in this
countiy, as they did in New York and the Jerfeys, ob¬
tained the fame privileges as the reft of his majefty’s fab-
jefts ; and their defeendants are now in a manner the
fame people with the Engliih, fpeaking their language,
and being governed by their laws and cuftoms. Mr
Penn, however, not fatisfied with the title granted him
by King Charles II. and his brother, bought the lands
alfo of the Indians for a valuable confideration, or what
they efteemed fuch (though 20 miles were purchafed, at
ftrft, for lefs than an acre about Philadelphia would pay
now), paying them in cloth, tools, and utenfils, to
their entire fatisfaftion 5 for they had not hands to cul¬
tivate the hundredth part of their lands, and if they
could have raifed a produft, there was nobody to buy :
the purchafe, therefore, was all clear gain to them ;
and, by the coming of the Englifh, their paltry trade
became fo profitable, that they foon found their condi¬
tion much altered for the better ; and are now as well
clothed and fed as the European peafantry in many
places.
Penfilvania is one of the moft fiourifhing colonies in
North America, having never had any quarrel with the
natives. Whenever they defire to extend their fettle-
ments, they purchafe new lands of the fachems, never
taking any by force ; but the Indians now fet a very
high price upon their lands, in comparifon of what they
did at firft, and will hardly part with them at any rate.
In an eftimate of the proprietary eftate of the province,
publifiied above 40 years ago, we find, that the pro¬
prietaries, who alone can purchafe lands here from the
natives, had bought feven millions of acres for no more
than 750I. fterling, which the proprietaries afterwards
fold at the rate of 15I. for every 100 acres. The In¬
dian council at Onandago, however, difapproved of their
deputies parting with fo much land ; and, in the year
1755» obliged the proprietaries to reconvey great part
of the fame to the Indians.
A difpute fubfifted a long time between the proprie¬
taries of this province and Lord Baltimore, proprietary
of Maryland, about the right to certain lands 5 which
was at laft amicably adjufted, though greatly in favour
of the Penns.
About the year 1704 there happened fome alteration
in the conftitution of the province. The eftablilhment
tnat took place, and fubfifted till the American war
broke out, confifted of a governor, council, and afiem-
bly, each with much the fame power and privileges as
in the neighbouring colony of New York. The lieute-
tiant-governor and council were appointed by the pro-
53 ] PEN
prietors Thomas and Richard Penn, with his majefty’s Penfilvania.
approbation ; but if the laws enafted here were not re-
pealed within fix months after they had been prefen ted
to the king for his approbation or difallowmice, they
were not repealahle by the crown after that time.
By the prefent conftitution of Penfilvania, which w^as
eftabiilhed in September 1776, all legifiative powers
are lodged in a fingle body of men, which is ftyled, The
general ajfemhly of reprefentatives of the freemen of Ten-
Jihania. The qualification required to render a perfon
eligible to this affembly is, two years refidence in the
city or county for which he is chofen. The qualifica¬
tions of the eleftors are, full age, and one year’s refi¬
dence in the ftate, with payment of public taxes during-
that time. But the fons of freeholders are intitled to
vote for reprefentatives, without any qualification ex¬
cept full age. No man can be elefted as a member of
the alfembly more than four years in feven. The repre¬
fentatives are chofen annually on the fecond Tuefday in
Oftober, and they meet on the fourth Monday of the
fame month. The fupreme executive pow-er is lodged
in a prefident, and a council confifting of a member
from each county. The prefident is elefted annually by
the joint ballot of the affembly and council, and from
the members of council. A vice-prefident is chofen at
the.fame time. The counfellors are chofen by the free¬
men every third year 5 and having ferved three years,
they are ineligible for the four fucceeding years. The
appointments of one-third only of the members expire
every year •, by which rotation no more than one-third
can be new members.
Manufaftures of different kinds are numerous in this
ftate, and rapidly on the increafe. There are 16 fur¬
naces and 37 forges, the latter of which it is fuppofed,
will prepare annually 6290 tons of iron. Here alfo they
make every implement of hufbandry and kitchen uten¬
fils. Penfilvania contains 52 mills for the manufaftur-
ing of paper, the annual produft of which has been va¬
lued at 25,000 dollars About 300,000 hats of wmol
arid fur are annually made ; and the mills for making
gunpowder are 25 in number. Glauber’s falts and fid
ammoniac have alfo begun to be manufaftured of late
to a confiderable extent; and there are w'ater-works
near the falls of Trenton which grind grain, roll and
flit iron, and pound gypfum or plafter of Paris. The
number of militia is eftimated at upwards of 90,000.
For people of almoft every religious perfuafion there are
about 384 places of public worftiip. The expence of
the government of this ftate amounts to about 32,280!.
fterling annually.
With refpeft to population, Morfe informs us, that
in 1787 the inhabitants in Penfilvania were reckoned at
360,000. It is probable they are now more numerous,
perhaps 400,000. If wt fix them at this, the popula¬
tion for every fquare mile will be only nine ; by which
it appears that Penfilvania is only one-fifth as populous
as Connefticut. But Connefticut was fettled nearly
half a century before Penfilvania 5 fo that in order to
do juftice to Penfilvania in the comparifon, we muft an-^
ticipate her probable population 50 years hence. By a
cenfus taken in 179°’ the population amounted to
434,000. Thefe inhabitants confift of emigrants from
England, Ireland, Germany, and Scotland. The Friends
and Epifcopalians are chiefly of Englifli extraftion, and
compofe about one third of the inhabitants. They live
Q 2 principally
PEN [ 124 ] PEN
'Penfi'vania. principally in the city of Philadelphia, and in the counties
of Chefter, Philadelphia, Bucks, and Montgomery.
The Irilh are moftly Prefbyterians. Their anceifors
came from the north of Ireland, which was originally
fettled from Scotland 5 hence they have been fometimes
called Scotch Iriih, to denote their double defeent. But
they are commonly and more properly called Irifh, or
the defeendants of people from the north of Ireland.
They inhabit the weftern and frontier counties, and are
numerous. The Germans compofe one quarter at leaft,
if not a third, of the inhabitants of Penfilvania. They
inhabit the north parts of the city of Philadelphia, and
the counties of Philadelphia, Montgomery, Bucks, Dau¬
phin, Lancafter, York, and Northampton } moilly in
the four lall. They confift of Lutherans (who are the
mod: numerous fed), Calvinifts, Moravians, Menno-
nilts, Tunkers (corruptly called Dunkers), and Swing-
felters, who are a fpecies of Quakers. Thefe are all
diftinguilhed for their temperance, induftry, and eco¬
nomy. The Germans have ufually 15 of 69 members
in the affembly *, and fome of them have arifen to the
'•firft honours in the date, and now fill a number of the
higher offices. Yet the lower clafs are very ignorant
and fuperditious. It is not uncommon to fee them going
to market with a little bag of fait tied to their horfes
manes, for the purpofe, they fay, of keeping off the
witches.
The Baptifts (except the Mennonid and Tunker Bap-
tids, who are Germans) are chiedy the defeendants of
emigrants from Wales, and are not numerous. A pro¬
portionate affemblage of the national prejudices, the
manners, cudoms, religions, and political fentiments of
- all thefe, will form the Penfilvania character. As the
leading traits in this character, thus condituted, we may
venture to mention indudry, frugality bordering in fome
inffances on parfimony, enterprife, a tade and ability
for improvements in mechanics, in manufaftures, in
agriculture, in commerce, and in the liberal fciences j
temperance, plainnefs, and fimplicity in drefs and man¬
ners ; pride and humility in their extremes j inoffenfive-
nefs and intrigue; in regard to religion, variety and
harmony *, liberality, and its oppofites, fuperdition and
bigotry *, and in politics an unhappy jargon. Such ap¬
pear to be the didinguiffiing traits in the collective Pen-
filvanian character.
Of the great variety of religious denominations in
Penfilvania, the Friends or Quakers are the mod nu¬
merous. They were the fird fettlers of Penfilvania in
1682 under William Penn, and have ever fince flou-
ridied in the free enjoyment of their religion. They
neither give titles nor ufe compliments in their conver-
fation or writings, believing that vohatfoever is more
than yea, yea, and nay, nay, cometh of evil. They con-
feientioudy avoid, as unlawful, kneeling, bowing, or un¬
covering the head to any perfon. They difeard all fu-
perfluities in drefs or equipage ^ all games, fports, and
plays, as unbecoming the Chridian. Swear not at all,
is an article of their creed literally obferved in its utmod
extent. They believe it unlawful to fight in any cafe
whatever *, and think that if their enemy fmite them on
the one cheek, they ought to turn to him the other alfo.
They are generally honed, pun dual, and even puncti¬
lious in their dealings •, provident for the neceffities of
their poor; friends to humanity, and of courfe enemies
to davery 5 diicl in their difeipline } careful in the ob-Penfdv
fervance even of the punCHiios in drefs, fpeech, and —v
manners, which their religion enjoins; faithful in the
education of their children j indudrious in their feveral
occupations. In diort, whatever peculiarities and mi-
dakes thofe of other denominations have fuppofed they
have fallen into, in point of religious doCtrines, they
have proved themfelves to be good citizens. Next to
the Quakers, the Prefbyterians are the mod numerous.
There are upwards of 60 miniders of the Lutheran and
Calvinid religion, who are of German extraction, now
in this date ; all of whom have one or more congrega¬
tions under their care 5 and many of them preach in
fplendid and expenfive churches 5 and yet the fird Lu¬
theran minider, who arrived in Penfilvania about 40
years ago, wTas alive in 1787, and probably is dill, as
was alfo the fecond Calvinidical minider. The Lu¬
therans do not differ in any thing effential from the
Epifcopalians, nor do the Calvinids from the Prefbyte¬
rians.
The Moravians are of German extraction. Of this
religion there are about 1300 fouls in Penfilvania, viz.
between 500 and 600 in Bethlehem, 450 in Nazareth,
and upwards of 300 at Litiz in Lancader county. They
call themfelves the United Brethren of the Protejlant
Kpifcopal Church. They are called Moravians, becaufe
the fird fettlers in the Englifh dominions were chiefly
migrants from Moravia. See Hernhutters, and Uni-
Tas Fratrum; and for the Mennonites, fee Mennon-
ITES. They were introduced into America by Count
Zinzendorff, and fettled at Bethlehem, which is their
principal fettlement in America, as early as 1741. For
the Tunkers, fee Tunkers.
There are a great many literary, humane, and other
ufeful focieties in Penfilvania j more, it is faid, than in
any of the United Provinces. There are feveral univer-
fities and colleges at Philadelphia and other places : See
Philadelphia. Lancader, Carlifle, and Pittfburgh,
are the chief toivns after Philadelphia.
Penfilvania is divided into feven counties •, four of
which are called the Upper, and three the Lower. Of
the upper, viz. Buckingham, Philadelphia, Cheder, and
Lancader, the three fird are the lands included in King
Charles II.’s grant, and defigned Penflvania; the low¬
er, viz. thofe of Newcadle, Kent, and Suffex, were
called Li ova Belgia before the duke of York fold them,
as we obferved above, to Mr Penn. The upper counties
end at Marcus Hook, four miles below Cheder town,
where the lower begin, and run along the coad near
100 miles. Each of thefe counties had a flieriff, with
a quarterly and monthly feffion, and aflizes tw-ice a
year.
In the Philofophical Tranfaftions for 1757, there is.
an account of a fpring in Penfilvania, which rifes from
a copper mine, and yields 800 hogdteads in twrenty-four
hours. The water is of a pale green colour, of an acid,
fweet, audere, inky, and naufeous tade. The faline
matter which it holds in folution is probably fulphate of
copper; for a piece of poliffied iron immerfed in it is
foon covered with a crud of metallic copper. It con¬
tains alfo, it is faid, copperas or fulphate of iron.
Among the other curiofities of this province may be
reckoned another fpring, about 14 feet deep, and about
100 fquare in the neighbourhood of Reading. A full
mill
Penfion.
PEN [12
Penfi!vania, mill ftream flows from it. The waters are clear, and
full of fiflies. From appearances it is probable that this
fpring is the opening or outlet of a very confiderable ri¬
ver, which, a mile and a half or two miles above this
place, finks into the earth, and is conveyed to this out¬
let in a fubterranean channel. In the northern parts of
Penfilvania there is a creek, called Oil creek, which
empties into the Alleghany river. It iffues from a
fpring, on the top of which floats an oil fimilar to that
called Barbadoes tar, and from which one man may ga¬
ther feveral gallons in a day. The troops fent to guard
the weltern polls halted at this fpring, collefted fome of
the oil, and bathed their joints with it. This gave them
great relief from the rheumatic complaints with which
they were affedfed. The waters, of which the troops
drank freely, operated as a gentle purge.
There are three remarkable grottoes or caves in this
(late; one near Carlifle in Cumberland county j one in
the townlhip of Durham, in Bucks county *, and the
other at Swetara in Lancafter county. Of the two for¬
mer there are no particular deferiptions. The latter is
on the eaft bank of Swetara river, about two miles above
its confluence with the Sufquehannah. Its entrance is
fpacious, and defeends fo much as that the furface of the
river is rather higher than the bottom of the cave. The
vault of this cave is of a folid limeftone rock, perhaps
20 feet thick. It contains feveral apartments, fome of
them very high and fpacious. The water is inceflantly
percolating through the roof, and falls in drops to the
bottom of the cave. Thefe drops petrify as they fall,
and have gradually formed folid pillars, which appear as
fupports to the roof. Thirty years ago there were ten
fuch pillars, each fix inches in diameter, and fix feet
high ; all fo ranged that the place they enclofed refem-
bled a fandtuary in a Roman church. No royal throne
ever exhibited more grandeur than this lufus naturce.
The refemblances of feveral monuments are found in¬
dented in the walls on the fides of the cave, which appear
like the tombs of departed heroes. Sufpended from the
roof is the hell (which is nothing more than a ftone pro-
jedted in an unufual form), fo called from the found that
it occafions when ftruck, which is fimilar to that of a
bell. Some of the ftaladlites are of a colour like fugar-
candy, and others refemble loaf fugar \ but their beauty
is much defaced by the country people. The water,
which percolates through the roof, fo much of it as is
not petrified in its courfe, runs down the declivity, and
is both pleafant and wholefome to drink. There are fe¬
veral holes in the bottom of the cave, defeending per¬
pendicularly, perhaps into an abyfs below, which ren¬
ders it dangerous to walk without a light. At the end
of the cave is a pretty brook, which, after a fhort
courfe lofes itfelf among the rocks. Beyond this brook
is an outlet from the cave by a very narrow aperture.
Through this the vapours continually pafs outwards with
a ftrong current of air, and afeend, refembling at night
the fmoke of a furnace. Part of thefe vapours and fogs
appear on afeending to be condenfed at the head of this
great alembic, and the more volatile parts to be carried
off, through the aperture communicating with the exte¬
rior air before mentioned,* by the force of the air in
its paffage.
PENSION, a fum of money paid annually for fer-
vices or confiderations already paft. The yearly pay-
5 ] PEN
ment of each member to the houfes of the inns of courts Penfionary
are likewife named penfions ; and the yearly affembly of Peni^ner'j
the fociety of Gray’s Inn, to confult on the affairs of the
houfe, is alfo called a penjion.
PENSIONARY, or Pensioner, a perfon who has
an appointment or yearly fum, payable during life, by
way of acknowledgement, charged on the etlate of a
prince, company, or particular perion.
Grand PENSIONAR T, an appellation formerly given
to the firfl: minifter of the ftates of Holland. The grand
penfionary was chairman in the affemblies of the Hates
of that province j he propofed the matters to be confult-
ed on 5 collefted the votes} formed and pronounced the
refolutions of the ftates 5 opened letters 5 conferred with
foreign minifters, &c. His bufinefs wTas alfo to infpeft
the finances, to maintain the authority of the ftates, and
to fee that the laws were obferved •, and he was perpe¬
tual deputy of the ftates general of the United Provin¬
ces. His commiflion was, however, only given him for
five years •, after which it was deliberated whether or
not it ftiould be renewed ; but there was no inftance of
its being revoked ; therefore death only put an end to
the funftions of this important minifter.
Pensionary was alfo the firft minifter of the regen¬
cy of each city in Holland. His office was to give his
advice in affairs relating to the government, either of
the ftate in general, or of the city in particular 5 and in
affemblies of the ftates of the province, he was fpeaker
in behalf of his city. The funftion, however, of thefe
penfionaries was not everywhere alike 5 in fome cities
they only gave their advice, and were never found in
affemblies of the magiftrates, except when exprefsly
called hither: in others they attended conftantly 5 and
in others they made the propofitions on the part of the-
burgomafters, drew up their conclufions, &c. They
were called penfionaries, becaufe they received an ap¬
pointment or penfion.
PENSIONER, in general, denotes a perfon who re¬
ceives a penfion, yearly falary, or allowance. Hence,
The Band of Gentlemen PENSIONERS, the nobleft
fort offguard to the king’s perfon, confifts of 40 gentle¬
men, who receive a yearly penfion of 1 ool.
This honourable band was firft inftituted by King
Henry VIII. and their office is to attend the king’s
perfon, with their battle-axes, to and* from his chapel
royal, and to receive him in the prefence chamber, or
coming out of his privy lodgings 5 they are alfo to at¬
tend at all great folemnities, as coronations, St George’s
feaft, public audiences of ambaffadors, at the fovereignV
going to parliament, &c.
They are each obliged to keep three double horfes
and a fervant, and fo are properly a troop of horfe.
They wait half at a time quarterly j but on Chriftmas-
day, Eafter-day, Whitfunday, &c. and on extraordinary
occafions, they are all obliged to give their attendance.
They have likewife the honour to carry up the fove-
reign’s dinner on the c*ronation-day and St George’s
feaft ; at which times the king or queen ufually confer
the honour of knighthood on two fuch gentlemen of
the band as their captain prefents.
Their arms are gilt battle-axes; and their weapons,
on horfeback, in time of war, are cuiraffiers arms, with
fword and piftols. Their ftandard in time of war is,,
argent, a crofs gules. Their captain is always a nobte-
marsjf,
I
pen r i
PeatKiner man, xvlio Kas under Lim a lieutenant, a Han lard-bear-
pJta er, a clerk of the check, fecretary, paymafter, and har-
gra^h' binHer-
— Pensioner, in the univerfity of Cambridge and in
that of Dublin, has a very peculiar meaning ; for thole
ftudents, either under-graduates or bachelors of arts, are
called penjioners who live wholly at their own expence,
and who receive no emolument whatever from the col¬
lege of which they are members. They are divided into
two kinds, the greater and the lefs; the former of which
are generally called fellow-commoners, becaule they eat
with the fellows of their college 5 the latter are always
called penjioners, and eat with the fcholars, who are
thofe ftudents of the college, either under-graduates or
bachelors who are upon the foundation, who receive
emoluments from the iociety, and who are capable of
being elected fellows. See Servitor and Sizar.
PErVSLQCK, a ftuice or flood-gate, ferving to re¬
tain or let go at pleafiire the water of a mill-pond, or
the like.
PENTACHORD (compounded of TrivTi fve, and
firing), an ancient mufical inftrument with five
ftrings. The invention of the pentachord is referred
to the Scythians ; the firings "were of bullocks leather,
and they were ftruck with a plectrum made of goats
horn.
PENT ACROSTIC, in Poetry, a fet of verfes fo
difpofed, as that there are always five acroftics of the
fame name, in five divifions of each verfe. See A-
CROSTIC.
PENTADACTYLON, five fingers, in Botanp,
a name given by fome authors to the nanus or palma
Chrifti, from the figure of its leaf.
PEN! ADACTYLOS piscis, the fvefngcredffh,
the trivial name of a fith common in all the feas of the
Eaft Indies, and called by the Dutch there vif vinger
vifeh.
PENTAGON, in Geometry, a figure of five fides
and five angles. See Geometry.
In fortification, pentagon denotes a fort with five
baftions.
PENTAGRAPH, Pantograph, or Pantogra-
THER, an inftrument defigned for drawing figures in
what proportion you pleafe, without any {kill in the
art.
The inftrument is otherwife called a parallelogram.
Gemiet. The following is the defeription of this inftrument by
and Gra- Mr Adams.
phtc Etfays, u jt ;s an inftrument (fayS Mr Adams) as ufeful to
374' the experienced draftsman, as to thofe who have made
but little progrefs in the art. It faves a great deal of
time, either in reducing, enlarging, or copying of the
fame fize, giving the outlines of any drawing, however
crooked or complex, with the utmoft exaHnefs •, nor is
it confined to any particular kind, but may with equal
facility be ufed for copying figures, plans, fea-charts,
maps, profiles, landfcapes, &c.
“ Defcription and ufe of the Pantographer.—I have
not been able to afeertain who was the inventor of this
ufeful inftrument. The earlieft account I find is that
of the Jefuit Scheiner, about the year 1631, in a fmall
tratt entitled Pantographice, fve ars nova delineandi.
The principles are felf-evident to every geometrician ;
the mechanical conftruclion was firft improved and
26 ] PEN
brought to its frrefent ftate of perfeflion by my father, Penta-
about the year 175°* ^ *s onej among many other graph-
fcientific improvements and inventions completed by
him, that others have inglorioufly, and many years after,
afiumed to themfelves.
“ The pantographer is ufually made of wood, or brafs,
and confirts of tour flat rules, twro of them long, and two
Ihort. The two longeft are joined at the end A, by a P;aje
double pivot, which is fixed to one of the rules, and CCCGIX.
works in two fmall holes placed at the end of the other.
Under the joint is an ivory caftor, to fupport this end of
the inftrument. The two fmaller rules are fixed bv
pivots at E and H, near the middle of the larger
rules, and are alfo joined together at their other
end, G.
By the conftru&ion of this inftrument, the four rules
abvays form a parallelogram. There is a Aiding box on
the longer arm, and another on the (horter arm. Thefe
boxes may be fixed at any part of the rules by means of
their milled nuts j each of thefe boxes is furniflied wdth
a cylindric tube, to carry either the tracing point or
crayon or fulcrum.
The fulcrum or fupport K, is a leaden weight inclo-
fed in a mahogany box, on this the inftrument moves
wdien in ufe ; there are tw'o moveable rollers, to fiupport
and facilitate the motions of the pantographer, their
fituation may be varied as occafion requires.
The graduations are placed on twTo of the rules, on
each of them are two feales, the fiducial edges of the
boxes are to be let to thefe, according to the work to be
performed by the inftrument.
“ The crayon, the tracer, and fulcrum, muft in all cafes
be in a right line, fo that wrhen they are fet, if a firing
be ftretched over them, and they do not coincide with
it, there is an error either in the fetting or gradua¬
tions.
“ The long tube which carries the pencil or crayon,
moves eafily up or down another tube 3 there is a firing
affixed to the long or inner tube, palling afterwards
through the holes in the three fmall knobs to the tra¬
cing point, where it may, if neceflary, be faftened. By
pulling this firing, the pencil is lifted up occafionally,
and thus prevented from making falfe or improper marks
upon the copy.
“ To ufe this infrument when the copy is to he of the
fame f%e as the original.—Place the inftrument upon a
large table, and fet the Hiding boxes B and D, to the
divifions marked 1 2. Put the crayon into the box B,
place the box D upon the fulcrum or leaden foot ; the
tracing point at C. Then lay a piece of paper under
the crayon, and the original drawing under the tracer,
and move the tracing point over the principal ftrokes of
the original, and the crayon wall form the required
copy.
“ To reduce a drawing, (be. to half the Ji%e of the
original.—Set the boxes B and D, to the divifions
marked one-half, place the fulcrum at B, the crayon at
D, and the tracer at C.
“ To reduce a drawing, be. to lefs than one-half the
original.—Suppofe one-third, one-fourth, one fifth, &c.
Place the fulcrum at B, crayon at D, and tracer at C,
and Hide the boxes B and D, to the divifions marked
one-third, one-fourth, one fifth, &c. on the longer [coles.
It may be proper to obferve here, that if the copy be
lefs
3
PEN , [ 127 ] PEN
Penta-
graph
II
Pentapolis.
lefs than one-half the original, or when it is required
greater than the original, the longer fcales are to be
ufed.
“ For greater than one-half the original drawing.—
Suppofe it be required to make a drawing, two-thirds,
three-fourths, four-fifths, &c. Set the boxes B and D,
to correfponding dmfions, as two-thirds, three-fourths,
four-fifths, &c. on the Jhorter fcales, place the fulcrum at
D, the crayon at E, and tracer at C.
“ When the original drawing is to he enlarged.—
Suppofe one-eighth, une-fixth, &c. fet the boxes B and
D, to one-eighth, one-fixth, &c. on the longer fcales,
place the fulcrum at D, the crayon at C, and tracer
at B.
“ Where the copy is required of a fi%e differing from
the fractional parts laid down on the injlrument.—For
this purpofe there are two fcales laid down, containing
100 unequal parts, one fcale numbered from 10 to 80,
the other from 50 to 100.
“ If the copy is to be under one-half the or iginal /5W,
place the boxes B arid D, to any two correfponding
divifions under 50, the fulcrum at B, and crayon
at D.
“ If the copy is to be larger than one-half the original,
place the boxes B and D, to correfponding divifions be¬
tween jo and 100 ; the fulcrum at B, and crayon
at D.
“ To change the ftuation of the pantograplcr.—Copy
firfl as much as the pantographer will take in ; then
make three points on the original, and as many cotre-
fponding points on the copy. Then remove the fulcrum
to another fituation, but fo, that when the tracing point
is applied to the three points marked on the original,
the crayon may exaflly coincide with the other three
points on the copy, and proceed as before ; and fo on
for every change in the fituation of your inftrument,
and by this means a pantographer of two feet and a
half in length will copy a drawing of any fize whatfo-
ever.
PENTAMETER, in ancient poetry, a kind of
verfe, confiding of five feet, or metres, whence the
name. The two fird feet may be either daflyls or
fipondees at pleafure; the third is always a fpondee ;
and the two lad anapedes : fuch is the following verfe
of Ovid.
* . ..,2 . 3 4 5 .
Carminiwus vi\ves teir\pus in om\?ie meis.
A pentameter verfe fubjoined to an hexameter, con-
ftitutes what is called elegiac. See Elegiac.
PENTANDRIA (from 7r«m five, and uvrg a man
or hufiband) ; the name of the fifth clafs in Linnaeus’s
fexual method, confiding of plants which have herma¬
phrodite flowers, with five ftamina or male organs. See
Botany Index.
PENTAPETALOUS, an appellation given to
flowers which confid of five petals or leaves.
PENTAPETES, a genus of plants belonging to
the monadelphia clals, and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 37th order, Columniferce. See Botany
Index.
PENTAPOLIS. This name is given to the five
cities, Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboim, and Zo-
ar (Wifdom x. 6.). They were all five condemned to
utter dedrudlion, but Lot interceded for the preferva-
tion of Zoar, otherwife called Bala. Sodom, Gomor¬
rah, Adamah, and Zeboim, were all confumed by fire Pent
from heaven, and in the place -where they dood was ^cn
made the lake Afphaltites, or the lake of Sodom.
Pentapolis (Ptolemy), a didrift of Cyrenaica;
fituated on the Mediterranean; denominated from its
five cities } namely, Berenice, Arfinoe, Ptolemais, Gy¬
rene, and Apollonia.
PENTAPOLIS of the Philiflines, (Jofephus) •, taking
name from five principal cities, Gaza, Gath, Afcalon,
Azotus, and Ekron.
PENTATEUCH. This word, which is derived
from the Greek nss/lami/^ej., from -rsm five, and nv^og
an injlrument or volume, iignifies the colleftion of the
five indruments or books of Mofes, which are Genefis,
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy : each
of which books we have given an account of under
their feveral names.
There are fome modern critics who have difputed
Mofes’s right to the pentateuch. The obferve that the
author fpeaks always in the third perfon. “ Now the
man Mods was very meek above all the men which
were upon the face of the earth. The Lord fpake unto
Mofes, faying, &c. Mofes faid to Pharaoh, &c.” Thus
they think he would never have fpoken of himfelf} but
would at lead fometimes have mentioned himfelf in the
fird perfon. Befides this, fay they, the author of the
pentateuch fometimes abridges his narration like a wri¬
ter who collefted from fome ancient memoirs. Some¬
times he interrupts the thread of his difcourfe ; for ex¬
ample, lie makes Lamech the bigamid to lay (Gen. iv.
23.), “ Hear my voice, ye wives of Lamech, hearken
unto my fpeech •, for I have flain a man to my wound¬
ing, and a young man to my hurt,” without informing
us before-hand to whom this is related. Thefe obferva-
tions, for example (Gen. xii. 6.), “ And the Canaanite
was then in the land,” cannot be reconciled to the age
of Mofes, fince the Canaanites continued to be the ma¬
ilers of Paledine all the time of Mofes. The paflage
out of the book of the wars of the Lord, quoted in the
book of Numbers (xxi. 14-), feems to have been clap¬
ped in afterwards, as alfo the fird verfes of Deuterono¬
my. The account of the death of Mofes, which is at
the end of the fame book, cannot certainly belong to
this legidator ; and the fame judgement may be made
of other paflages, wherein it is faid, that the places men¬
tioned lay beyond Jordan ; that the bed of Og was at
Ramah to this day j that the havoth of Jair, or the ci¬
ties of Jair, were known to the author, though probably
they had not that name till after Mofes’s time (Numb,
xxxii. 41. Deut. iii. 14.).
It is obferved alfo in the text of the Pentateuch, that
there are fome places that are defeftive 3 for example,
in Exodus (xii. 8.), we fee Mofes fpeaking to Pharaoh,
where the author omits the beginning of his difcourfe.
The Samaritan inferts in the fame place what is wanting
in the Hebrew. In other places, the fame Samaritan
copy adds what is deficient in the Hebrew text 3 and
what it contains more than the Hebrew feems fo well
connefted with the red of the difcourfe, that it would
be difficult to feparate them. Ladly, they believe that
they obferve certain drokes in the pentateuch which
can hardly agree with Mofes, who was born and bred
in Egypt ; as what be fays of the earthly paradife, of
the rivers that watered it, and ran through it 3 of the
cities of Babylon. Erech3
Refenj and Calneh 3 of the
PEN 1 [ i
Tentatlilon gold of Pifon, of the bdellium, of the ftone of Sohem,
II or onyx-ftone, which wTas to be found in that country.
, !lt i°rum Thefe particulars, obferved with fuch curiofity, feem to
prove, that the author of the pentateuch lived beyond
the Euphrates. Add what he fays concerning the ark
of Noah, of its conftru&ion, of the place wdiere it relied,
of the w^ood wherewith it wras built, of the bitumen of
Babylon, &c. But in anfwer to all thefe objeftions,
* 7 k'f's we may °bferve in general, from an eminent wniter * of
Reafona- our own country, that thefe books are by the moil an-
blenefs of cient writers afcribed to Mofes ; and it is confirmed by
Cbrijlia- the authority of heathen w-riters themfelves, that they
are of his writing : befides this, wTe have the unanimous
teftimony of the whole Jewifh nation, ever fince Mofes’s
time, from the firft writing of them. Divers texts of
the pentateuch imply that it was written by Mofes ; and
the book of Jofhua, and other parts of fcripture, import
as much ; and though fome paffages have been thought
to imply the contrary, yet this is but a late opinion, and
has been fufficiently confuted by feveral learned men.
The Samaritans receive no other fcriptures but the pen¬
tateuch, rejedting all the other books wrhich are Hill in
the Jewifli canon.
PENTATHLON, in antiquity, a general name for
the five exercifes performed at the Grecian games, viz.
wretlling, boxing, leaping, running, and playing at the
difcus.
PENTECOST, a folemn feftival of the Jews •, fo
called, becaufe it was celebrated on the 50th day after
the 16th of Nifan, wdrich wras the lecond day of the
paffover. The Hebrews called it the feqft of weeks, be¬
caufe it was kept feven w7eeks after the paffover. They
then offered the firft fruits of the wdieat harveft, W'hich
was then completed : befides which they prefented at
the temple feven lambs of that year, one calf, and two
rams, for a burnt offering j two lambs for a peace of¬
fering 5 and a goat for a fin offering (Levit. xxiii. 15,
16. Exod. xxxiv. 22. and Deut. xvi. 9, 10.). The
feaft of the pentecoft was inftituted among the Ifraelites,
firft to oblige them to repair to the temple of the Lord,
there to acknowledge his abfolute dominion over the
whole country, and to offer him the firft-fruits of their
harveft *, and, fecondly, that they might call to mind,
and give thanks to God, for the lawr w'hich he had given
them from Mount Sinai, on the 50th day after their
coming out of Egypt.
The modern Jewrs celebrate the pentecoft for two
days. They deck the fynagogue and their own houfes
with garlands of flowers. They hear a fermon or ora¬
tion in praife of the law, which they fuppofe to have
been delivered on this day. The Jew's of Germany
make a very thick cake, confifting of feven layers of
pafte, w'hich they call Sinai. The feven layers repre-
fent the feven heavens, which they think God was obli¬
ged to reafcend from the top of this mountain. See Leo
of Modena and Bux toff's fynag. Jud.
It was on the feaft of pentecoft that the Holy Ghoft
miraculoufly defcended on the apoftles of our Lord, wdio
W'ere affembled together after his afcenfion in a houfe at
Jerufalem (A£ls ii.).
PENTHESILEA, queen of the Amazons, fucceed-
ed Orythia, and gave proofs of her courage at the fiege
of Troy, w'here (he was killed by Achilles. Pliny fays
that {he inverted the battle-axe.
PENTHORUMj in Botany, a genus of the penta-
'4
28 ] PEP
gynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of plants.
The calyx is quinquefid 5 there are either five petals
or none j the capfule is five-pointed and quinquelo-
cular.
PENTLAND or Pictland Frith, is a narrow
ftrait of fix miles between the mainland of Scotland and
the Orkney ifles. This ftrait is the great thoroughfare
of {hipping between the eaftern and iveftern feas, the
terror of mariners, and has been the grave of thoufands.
The navigation of this frith wras formerly extremely
dangerous by the ifland of Stroma, and twro rocks called
the Skerries, lying near the middle of it j but it is now
greatly improved, and comparatively fafe, in confequence
of a lighthoufe eredled on the Skerries.
PENULA, among the ancient Romans, was a coarfe
garment or cloak w’orn in cold or rainy weather. It
was ftiorter than the lacerna, and therefore more proper
for travellers. It w7as generally brown, and fucceeded
the toga after the ftate became monarchical. Auguftus
aboliftied the cuftom of wearing the penula over the
toga, confidering it as too effeminate for Romans j and
the aediles had orders to fuffer none to appear in the
circus or forum with the lacerna or penula. Writers
are not agreed as to the precife difference between thefe
two articles of drefs 5 but we are told that they were*
chiefly worn by the lowrer orders of people. See La¬
cerna.
PENULTIMA, or Penultimate Syllable, in
Grammar, denotes the laft fyllable but one of a w'ord
and hence the antepenultimate fyllable is the laft but
tw'o, or that immediately before the penultima.
PENUMBRA, in A/lronomy, a partial {hade ob¬
ferved between the perfedt fliadow and the full light in
an eclipfe. It arifes from the magnitude of the fun’s
body : for W'ere he only a luminous point, the fhadow
w'ould be all perfect; but, by reafon of the diameter of
the fun, it happens, that a place w'hich is not illuminat¬
ed by the whole body of the fun, does yet receive rays
from a part thereof.
PEON, in the language of Hindoftan, means a foot
foldier, armed with fword and target. In common ufe
it is a footman, fo armed, employed to run before a pa¬
lanquin. Piaaah is the proper w'ord j from w'hich peon
is a corruption.
PEOR, a famous mountain beyond Jordan, which
Eufebius places betw'een Hefhbon and Livias. The
mountains Nebo, Pifgah, and Peor, were near one
another, and probably made but the fame chain of
mountains. It is very likely that Peor took its name
from fome deity of the fame name, which was w'orftiip-
ped there ; for Peor, Phegor, or Baal-peor, w'as known
in this country. See Numb. xxv. 3. Deut. iv. 3. Pfal.
cv. 28.
Peor, wTas a city of the tribe of Judah, which is not
read in the Hebrew', nor in the Vulgate, but only in the
Greek of the Septuagint (Jolh. xv. 60.). Eufebius fays
it w'as near Bethlehem, and Jerome adds, that in his
time it w'as called Paora.
PEPIN de Heristal, or Le Gros, mayor of the
palace under Clovis III. Childebert, and Dagobert.
The power of thefe mayors in France was fo great, that
they left the fovereign only the empty title, and in the
end feized on the throne itfelf.
PEPIN le Bref or le Petit, grandfon to Pepin the
Gros, and firft king of the fecond race of French mo-
narchs,
Per sepolis .
pep r i
Fepiis narchs, was mayor of the palace to Childeric III. a
l' weak prince : he contrived to confine him and his fon
Water. Thierri in different monaiteries ; and then, with the
——y—— afliftance of Pope Stephen III. he ufurped the fovereigri
power. Pie died in 76S, aged 54.
PEPLIS, a genus of plants belonging to the hexan-
dria clafs, and in the natural method ranking under
the 17th order, Calycanthemce. See Botany Index.
PEPLUS, a long robe worn by the women in an¬
cient times, reaching down to the feet, without beeves,
and fo very fine, that the ffiape of the body might be
feen through it. 1 lie Athenians ufed much ceremony
in making the peplus, and drefling the ftatue of Miner¬
va with it. Plomer makes frequent mention of the pep¬
lus of that goddefs.
PEPPER, Piper, in Natural Hi/Ion/, an aromatic
berry of a hot quality, chiefly ufed in feafoning. We
have three kinds of pepper at prefent ufed in the (hops,
the black, the white, and the long pepper.
Black pepper is the fruit of the piper, and is brought
from the Dutch fettlements in the Eaft Indies. See
Piper, Botany Index.
The common white pepper is factitious, being pre¬
pared from the black in the following manner : they
iteep this in fea-water, expofed to the heat of the fun
for feveral days, till the rind or outer bark loofens 5 they
then take it out, and, when it is half dry, rub it till the
rind falls off j then they dry the wdiite fruit, and the re¬
mains of the rind blow away like chaff. A great deal
of the heat of the pepper is taken off by this procefs, fo
that the white kind is more fit for many purpofes than
the black. However, there is a fort of native white
pepper produced on a fpecies of the fame plant; which
is much better than the factitious, and indeed iittle in¬
ferior to the black.
The long pepper is a dried fruit, of an inch or an
inch and a half in length, and about the thicknefs of
a large goofe quill: it is of a brownilh gray colour, cy¬
lindrical in figure, and faid to be produced on a plant
of the fame genus.
Pepper is principally ufed by us in food, to affift di-
geftion : but the people in the Eaft Indies efteem it
as a ftomachic, and drink a ftrong infufion of it in wa¬
ter by way of giving them an appetite : they have al-
fo a way of making a fiery fpirit of fermented frefh
pepper with water, which they ufe for the fame pur¬
pofes. They have alfo a way of preferving the com¬
mon and long pepper in vinegar, and eating them af¬
terwards at meals.
Jamaica PEPPER, or Pimento. See Laurus, Bo¬
tany Index.
PEPPER-Mint. See Mentha, Botany and Ma¬
teria Medica Index.
Pepper-Poi. See Capsicum, Botany Index.
PEPPER-Water, a liquor prepared in the following
manner, foi microfcopical oblervations : Put common
black pepper, grofsly powdered, into an open veffel fo
as to cover the bottom of it half an inch thick, and
put to it rain or river water, till it covrers it an inch 5
ftrake or ftir the whole well together at the firft mix¬
ing, but never difturb it afterwards : let the veffel be
expofed to the air uncovered ; and in a few days there
will be feen a pellicle or thin Ikin fwimming on the fur-
face of the liquor, looking of feveral colours.
This is a congeries of multitudes of fmall animals •
Vol. XVI. Part I.
29 ] PE R
and being examined by the microffcpe, wail be feen all Pepper-
in motion : the animals, at firft fight, are fo fmall as not m'nt-tree
to be diftinguilhable, unlefs to the greateft magnifiers ; perar|i1juji^
but they grow7 daily till they arrive at their full fize. tor.
'iheir numbers are alio continually increafing, till the -—-y■■■"*<
whole furface of the liquor is full of them, to a confider-
able depth. When difturbed, they will fometimes all
dart down to the bottom ; but they foon after come up
to the furface again. The fkin appears fooneft in warm
wreather, and the animals grow the quickeft : but in the
levereft cold it will fucceed, unlefs the water freezes.
About the quantity of a pin’s head of thus fcunq
taken up on the nib of a new pen, or the tip of a hair-
pencil, is to be laid on a plate of clear glafs ; and if
applied firft to the third magnifier, then to the lecond,
and finally to the firlt, will fhow the different animal¬
cules it contains, of leveral kinds and lhapes as well as
fizes.
PEPPERMINT-Tree. See Eucalyptus, Botany
Index.
PER A, one of the fuburbs of Conftantinople, where
ambaffadors and Chriftians ufually refide. See Constan¬
tinople.
PERAMBULATOR, in furveying, an inftrument
for mealuring diftances, called alfo odometer^ pedometer,
veay-wifer, andfurveying-vvheel. Plate
It confifts of a wheel AA, fig. 1, two feet feven GCeCIX.
inches and a half in diameter ; confequently half a pole, hs‘ I’
or eight feet three inches, in circumference. On one
end of the axis is a nut, three quarters of an inch in dia¬
meter, and divided into eight teeth 5 which, upon mo¬
ving the wheel round, fall into the eight teeth of an¬
other nut c, fixed on one end of an iron-rod O, and
thus turn the rod once round in the time the wdieel
makes one revolution. This rod, lying along a groove
in the fide of the carriage of the inftrument, under the
doted line, has at its other end a fquare hole, into which
is fitted the end £ of a fmall cylinder P. This cylinder
is difpofed under the dial-plate of a mr.rement, at the
end of the carriage B, in fuch a manner as to be move-
able about its axis : its end a is cut into a perpetual
fcrew, w'hich falling into the 3 2 teeth of a wheel per¬
pendicular thereto, upon driving the inftrument forward,
that wheel makes a revolution each 16th pole. On the
axis of this wrheel is a pinion with fix teeth, which falling
into the teeth of another wheel of 60 teeth, carries it
round every 160th pole, or half a mile.
This laft wheel, carrying a hand or index round wath
it over the divifions of a dial-plate, wBofe outer limb is
divided into 160 parts, correfponding to the 160 poles,
points out the number of poles paffed over. Again, on
the axis of this laft wheel is a pinion, containing 20 ~
teeth, which falling into the teeth of a third wheel
which hath 40 teeth, drives it once round in 3 20 poles
or a mile. On the axis of this wheel is a pinion of 12
teeth, which, falling into the teeth of a fourth wheel
having 72 teeth, drives it once round in 12 miles.
This fourth wheel, carrying another index over the
inner limb of the dial-plate, divided into 12 for miles,
and each mile fubdivided into halves, quarters, and fur¬
longs, ferves to regifter the revolutions of the other
hand, and to keep account of the half miles and miles
paffed over as far as 12 miles.
The ufe of this inftrument is obvious from its con-
ftruftion. Its proper office is in the Purveying of roads
R and
PER [
Perambula-and large diftanees, where a great de d of expedition,
tor- and not much accuracy, is required. It is evident, that
' 'r‘ driving it along and obferving the hands, has the fame
effedt as dragging the chain and taking account of the
chains and links.
Its advantages arc its hardinefs and expedition ; its
contrivance is fuch, that it may be fitted to the wheel
• of a coach, in which date it performs its office, and mea-
fures the road without any trouble at all.
The following is a defcription of an inftrument invent¬
ed by Mr Edgeworth for the fame purpofe.
“This odometer,” fays, Mr Edgeworth, “ is more
fnnple than any which I have feen, is lefs liable to be
out of order, and may be ealily attached to the axle-tree
bed of a poft-chaife, gig, or any other carriage.
“ One turn and a half of a {'crew is formed round the
nave of one of the hinder wheels by* a flip of iron three
quarters of an inch broad and one-eighth or an inch
thick ; this *s wound round the nave, and {aliened to it
by fcrews paffimg through five or fix cocks, which are
turned up at right angles on the flip of iron. T he helix
fo formed on the nave of the carriage wheel a6ts as a
Fig. 2. worm or fcrew upon the teeth of the wheel A, fig. 2.
upon the arbor of which another fcrew oi brafs B is
formed, which acls upon the brafs wheel C. This wheel
C ferves alfo as a dial-plate, and is divided into miles,
halves, quarters, and furlongs; the figures indicating the
miles are nearly three quarters of an inch long, fo as to
be quite diftinfl ; they are pointed out by the index D,
which is placed as reprefented in the plate, in fuch a
manner as to be enfily feen from tire carnage.
“ Thefe two brafs wheels are mounted by the irons
EE upon a block of wood F, eight inches long, two
inches thick ; and five inches, broad. This block may
be fcrewed upon the axle-tree-bed by two ftrong fquare-
headed wood fcrews. If the carriage permits, this block
{hould be fixed obliquely on the axle-tree-bed, fo that
the dial-plate may be raifed up toward the eye of the
perfon looking out from the carriage.
“ Id is a ratchet wheel attached to the arbor of the
wheel A, which, by means of the click I, allows the
wheel to be fet with a key or handle fitted to the iqua-
red end of the arbor at K. L is a long fpring fcrewed
on the block ; it preffes on the wheel A, to prevent it
from {baking by the motion of the carriage. A fmall
triangular fpring is ^ut under the middle of the dial-
plate wheel for the fame purpofe.
“ If the wheel of the carriage is exactly five feet three
inches in circumference, the brafs-toothed wheel which
it turns {hould have twenty teeth, and that which ferves
as a dial-plate fliould have eighty ; it will then count
five miles. If the carriage wheel is either larger or
fmaller, a mile fliould be carefully meafured on a fmccth
road, and the number of turns which the carriage wheel
makes in going this mile may eafily be counted by tying
a piece of fine packthread to one of the fpokes, and let¬
ting the wheel, as it moves flowly forward, wind up the
packthread on its nave- When the wheel has proceeded
a half or a quarter of a mile, unwind the tiring and count
the number of turns which it has made.
“ By the addition of another wheel of eighty-one
teeth, placed under the dial-plate wheel and moved by
the fcrew C, with a proper hand fitted to it, and proper
figures on the dip.- plate, this machine would count four
hundred miles.”f .
13° ]
PER
Perea
PerceDtiun.
* Nich.
your- i
Si.
It has been fuppofed that the ancient Remans Were
acquainted with an inftrument of this kind, i he foun¬
dation of this opinion is an expreffiion of Julius Capitoli-
nus in his life of ihe emperor Pertinax. The words are,
“ Et alio (vehiculr. ), iter metientia, et floras monjiran-
tiaE “ Carriages for mealuring the length of the road,
and marking the time of the journey.”
PE RCA, the Perch ; a genus of fillies belonging
to the order of thoracici. See Ichthyology Index.
PERCEPTION, is a word which is fo well under-
flood, that it is difficult for the lexicographer to give
any explanation of it. It has been called the firft and
mofl fimpl.e aft of the mind by which it is confcious
of its orvn ideas. This definition, how’ever, is impro¬
per, as it confounds perception with confcioufnefs; al¬
though the objects of the former faculty are things v/ilh-
out us, thofe of tire latter the energies of our own minds.
Perception is that power or faculty by which, through
the medium of the fenfes, we have the cognizance of
objects diftind and apart from ourfelves, and learn that
we are but a fmall part in the fyftem of nature. By
what procefs the fenfes give us this information, we have
endeavoured to {how elfewhere, (fee Metaphysics, Part
1. chap, i.) ; and we {hould not again introduce the fub-
jed, but to notice a lingular opinion of a very able wri¬
ter, whole work has been given to the public iince our
article alluded to had iffued from the pi els.
Dr Sayers has endeavoured to prove that no man can
perceive two objects, or be confcious of tw'o ideas at the
fame inftant. If this be true, not only our theory of
time (fee Metaphysics, Part II. chap, vii.) is grolsly
abfurd, but even memory itfelf feems to be an imaginary
faculty. If a man be not confcious of his prelent exiffi-
ence, at the very inllant w hen he thinks of a pall event,
or reviews a feries ol pall tranfadions, it is difficult, to
us indeed impoffiible, to conceive what idea lie can have
of time, or what he can mean when he fays that he re¬
members a thing. But let us examine the realoning by
which the ingenious author endeavours to ellablilh his
opinion.
“ If we refled (fays hef) upon the furprifing velocity f DifjvjE
with w hich ideas pals through the mind, and the remark-
able rapidity with which the mind turns itfelf, or is
reded from one objed of contemplation to another, tiiis,
might alone give us feme fufpicion that we may probably
be miftaken in fuppofing ideas to be fynchronoufly per¬
ceived. Other arguments, may be adduced to llrengthen
this fufpicion. It will be granted, I believe, that the
mind, whether immaterial or the refult of organization,
has certainly a wholenefs or unity belonging to it, and
that it is either not compofed of parts, or that no one of
the parts from which it originates is itfelf mind : in this
cafe^ it is difficult to conceive how two ideas Ihould be
impreffed upon the mind at the fame inllant : for this
would be fuppofing that part of the mind could receive
one idea, and part another, at the fame time ; but if the
parts do not perceive fingly, this is evidently impoffible.
If, on the other hand, this fell divifion of the mind does
not take place, then if two ideas are neverthelefs to be
perceived at the fame inllant, it would feem that thofe
ideas mull be fo blended with each other, that neither of
them could appear diftinft. If we examine the manner
in which a complex idea is perceived, we {hall find veiy
clearly, that the whole of fuch an idea is never prefent
to the mind at once. In thinking of a centaur, for in-
ftance.
PER [i
Pc-cepiion. ftance, can we at the fame moment be thinking of the
w r"— parts of a man and the parts of a horfe ? Can we not al-
moft detect the gliding of the mind from the one to the
other ? In contemplating, the complex idea of gold, are
the ideas of its colour, dutfility, hardnefs, and weight,
ail prefent to the mind at the fame ini!ant ? I think, if
we accurately attended to it, we thall find a perceptible
time has elapfed before this complex idea has been per¬
fect! v formed in our mind: but if all the pares of a com¬
plex idea cannot be recalled at the fame infant, is it not
reafonable to infer that thefe parts are alfo fingly impref-
fed, and not all originally perceived at the fame infant r”
This reafoning is plaullble, but perhaps not convin¬
cing. 'Surely we have all been confcious of bodily pain
or pleafure with our eyes open, and been offended by
difagreeable iinells at the very inf ant that we looked at
objects beautifully coloured. That our ideas pal’s through
the mind with great velocity, and that the mind can
rapidly turn itfelf from one lubjecl of contemplation to
.another, are truths which cannot be controverted ; but
inf ead of leading us to fuppofe that two or more objecls
cannot be fynchronoufy perceived, or two or more ideas
fynchronoully apprehended, they appear to furnilh a com¬
plete proof of the reverfe of ail this. For we beg leave
to afk how we come to know that ideas pafs with velo¬
city through the mind, if we be not all the while con¬
fcious of fomething that is permanent ? If we can con¬
template but one idea at once, it is plainly impoflible
that two or more can be compared together ; and there¬
fore -we cannot pofiibly fay that any particular train has
paffed-through the mind with a degree of velocity great¬
er or lefs than that which we have ufually experienced;
nay, we cannot fay that we have ever experienced a train
of ideas at all, or even been confcious of a fingle idea,
betides the immediate objeft of prefent apprehenfion.
That the mind is an individual, we mof readily grant 5
but th^t it ihould therefore be incapable of having /wo
ideas fvnehronoufly excited in it, is a propofidon for
which the author has brought no evidence. That it is
difficult to conceive /iow this is done, we acknowledge ;
but not that it is more difficult than to conceive how a
Jingle idea is excited in the mind \ for of the mode in
which.mind and matter mutually operate on each other,
we can form no conception. We know that objedfs
make an impreffion on the organs of fenfe } that this
impreffkm is by the nerves communicated to the brain,
and that the agitation of the brain excites fenfation in
. the mind : but in what waij it excites fenfation we know
not j and therefore have no reafon to fuppofe that two
or more different agitations may not excite trvo or more
fynchronous fenfations, as well as one agitation excites
one fenfation. That the agitation given to the brain
operates on the mind, is knovm by experience ; but ex¬
perience gives us no information refpedting the mode of
that operation. If the mind be, as our author and we
fuppofe, one individual, it cannot, as mind, be either
divifible or extended •, and therefore it is certain that
the operation in quefuon cannot be, in the proper fenfe
of the word, impreffion. Hence we have no right to
infer, if two objedls be perceived at once, either that
the idea of the one rnuft be impreffed on a part of the
mind different from that which receives the impreflion
of the other, or that the two impreffions muff be fo
blended with each other, that nek her of them could
appear diftindl; for this would be to reafon from one
51 ] PER
mode of operation to another j with which, upon ac- Perception
knowledged principles, it can have nothing in com-
mon. *  v — 1
By far the greater part of our ideas are reliffs of
vijible fenfations ; and of every thing which we can ac ¬
tually fee at once, we at once contemplate the idea.
That we could at once perceive a centaur, if fuch a be¬
ing were prefented to us, cannot furely be doubted by
any one who has ever looked at a man on horfeback ;
and therefore that we can at the fame moment contem¬
plate the whole idea of a centaur, is a fa£l of which conr
feioufnefs will not permit us to doubt.—If, indeed, we
choofe to analyze this complex idea into its component
parts, it is felf-evident that the mind muff glide from the one
to the other, becaufe the very analyfis confifts in the fe-
paration of the parts, of which, if after that procefs we
think of them, we muff think in fucceffion : but that we
may have at the fame inftant, either an actual or ideal
view of all the parts of the centaur united, is a propofi-
tion fo evident as to admit of no other proof than an ap¬
peal to experience. In contemplating what the author-
calls the complex idea of gold, it cannot be denied that
the ideas of its colour, ductility, hardnefs, and weight,
are never all prefent to the mind at the fame inflant :
but the reafon is obvious. Thefe are not all ideas, in
the proper fenfe of the word, but fome of them, are ideas,
and fome notions, acquired by very different proceffes
and very different faculties. Colour is an idea of fenfi?-
tion, immediately fuggefted through the organ of fight ,
duftility is a relative notion, acquired by repeated ex¬
periments ; and gold might be made the object of every
fenfe, without fuggefting any fuch notion. The wri¬
ter of this article never faw an experiment made on the
duclility of gold, and has therefore a very obfeure and
inditlindl notion of that property of the metal; but
he is confcious, that he can perceive, at the fame in¬
ftant, the yellow colour and circular figure of a guinea,
and have a very diftinft, though relative notion, of its
hardnefs.
We conclude, therefore, that the mind is capable of
two or more fynchronous perceptions, or fynchronous
ideas ; that, during every train which paffes through it,
it is confcious of its own permanent exiftence and that
if it were limited to the apprehenfion of but one idea at
once, it could have no remembrance of the pall, or anti¬
cipation of the future, but would appear to itfelf, could
it make any comparifon, to pafs away kke a tiafti of
lightning.
PERCH, in land-meafuring, a rod or pole of 161-
feet in length, of which 40 in length and 4 in breadth
make an acre of ground. But, by the cuftoms of fe-
veral counties, there is a difference in this meafure. In
Staffordikire it is 24 feet; and in the foreft of Sherwood
2$ feet : the foot being there 18 inches long ; and in
Herefordfiiire a perch of ditching is 21 feet, the perch
of walling i6\ feet, and a pole of denftiiered ground is
12 feet, &c.
Perch, a fifh. See Perca, Ichthyology
PERCHE, a territory of Orleannois in France, 4 4
miles long, and 30 broad ; bounded on the north by
i\‘ormandy •, on the fouth, by Maine and Dunois; on
the eaft, by Beauce 5 and on the weft, by Maine. It
takes its name from a foreft, and is pretty fertile. The
inhabitants carry on a pretty good trade; and the prin¬
cipal town is Bellefme.
R 2
PERCOLATION.
PER
r
Perfume.
Percolation PERCOLATION, a chemical operation which is
the fame with Filtration.
, PERCUSSION, in Mechanics, the impreffion a
body makes in falling or ftriking upon another •, or the
fliock of tvvro bodies in motion. See Dynamics and
Mechanics.
PERDICIUM, a genus of plants, belonging to the
fyngenelia clafs j and in the natural method ranking
under the 49th order, Compofitcc. Sec Botany Index.
PER.DIX, the partridge. See TeTrao, Ornitho¬
logy Index.
PER EASE AW, a ftrong populous town of Poland,
In the palatinate of Kiovia, fituated on the river Tribecz.}
in E. Long. 32. 44. N. Lat. 49. 46.
PERENNIALS, or Perennial Flowers, in Bo-
tanij, a term applied to thofe plants whofe roots abide
many years, whether they retain their leaves in winter¬
er not. Thofe which retain their leaves are called ever¬
greens ; but Rich as call their leaves are named deciduous
or perdifols.
PERFECT, fomething to which nothing is want¬
ing, or that / has all the requifites of its nature and
..kind.
Perfect Cadence, in Mafic. See Cadence.
Perfect Tenfe, in Grammar. See Preterite.
PERFECTION, the Rate or quality of a thing per¬
fect.
Perfe&ion is divided, according to Chauvinus, into
phyfical, moral, and metaphyfical.
Phfiical or natural perfection, is that whereby a
thing has all its powers and faculties, and thofe too
in full vigour ; and all its parts both principal and fe-
condary, and thofe in their due proportion, conftitu-
tion, &.c. in wdiich fenfe man is faid to be perfedt
■when he has a found mind in a found body. This
perfeftion is by the fchools frequently termed evsgyjjrwM},
becaufe a thing is enabled thereby to perform all its
operations.
Moral perfection is an eminent degree of virtue or
moral goodnefs, to which men arrive by repeated afts
of piety, beneficence, &c. This is ufually fubdivided
into abfolute or inherent, which is adtually in him to
whom we attribute it j and imputative, wdiich exifts in
feme other, and not in him it is attributed to.
Mctaphfjical, tranfcendental, or effential perfection,
is the poffeffion of all the efiential attributes, or of all
the parts neceffary to the integrity of a fubftance j or
it is that whereby a thing has or is provided of every
thing belonging to its nature. This is either abfolute,
where all imperfeCtion is excluded, fuch is the perfec¬
tion of God 5 or fecundum quid, and in its kind.
PERFORANS, Manus.
See Anatomy, Table
of the Mufcles.
PeRFOSANS Pedis.
PERFORATES Manus.
Pf.RFORATUS Pedis.
PERFUME, denotes either the volatile effluvia from
•any body affeCting the organ of fmelling, or the fub-
Ranee emitting thofe effluvia ; in which laR fenfe the
word is moR commonly ufed. The generality of per¬
fumes are made up of mufk, ambergris, civet, rofe and
cedar woods, orange-flowers, ielfamines, jonquils, tube-
rofes, and other odoriferous flowers. Thofe drugs com¬
monly called aromatics, fuch as Rorax, frankincenfe,
benzoin, cloves, mace, &c. enter the compofition of a
2 ] PER
perfume; fome are alfo compofed of aromatic herbs or Perfume
leaves, as lavender, marjoram, fage, thyme, hyflop, &c. ||
The ufe of perfumes was frequent among the He- Pergammm
brews, and among the orientals in general, before it w^as v
known to the Greeks and Romans. In the time of Mo-
fes perfumes muR have been known in Egypt, fince he
fpeaks of the art of the perfumer, and gives the com¬
pofition of two kinds of perfumes (Exod. xxx. 25.), of
■which one was to be offered to the Lord upon the
golden altar which veas in the holy place ; and the
other was appointed for the anointing of the high
prieR and his fons {ibid. 34, &c.), as alfo of the taber¬
nacle, and all the veffels that were ufed in divine fer-
vice.
The Hebrews had alfo perfumes which they made
ufe of in embalming their dead. The compofition is
not known, but it is certain that they generally made
ufe of myrrh, aloes, and other flrong and aRringent
drugs, proper to prevent putrefaftion (John xix. 49.).
See the article Embalming.
Befides the perfumes for thefe purpofes, the Scripture
mentions other occafions whereon the Hebrew's ufed
perfumes. The fpoufe in the Canticles (i. 3.) com¬
mends the feent of the perfumes of her lover ; and her
lover in neturn fays, that the feent of the perfumes of
hts fpoufe' furpaffes the moR excellent odours {id. iv.
10—14-). He names particularly the fpikenard, the
calamus, the cinnamon, the myrrh, and the aloes, as
making a part of thefe perfumes. The voluptuous wTo-
man deferibed by Solomon (Prov. vii. 17.) fays, that
flie had perfumed her bed with myrrh, aloes, and cinna¬
mon. The epicures in the book of Wifdom (ii. 7.) en-
couracre one another to the luxuriant ufe of odours and
O
coflly perfumes.
Ifaiah (Ivii. 9.) reproaches Judea, wdiom he deferibes
as a fpoufe faithlefs to God, with being painted and per¬
fumed to pleafe flrangers, “ Thou wentefl to the king
with ointment, and didR increafe thy perfumes.” Eze¬
kiel (xxiii. 41.) feems to accufe the Jew's wdth having
profaned the odours and perfumes, the ufe of which w'as
referved to facred things, by applying them to their own
ufe.
They came afterwards to be very common among
the Greeks and Romans, efpecially thofe compofed of
mufk, ambergris, and civet. The nardus and nialo-
bathrum were held in much eflimation, and were im¬
ported from Syria. The unguentum nardinum w'as va-
rioufly prepared, and contained many ingredients.
Malobathrum was an Indian plant. Perfumes w'ere al¬
fo ufed at facrifices to regale the gods j at feafls, to
increafe the pleafures of fenfation j at funerals, to
overpower cadaverous fmells, and pleafe the manes of
the dead 5 and in the theatres, to prevent the offen-
five effluvia, proceeding from a crowd, from being per¬
ceived.
Since people are become fenfible of the harm they
do to the head, perfumes are generally difufed among
us 5 however, they are Rill common in Spain and Italy.
PERGAMA, (Virgil), the citadel of Troy ; which,
becaufe of its extraordinary height, gave name to all
high buildings (Servius). Others fay the walls of Troy
were called Pergama.
PERGAMUM, (Pliny) j called alfo Pergamea,
(Virgil) ; Pergamia, (Plutarch) 5' a town
of Crete,
built
P E U t i
Pergatnmn, built by Agamemnon in memory of hi-* victory, (Vel-
Pergamus. leius). Here was the barying-place of Lycurgus (Ari-
v ftoxenus, quoted by Plutarch). It was lituated near
Cydonia (Servius) j to what point not faid : but Scylax
helps him out, who places the Daftynnean temple of
Diana, which Hood near Cydonia (Strabo), to the north
of the territory of Pergamia.—Another Pergamum
(Pliny, Strabo) ; a town of Mylia, fituated on the Cai-
cus, which runs by it. It was the royal refidence of
Eumenes, and of the kings of the Attali (Livy).
There an ancient temple of AEXculapius liood; an afy-
lum (Tacitus). The ornament of Pergamum was the
royal library, vying with that of Alexandria in Egypt j
the kings of Pergamum and Egypt rivalling each other
in this refpecl (Pliny). Strabo afcribes this rivalry to
Eumenes. Plutarch reckons up 200,000 volumes in
the library at Pergamum. Here the membrance perga-
merue, whence the name parchment, were invented for
the ufe of books, (Varro, quoted by Pliny). The coun¬
try of Galen, and of Oribalius chief phylician to Julian
the Apoftate (Eunapius), called by fome the ape of
Galen. Here P. Scipio died (Cicero). Attains fon of
Eumeaes dying without iiTue, bequeathed his kingdom
to the Roman people, \yho reduced it to a province,
(Strabo). Pergameus, the epithet (Martial). Here
was one of the nine conventus juridici, or affemblies of
the Afia Romana, called Perga menus, and the ninth
in order (Pliny) 3 which he alfo calls jurifdi&io Perga-
mena.
PERGAMUS, an ancient kingdom 'of Alia, form¬
ed out of the ruins of the empire of Alexander the
Great. It commenced about the year 283. The firlt
fovereign was one Philetaerus an eunuch, by birth a
Paphlagonian, of a mean defcent, and in his youth a
menial fervant to Antigonus one of Alexander’s cap¬
tains. He afterwards ferved Lylimachus king of Ma-
cedon and Thrace, who appointed him keeper of his
•treafures lodged in Pergamus. While he held this
employment, having fallen under the difpleafure of
Arlinoe wife to Lylimachus, die found means to make
a quarrel between him and his mailer 3 upon which
Philetmrus feized on the callle of Pergamus, together
with the treafures entrufled to his care, amounting to
90,000 talents. At lirft he offered his fervice, toge¬
ther with his treafure, to Seleucus king of Syria :
hut both Seleucus and Lylimachus dying foon after,
he kept poffeflion of the town and treafure alio till his
death 3 which happened 20 years after his revolt from
Lylimachus.
Philetaerus left the city of Pergamus to his brother,
or, according to fome, to his brother’s fon Eumenes I.
and he, laying hold of the opportunity offered by
the diffenlions among the Seleucidae, polfefled himfelf
of many ftrong-holds in the province of Alia 3 and
having hired a body of Galatians, defeated Antiochus,
as he was returning from a viftory gained over his
brother Seleucus Caliinicus. By this viftory he obtain¬
ed poffeffion of the greater part of Afia : however, he
did not long enjoy his acquifitions 3 for he died next
year of immoderate drinking, a vice to which he was
greatly addifled.
Eumenes was fucceeded by Attains I. nephew of
Philetaerus, and the firff: who took upon him the title
•of king of Pergamus. He defeated the Gauls, who
were ddirous of fettling in his territory 3 and, accor-
is 1 . f r- R
ding to Livy, was the firff: of the Afiatic princes who Pergamu -
refufed to pay a contribution to thefe barbarians. ’*
When Seleucus Ceraunus was engaged in other wars, he
invaded his territories, and conquered all the provinces
on this fide of Mount Taurus 3 but was foon driven
cut of his new acquifitions by Seleucus and his grand¬
father Achseus, who entering into an alliance againft
him, deprived him of all his newly acquired territo¬
ries, and even belieged him in his capital. Upon this
Attalus invited to his* affiftance the Gauls who had
fettled in Thrace : and with their help not only obli¬
ged the enemy to raife the liege of Pergamus, but
quickly recovered all the provinces he had loff. Af¬
ter this he invaded Ionia and the neighbouring pro¬
vinces, where feveral cities voluntarily fubmitted to
him. The Teians, Colophoniajss, with the inhabitants
of Egea and Lemnos, lent deputies declaring themfelves
ready to acknowledge him fc« their fovereign 3 the Car-
fenes, on the other fide the river Lycus, opened their gates-
to him, having firff expelled the governor fet over them
by Achceus. From thence he advanced to Apia, and
encamping on the banks of the river Megithus, received
homage from the neighbouring nations. But here the
Gauls, being frightened by an eclipfe of the moon, re¬
filled to proceed farther 3 which obliged Attalus to re¬
turn to the Heilefpont, where he allowed his allies to
fettle, giving them a large and fruitful territory, and
promifing that he would always affift and proteiff them
to the utmoft oi his power.
Attalus having thus fettled his affairs with equal
honour and advantage to himfelf, entered into an alli¬
ance with’Rome, and afterwards joined them in their
wrar againft Philip king of Macedon. Here he had the
command of the Rhodian fleet 3 with which he not only
drove the Macedonians quite out of the feas, but having
landed his men, he, in conjunction with the Athenians,
invaded Macedon, and obliged Philip to raife the fiege
of Athens, wdrich he had greatly diftrefled 3 for which
fervices the Athenians not only heaped cn him all the
favours they could, but called one of their tribes by his
name 3 an honour they had never bellowed on any
foreigner before.
Attalus, not contented with all he had yet done
againft Philip, attempted to form a general confederacy
of the Greeks againft him. But while he v'as ha¬
ranguing the Boeotians to this puvpofe, and exhorting
them with great vehemence to enter into an alliance
with the Romans againft their common enemy, he fell
down fpeechlefs. However, he came to himfelf again,
and defired to be carried by fea from Thebes to Perga-
raus, -where Ire died foon after his arrival, in the 7 2d
year of his age and 43d of his reign.
This prince was a man of great generofity, and fuebt
an enthufiaft in learning and learned men, that he
caufed a grammarian named Daphiidas to be thrown in¬
to the fea from the top of a high rock, becaufe he
fpoke difrefpeflfully of Homer.
Attalus wras fucceeded by his eldeft fon Eumenes II.
He was exceedingly attached to the Romans, infomuch
that he refufed the daughter of Antiochus the Great in
marriage, left he Ihould thus have been led into a dif¬
ference with that people. He alfo gave notice to the
Roman fenate of the tranfaftions of Ariarathes king of
Cappadocia, \vho was making great preparations both
by fea and land. Nor did Eumenes flop here 3 for-
when
PER [i;
Perganms. wlicn he faw the war about to break out between An-
^ v  tiochus and the Romans, he fent his brother Attains
to Rome to give information of the proceedings of
Antidchus. The fenate heaped honours both on Eu-
menes and his brother ; and in the war which followed,
gave the command of their fleet to the king of Perga-
mus in conjunction with C. Livius Salinator. lire
victory gained on this occafion was in a great meafure
owing" to Eumenes, who boarded fome of the enemy’s
ihips in perron, and during the whole aCtion behaved
with uncommon bravery. Some time afterwards Eu¬
menes, entering the territories ot Antiochus with a
body of 5000 men, ravaged all the country about
Thyatira, and returned with an immenfs booty. But
in the mean time Antiochus invading Pergamus in his
turn, ravaged the whole country, and even laid liege
to the capital. Attains, the king’s brother, held out
with a handful of men till the Achaeans, who were
in alliance with Eumenes, fent 1000 foot and 100
horfe to his affiftance. As this fmall body or auxili¬
aries were all chofen men, and commanded by an ex¬
perienced officer, they behaved with fuch bravery that
the Syrians w’ere obliged to raife the liege. At tne
battle of Magnefia, too, Eumenes behaved with the
greater!; bravery : not only fuftaimng the foil attack
of the enemy’s elephants, but driving them back again
on their own troops, ■which put the ranks in dif-
order, and gave the Romans an opportunity of giving
them a total defeat by attacking them opportunely
with their horfe. In confequence of this defeat, Anti¬
ochus was obliged to conclude a peace with the Romans
on fuch terms as they pleafed to preicribe ■, one of
which was, that he ffiould pay Eumenes 400 talents,
and a quantity of corn, in recompence for the damage
lie had done him.
Eumenes now thought of obtaining fome reward
from the Romans equivalent to the fervices he had
done them. Having gone to Rome, he told the fe¬
nate, that he was come to beg of them that the Greek
cities which had belonged to Antiochus before the
' commencement of the late rvar, might now be added
to his dominions ; but his demand was warmly oppofed
by the ambaffadors from Rhodes, as well as by depu¬
ties from all the Greek cities in Alia. The fenate,
however, after hearing both parties, decided the mat¬
ter in favour of Eumenes, adding to his dominions all
-the countries on this fide of Mount X'aurus which be¬
longed to Antiochus-, the other provinces lying be¬
tween that mountain and the river Mseander, excepting
Eycia and Caria, were bellowed on the Rhodians. All
the cities, which had paid tribute to Attains, were or¬
dered to pay the fame to Eumenes; but Inch as had
been tributary to Antiochus were declared free.
Soon after this Eumenes was engaged in a war with
Prufias king of Bithynia, who made war upon him
by the advice of Hannibal the celebrated Carthaginian
general. But Eumenes, being affified by the Romans,
defeated Prufias in an engagement by fea, and another
by land ; which fo difireartened him, that he was ready
to accept of peace on any terms. However, before
the treaty was concluded, Hannibal found means to
draw Philip of Macedon into the confederacy, who
fent Philocles, an old and experienced officer, with a
confiderable body of troops to join Prufias. Hereupon
Eumenes fent his brother Attains to Rome with a
2
4 ] PER
golden crown, worth 15,000 talents, to complain of Per
Prufias for making war on the allies of the Roman ~*
people without any provocation.. The lenale accepted
the prefent, and promifed to adjufl every thing to the
fatisfadlion of their friend Eumenes, whom they look¬
ed upon to be the moll Heady ally they had in Alia.
But in the mean time Prufias, having ventured another
fea-fi ght, by a contrivance of Hannibal’s, gained a
complete victory. The Carthaginian commander ad-
vifel him to fill a great many earthen veffels with va¬
rious kinds of ferpents and other poifonous reptiles,
and in the heat of the fight to throw them into the
enemies ffiips fo as to break the pots and let the fer¬
pents loofe. All the foldiers and feamen were com¬
ma ided to attack the {hip in which Eumenes was,
and only to defend themfelves as well as they could
ag Haft the reft 5 and that they might be in no danger
of miltaking the Hup, a herald was fent before the en¬
gagement with a letter to the king. As foon as the
two fteets drew near, all the {hips of Prufias, fingling
out that of Eumenes, difeharged inch a quantity of
ferpents into it, that neither foldiers nor failors could
do their duly, but were forced to fly to the ihore, left
they ffiould fall into the enemy’s hands. The other
flips, after a faint refiftance, followed the king’s ex¬
ample, and were all driven affiore with great flaughter,
the foldiers being no lefs annoyed by the ftings of the
ferpents, than by tne weapons of the enemy. The
greateil part of the flips of Eumenes were burnt, feveral
taken, and the others fo much flattered that they be¬
came quite unferviceable. The fame year Prufias gain¬
ed two remarkable victories over Eumenes by land,
both of which were entirely owing to ftratagems of
Hannibal. Bift, while matters were thus going on to
the difadvantage of Eumenes, the Romans interfered,
and by their deputies not only put an end to the differ¬
ences between the two kings* but prevailed on Prufias
to betray Hannibal upon which he poifoned himfelf,
as hath been related under the article Hannibal.
Eumenes being thus freed from fuch a dangerous ene¬
my, engaged in a new war with the kings of Cappado¬
cia and Pontus, in which alfo he proved victorious. His
friendffiip for the Romans he carried to Inch a degree of
enthufiafm, that he went in perfon to Rome to inform
them of the machinations of Perfes king of Macedon.
He had before quarrelled with the Rhodians, who fent
ambaffadors to Rome to complain of him. But as the
ambaffadors happened to arrive while the king himfelf
ivas prefent in the city, the Rhodian ambaffadors could
not obtain any hearing, and Eumenes was difmiffed with
new' marks of favour. This journey, however, had al-
moft proved fatal to him 5 for, on his return, as he was
going to perform a facrifice at Delphi, two affaffins, lent
by Perfes, rolled down two great ftones upon him as he
entered the ftraits of the mountains. With one he was
dangeroufty wounded on the head, and with the other
on the {boulder. He fell with the blows from a fteep
place, and thus received many other brinies j fo that
he wTas carried on hoard his fhip when it could not
well be known whether he was dead or alive. 1L>
people, however, foon finding that he was ftiil alive,
conveyed him to Corinth, and from Corinth to riEgina,
baling caufed their veffels to be carried over the
ifthmus.
Eumenes remained at iEgina till his wounds were
cured,
PER [ 135 ] PER
cured, wmch was done with fuch fecrecy, that a report
of i.is-death was fpread ail over Aha, and even believed
at Some $ nay, hi.- brother Attains was fo convinced of
the ruth of this report, that he* not only affumed the
government, but even married Stratonice the wife of
Eurner.es. But in a fhort time Eumenes convinced
them both of his being alive, by returning to his king¬
dom. On the receipt of this news, Attains refigned
the fovereignty in great haiie, and went to meet his
brother; carrying a halberd, as one of his guards.
Eumenes received both him and the queen with great
tendernefs, nor did he ever fay airy thing which might
tend to make them urteafy ; only it is faid he whifpered
in his brother’s ear when he firft faw him, “ Be in no
hafte to many my wife again till you are fure that I am
dead.”
The king being now more than ever exafperated a-
gainil Perfes, ioined the Romans in their war againft
him 3 but during the courfe of it he fuddenly cooled in
his affection towards thofe allies whom he had hitherto
ferved with fo much zeal, and that to fuch a degree,
that he admitted ambafi'adors from Perfes, and otTered
to itand neuter if he would nay him 1000 talents, and
for 130c, to influenccffhe Romans to grant him a- fafe
and honourable peace. But thefe negociations were
broke off without effect, by reafon of the diftruft which
the two kings had of one another. Eumenes could not
truft Perfes unlefs he paid him the money beforehand 3
while, on the other hand, Perfes did not care to part
with the money before Eumenes had performed what he
promiff d 3 neither could he be induced to pay the rum
in queilion, though the king of Pergamus offered to
give hoftages for the performance of his promise. What
the reafoti of fuch a hidden change in the difpofflion of
Eumenes w as, is nowhere told 3 however, the fact is
certain. The negociations above mentioned were con¬
cealed from the Romans as long as. poflible 3 but they
loon came to be known : after which the republic be¬
gan to entertain no fmall jealoufy of their old friend,
and therefore heaped favours on his brother Attains,
without taking any notice of the king himfelf. Eu¬
menes had fent him to Rome to congratulate she fenate
on the happy iffue of the war with Perfes, not thinking
that his practices had been difeovered. However, the
fenate, without taking any notice of their difaffeflion to
Eumenes at firft, entertained Attalus with the greateft
magnificence 3 then feveral of the fenators who vifited
him proceeded to acquaint him with their fufpicions of
the king, and defired Attalus to treat with them in his
own name, affuring him, that the kingdom of Pergamus
would be granted him, if he demanded it, by the fe¬
nate. Thefe fpeeches had at firft fome effeft 3 but At-
talus, being of an boneft difoofition, and aftifted by the
advice of a phyfician called Slratius, a man of great
probity, refolved not to comply wfith their defire When
he was admitted to the fenate, therefore, he firff con¬
gratulated them on the happy iffue of the Macedonian
war, then modeftly recounted his own fervices 3 and
laftly, acquainted them with the motive of his journey 3
intreated them to fend ambaffadors to the Gauls, who
by their authority might fecure his brother from any
danger of their hoftilities 3 and he requefted them alfo,
that the two-cities of /Enus and Maronea might be be-
ftoived on himfelf. The fenate, imagining that Atta¬
lus defigned to choofe fome other day to fue for his bro¬
ther’s kingdom, not only granted all his requefts, but
fent him richer and more magnificent prefents than they
had ever done before. Upon this Attalus immediately
fet out on his return to Pergamus 3 which fo provoked
the fenators, that they declared the cities free which
they had promifed to Attalus, thus rendering ineffectual
their promife which they were afhamed openly to re¬
voke 3 and as for the Gauls, who were on ail occafions
ready to invade the kingdom of Pergamus, they fent
ambaffadors to them, with inftru&ions to behave in fuch
' a manner as would rather tend to encourage them in
their defign than diffuade them from it.
Eumenes, being alarmed at tbofe proceedings, refol¬
ved to go in perfon to Rome, in order to juftify himfelf.
But the fenate, having already condemned him in their
own minds, refolvtd not to hear his vindication. For
this reafon, as fcon as they heard of his defign, they
made an act that no king ftiould be permitted to enter
the gates of Rome. Eumenes, however, who knew
nothing of this aft, fet forward on his journey, and
landed at Brundufium 3 but no iborer did the Roman
fenate get intelligence of his arrival there, than they
fent a quseftor acquainting him with the decree of the
fenate 3 and telling him at the fame time, that if he had
any bufinefs to tranfaft with the fenate, he was appoint¬
ed to hear it, and tranfmit it to them 3 but if not,
that the king muff leave Italy without delay. To
this Eumenes replied, that he had no bufinefs .of any
confequence to tranfaft, and that he did not Hand in
need of any of their afliftance 3 and without faying a
word more, went on board his fnip, and returned to
Pergamus.
On his return home, the Gauls, being encouraged by
the cold reception which he had met with at Rome, in¬
vaded his territories, hut were repulfed with great lofs,
by the king, who afterwards invaded the dominions of
Prufias, and pofleffed himfelf of feveral cities. This
produced new complaints at Rome 3 and Eumenes was
accufed, not only by the ambaffadors of Prufias, but
alfo by thofe of the Gauls and many cities in Afia, of
keeping a fecret correfpondence with Perfes king of
Macedon. This laft charge was confirmed by fome let¬
ters which the Romans themfelves had intercepted 3 fo
that Eumenes found it impoflible to keep up his credit
any longer at Rome, though he fent his brothers Athe-
nceus and Attalus thither to intercede for him. The'
fenators, in fiiort, had conceived the moft implacable
hatred againft him, and feemed abfolutely bent on his
deftruftion, when he died, in the 39th year of his
reign, leaving his kingdom and his wife to his brother
Attalus. He left one ton, but he was an infant, and
incapable of governing the kingdom 3 for which reafon
Eumenes chofe rather to give the prefent pofleffion of
the crown to his brother, referving the fucceflion to his
fon, than to endanger the whole by committing the ma¬
nagement of affairs to his fon’s tutors.
Attains, in the beginning of his reign, found himfelf
greatly diftreffed by Prufias king of Bithynia, who not
only overthrew him in a pitched battle, but advanced
to the very walls of Pergamus, ravaging the country as
he marched along 3 and at laft reduced the royal city
itfelf. The king, however, faved himfelf by a timely
flight, and difpatched ambaffadors to Rome, complain¬
ing of the bad ufage of Prufias. The latter endeavour¬
ed to defend himfelf, and to throw the blame on Atta.-
lus„
Pe
PER [ 136 ] PER
Per ora rati', lus. But, after a proper inquiry tvas made into the
matter, Prufias was found to be entirely in the wrong ;
in confequence of which, he tvas at lafc obliged to con¬
clude a peace with his adverfary on the following terms.
I. That he fhould immediately deliver up to Attalus
20 fhips with decks. 2. That he fltould pay 500 ta¬
lents to Attalus within the fpace of 20 years. 3. That
he fhould pay 100 talents to fome of the other Afiatic
nations by way of reparation for the damages they had
fuftained from him. And, 4. Both parties ftiould be
content with what they had before the beginning of the
war.
Some time after this, Prulias having made an unna¬
tural attempt on the life of his fon Nicomedes, the lat¬
ter rebelled, and, with the afliftance of Attalus, drove
his father from the throne, and, as is faid, even mur¬
dered him in the temple of Jupiter. The Romans took
no notice of thefe tranfadlions, but {bowed the fame
kindnefs to Attalus as formerly. The laft enterprife in
■which we find Attalus engaged, was againfl Andrifeus
the pretended fon of Perfes king of Macedon, where he
aflifted the Romans ; after which he gave himfelf up
entirely to eafe and luxury, committing ftate affairs en¬
tirely to his minifters j and thus continued to his death,
which happened in the 82d year of his age, about 138
B. C.
Attalus II. was fucceeded by Attalus III. the fon of
Eumenes j for the late king, confidering that he only
held the crown as a truft for his nephew, paffed by his
own children in order to give it to him, though he ap¬
pears to have been by no means worthy of it. He is
faid to have been deprived of his fenfes through the vio¬
lence of his grief for his mother’s death ; and indeed,
throughout his whole reign, he behaved more like a
madman than any thing elfe. Many of his fubje&s of
the higheft quality were cut off with their wives and
children, upon the mod; groundlefs fufpicions; and for
thefe executions he made ufe of mercenaries hired out
from among the moft barbarous nations. Thus he pro¬
ceeded till he had cut off all the belt men in the king¬
dom y after which he fell into a deep melancholy, ima¬
gining that the ghofts of thofe whom he had murdered
were perpetually haunting him. On this he {hut him¬
felf up in his palace, put on a mean apparel, let his hair
and beard grow, and fequeftered himfelf from all man¬
kind. At laft he withdrew from the palace, and retired
into a garden, which he cultivated with bis own hands,
and filled with all forts of poifonous herbs. Thefe he
ufed to mix with wholefome pulfe, and fend packets of
them to fuch as he fufpefted. At laft, being weary of
this amufement, and living in folitude, becaufe nobody
durft approach him, he took it in his head to follow the
trade of a founder, and make a brazen monument. But,
'While he laboured at melting and calling the brals, the
heat of the fun and furnace threw him into a fever,
which in feven days put an end to his tyranny, after he
had fat on the throne five years.
On the death of the king, a will was found, by which
he left the Roman people heirs of all his goods ; upon
which they feized on the kingdom, and reduced it to a
province of their empire by the name of AJia Proper.
But Ariftonicus, a fon of Eumenes by an Ephefian
courtefan, reckoning himfelf the lawful heir to the
crown, could by no means be fatisfied with this ufurpa-
tion of the Romans, and therefore affembled a confider-
3
aMe army to maintain his pretenfions. The people in Pergamus.
general, having been accuftomed to a monarchy, dread- —"V '
ed a republican form of government 5 in confequence of
wrhich, they aflifted Ariftonicus, and foon put him in a
condition to reduce the wdiole kingdom. The news,
however, were foon carried to Rome *, and Licinius
Craffus, the pontifex maximus, was fent into the eaft,
with orders to enforce obedience to the king’s will. Hi-
ftorians take no notice of any forces which were fent
along wdth this commander -r whence it is fuppofed, that
he depended on afliftance from the Afiatics, who were
in alliance with Rome, or from the Egyptians. But
when he came thither, he found both the Syrians and
Egyptians fo reduced, that he could not expett any af-
fiftance from them. However, he wras foon fupplied
with troops in plenty by the kings of Pontus, Bithynia,
Cappadocia, and Paphlagcnia \ but managed matters fo
ill, that he was entirely defeated and taken prifoner.
Thofe who took him, defigned to carry him to Arifto¬
nicus but he, not able to endure the difgrace, Would
have laid violent hands on himfelf if he had not been
difarmed. However, being allowed to keep a rod for
managing the horfe on which he fat, he ftruck a Thra¬
cian foldier who flood near him fo violently with it,
that he beat out one of his eyes ; upon wThich the other
drew his fword, and run him through on the fpot.
His head was brought to Ariftonicus, who expofed
it to public view j but the body was honourably bu¬
ried.
Ariftonicus had no great time to enjoy the fruits of
his vidtory. Indeed he behaved very improperly after
it} for, inftead of preparing to oppofe the next army,
which he might have been affured the Romans would
fend againft him, he fpent his time in feafting and re¬
velling. But he wTas foon roufed out of his lethargy by
Perpenna the new conful, who having affembled with
incredible expedition the troops of the allies, came un-
expedledly upon him, obliged him to venture an en¬
gagement at a difaqvantage, and entirely defeated him.
Ariftonicus fled to a city called Stratonice, but was fo
clofely purfued by the conqueror, that the garrifon, ha¬
ving no method of fupplying themfelves wdth provifions,
delivered up their leader, as wTell as a philofopher named
Biojius, who had been the companion and counfellor of
Ariftonicus. The philofopher behaved with great refo-
lution after being taken, and openly defended his fiding
with Ariftonicus, becaufe he thought his caufe juft.
He exhorted the latter to prevent the difgrace and mi-
fery of captivity by a voluntary death; but Ariftoni¬
cus, looking upon death as a greater mifery than any
captivity, fuffered himfelf to be treated as his conquer¬
ors pleafed.
In the mean time, a new conful, named Manias A-
quilius, being arrived from Rome, fent a moft haughty
meffage to Perpenna, requirmg him immediately to de¬
liver up Ariftonicus, as a captive belonging to his tri¬
umph when the war fhould be ended. With this de¬
mand Perpenna refufed to comply, and his refufal had
almoft produced a civil war. However, this was pre¬
vented by the death of Perpenna, which happened foon
after the difpute commenced. The Pergamenians, not-
withftanding the defeat and captivity of their leader,
ftill held out with fuch obftinacy, that Aquilius was
obliged to befiege, and take by force, almoft every city
in the kingdom. In doing this, he took a very effec-
PER [i
Pc*gunnali tUal, tliough exceeding cruel method. Moll of the ci-
jl ties in the kingdom had no other water than what was
duirn' brought from a confiderable diilance in aquedudls.
v—__ Thefe Aquilius did not demolilh, but poifoned the wa¬
ter, which produced the greatell abhorrence of him
throughout all the eail. At laft, however, the whole
country being reduced, Aquilius triumphed, the unhap¬
py Ariftonicus was led in chains belore his chariot, and
probably ended his miferable life in a dungeon. The
country remained iubjedl to the Romans while their
empire hailed, but is now in the hands of the Turks.
The city is half ruined, and is Hill known by the name
of Pergatnus. It is inhabited by about 3000 Turks, and
a few families of poor Chriftians. E. Long. 27. 27.
N. Lat. 30. 3.
PERGUNNAH, in the language of Hindoftan,
means the largeft fubdivifion of a province, whereof the
revenues are brought to one particular head Cutchenj,
from -whence the accounts and calh are tranfmitted to
the general Cittchery of the province.
PERIAGOGE, in Rhetoric, is ufed where many
things are accumulated into one period which might
have been divided into feveral.
PERIAGUA, a kind of large canoe made ufe of
in the Leeward iflands, South America, and the gulf
of Mexico. It is cornpofed of the trunks of two trees
hollowed and united together and thus differs from
the canoe, which is formed of one tree.
PERIANDER, tyrant of Corinth and Corcyra,
was reckoned among the feven wife men of Greece 5
though he might rather have been reckoned among
the moft wicked men, fince he changed the govern¬
ment of lus country, deprived his countrymen of their
liberty, ufurped the fovereignty, and committed the
moft (hocking crimes. In the beginning of hrs reign
he behaved with mxldnefs; but after his having fent
to the tyrant of Syracufe to confult him on the fafeft
method of government, he abandoned himfelf to cruel¬
ty. The latter, having heard Periander's envoys, took
them into a field, and, inftead of anfwering them,
pulled up before them the ears of corh which exceed¬
ed the reft in height. Periander, on being told of
this aclion, underftood what was meant by it. He
firft fecured himfelf by a good guard, and then put
the moft powerful Corinthians to death. Pie aban¬
doned himfelf to the moft enormous crimes; commit¬
ted inceft with his mother, kicked to death his wife
Meliffa, daughter of Procles king of Epidaurus, not-
^ithftanding her being with child ; and was fo enraged
at Lycophron, his fecond fon, for lamenting his mo¬
ther’s death, that he banifhed him into the ifland of
Corcyra. Yet he paffed for one of the greateft poli¬
ticians of his time-, and Heraclides tells us, that he
forbade voluntuoufnefs; that he impofed no taxes, con¬
tenting himfelf with the cuftom arifing from the fale
and the import and export of commodities; that, tho’
wicked himfelf, he hated the wicked, and caufed all
phnps to be drowned 5 laftly, that he eftablifhed a fe-
nate, and fettled the expence of its members. He died
585 B. C.
PERIANTHIUM, (from 11 round,” and
ttv&or, “ tne flower,”) the flower cup properly fo call¬
ed, the moft common fpecies of calyx, placed imme¬
diately under the flower, which is contained in it as in
a cup. See Botany Index.
Vol. XVI. Part I.
37 1 P E R
PERICARDIUM, in Anatomy, a membranous bag Pen-ravclt-
filled with water, which contains the heart in man and U.U
many other animals. It is formed by a duplicature peri Jiaphe.
of the mediaftinum, or membrane which divides the
thorax into two unequal parts. See Anatomy, n(>
121.
PERICARPIUM, (from “ round,” and
“ fruit,”) the feed-veffel 5 that organ of a plant contain¬
ing the ieeds, which it difeharges when ripe. The feed-*
veffel is in facl the developed feed-bud, and may very
properly be compared to the fecundated ovary in ani¬
mals j for it does not exift till after the fertilizing of
the feeds by the male-duft, and the confequent fall of
the flower. All plants, however, are not furnifhed
with a feed-veffel; in fuch as are deprived of it, the
receptacle or calyx performs its fundtions by inclofing
the feeds, as in a matrix, and accompanying them to
perfedl maturity.
PERICHORUS, in antiquity, a name given by the
Greeks to their profane games or combats, that is, to
fuch as were not confecrated to any of the gods.
PERICLES, was one of the greatefl men that ever
flourifhed in Greece. He was educated with all ima¬
ginable care ; and bolide other mafters, he had for his
tutors Zeno, Eleates, and Anaxagoras. He learned
from the lail of thefe to fear the gods without fuperfti-
tion, and to account for an eclipfe from a natural caufe.
Many were unjuft enough to fufpedl him of atheifm,
became he had perfedlly Hudie4 dodlrine of that
philofopher. He was a man of undoubted courage 5
and of fuch extraordinary eloquence, fupported and im¬
proved by knowledge, that he gained almoft as great
an authority under a republican government as if he
had been a monarch ; but yet he could not efcape the
fatirical ftrokes of the comic poets. His diflblutenefs
with women was one of the vices with which he
was chiefly charged. He died the third year of the
Peloponnefian war, after long ficknefs, which had wea¬
kened his underftanding. Afpafia, Pericles’s favourite,
was a learned woman of Miletus: (lie taught Socrates
rhetoric and politics. As Pericles cared not mucli for
his wife, he willingly gave her up to another, and mar¬
ried Afpafia, whom he paflionately loved.
PERICRANIUM, in Anatomy, a thick folid coat
or membrane covering the outlide of the cranium or
Ikull. See Anatomy, n° 4.
PERIGEE, in Ajlronomy, that point of the fun
or moon’s orbit wherein they are at the leall diilance
from the earth j in which fenfe it Hands oppofed to
apogee.
PERIGORD, a province of France, which makes
part of Gmenne, bounded on the north by Angoumois
and a part o( Marche, and on the eaft by Quercy and
Limofin ; on the fouth by Agenois and Bazadois 5 and
on the weft, by Bourledois, Angoumois, and a part of
Sainfonge. It is about 83 miles in length, and 60 in
breadth. It abounds in iron mines, and the air is pure
and healthy. Perigueux is the capital town.
PERIGORD-Stone, is fuppofed to be an ore of manga-
nefe, of a dark grey colour, like bafalt.
PERIGRAPHE, a -word ufually underftood to ex-
prefs. a carelefs or inaccurate delineation of any thing •,
but in Vefalius it is ufed to exprefs the white lines or
impreftions that appear on the mufculus reclus of the
abdomen.
S
PERIGUEUX,
Pert
II
Period.
PER [ 138 ]
PERIGUEUX, an ancient town of France, capital
of the province of Perigord, feated on the river liie,
in E. Long. o. 33. N. Lat. 45* ft is remark¬
able for the ruins of the temple of Venus, and an am¬
phitheatre.
PERIHELIUM, in Af ronomy^ that part of a pla¬
net or comet’s orbit wherein it is in its leaft diftance
from the fun ; in which fenfe it Hands in oppofition to
aphelium.
PERIMETER, in Geometry, the bounds or limits
of any figure or body. The perimeters of furfaces or
figures are lines ; thofe of bodies are iurfaces. In cir¬
cular figures, inftead of perimeter, we fay circumfe¬
rence, or periphery.
PERINvTUM, or Perineum, in Anatomy, the
fpace between the anus and the parts of generation,
divided into two equal lateral divifions by a very diftinct
line, which is longer in males that in females.
' PERIOD, in AJlronomy, the time taken up by a
flar or planet in making a revolution round the fun j or
the duration of its courfe till it return to the fame part
of its orbit. See Planet.
The different periods and mean diftances of the feve-
ral planets are as follows :
PER
Herfchel
Saturn
Jupiter
Mars
Earth
Venus
Mercury
Days. h. ' "
3°737 18
10759 1 51 11
4332 I4 27 10
686 23 30 35
365 6 9 12
224 16 49 10
87 23 15 43
mean Dill
I9o83I2
954072
520279
152369
IOOOOO
72333
38710
There is a wonderful harmony between the diftances
of the planets from the fun, and their periods round
him } the great law whereof is. that tne iquares of
the periodical times of the primary planet, are to each
other as the cubes of their dittances from the fun .
and likewife, the fquares of the periodical times of the
fecondaries of any planet are to each other as the
cubes of their diftances from that primary. This har¬
mony among the planets is one of the greateft confir¬
mations of the Copermcan bypothefis. See Astro¬
nomy, p. IOO and 101.
For the periods of the moon, fee Moon, ASTRONOMY
Index.
The periods of feveral comets are now pretty ■wsii
afeertained. See Astronomy, n° 306.
Period, in Chronology, denotes a revolution of a
certain number of years, or a feries of years, whereby,
in different nations, and on different occafions, time is
raeafured ; fuch are the following.
Calippic PERIOD, a fyftem of feventy-fix years. See
Calippic, and Astronomy, n° ii, &c.
Diom/Jtan PERIOD, or ViBorian Period, a fyftem of
C32 luiiae-folar and Julian years j which being elapfed,
the characters of the moon fall again upon the lame
day and feria, and revolve in tlx fame order/ accor¬
ding to the opinion of the ancients.
This period is otherwife called the great, pafchal
cycle, becaufe the Chriftian church firft ufed it to find
the true time of the pafeha or eafter. The fum of thefe
years arifes by multiplying together the cycles of the
iun and moon.
Hipparchus''s PERIOD, is a ferics of 304 folar years,
returning in a conftant round, and reftoring the new
and full moons to the fame day of the folar year, ac¬
cording to the fentiment of Hipparchus. R his period
arifes by multiplying the Calippic period by four.—
Hipparchus allumed the quantity of the folar year to
be 365 days 5 hours 55' 12") and hence concluded,
that in 104 years Calippus’s period would err a whole
day. He therefore multiplied the period by four,
and from the produft call away an entire day. But
even this does not reftore the new and full moons to
the fame day throughout the whole period 5 but they
are fometimes anticipated 1 day 8 hours 23' 29'' 2c"k
See Astronomy, n° 14.
Julian Period. See Julian.
Period, in Grammar, denotes a fmall compafs of
difeourfe, containing a perfect lentence, and diftin-
guilhed at the end by a point, or full ftop, thus (.) ;
and in members or divifions marked by commas, co¬
lons, &c.
Father Buffier obferves two difficulties in the ufe of
the period, or point} i. e. in diftinguilhing it from the
colon, or double point j and in determining juftly the
end of a period, or perfedt fentence. It is remarked,
that tH lupernumerary members of a period, feparated
from the reft by colons and iemicolons, ufually com¬
mence with a conjunction : yet it is true thefe fame con¬
junctions fometimes rather begin new periods than fu-
pernumerary members of old ones. It is the fenfe of
things, and the author’s own diferetion, that muft make
the proper diftindtion which of the two in effedt it is.
No rules will be of any fervice, unlefs this be admitted
as one, that when what follows the conjundtion is of as
much extent as what precedes it, it is ufually a newr pe¬
riod •, olherwife not.
The lecond difficulty arifes hence, that the fenfe ap¬
pears perfect in feveral fhort detached phraies, wherein
it does not feem there fhould be periods •, a thing fre¬
quent in free difeourfe : as, I'Ve are all in fiifpsnfe '. male
your propofols immediately: you will be to Home for
detaining us longer. Where it is evident, that fimple
phrafes have perfect fenfes like periods, and ought to be
marked accordingly } but that the fhortnefs of the dif¬
eourfe making them eafily comprehended, the pointing
is negledted.
De Colonia defines period a fhort but perfect fen¬
tence, confifting of certain parts or members, depending
one on another, and connedted together by fome com¬
mon vinculum. The celebrated definition of Auftotlc
is, a period is a difeourfe which has a beginning, a
middle, and an end, all vifible at one view. Rhetori¬
cians confider period, which treats of the ftrudlure of
fentences, as one of the four parts of compofition. The
periods allowed in oratory are three : A period of two
members, called by the Greeks diao/os, and by the La¬
tins bimembris ; a period of three members, tricolos, tn~
membris ; and a period of four, quadrimembris, tctracolos.
See Punctuation.
Period, in numbers, is a diftindlion made by a point
or comma, after every fixth place, or figure ; and is ufed
in numeration, for the readier diftinguifhing and naming
the feveral figures or places; which fee under Numera-
tion. .
Period, in Medicine, is applied to certain diieales.
which have intervals, and returns, to denote an entire
courfe
Pc 1iod.
Period
^ 11
Peripate¬
tics.
PER [ i
courfe Of circle of fuch difeafe 5 or its progrefs from
any date through all the relt till it return to the fame
again.
Galen defcribes period as a time compofed of an in¬
tention and remiflion ; whence it is ufually divided into
two parts, the paroxyfm or exacerbation, and remif¬
lion.
In intermitting fevers, the periods are ufually flated
and regular; in other difeafes, as the epilepfy, gout, &c.
they are vague or irregular.
Period, in Oratory. See there, n° 47.
PERIODIC, or Periodical, fomething that ter¬
minates and comprehends a period •, fuch is a periodic
month ; being the fpace of time wherein the moon di-
Ipatches her period.
PERIOECI, in Geography, fuch inhabitants
of the earth as have the fame latitudes, but oppofite
longitudes, or live under the fame parallel and the fame
meridian, but in different femicircles of that meridian,
or in oppofite points of the parallel. Thefe have the
fame common feafons throughout the year, and the fame
phenomena of the heavenly bodies ; but when it is noon¬
day with the one, it is midnight with the other, there
being twenty-four hours in an eaft or weft direttion.
Thefe are found on the globe by the hour-index, or by
turning the globe half round, that is, 180 degrees either
way.
PERIOSTEUM, or Periostium, in Anatomy, a
nervous vafcular membrane, endued with a very quick
lenfe, immediately furrounding, in every part, both the
internal and external furfaces of all the bones in the bo¬
dy, excepting only fo much of the teeth as ftand above
the gums, and the peculiar places on the bones, in which
the mufcles are inferted. It is hence divided into the
external and internal periofteum ; and where it exter¬
nally furroupds the bones of the fkull, it is generally
called the pericranium. See Anatomy Index.
PERIPATETICS, philofophers, followers of Ari-
ftotle, and maintainers of the peripatetic philofophy *,
called alfo Arijlotelians. Cicero fays, that Plato left
two excellent difciples, Xenocrates and Ariftotle, who
founded two fefts, which only differed in name : the
former took the appellation of Academics, who were
thofe that continued to hold their conferences in the
Academy, as Plato had done before 5 the others, who
followed Ariftotle, were called Peripatetics, from
•nM, “ I walk j” becaufe they dilputed walking in the
Lyceum.
4 Ammonius derives the name Peripatetic from Plato
hhnfelf, who only taught walking; and adds, that the
diiciples or Ariftotle, and thofe of Xenocrates-, were
equally called Peripatetics; the one Peripatetics of the
Academy, the other Peripatetics of the Lyceum : but
that in time the former quitted the title Peripatetic for
that of Academic, on account of the place where they
affembled ; and the latter retained fimply that of Peri¬
patetic. The greateft and beft part of Ariftotle’s phi¬
lofophy was borrowed from Plato. Serranus afferts, and
lays lie could demonftrate, that there is nothing exqui-
fite in any part of Ariftotle’s philofophy, diale&ics,
ethics, politics, phyfics, or metaphyfics, but is found
m Plato. And of this opinion are many of the ancient
authors, fuch as Clemens Alexandrinus, &c. Gale at¬
tempts to fhow, that Ariftotle borrowed a good deal of
bis philofophy, both phyfical, about the frit matter,
39 1 PER
and metaphyfical about the firft being, his alTeflions, Peripa
truth, unity, goodnefs, &c. from the Scriptures 5 and  Vcs-
adds from Clearchus, one of Aiiftotle’s fcholars, that ^
he made ufe of a certain Jew, who aflirted him there¬
in.
Ariftotle’s philofophy preferved itfelf in pun's natura-
lihus for a long lime : in the earlier ages of Chriftianity,
the Platonic philofophy was generally preferred ; but
this did not prevent the doftrine of Ariftotle from for¬
cing its way into the Chriftian church. Towards the
end of. the fifth century, it rofe into great credit 5 the
Platonics interpreting in their fchools fome of the wri¬
tings of Ariftotle, particularly his diale&ics, and re¬
commending them to young perfons. This appears to
have been the firft ftep to that univerfal dominion which
Ariftotle afterwards obtained among the learned, which
was ht the fame time much promoted by the controver-
fies which Origen had occafioned. This father was
zealoufly attached to the • Platonic fyftem; and there¬
fore, after his condemnation, many, tp avoid the impu¬
tation of his errors, and to prevent their being counted
among the number of his followers, openly adopted the
philofophy of Ariftotle. Nor was any philofophy more
proper for furnifhing thofe weapons of fubtle diftindlions
and captious fophifms, which were ufed in the Neftorian,
Anan, and Eutychian controverfies. About the end
of the fixth century, the Ariftotelian philofophy, as well
as fcience in. general, was almoft univerfally decried ;
and it was chiefly owung to Boethius, who explained and
recommended it, that it obtained a higher degree of
credit among the Latins than it had hitherto enjoyed.
Towards the end of the feventh century, the Greeks
abandoned Plato to the monks, and gave themfelves up
entirely to the^direftion of Ariftotle ; and in the next
century, the. Peripatetic philofophy was taught every¬
where in their public fchools, and propagated in all pla¬
ces with confiderable fuccefs. John Damafcenus very
much contributed to its credit and influence, by com-
pofing a concife, plain, and comprehenfive view of the
doflnnes of the Stagirite, for the inftruflion of the
more, ignorant, and in a manner adapted to common ca¬
pacities. Under the patronage of Photius, and the pro-
teftion of Bardas, the ftudy of .philofophy for fome
time declined, but was revived again about the end of
the ninth century. About the middle of the nth cen-
tury, a revolution in philofophy commenced in France ;
when fever.al famous logicians, who followed Ariftoth*
as their guide, took neverthelefs the liberty of illuftra-
ting and modelling anew his philofophy, and extending
it far beyond its ancient limits. In the 12th century,
three methods of teaching philofophy were in ufe by
the different doctors: the frrft was the ancient and plain
method, which confined its refearches to the philofophi-
cal notions of Porphyry, and the dialectic fyftem, com¬
monly attributed to ''St Auguftine, and in which was
laid down this general rule, that philofophical inquiries
were to be limited to a fmall number of fubje&s, left
by their becoming too extenfive, religion might fuffer
by a profane mixture of human fublilty with its di¬
vine wiidom. The feebnd method was called the A-
riftotelian, becauie it confifted in explications of the
works of that philofopher, feveral of whofe books, being
tranftated into Latin, were almoft everywhere in the
hands of the learned. The third was termed the free
method, employed by fuch as were bold enough to fearch
^ 2 after
PER [ 140 ] PER
Peripaton after truth, in the manner the moll adapted to render
. II their inquiries fuccefsful, without rejeding the fuccours
terium”" Aritlotle and Plato. A reformed fyftem of the Pe-
^——v—— ripatetic philofophy was fir It introduced into the fchools
in the univerfity of Paris, from wThence it foon fpread
throughout Europe} and has fubfifted in fome univerli-
ties even to this day, under the name of fchool philofo¬
phy. The foundation thereof is Ariftotle’s do&rine,
often mifunderftood, but oftener mifapplied : whence the
retainers thereto may be denominated Reformed Peripcir
tetics. Out of thefe have fprung, at various times, fe-
veral branches j the chief are, the Thomists, ScOTISTS,
and Nominalists. See thefe articles.
The Peripatetic fyftem, after having prevailed with
great and extenfive dominion for many centuries, began
rapidly to decline towards the clofe of the 17th, when
the difciples of Ramus attacked it on the one hand,
and it had Hill more - formidable adverfaries to en¬
counter in Defcartes, Gaflendi, and Newton. See Phi¬
losophy.
PERIPATON, in antiquity, the name of that walk
in the Lyceum where Ariltotle taught, and whence the
name of Peripatetics given to his followers.
PERIPETIA, in the drama, that part of a tragedy
wherein the *ftion is turned, the plot unravelled, and
the whole concludes. See Catastrophe.
PERIPHERY, in Geometryy the circumference of a
circle, eilipfis, or any other regular curvilinear figure.
See Geometry.
PERIPHRASIS, circumlocution, formed of wsgt,
“ about,” and “ I fpeak }” in rhetoric, a circuit
or tour of words, much affe&ed by orators, to avoid
common and trite manners of expreffion. The peri-
phrafis is of great ufe on fome occafions j and it is often
neceffary to make things be conceived which are not
proper to name. It is fometimes polite to fupprefs the
names, and only intimate or defign them. Thefe turns
of expreffion are alfo particularly ferviceable in oratory j
for the fublime admitting of no diredl citations, there
muft be a compafs taken to infinuate the authors whofe
authority is borrowed. A periphrafis, by turning round
a proper name to make it underllood, amplifies and rai-
fes the difeourfe 5 but care muft be taken it be not too
snuch Iwelled, nor extended mal a propos ; in which cafe
it becomes flat and languid.—See Circumlocution and
Oratory.
PERIPLOCA, Virginian filk : a genus of plants
belonging to the pentandria clafs j and in the natural
method ranking under the 30th order, Coniortce. " See
Botany Index.
PERIPNEUMONY, T\iy%nvp.tn<t, formed from
“ about,” and Trvivpm “ lungs,” in Medicine, an inflam¬
mation of lome part of the thorax, properly of the
lungs; attended with an acute fever, and a difficulty of
breathing. See Medicine, n° 184.
PERIRRHANTERIUM, a veffel of ftone or brafs
which was filled with holy water, and with which all
thofe were fprinkled who were admitted by the ancients
to their facrifices. Beyond this veflel no profane perfon
was allowed to pafs. We are told by fome, that it was
placed in the adytum, or inmoft recefs of the temple $
others fay it was placed at the door, which indeed feems
to be the mofl: likely opinion. It was ufed both by
Greeks and Romans, and has been evidently borrowr-
cd? like many other Pagan ceramonies, by the church
of Rome. The Hebrews alfo had a veffel for purifica- Perifcit
tion. it
PERISCII, in Geography, the inhabitants of either , Pe'‘^iryj;
frigid zone, between the polar circles and the poles,
where the fun, when in the fummer figns, moves only
round about them, without fetting; and confequently
their lhadows in the fame day turn to all the points of
the horizon.
PERISTALTIC, a vermicular fpontaneous motion
of the inteftines, performed by the contraction of the
circular and longitudinal fibres of which the flelhy coats
of the inteftines are compofed j by means whereof the
chyle is driven into the orifices of the ladteal veins, and
the faeces are protruded towards the anus.
PERISTYLE, in Ancient ArchiteSiure, a building
encompafled with a row of columns on the infide.
PERITONEUM, in Anatomy, is a thin, fmooth,
and lubricous membrane, inveiling the whole internal
furface of the abdomen, and containing molt of the vif-
cera of that part as it were in a bag. See Anatomy
Index.
PERITROCHIUM, in Mechanics, denotes a wheel,
or circle, concentric with the bafe of a cylinder, and
inoveable together with it about its axis. See Me¬
chanics.
PERJURY, in Law, is defined by Sir Edward Coke
to be a crime committed when a lawful oath is admi-
niftered, in fome judicial proceeding, to a perfon who
fwears wilfully, abfolutely, and falfely, in a matter ma¬
terial to the ilfue or point in queftion. In ancient times
it was in fome places puniflred with death ; in others it
made the falfe fwearer liable to the punifliment due to
the crime he. had charged the innocent perfon with j in
others a pecuniary mul£t was impofed. But though it
efcaped human, yet it was thought, amongft the ancients
in general, that the divine vengeance would moft cer¬
tainly overtake it} and there are many fevere inflictions
from the hand of God upon record, as monuments of
the abhorrence in which this atrocious crime is held by
the Deity. The fouls of the deceafed were fuppofed to
be employed in puniffiing perjured perfons. Even the
inanimate creation wras thought to take revenge for this
crime. The Greeks fuppoied that no perfon could itvear
falfely by Styx without fome remarkable puniffiment j
and that no perfon guilty of perjury could enter the
cave of Palaemon at Coiinth without being made a me¬
morable example of divine juftice. In Sicily, at the
temple of the Palici, there were fountains called Delli,
from which ifiued boiling water, with flames and balls
of fire } and we are told that if any perfon fwore falfe¬
ly near them, he rvas inftantly ftruck dumb, blind, lame,
or dead, or w’as fwallowed up by the waters. But al¬
though perjury was thus held in general abhorrence,
notwithflanding the credit which was given to fuch ac¬
counts of divine inflidtions, it was fo much pradtifed
by the Greeks, that Grecca fdes became a proverb.
Lovers perjuries, however, were fuppofed to pafs unno¬
ticed, or to be very flightly puniffied with blacknefs of
the nails, a decayed tooth, or fome fmall diminution of
beauty.
The ancient philofophers, however, were fo afraid of
perjury, that even an oath before a judge was never ad¬
mitted but for wrant of other proof. Plato’s precept
was, “ Not to adminifter an oath wantonly, but on deep
grounds, and with the ftridteft caution,” Ulpian gives
his
PER [ 141 ] P E R
Perjury. Ins opinion thus : “ Some are forward to take oaths
—v  from a contempt of religion ; others, from an extraordi¬
nary awe of the Divine Majefty, carry their fear to an
unreafonable fuperllition 5 To make an equitable decifxon
of a judge ncceffary.” “ No man will perjure himielf
(fays Ariftotle) who apprehends vengeance from Hea¬
ven and difgrace among men.” Clinias was fo very
fcrupulous, that rather than take an oath (though law¬
fully), he fuffered the lofs of three talents. Perjury, in
the time of Philo Judeus, vras abominated and capitally
punifhed amon£ the Jews; though fmee they have much
degenerated, having been poifoned with the books of the
Talmud, which fays, “ He who breaks his promiffoi’y
oath, or any vows he enters into by the year, if he has
a mind that they fhould be inefteftual and invalid, let him
rife the laft day of the year, and fay, Whatever promi-
fes, oaths, and vows I may think fit to make in the year
following, let them be null, void, and of no effect.”
Tract, hi. part 3. of the Talmud, in the treatile Nedha-
rim, ch. 4. And the modern Jews ufe the fame artifice,
thinking they may then lawfully deceive the Chriftians.
See llieron. ex Diclis Talmud, c. 3. and Magijler Jo¬
annes do Concor. Legum, tit. iv. c. 7.
In our law, no notice is taken of any perjury but
fuch as is committed in fome court of juitice having
power to administer an oath ; or before fome magiftrate
or proper officer inveited with a limilar authority, in
fome proceedings relative to a civil fuit or a criminal
profecution : for it eiteems all other oaths unneceffary
at lead, and therefore will not punifh the breach of
them. For which reafon it is much to be queftioned,
how far any magiitrate is juftifiabie in taking a volun¬
tary affidavit in any extrajudicial matter, as is now too
frequent upon every petty occafion ; fince it is more
than podible that, by fuch idle oaths, a man may fre¬
quently, in foro confcientice, incur the guilt, and at the
fame time evade the temporal penalties of perjury. The
perjury mult alfo be corrupt (that is, committed malo
animo'), wilful, pofitive, and abfolute } not upon furprife,
or the like : it alfo mud be in fome point material to
the quadion in difpute ; for if it only be in fome trifling
collateral cireumdance, to which no regard is paid, it is
no more penal than in the voluntary extrajudicial oaths
before mentioned. Subornation of perjury is the of-'
fence of procuring another to take fuch a fade oath, as
conditutes perjury in the principal. The puniffiment of
perjury and fubornation, at common law, has been va¬
rious. It was anciently death •, afterwards baniffiment,
or cutting out the tongue: then forfeiture of goods ;
and now it is fine and impriionment, atrd never more to
be capable of bearing tedimony. But the datute 5
E3if. c. 9. (if the offender be prosecuted thereon) in-
fiicfs the penalty of perpetual infamy, and a fine of 40I.
on the fuborner ; and in default of payment, imprifon-
ment for fix months, and to dand with both ears nailed
to the pi’lory. Perjury itfelf is thereby punilhed with
fix months imprifonment, perpetual infamy, and a fine
of 20I. or to have both ears nailed to the pillory. But
the profecution is ufually carried on for the odence at
common law •, efpecially as, to the penalties before in¬
flicted, the datute 2 Geo. II. c. 25. fuperadds a power
for the coxirt to order the offender to be fent to the
houfe of correction for a term not exceeding feven
years, or to be tranfported for the fame period ; and
makes it felony, without benefit of clergy, to return or
efcape within the time. It has fometimes been vvithed, Perjury
that perjury, at lead uppn capital acculations, whereby } 4 ^
another’s life has been or might have been deilroyed, c ' ^
was alfo rendered capital, upon a principle of retalia¬
tion ; as it was univerfally by the laws of France,
And certainly the odioufnefs of the crime pleads d.rong-
ly in behalf of the French law. But it is to be confi--
dered, that there they admitted witneffes to be heard on¬
ly on the fide of the profecution, and ufed the rack to
extort a confedion from the accufed. In fuch a
conditution, therefore, it was neceffary to throw the
dread of capital punidrment into the other fcale, in
order to keep in awe the witnedes for the crown ; on
whom alone the prifoner’s fate depended : fo naturally
does one cruel law beget another. But corporal and
pecuniary punishments, exile, and perpetual infamy, are
more fuited to the genius of the Englilb lawj where
the facl is openly diicufl'ed between witneffes on both
ddes, and the evidence for the crown may be contradict¬
ed and difproved by thofe of the prifouer. Where in¬
deed the death of an innocent perfon has actually been
the confequence of fuch wilful perjury, it falls within
the guilt of deliberate murder, and deferves an equal
punidiment; which our ancient law in fa£t inflicted.
But the mere attempt to deftrey life by other means not
being capital, there is no reafon that an attempt by per¬
jury thould ; much lefs that this crime Should, in all ju¬
dicial cafes, be puniflied with death. For to multiply
capital punifhments leffens their effect, when applied
to crimes of the deeped dye; and, detedable as per-
jury is, it is not by any means to be compared with
fome other offences, for which only death can be inflict¬
ed 5 and therefore it feems already (except perhaps in
the indance of deliberate murder by perjury) very pro¬
perly punidied by our prefent law ; which has adopted
the opinion of Cicero, derived from the law of the
twelve tables, Perjurii poena divina, exitium ; human a,
dedecus. See Oath.
PERIWIG. See Perruke.
PERIZONIUS, James, a learned and laborious
writer, wxis born at Dam in 1651. He became profef-
for of hidory and eloquence at the univerfity of Frane-
ker, when, by his merit and learning, he made that
univerflty dourilh. However, in 1693, he went to
Leyden, where he wras made profeffor of liidory, elo¬
quence, and the Greek tongue ; in which employment
he continued till his death, which happened in 171^'.
He wrote many Differtations, and other learned and cu¬
rious works, particularly Origines Babylonkce et Egyp-
tiacee, 2 vols 8vo, &c. But the part of his labours
which is the mod generally known, and perhaps the
mod ufeful, is the notes which he wrote upon Saullii
Minerva. That work, as publilhed by Perizonius,
certainly fuggeded the idea of Harris’s Hermes ; and
we hefitate not to fay, that our countryman has made
hardly any improvement on the fydem of his reader.
PERIZZITES, the ancient inhabitants of Paledine
mingled with the Canaanites. There is alfo great pro¬
bability that they themfelves were Canaai ites ; but ha¬
ving no fixed habitations, fometimes difperfed in cue
country and fometimes in another, they were for that
reafon called Perhzxites, which fignifies fcattered or di¬
fperfed. Pherazoth dands for hamlets or villages. The
Perizzites did not inhabit any certain portion of the
land of Canaan 1 there were feme' of them on both fides
the
P E 11 [ 142 ] PER
I’eikln, the river Jordan, in the mountains, and in. Ine plains.
II In feveral places of Scripture the Canaanites and Periz-
, Pen'ncs‘ . zites are mentioned as the two chief people of the coun¬
try. It is faid, for example, that in the time of Abra¬
ham and Lot the Canaanite and Perizzite were in the
land'(Gen. xiii. 7.). The Ifraelites of the tribe of Eph¬
raim complained to Joihua that they were too much pent
up in their pofleflion (Joili. xvii. 15.) : he bid them go,
if they pleafed, into the mountains of the Perizzites, and
liephaims or giants, and there clearing the land, to cul¬
tivate and inhabit it. Solomon fubdued the remains of
the Canaanites and Perizzites which the children of
I fra el had not rooted out, and made them tributary to
him (x Kings ix. 20, 21. and 2 Chr. viii. 7.). There
is {till mention made of the Perizzites in the time of
Ezra (ix. 1.), after the return from the captivity of Ba¬
bylon ; and feveral Ifraelites had married wives from
that nation.
PERKIN, a beverage prepared from pears. See Cy-
DERKIN, under Agriculture, N° 656.
PERMEABLE, a term applied to bodies of fo
loofe a texture as to let fomething pafs through
them.
PERMSKI, or Permia, a town of the Ruffian
empire, and capital of a province of the fame name,
ieated on the river Kama between the Dwina and the
Oby ) E. Long. 55. 50. N. Lat. 70. 26. The pro¬
vince is bounded on the north by the Samoiedes, on
the weft by Zirania and Ulatka, and on the eaft by Si¬
beria.
PERMUTATION, in Commerce, the fame with
bartering. In the canon-law, permutation denotes the
adlual exchange of one benefice for another.
PERNAMBUCO, a province of Brazil, in South
America, bounded on the north by I amera, on the eaft
by the ocean, on the fouth by Seregippa, and on the
weft by Tapuyers. It is about 200 miles in length and
1 50 in breadth. The Dutch became mafters of it in
1630, but the Portuguefe foon after retook it. It pro¬
duces a great quantity of fugar, cotton, and the beft
Brazil wood.
PERNIO, a kibe or chilblain, is a little ulcer, oc-
cafioned by cold in the hands, feet, heels, nofe, and lips.
It will come on when warm parts are too fuddenly ex-
pofed to cold, or when parts from being too cold are
fuddenly expofed to a confiderable warmth 5 and has al¬
ways a" tendency to gangrene, in which it frequently
terminates. It moft commonly attacks children of a
fanguine habit and delicate conftitution ^ and may be
prevented or removed by fuch remedies as invigorate the
fyftem, and are capable of removing any tendency to
gangrene in the conftitution.
PER0N7EUS, in Anatomy, is an epithet applied to
fome of the mufcles of the perone or fibula. See Ana¬
tomy, Table of the Mufcles.
PERONES, a fort of high ftroes which were worn
not only by country people, but by men of ordinary
rank at’ Rome. In the early times of the common¬
wealth they were worn even by fenators} but at laft
they were difufed by perfons of figure, and confined
to ploughmen and labourers. They were very rudely
formed, confifting only of hides undreffed, and reach¬
ing to the middle of the leg. Virgil mentions the pe-
rones as worn by a company of ruftic foldiers on one
foot only.
4
PERONNE, a ftrong town of France, in Picardy, ca- Peronne
pital of Santerre. It is faid never to have been taken,
though often befieged. It is feated on the river Somme,
in E. Long. 3. 1. N. Lat. 44. 50.
PERORATION, in Rhetoric, the epilogue or laft
part of an oration, wherein what the orator had infifted
on through his whole difeourfe is urged afrefti with
greater vehemence and paffiou. A he peroration con-
fifts of two parts. I. Recapitulation; wherein the
fubftance of what was diffufed throughout the whole
fpeech is colledled briefly aftd curforily, and fummed
up with new force and weight. 2. Ihe moving the
paffions j which is fo peculiar to the peroration, that
the mafters of the art call this part fedes affe&uum. The
paffions to be raifed are various, according to the va¬
rious kinds of oration. In a panegyric, love, admira¬
tion, emulation, joy, &c. In an inventive, hatred,
contempt, &c. In a deliberation, hope, confidence,
or fear. The qualities required in the peroration are,
that it be very vehement and paffionatc, and that it be
fhort } becaufe, as Cicero obferves, tears foon dry up.
Thefe qualities were well obferved by Cicero, who
never had an equal in the management of this part of
an orator’s province j for peroration was his mafter-
piece.
“ Concerning peroration (fays Dr Blair), it is need-
lefs to fay much, becaufe it muft vary fo confiderably,
according to the ftrain of the preceding diicourfe.
Sometimes the whole pathetic part comes in moft pro¬
perly at the peroration. Sometimes, when the difcourle
has "been entirely argumentative, it is fit to conclude
with fumming up the arguments, placing them in one
view, and leaving the impreffion of them lull and ftrong
on the mind of the audience. For the great rule of a
c'onclufion, and wdrat nature obvioufly luggefts, is, to
place that laft on which we choofe that the ftrength of
our cafe ftiould reft.
“ In all difeourfes, it is a matter of impc»Lance to hit
the precife time of concluding, fo as to bring our dif¬
eourfe juft to a point } neither ending abruptly and un¬
expectedly, nor difappointing the expedtation ot the
hearers wdien they look for the clofe, and continuing to
hover round and round the conclufion till they become
lieartily tired of us. We Ihould endeavour to get oft'
with a good grace j not to end with a languiihing and
drawding fentence, but to clofe with dignity and fpirit,
that we may leave the minds of the hearers w^arm, and
difmifs them wdth a favourable impreffion of the lubjedt
and of the fpeaker.”
PEROTIS, a genus of plants belonging to the tri-
andria clafs, and in the natural method ranking under
the 4th order, Gramma. See Botany Index.
PERPENDICULAR, in Geometry, a line falling ,
diredlly on another line, fo as to make equal angles on
each fide. See CrEOftfETRY.
PERPETUAL, fomething that endures always, or
lafts for ever.
Perpetual Motion. See Movement.
PERPIGNAN, a confiderable town of Roufillon,
in France, with a ftrong citadel, an univerfity, and a
bifhop’s fee. It is feated on the river Tet ; over which
there is a handfome bridge. E. Long. o. 43. N. Lat.
45* 1 ^
~ PERQUISITE, in a general fenfe, fomething gam¬
ed by a place over and above the fettled wages.
Perquisite,
/
PER [ i
Perquifite Perqutsite, in Law, is any thing gotten by a man’s
p 11 own induftry, or purchafed with his money ; in contra-
er^or1' diftinftion to what defcends to him from his father or
other anceftor.
PERRAULT, Claude, the fon of an advocate in
parliament, was born at Paris in 16135 and was bred a
phyfician, though he never pratRifed but among his rela¬
tions, friends, and the poor. lie difcovered early a
particular tafte for the fciences and fine arts 5 of which
he acquired a confummate knowledge without the af-
fifiance of a mailer : he excelled in archite&ure, paint¬
ing, fculpture, mathematics, phyfics, and all thofe arts
that relate to defigning and mechanics. The entrance
into the Louvre, which was defigned by him, is, ac¬
cording to the judgement of Voltaire, one of the moll
auguft monuments of architedlure in the world. M.
Colbert put him upon tranHating Vitruvius into French 5
which he performed, and publifhed it in 1673,
with figures from his own drawings 5 which are faid to
have been more exaflly finilhed than the plates them-
felves. When the academy of fciences was eflablifhed,
he was one of its firfl members, and was chiefly de¬
pended on for mechanics and natural philofophy. His
works are, Memoires pour fervir a I'HiJloire naturelle
des Anunaux, folio, 1676, with figures 5 Ej/ais de Phy-
fujue, 4 vols. 1 2mo, 16885 Kecueil des plufieurs ma¬
chines de nouve/le invention, 4to, 1700, &c. He died
in 1688.
Perrault, Charles, the brother of Claude, was born
at Paris in 1626, with as great a genius for arts, and a
greater for letters, than his brother. Colbert chofe him
fiift clerk of the buildings, of which he wTas fuperinten-
dant, and afterward made him comptroller-gfeneral of
the finances under him. He was one of the firfl mem¬
bers of the academy of the belles lettres and infcrip-
tions, and was received into the French academy in
1671 • His poem, Im Peinture, printed in 1688, was
univerfally admired : that entitled La Jiccle de Louis le
Grand,' in which he exalted the modern authors above
the ancient, was a prelude to a war with all the le. n-
ed. After he had difengaged himfelf from this contell,
he applied himfelf to draw up elogies of feveral great
men of the 17th century, with their portraits, of which
he has collected 102. I here are other efleemcd works
of Perrault.—Befides thefe there were two other bro-
theis, I eter and Nicholas, who made themfelves known
in the literary -world.
PERRON, James Davy du, a cardinal, diftinguifh-
ed by his abilities and learning, was born in the canton
of Bern in 1556. He was educated by Julian Davy,
h-.s father, a learned Calvinift, who taught him Latin
and the mathematics 5 after which, he by himfelf be¬
came acquainted with the Greek and Hebrew, philofo-
phy, and the poets. Philip Defportes, abbot of Tyron,
made him known to Henry III. king of France, who
conceived a great elteem for him. Some time after,
Du Peiron abjured Calvinifm, and afterwards embraced
Ae eoplefiaflical tunction 5 and having given great
proofs of his wit and learning, he was chofen to pro-
nounce the funeral oration of Mary queen of Scots.
After the murder of Henry III. he retired to the houfe
ot Cardinal de Bourbon, and took great pains in bring¬
ing back the Proteffants to the church of Rome. A-
mong others he gained over Henry Spondanus, after-
waras bifhop of Panders, He alfo chiefly contributed
\3 1 P E R
to engage Henry IV. to change his religion 5 and that Perron
prince lent him to negotiate his reconciliation to the II
holy fee, in which he fucceeded. Du Perron was con-, Femike-
fecrated bifhop of Evreaux while he refided at Rome.'~ " “
On his return to France, he wrote, preached, and dif-
puted againfl the reformed 5 particularly' againfl Du
Pleflis Mornay, with whom lie had a public conference
in the prefence of the king at Fontainbleau. He wras
made cardinal in 1604 by Pope Clement VIII. at the
folicitation of Henry IV. who afterwards nominated
him to the archbifhopric of Sens. The king at length
fent hi® to Rome with Cardinal Joyeufe, in order to
terminate the difputes which had arifen between Paul
V. and the Venetians. It is faid that this pope had
fuch a high opinion of the addrefs of the cardinal Du
Perron, that he ufed to fay, “ Let us pray to God to
intpire the cardinal Du Perron, for he will perfuade us
to do whatever he pleafes.” After the death of Henry
IV. he retired into the country, where lie put the lad
hand to his work 5 and, fetting up a printing-houfe, cor¬
rected every fheet himfelf. Fie died at Paris in 1618.
His works were collefted after his death, and publifhed
at Paris in 3 vols. folio.
PERROT, Nicholas, Sieur d’Ablancourt, one of
the firil geuiufes of his age, was born at Chalons ih
1606. After Undying philofophy about three years,
he was fent to Paris to follow the law. At eighteen
years of age he was admitted advocate of parliament,,
and frequented the bar 5 but he foon conceived a dif-
tade for it, and therefore difeontinued his practice.
I his difpleafed an uncle, but whofe favour he recovered
by quitting the Proteflant religion. Pie could not
however, be prevailed upon to take orders in the
Romifh church 5 and fome years after, he had a de¬
fire to return to the religion he had abjured. But,,
that he might not do any thing raflily, he refolved to
fluuy philoiophy and divinity. lAr that purpofe he
chofe for his mailer Mr Stuart a Scotfman and Luthe¬
ran, a man of great learning. Almofl three years he
fpent in the moil affiduous fludy 5 and then fet out
from Paris to Champagne, where he abjured the Ro¬
man Catholic, and once more embraced the Proteilant
religion. In 1637 was admitted a member of the
French academy ; a little after which he undertook a
tranfiation of 1 acitus. Whilfl he wras engaged in that
laborious talk, he retired to his fmall eflate3 of Ablan-
court, and lived there till his death in 1664. He-
was a man of fine underftanding, of great piety and
integrity, and of univerfal learning. Moreri has gi¬
ven a catalogue or his works, the greatefl part of
which confifl of tranflations, which feemed rather ori¬
ginals.
PERRUKE, Peruke, or Periwig, was anciently
a name for a long head of natural hair 5 fuch, particu¬
larly, as there was care taken in the adjufting and trim¬
ming of. Menage derives the word rather fancifully from
the Latin pi/us “ hair.” It is derived, according to this
critic, thus, pi/us, pelus,pelutus, peluticus, pelutica, peru-
tica, peruca, perruqtie. The Latins called it coma ;
whence part of Gaul took the denomination of Gallia
Comata, from the long hair which the inhabitants wore
as a fign of freedom. An ancient author fays, that Ab •
falom’s perruke weighed 200 fhekels.
The word is now ufed for a fet of falfe hair, curled,
buckled, and fewed together on a frame or cawl 5 an¬
ciently
PEE. [ 144 1 PER
cietftly called cnpillatnentum or “ falfe perruke.” It is
doubted whether or not the ufe of perrukes of this kind
was known among the ancients. It is true, they ufed
falfe hair: Martial and Juvenal make merry with the
women of their time, for making themfelves look young
with their borrowed hair j with the men who changed
their colours according to the leafons j and with the
dotards, who hoped to deceive the Deitinies by their
white hair. But thefe feem to have fcarce had any
thing in common with our perrukes j and wrere at beft
only compofed of hair painted, and glued together.
Nothing can be more ridiculous 'than the defcription
Lampridius gives, of the emperor Commodus’s perruke:
it was powdered with fcrapings of gold, and oiled (if
we may ufe the expreflion) with glutinous perfumes
for the powder to hang by. In effeft, the ufe of per¬
rukes, at leaft in their prefent mode, is not much more
than 160 years old; the year 1629 is reckoned the
epocha of long perrukes, at which time they began to
appear in Paris ; from whence they fpread by degrees
through the reft of Europe. At firft it was reputed
a fcandal for young people to wear them, becaufe the
lofs of their hair at that age was attributed to a dif-
eafe the very name whereof is a -reproach ; but at
length the mode prevailed over the fcruple, and per-
fons of all ages and conditions have worn them, fore¬
going without any neceflity the conveniences of their
natural hair. It was, however, fome time before the
ecclefiaflics came into the fafhion : the firft who af-
fumed the perruke were fome of the French clergy,
in the year 1660; nor is the praftice yet wTell autho-
-rized. Cardinal Grimaldi in 1684, and the bifhop of
Lavaur in 1688, prohibited the ufe of the perruke to
all priefts without a difpenfation or neceflity. M. Thiers
has an exprefs treatife, to prove the perruke indecent
in an ecclefiaftic, and direftly contrary to the decrees
and canons of councifs. A prieft’s head, embellifhed
with artificial hair curioufly adjufted, he- efteems a mon-
fter in the church ; nor can he conceive any thing fo
fcandalous as an abbot wuth a florid countenance, height¬
ened with a well-curled perruke.
PERRY, Captain John, was a famous engineer,
who refided long in Ruflia, having been recommended
to the czar Peter while in England, as a perfon ca¬
pable of ferving him on a variety of occafions relating
to his new defign of eftablifhing a fleet, making his
rivers navigable, &c. His falary in this fervice wag
300I. per annum, befides travelling expences and fub-
fiftence money on whatever fervice he fiiould be em¬
ployed, together with a further reward to his fatisfac-
tion at the conclufion of any w7ork he fhould finifh.
After fome converfation with the czar himfelf, parti¬
cularly, refpecting a communication between the rivers
Volga and Don, he wras employed on that work for
three fummers fucceflively; but not being well^ fup-
plied with men, partly on account of the ill fuccefs of
the czar’s arms againft the Swedes at the battle of
Narva, and partly by the difcouragement of the gover¬
nor of Aftracan, he w’as ordered at the end of 1707 to
flop, and next year was employed in refitting the {hips
at Veronife, and 1709 in making the river of that name
navigable ; but after repeated difappointments, and a
variety of fruitlefs applications for his falary,. he at
laft quitted the kingdom, under the prote&ion of Mr
Whitworth, the Englifh ambaffador, in 1712: (See
2
his narrative in the Preface to The State of Rujjui). In
1721 he was employed in flopping with iuccefs the
breach at Dagenham, in which feveral other underta¬
kers had failed; and the fame year about the harbour
at Dublin, to the objedftions againft which he then pu-
blithed qn Anfw7er. He was author of The State of
Ruflia, 1716, 8vo, and An Account of the flopping of
Dagenham Breach, 1721,. 8vo; and died Feb. 11.
1733-
Perry, the name of a very pleafant and w'holefome
liquor extracted from pears, in the fame manner as cyder
is from apples. See Cyder and Agriculture index.
The beft pears for perry, or at leaft the forts which
have been hitherto deemed the fitteft for making this
liquor, are of a tart and harih quality. Of theie the
Bofbury pear, the Bareland pear, and the horfe pear,
are the moft efteemed for perry in Worcefterftiire, and
the fquafh pear, as it is called, in Gloucefterftnre; in
both which counties, as well as in fome of the adjacent
parts, they are planted in the hedge-row’s and molt
common fields. There is this advantage attending pear-
trees, that they will thrive on land where apples vrill
not fo much as live, and that fome of them grow to fuch
a fize, that a Angle pear-tree, particularly of the Bofbury
and the fqualh kind, has frequently been known to
yield, in one feafon, from one to four hoglheads of perry.
The Bofbury pear is thought to yield the moft lading
and moft vinous liquor. The John pear, the Harpary
pear, the Drake pear, the Mary pear, the Lullum pear,
and feveral others of the harlheft kinds, are efteemed the
beft for perry, but the redder or more tawney they are,
the more they are preferred. Pears, as well as apples,
fhould be full ripe before they are ground.
Dr Beale, in his general advertifements concerning
cyder, fubjoined to Mr Evelyn’s Pomona, difapproves
of Palladius’s faying, that perry wall keep during the
winter, but that it turns four as foon as the weather
begins to be w’arm ; and gives, as his reafons for being
of a contrary opinion, that he had himfelf tailed at the
end of fummer, a very brifk, lively, and vinous liquor,
made of horfe pears; that he had often tried the juice
of the Bofbury paar, and found it both pleafanter and
richer the fecond year, and Rill more fo the third,
though kept only in common hogfheads, and in but
indifferent cellars, without being bottled; and that a
very honeft, worthy, and ingenious gentleman in his
neighbourhood, affured him, as of his own experience,
that it will keep a great wdiile, and grow much the
ftronger for keeping, if put into a good cellar and ma¬
naged with due care. Pie imputes Palladius’s error to
his pofiibly fpeaking of common eatable pears, and to
the perry’s having been made in a very hot country :
but he would have afcribed it to a more real caufe,
perhaps, had be pointed ont the wTant of a thorough
regular fermentation, to which it appears plainly that
the ancients were entire ftrangers; for all their vinous
liquors were medicated by boiling before they wrere laid
up in order to be kept.
PERSECUTION, is any pain or afflifdon W'hich a
perfon-defignedly inflifts upon another; and in a more
refttained fenfe, the fufferihgs of Chriftians on account of
their religion.'
Hiftorians ufually reckon ten general perfecutions,
the firft of which waS under the emperor Nero, 31 years
after cur Lord’s afcenfkm ; when that emperor having
fet
PER [ ns ] ‘PER
Perfecution, fet fire to the city of Rome, threw the odium of that ex-
, Pcrfec8. ecrable action ou the Chriftians, who under that pre¬
tence were wrapped up in the fldns of wild beafts, and
worried and devoured by dogs ; others were crucified,
and others burnt alive. The fecond was under Domi-
tian, in the year 95. In this perfecution St John the
apoftle was fent to the ifle of Patmos, in order to be em¬
ployed in digging in the mines. The third began in
the third year of Trajan, in the year 100, and was car¬
ried on with great violence for feveral years. The fourth
wras under Antoninus the philofopher, when the Chrift¬
ians were baniflred from their houfes, forbidden to ftiow
their heads, reproached, beaten, hurried from place to
place, plundered, imprifoned, and ftoned. The fifth
began in the year 197, under the emperor Severus.
Jhe fixth began with the reign of the emperor Maxi¬
minus in 235. The feventh, which was the moft dread¬
ful perfecution that had ever been known in the church,
began in the year 250, in the reign of the emperor De¬
ems, when the Chriftians were in all places driven from
their habitations, ftripped of their eftates, tormented
with racks, &c. The eighth began in the year 257,
in the fourth year of the reign of the emperor Valerian.
The ninth was under the emperor Aurelian, A. D.
274 5 but this wras very inconfiderable : and the tenth
began in the 19th year of Dioclefian, A. D. 303. In
this dreadful perfecution, wdiich laded ten years, houfes
filled with Chriftians were fet on fire, and whole droves
W'ere tied together with ropes and thrown into the fea.
See Toleration.
PERSEES, the defeendants of a colony of ancient
Perhaps, who took refuge at Bombay, Surat, and in
the vicinity of thole cities, when their own country
w'as conquered 1100 years ago by the Mahometan
Arabs. I hey are a gentle, quiet, and induftrious
people, loved by the Hindoos, and living in great har¬
mony among themfelves. The confequence is, that
they multiply exceedingly, whilft their countrymen in
the province of Keman are vifibly diminifliing under
the yoke of the Mahometan Perfians. Of the manners
and cuftoms of this amiable race, wTe have the follow¬
ing account in Heron’s elegant tranllation of Niebuhr’s
Travel’s.
“ I he Perfees (fays he) make common contributions
jfor the aid of their poor, and fufFer none of their number
to alk alms from people of a different religion. They
are equally ready to employ their money and credit to
fereen a brother of their fraternity from the abufes of
juftice. When a Perfee behaves ill, he is expelled from
their communion, j hey apply to trade, and exercife
all forts of profeffions.
“ The Perfees have as little knowledge of circum-
ciiion as the Hindoos. Among them, a man marries
only one wife, nor ever takes a fecond, unlefs when the
firit happens to be barren. They give their children in
marriage at fix years of age j but the young couple
continue to live feparate, in the houfes of" their parents,
till they attain the age of puberty. Their drefs is the
fame as that of the Hindoos, except that they wear under
each ear a tuft of hair, like the modern Perfians. They
arf1,muf'h addicted to aftrology, although very little
Ikilled in aftronomy.
“ 1 hey retain the Angular cuftom of expofing their
dead to be eaten by birds of prey, inftead of interring or
burning them. I faw (continues our author) on a hill
Vol. XVI. Part I. .
at Bombay a round tower, covered with planks of wood, Perfee?,
on which the Perfees lay out their dead bodies. When Pertep^hs-
the flefti is devoured, they remove the bones into two 'r~~
chambers at the bottom of the tower.
“ The Perfees, followers of the religion of Zerduft or
Zoroafter, adore one God only, eternal and almighty.
They pay, however, a certain worfhip to the fun, the
moon, the liars, and to fire, as vifible images of the
invifible divinity. Their veneration for the element
of fire induces them to keep a facred fire conftantly
burning, which they feed with odoriferous wood, both
in the temples and in the houfes of private perfons, who
are in eafy circumftances. In one of their temples at
Bombay, I faw a fire which had burnt unextinguilhed
for two centuries. They never blow out a light, left
their breath Ihould foil the purity of the fire. See
Polytheism.
“ The religion of the Perfees enjoins purifications as
ftri&ly as that of the Hindoos. The difciples of Zer¬
duft are not, however, obliged to abftain from animal
food. They have accuftomed themfelves to refrain
from the flelh of the ox, becaufe their anceftors pro-
mifed the Indian prince who received them into his
dominions never to kill horned cattle. This promife
they continue to obferve under the dominion of Chrifti¬
ans and Mahometans. The horfe is by them confider-
ed as the moft impure of all animals, and regarded with
extreme averfion.
“ Their feftivals, denominated Ghumbars, which re¬
turn frequently, and laft upon each occafion five days,
are all commemorations of fome part of the work of
creation. They celebrate them not with fplendour, or
with any particular ceremonies, but only drefs better du¬
ring thofe five days, perform fome adds of devotion in
their houies, and vifit their friends.”
The Perfees were till lately but very little known ;
the ancients fpeak of them but feldom, and wdiat they
fay feems to be diftated by prejudice. On this account
Dr Hyde, who thought the fubjeft both curious and
interefting, about the end of the 1 7th century attempted
a deeper inveftigation of a fubjeft which till then had
been but very little attended to. He applied to the
works of Arabian and Perfian authors, from whom, and
from the relations of travellers, together with a variety
of letters from perfons in India, he compiled his cele¬
brated work on the religion of the Perfees. Other ac¬
counts have been given by different men, as accident
put information in their way. But the moft diftinguifti-
ed is by M. Anquetil du Perron, who undertook a
voyage to difeover and tranflate the works attributed
to Zoroafter. Of this voyage he drew up an account
himfelf, and read it before the Royal Academy of
Sciences at Paris in May 1761. A tranflation of it
was made and publiftied in the Gentleman’s Magazine
for 1762, to which we refer our readers. The account
begins at page 373, and is concluded at page 614. Re¬
marks were afterwards made on Du Perron’s account
by a Mr Yates. See the fame Magazine for 1766
P-529- ’
PERSEPOLIS, formerly the capital of Perfia, fitu-
ated in N. Lat. 30. 30. E. Long. 84. o. now in ruins,
but remarkable for the moft magnificent remains of a
palace or temple that are to be found throughout the Plate
world—This city flood in one of the fineft plains in C:CCCIX-
Perfia, being 18 or 19 leagues in length, and in fome
T places
PER [ 146 ] PER
Ferfepolls, places two, in Tome four, and in others fix leagues in
' ' breadth. It is watered by the great river Araxes, now
Bendemir, and by a multitude of rivulets befides. With¬
in the compafs df this plain, there are between 1000
and 1500 villages, without reckoning thofe in the
mountains, all adorned with pleafant gardens, and
planted with fhady trees. The entrance of this plain
on the weft fide has received as much grandeur from
nature, as the city it covers could do from induftry or
art. It confifts of a range of mountains fteep and high,
four leagues in length, and about two miles broad, form¬
ing two flat banks, with a rifing terrace in the middle,
the fummit of which is perfeftly plain and even, all of
native rock. In this there are fuch openings, and the
terraces are fo fine and fo even, that one would be
tempted to think the whole the work of art, if the great
extent, and prodigious elevation thereof, did not con¬
vince one that it is a wonder too great for aught but
nature to produce. Undoubtedly thefe banks were the
very place where the advanced guards from Perfepolis
took poft, and from which Alexander found it fo diffi¬
cult to diflodge them. One cannot from hence defcry
the ruins of the city, becaufe the banks are too high to
be overlooked •, but (me can perceive on every fide the
ruins of walls and of edifices, which heretofore adorned
the range of mountains of which we are fneaking. On
the weft and on the north this city is defended in the
like manner: fo that, confidering the height and even-
rcfs of thefe banks, one may fafely fay, that there is not
in the world a place fo fortified by nature.
The mountain Rehumut, in the form of an amphi¬
theatre, encircles the palace, which is one of the 110-
bleft and moft beautiful pieces of architefture remaining
of all antiquity. Authors and travellers have been ex¬
ceedingly minute in their defcriptions of thofe ruins j
and yet fome of them have expreffed themfelves fo dif¬
ferently from others, that, had they not agreed with
refpeft to the latitude and longitude of the place, one
would be tempted to fufpeft that they had vifited dif¬
ferent ruins. Thefe ruins have been defcribed by Ger-
cias de Silva Figueroa, Pietro de la Valle, Chardin, Le
Brun, and Mr Francklin. We fliall adopt the defcrip-
tion of an intelligent traveller. The afcent to the co¬
lumns is by a grand ftaircafe of blue ftone containing
104 fteps.
“ The firft objeft that ftrikes the beholder on his
entrance, are two portals of ftone, about 50 feet in
height each the fides are embelliffied with two fphinxes
of an immenfe fize, dreffed out with a" profuiion of
bead-work, and, contrary to the ufual method, they
are reprefented Handing. On the fldes above are in-
fcriptions in an ancient charadler, the meaning of which
no one hitherto has been able to decypher.
“ At a fmall diftance from thefe portals you afcend
another flight of fteps, which lead to the grand hall of
columns. The fides of this ftaircafe are ornamented
with a variety of figures in baffb relievo 5 moft of them
have veffels in their hands : here and there a camel ap¬
pears, and at other times a kind of triumphal car,
made after the Roman faffiion; befides thefe are fe-
veral led horfes, oxen, and rams, that at times inter¬
vene and diverfify the proceffion. At the head of the
ftaircafe is another baffo relievo, reprefenting a lion
feizing a bull •, and clofe to this are other infcriptions
ancient characters. On getting to the top of this
ftaircafe, you enter what was formerly a moft magni- Perfepoli?,
ficent hall ; the natives have given this the name of Perfeve-
chehul minor, or forty pillars , and though this name is , ra”ce’ f
often uied’ to exprels the whole of the building, it is
more particularly appropriated to this part of it. Al¬
though a vaft number of ages have elapfed fince the
foundation, 15 of the columns yet remain entire j they
are from 70 to 80 feet in height, and are mafterly pieces
of mafonry : their pedeftals are curioufly worked, and
appear little injured by the hand of time. The ffiafts
are enfluted up to the top, and the capitals are adorned
with a profufion of fretwork.
“ From this hall you proceed along eaftward, until
you arrive at the remains of a large fquare building, to
which you enter through a door of granite. Moft of
the doors and window's of this apartment are ftill Hand¬
ing •, they are oF black marble, and polithed like a
mirror : on the fides of the doors, at the entrance,
are bas-reliefs of two figures at full length \ they re-
prefent a man in the attitude of ftabbing a goat; with
one hand he feizes hold of the animal by the horn, and
thrufts a dagger into his belly w ith the other} one of
the goat’s feet refts upon the breaft of the man, and
the other upon his right aim. This device is common
throughout the palace. Over another door of the fame
apartment is a reprefentation of twro men at full length 5
behind them Hands a domeftic holding a fpread um¬
brella : they are fupported by large round ftaffs, ap¬
pear to be in years, have long beards, and a profufion of
hair upon their heads.
“ At the fouth-weft entrance of this apartment are
two large pillars of ftone, upon which are carved four
figures \ they are dreffed in long garments, and hold in
their hands Ipears 10 feet in length. At this entrance
alfo the remains of a ftaircafe of blue ftone are ftill vi-
fible. Vaft numbers of broken pieces of pillars, ftiafts,
and capitals, are fcattered over a confiderable extent of
ground, fome of them of fuch enormous fize, that it is
w onderful to think how they could have been brought
whole, and fet up together. Indeed, every remains of
thefe noble ruins indicate their former grandeur and
magnificence, truly worthy of being the refidence of a
great and powerful monarch.”
Thefe noble ruins are now the flicker of beafts and
birds of prey. Befides the infcriptions above mention¬
ed, there are others in Arabic, Perfian, and Greek.
Dr Hyde obferves, that the infcriptions are very rude
and clumfy ; and that fome, if not all of them, are in
praife of Alexander the Great } and therefore are later
than that conqueror. See the article Ruins.
PERSEVERANCE, in Theology, a continuance in
a ftate of grace to a ftate of glory.
About this fubjeft there has been much controverfy
in the Chriftian church. All divines, except Unitari¬
ans, admit, that no man can be ever in a ftate of grace
without the co-operation of the fpirit of God 5 # but the
Calvinifts and Arminians differ widely as to the nature
of this co-operation. The former, at leaft fuch as call
themfelves the true difciples of Calvin, believe, that thofe
who are once under the influence of divine grace can
never fail totally from it, or die in mortal fin. The
Arminians, on the other hand, contend, that the whole
of this life is a ftate of probation -, that without the
grace of God wre can do nothing that is good 5 that the
Holy Spirit affifts, but does not overpower, our natural
faculties,
PER
r
Perfeiis,
Pcrfia.
Extent of
Perfi#.
faculties j and that a man, at any period of his life, may
refill, grieve, and even quench, the fpirit. See Theo¬
logy.
PERSEUS was the moft ancient of all the Greek
heroes. He founded the city of Mycenae, of which he
became afterwards king, and where he and his pollerity
reigned for 100 years. Pie flourilhed, according to moll
chronologifts, 1348 B. C.j but, according to Sir llaac
Newton, only 1028.
Perseus. See Astronomy Index.
PERSIA, a moll ancient and celebrated empire of
Alia, extending in length from the mouth of the river
Araxes to that of the river Indus, about 1840 of our
miles, and in breadth from the river Oxus, to the Per-
fian gulf, about 1080 of the fame miles. It is bounded
on the north by the Cafpian fea, the river Oxus, and
Mount Caucafus *, on the call, by the river Indus and
^ie dominions of the Great Mogul} on the fouth, by
the Perfian gulf and the Indian ocean 5 and on the well,
by the dominions of the Grand Signior.
We learn from Sir William .Tones, the illuftrious pre-
fident of the Afiatic Society, that Perfia is the name of
only one province of this extenlive empire, which by
province of ^ie prefent natives, and all the learned Mujfulmans who
Perlw.
Perfia pro¬
perly the
name of
only one
this vaft refide in the Britilh territories in India, is called Iran.
empire. It has been a praftice not uncommon in all ages to de¬
nominate the whole of a country from that part of it
with which we are belt acquainted •, and hence have
the Europeans agreed to call Iran by the name of that
province of which Shirauz is the capital: See Shirauz.
The fame learned writer is confident that Iran, or Per¬
fia in its largeft extent, comprehended within its out¬
line the lower Afia, which, fays he, wras unqueftionably
a part of the Perjian, if not of the old Alfyrian empire.
“ Thus may we look on Iran as the nobleft peninfula
on this habitable globe ; and if M. Bailly had fixed on
it as the Atlantis of Plato, he might have fupported
his opinion with far Itronger arguments than any that
he has adduced in favour of Nova Zembla. If, indeed,
the account of the Atlantis be not purely an Egyptian
fable, I Ihould b6 more inclined, fays Sir William, to
place them in Iran than in any region with which I
am acquainted.”
The moft ancient name, however, of this country w as
that of Elam, or, as fome write it, /Elam, from Elam
the fon of Shem, from wThom its firft inhabitants are def-
cended. Herodotus calls its inhabitants Cephenes ; and
in very ancient times the people are faid to have called
themfelves Artcei, and the country wdrere they dwelt
Artcra. In the books of Daniel, Efdras, &c. it is call¬
ed by the names of Pars, Pharos, or Ears, whence the
modern name of Perjia ; but whence thofe names have
been derived, is now7 uncertain.
Opinions That Perfia was originally peopled by' Elam the fon
refpedting of Shem, has been very generally admitted •, but the
its firft po- truth is, that of the ancient hiftory of this diftinguiflied
filiation, empire very little is perfeftly knowm. For this igno¬
rance, wdiich at firfl feems ftrange, fatisfaflory reafons
may eafily be affigned ; of which the principal are the
fuperficial knowledge of the Greeks and Jews, and the
lofs of Perfian archives or hiftorical compofitions. “ That
the Grecian waiters before Xenophon had no acquaint¬
ance with Perjia, and that their accounts of it are
wholly fabulous, is a paradox too extravagant to be fe-
fioully mentioned: but (fays Sir William Jones) their
.3
Various
names of
the coun¬
try.
47 ] PE n
connexion with it in war or peace had been generally
confined to bordering kingdoms under feudatoiy princes j "'N —
and the firil Perjian emperor, whole life and character
they feem to have know n wuth tolerable accuracy, wras
the great Cyrus.” Our learned author, however, is
fo far from confidering Cyrus as the firft Perfian mo¬
narch, that he thinks it evident a powerful monarchy
had fubfifted in Iran for ages before the acceiTion of that
hero 5 that this monarchy was called the Mahe'be'dian
dynafty ; and that it was in fad! the oldeft monarchy in
the wrorld. The evidence upon which the prefident
refts this opinion, is the work of a Mahometan travel¬
ler, compiled from the books of fuch Perfians as lied
from their country upon the innovation in religion made
by Zoroafter : and if thefe books, of which a few’ Hill
remain, be genuine, and the Mahometan a faithful com¬
piler, fadts of which Sir William has not the fmalleft
doubt, the evidence is certainly fufficient to bear the fu-
perftrudlure which he has railed upon it. ^
If the Perfian monarchy w7as thus ancient, it is natu- Perhaps
ral to fuppofe that Perfia or Iran was the original feat original
of the human race, whence colonies v/ere fent out
emigrated of themfelves to people the reft of the habi-i ic‘e "1
table globe. This fuppofition is actually made by our
ingenious author, who ftrongly confirms it by remarks
on the moft ancient language of Perfia, wdiich he {hows
to have been the parent of the Sanfcrit, as well as of the
Greek, Latin, and Gothic (fee Philology). Pie
therefore holds, as a propofition firmly eftabliftied,
“ that Iran or Perfia, in its largeft fenfe, w’as the true
centre of population, of knowdedge, of languages, and
of arts •, which inftead of travelling w'eftward only, as it
has been fancifully fuppofed, or eaftward, as might with
equal reafon have been afferted, w’ere expanded in all
diredlions to all the regions of the world.” He thinks
it is from good authority that the Saxon Chronicle
brings the firft inhabitants of Britain from Armenia j.
that the Goths have been concluded to come from Per
fia 5 and that both the Irifti and old Britons have been
fuppofed to have proceeded from the borders of the Cafi-
pian : for all thefe places were comprehended within the
ancient Iran.
Of this firft Perlian monarchy w’e have no hiftorical
accounts 5 and muft therefore, after having thus men- ^
tioned it, defeend at once to the era of Cyrus. This Accounts of
prince is celebrated both by lacred and profane hifto-the birth,
rians; but the latter are at no fmall variance concern- See. Of Ly¬
ing his birth and acceflion to the throne. According1115'
to Herodotus, Ally ages, the laft king of the Medes,
being warned in a dream, that the fon who wras to be
born of his daughter Mandane, (liould one day be lord
of Afia, refolved to marry her, not to a Mede, but to
a Perfian. Accordingly he chofe for her hulband one
Cambyfes, a man of a peaceable difpofition, and of no
very high Ration. However, about a year after they
were married, Ally ages wras frightened by another
dream, wdiich made him refolve to difpatch the infant
as foon as it fttould be born. Hereupon the king fent
for his daughter, and put her under confinement, where
ftie w7as foon after delivered of a fon. The infant was
committed to the care of one Harpagus, with ftridl or¬
ders to deftroy it in what manner he thought proper.
But he, having acquainted his wife wfith the command
he had received, by her advice gave it to a fhepherd
defiring him to let it perilh by expofing it. But the
T 2 Ihepherd,
Perfia.
Umi, -
P E H [ 148 ] PER
fhephercl, out of compaflion, expofed a ftill-born child
which his wife happened to be then delivered of, and
brought up the fon of Mandane as his own, giving him
the name of Cyrus.
When the young prince had attained the age of ten
years, as he w-as one day at play with other children of
the fame age, he was chofen king by his companions 5
and having, in virtue of that dignity, divided them into
feveral orders and claffes, the fon of Artembares, a lord
of eminent dignity among the Medes, refufed to obey
his orders 5 whereupon Cyrus caufed him to be feized,
and whipped very feverely. The boy ran crying to his
father j and he immediately hailened to the king’s pa¬
lace, loudly complaining of the affront his fon had re¬
ceived from the fon of a iiave, and intreating Altyages
to revenge, by fome exemplary punilhment, the indig¬
nity offered to him and his family. Aftyages, com¬
manding both the hcjrdfman and his fon to be brought
before him, alked the latter, how he, who was the fon
of fo mean a man, had dared to abufe the fon of one of
the chief lords of the kingdom ? Cyrus replied, that he
had done no more than he had a right to do ; for the
boys of the neighbourhood having chofen him king, be-
caufe they thought him moft worthy of that dignity,
and performed what he, vetted with that charadter, had
commanded, the fon of Artembares alone had flighted
his orders, and for his difobedience had fuffered the pu-
nifhment he deferved. In the courfe of this converfa-
tion Aftyages happening to recoiled!:, that his grandfon,
whom he had ordered to be deftroyed, would have been
about the fame age with Cyrus, began to queftion the
fhepherd concerning his fuppofed fon, and at laft obtained
from him a confeffion of the wThole truth.
Aftyages having now difcovered Cyrus to be his
grandfon, fent for Harpagus, who alfo confeffed that he
had not. feen Mandane’s fon deftroyed, but had given
him to the fhepherd ; at wdiich Aftyages was fo much
incenfed, that, having invited Harpagus to an enter¬
tainment, he caufed him to be ferved with the fleflr of
his own fon. When he had done, the king afked him
whether he liked his vidtuals ; and Harpagus anfwer-
ing, that he had never tafted any thing more delicious,
the officers appointed for that purpofe brought in a baf-
ket, containing the head, hands, and feet of his fon,
defiring him to uncover the bafket, and take what he
liked beft. He did as they defired, and beheld the
mangled remains of his only child without betraying
the leaft concern, fo great was the command which he
had over his paffions. The king then alked him, whe¬
ther he knew with wfhat kind of meat he had been en¬
tertained. Harpagus replied, that he knew very well,
and was always pleafed with what his fovereign thought
fit to ordain ; and having thus replied, with a furprifing
temper he collefted the mangled parts of his innocent
fbn, and went home.
Aftyages having thus vented his rage on Harpagus,
began next to confult what he fhould do with Cyrus.
The magi, however, eafed him of his fears with regard
to him, "by affuring him, that as the boy had been once
chofen king by his companions, the dream had been al¬
ready verified, and that Cyrus never would reign in any
other fenfe. The king, being well pleafed with this
anfwer, called Cyrus, and, owning how much he had
been wanting in the affeftion which he ought to have
had towards him, defired him to prepare for a journey
into Perfia, where he would find his father and mother Perfia.
in circumftances very different from thofe of the poor '“'“'■v *'1J
fhepherd and his wife with whom he had hitherto lived.
Cyrus, on his arrival at his father’s houfe, was received
with the greateft joy. When he grew up, he foon be¬
came popular on account of his extraordinary parts j
till at laft his friendfhip was courted by Plarpagus, who
had never forgot the cruel treatment he received from
Aftyages. By his means a confpiracy was formed
againtt Aftyages } who being overthrown in two fuc-
ceffive engagements, was taken prifoner and confined
for life.
The account given by Xenophon of the rife of Cyrus
is much more confonant to Scripture j for he tells us,
that Babylon was conquered by the united forces of the
Medes and Perfians. According to him, Cyrus was the
fon of Cambyfes king of the Medes, and Mandane the
daughter of Aftyages king of Perfia. He was born a
year after his uncle Cyaxares, the brother of Mandane.
He lived till the age of twelve with his parents in Per-*
fia, being educated after the manner of the country, and
inured to fatigues and military exercifes. At this age
he was taken to the court of Aftyages, where he re-
fided four years ; when the revolt of the Medes and
Perfians from the JIabylonians happened, and which
ended in the deftruflion of the Babylonilh empire, as
related under the article Babylon. ^
While Cyrus was employed in the Babylonilh war, His war
before he attacked the metropolis itfelf, he reduced allv- kb the
the nations of A.fia Minor. The moft formidable 0f
thefe wrere the Lydians, whofe king Crcefus affembled
a very numerous army, compofed of all the other na¬
tions in that part of Afia, as wrell as of Egyptians,
Greeks, and Thracians. Cyrus being informed of thefe
vaft preparations, augmented his forces to 196,000 men,
and with them advanced againft the enemy, who were
affembled near the river Paftolus. After long marches,
he came up with them at Thymbra, not far from Sar¬
dis, the capital of Lydia. Befides the horfe and foot,
which amounted to 196,000, as already obferved, Cy¬
rus had 300 chariots armed with fcythes, each chariot
drawn by four horfes abreaft, covered with trappings
that were proof againft all forts of milfive weapons : he
had likewafe a great number of chariots of a larger fize,
upon each of which was placed a tower about 18 or 20
feet high, and in each tower were lodged 20 archers.
Thefe towers were drawn by 16 oxen yoked abreaft.
There was moreover a confiderable number of camels,
each mounted by two Arabian archers, the one looking
towards the head, and the other towards the hinder
part of the camel. The army of Croefus confifted of
420,000 men. The Egyptians, who alone wrere 120,000
in number, being the main ftrength of the army, were
placed in the centre. Both armies were drawn up in an
immenfe plain, which gave room for the extending of
the wings on either fide •, and the defign of Croefus, up¬
on which alone he founded his hopes of vidtory, was to
furround and hem in the enemy’s army. g
When the two armies were in fight of each other, The battle
Croefus, obferving how much his front exceeded that ofof Thym-
Cyrus, made the centre halt, but commanded the twobra‘
wings to advance, with a defign to inclofe the Perfian
army, and begin the attack on both fides at once.
When the two detached bodies of the Lydian forces
were fufficiently extended, Croefus gave the fignal to the
main,
PER [ 149 ] PER
Perfia. main body, which marched up to the front of the Per-
v " fian army, while the two wings attacked them in flank j
fo that Cyrus’s army was hemmed in on all fldes, and,
as Xenophon exprefl’es it, was inclofed like a fmall
fquare drawn within a great one. This motion, how¬
ever, did not at all alarm the Perfian commander ; but,
giving his troops the fignal to face about, he attacked
in flank tbofe forces that were going to fall upon his
rear fo vigoroufly, that he put them into great diforder.
At the fame time a fquadron of camels was made to ad¬
vance againfl: the enemy’s other wing, w'hich conflfled
moftly of cavalry. The horfes wrere fo frightened at the
approach of thefe animals, that moll of them threw their
riders, and trod them under foot} which occafloned
great confuflon. Then Artagefes, an officer of great va¬
lour and experience, at the head of a fmall body of
horfe, charged them fo brifldy, that they could never
afterwards rally ; and at the fame time the chariots,
armed with fcythes, being driven in among them, they
were entirely routed. Both the enemy’s wings being
thus put to flight, Cyrus commanded his chief favourite
Abradates to fall upon the centre with the large cha¬
riots above mentioned. The firft ranks, confifting moft¬
ly of Lydians, not being able to ftand fo violent a
charge, immediately gave way j but the Egyptians, be¬
ing covered with their bucklers, and marching fo clofe
that the chariots had not room to penetrate their ranks,
a great (laughter of the Perfians enfued. Abradates
himielf was killed, his chariot overturned, and the
greateft part of his men were cut in pieces. Upon his
death, the Egyptians, advancing boldly, obliged the
Perflan infantry to give wray, and drove them back
quite to their engines. There they met wnth a new
ftunver of darts and javelins from their machines 5 and
at the lame time the Perfian rear advancing fword in
hand, obliged their fpearmen and archers to return to
the charge. In the mean time Cyrus, having put to
flight both the horfe and foot on the left of the Egyp¬
tians, pulhed on to the centre, where he had the mis¬
fortune to find his Perfians again giving ground j and
judging that the only way to flop the Egyptians, wko
were purfuing them, wTould be to attack them in the
rear, he did fo; and at the fame time the Perfian ca¬
valry coming up to his afliftance, the fight was renewed
with great (laughter on both fides. Cyrus himfelf w^as
in great danger ; for his horfe being killed under him,
he fell among the midft of his enemies : but the Per¬
fians, alarmed at the danger of their general, threw
themfelves headlong on their opponents, refcued him,
and made a terrible daughter; till at laft Cyrus, admir¬
ing the valour of the Egyptians, offered them honour¬
able conditions : letting them know at the fame time,
that all their allies had abandoned them. They accept¬
ed the terms offered them j and having agreed wnth Cy¬
rus that they fhouid not be obliged to carry arms againft
Crcefus, they engaged in the fervice of the conqueror,
9 and continued faithful to him ever after.
Sardis ta- The next morning Cyrus advanced towards Sardis,
*-Vnd and Croefus marched out to oppofe him at the head of
t e y lan t]-,e Lydians only ; for his allies had all abandoned him.
Their ftrength confided moftly in cavalry j wrhich Cy¬
rus being w^ell apprifed of, he ordered his camels to ad¬
vance ; by wkom the horfes were fo frightened, that
they became quite ungovernable. However, the Ly¬
dians difmounted, and for fonie time made a vigorous
empire
over- %
thrown.
refiftance on foot 3 but wrere at laft driven into the city, Perfia.
which wTas taken twTo days after : and thus the Lydian ' v*~~
empire was totally deftroyed. IO
After the conqueft of Sardis, Cyrus turned his arms Reduces
againft Babylon itfclf, which he reduced in the manner Babylon,
related under that article. Having fettled the civil go¬
vernment of the conquered kingdoms, Cyrus took a re¬
view of all his forces, which he found to confift of
600,000 foot, 120,000 horfe, and 20C0 chariots armed
with fcythes. With thefe he extended his dominion all
over the nations to the confines of Ethiopia, and to the
Red fea; after which he continued to reign peaceably
over his vaft empire till his death, which happened a- n
bout 529 before Chrift. According to Xenophon, he His death,
died a natural death j but others tell us, that, having
engaged in a war with the Scythians, he was by them
overthrown and cut in pieces with his whole army,
amounting to 200,000 men. But this is very impro¬
bable, feeing all authors agree that the tomb of Cyrus
was extant at Pafargada in Perfia'in the time of Alex¬
ander the Great 5 which it could not have been if his
body had remained in the pofleflion of the Scythians, as
thefe authors affert.
In the time of Cyrus, the Perfian empire extended
from the river Indus to the /Egean fea. On the north
it w'as bounded by the Euxine and Cafpian feas, and on
the fouth by Ethiopia and Arabia. That monarch
kept his refidence for the feven cold months at Babylon,
by reafon of the w?armth of that climate 5 three months
in the fpring he fpent at Sufa, and two at Ecbatan dur¬
ing the heat of Cummer. On his deathbed he appointed
his fon Cambyfes to fucceed him in the empire 5 and to
his other fon, Smerdis, he gave feveral confiderable go¬
vernments. The new monarch immediately fet about
the conqueft of Egypt; which he accompliftied in the
manner related in the hiftory of that country. I2
Having reduced Egypt, Cambyfes next refolved to Cambyfes
turn his arms againft the Carthaginians, Hammonians, coricluer5
and Ethiopians. But he was obliged to drop the firft Pt*
of thefe enterpiifes, becaufe the Phoenicians refufed to
fupply him wdth (hips againft the Carthaginians, wdio
where a Phoenician colony. However, he fent ambaf-
fadors into Ethiopia wdth a defign to get intelligence of
the date and ftrength of the country. But the Ethio¬
pia® monarch, being well apprifed of the errand on
which they came, treated them with great contempt.
In return for the prefents fent him by Cambyfes, he
fent his own bow j and advifed the Perfians to make
w7ar upon the Ethiopians when they could bend fuch a
ftrong bow as eafily as he did, and to thank the gods
that the Ethiopians had no ambition to extend their do¬
minions beyond their owm country. j,
Cambyfes was no fooner informed of this anfwer by His unfue-
his arhbafiadors thali he flew into a violent paflion ; and cefsfni ex-
ordered his army immediately to begin their march,
without confidering that they were neither furniftied mliio^i-a
with provifions nor any other neceflary. When he ar- and the
rived at Thebes in Upper Egypt, he detached 50,000 Hammo-
men, wdth orders to deftroy the temple of Jupiter Am-mun5,
mon : but all thefe periftied in the defert} not a Angle
perfon arriving either at the oracle, or returning to
Thebes. The reft of the army, led by Cambyfes him¬
felf, experienced incredible hardffnps ; for, not being
provided with any neceffaries, they had not marched a
fifth part of the w7ay when they were obliged to kill and
eat
Perfia.
14
He mur¬
ders his
brother.
P ,E 11 . .. [ 15
eat tlieir beafcs of burthen. When thefe failed, the fol-
diers fed on gfafs and roots, as long as any could be
found j and at laid were reduced to the dreadful necef-
fity of eating one another } every tenth man, on whom
the lot fell, being condemned to ferve as food for his
companions. The king, however, obftinately perfiihed
in his defign ; till, being apprehenfive of the danger he
himfelf was in, he retreated to Thebes, after having loft
the greateft part of his army.
Cambyfes was a man of a very cruel and fufpicious
temper, of which he gave many inftances ; and the fol¬
lowing proved indireffly the caufe of his death.—We
have already obferved that the king of Ethiopia fent his
bow in return for the prefents brought to him by the
ambafiadors of Cambyfes. The only man in the Per-
fian army who could bend this bow was Siruerdis the
king’s brother •, and this inftance of his perfonal ftrength
fo alarmed the tyrant, that, without any crime alleged,
he caufed him to be murdered. This gave occafion to
one Smerdis, a magi an, who greatly refembled the
other Smerdis in looks, to afliime the name of the de-
ceafed prince, and to raife a rebellion againft Cambyfes,
who was generally hated for his cruelty; and this he
could the more eafily do, as the chief management of
affairs had been committed to this Smerdis during the
king’s ahfence. Cambyfes, on receiving the news of
this revolt, immediately ordered his army to march, in
order to fupprefs it; but as he wTas mounting his horfe,
his fword, flipping out of its icabbard, wounded him in
the thigh. On this accident, he afked the name of the
city where he wras and being told that it was Ecbatan,
he faid in the prefence of all his attendants, “ Fate has
decreed that Cambyfes the fon of Cyrus fliall die in this
place.” For, having confulted the oracle of Butus,
which was very famous in that country, he v/as told
that he fliould die at Ecbatan. This he had always un-
derftood of Ecbatan in Media, and bad therefore refol-
ved to avoid it. Being now, however, convinced that
his end approached, he aflembled the chief Perflan lords
who ferved in the army, and having told them that his
brother v.'as certainly dead, he exhorted them never to
fubmit to the impoflor, or fuffer the fovereignty
again to pafs from the Perfians to the Medes, to w hich
nation Smerdis belonged, but to ufe their utmoft
endeavours to place one of their owm blood on the
^ throne.
His death. As the king’s wound mortified, he lived but a few
days after this ; but the affembly fuppofing that he had
fpoken only out of hatred to his brother, quietly fub-
mitted to the xmpoftor, who was thus for a time efta-
blifhed on the throne. Indeed, from his condufl during
the fliort time which he enjoyed the kingdom, he ap-
15 pears to have been not at all undeferving of a crown.
Reign of He began with granting to all his fubje&s an exemption
Snierdis the from taxes and military fervice for three years, and
aaagian. treated all of them in the moft beneficent manner. To
fecure himfelf on the throne the more effeftually, he
married Atoffa the daughter of Cyrus •, thinking, that
in cafe of a difeovery he might hold the empire by her
title. She had before been married to her brother Cam¬
byfes, on a decifion of the magi that a king of Perfla
might do as he pleafed ; and by virtue of this deciflon
Smerdis alfo married her as her brother. The extreme
caution of Smerdis, however, promoted the difeovery of
o ] PEI
his impofture. He had married all his predeceffor’s Perfla.
wives, among whom w as one Phedyma, the daughter' ^ ^
of Otanes a Perfian nobleman of the firft rank. Otanes, jj-s
who fufpedted that the king was not Smerdis the fon of fture difeo-
Cyrus, lent a trufty meffenger to his daughter, defiring vered.
to know whether he was fo or not 5 but Phedyma, hav¬
ing never feen this Smerdis, could not give any anl’wer.
Her father then delired her to inquire at Aloffa, who
could not but know her own brother. However, he
wras again difappointed •, for Phedyma acquainted him
that all the king’s wives were lodged in diftindt and fe-
parate apartments, without being allowed to fee each
other. This greatly increafed the fufpicions of Otanes j
upon which he fent his daughter a third meffage, defir¬
ing her, the next time flie fliould be admitted to the
king’s bed, to take an opportunity of feeling whe¬
ther he had ears or not: for Cyrus had formerly caufed
the ears of Smerdis the magian to be cut off for fome
crime of which he had been guilty 5 fo that, if the king
had ears, flie might then be affured that he was Smerdis
the fon of Cyrus. The event fliowed that the fufpicions
of Otanes were juft 5 and Phedyma having acquainted
her father that the king had no ears, a confpiracy was 18
immediately formed againft him. While the confplra- A contpf- ^
tors were debating about the proper means of carrying niT t°rmea
their defigns into execution, Darius the fon of Hyftafpes
happening to arrive at Sufa where his father was gover¬
nor, they all agreed to make him privy to their defign.
Fie told them, at their firft meeting, that he thought
nobody in the empire but himfelf had knowm that Smer¬
dis the fon of Cyrus was dead, and the throne ufurped
by one of the magi } that he had come with a defign to
kill the ufurper, without imparting his defign to any
one, that the glory of.fuch an adlion might be entirely
his own. But fince others w?ere apprifed of the impof¬
ture, he infilled that the ufurper Ihould be difpatched
without delay. Otanes, on the other hand, was for put¬
ting off the enterprife till fome better opportunity offer¬
ed •, but Darius protefted, that if they did not make the
attempt that very day, he w’ould prevent any one from
accufing him, by difclofing the whole matter to the im-
pollor himfelf.
In the mean time, Smerdis and his brother had by
great promifes prevailed on Prenafpes (the executioner
of the true Smerdis) to bind himfelf by an oath not to
difeover the fraud they had put on the Perfians, and
even to make a public fpeecb, declaring that the pre-
fent king of Perfia w^as really the fon of Cyrus. At the
time appointed, he began his difeourfe with the genea¬
logy of Cyrus, putting his hearers in mind of the great
favours the nation had received from that prince. Af¬
ter having extolled Cyrus and his family, to the great
aftonilhment of all prefent, he confeffed the whole tranf-
adtion with regard to the death of Smerdis ; telling the
people, that the apprehenfions of the danger he muft in¬
evitably run by publilhing the impofture had conftrain-
ed him to conceal it fo long •, but now, not being able
any longer to aft fuch a difhonourable part, he acknow-
ledged that he had been compelled by Cambyfes to put
his brother to death with his own hand, and that the
perfon who poffeffed the throne was Smerdis the ma¬
gian. He then begged pardon of the gods and men
for the crime he had committed ; and fulminating many
imprecations againft the Perfians if they failed to reco¬
ver
3
P E R [ i
Perfia. ver tLe fovereignty, he threw himfelf headlong from the
' v top of the tower on which he ftood, and died on the
19 fpot.
He is kil- ln the mean time the confpirators, who were advan-
cing towards the palace, were informed of what had
happened ; and Otanes was again for deferring the exe¬
cution of their enterprife : but Darius inditing upon the
danger of delay, they proceeded boldly to the palace ;
and being admitted by the guards, who did not fufpeft
them, they killed both the ufurper and his brother } af¬
ter which they expofed their heads to the people, and
declared the whole impoiture. The Periians at this
were So enraged, that they fell on the whole feet, and
killed every one of the magi they could meet with ; and
had not the daughter been flopped by night, not one of
the order would have been left alive. The day on
which this daughter happened was afterwards celebrated
by the Perfians with the greateft folemnity, and called
by the name of Magophonia, or the (laughter of the
Magi. On that fettival the magi durit not appear
abroad, but were obliged to ihut themfelves up in
their houfes. Smerdis the magian reigned only eight
months.
When the tumult wras a little fubiided, the confpira¬
tors, who were feven in number, met together in order
to eleft a new king, or to determine what form of go¬
vernment they fliould next introduce. Otanes was for a
republic 5 but being overruled by the reft, he declared,
that as he was determined not to be a king, neither
would he be ruled by one ; and therefore infifted that
he and his family ftiould ever afterwards remain free
from Objection to the royal power. This was not only
granted, but it tv as further agreed by the other fix, that
whoever was chofen fhould every year prefent Otanes
with a Median veil, a mark of great diitinftion among
the Perfians, becaufe he had been the chief author of
the enterprife. They further agreed to meet at a cer-
2C. tain place next morning at funrife on horfeback, and
Darius Hy- that he whofe horfe firft neighed fhould be king. This
ttafpes cho- being overheard by Oebores, who had the care of Da-
‘ i rms’s horfes, he led a mare over-night to the place, and
brought his mafter’s horfe to her. The next morning,
the horfe remembering the place, immediately neighed
for the mare •, and the five lords difmounling, faluted
Darius as their king.
Darius Hyftafpes wTas elected king of Perfia in the
year 522 B. C. Immediately alter his acceffion, he pro¬
moted the other fix confpirators to the firft employments
in the kingdom, married tire two daughters of Cyrus,
Atoila and Artyftona, Parmys the daughter of the true
Smerdis, and Phedyma the daughter of Otanes, who
had detected the impofture of the magian. He then di¬
vided the whole empire into 20 fatraples or govern¬
ments, and appointed a governor over each divifion, or¬
dering them to pay him an annual tribute. The inhabi¬
tants of Colchis, with fome others, were enioined cnlv
to make annual prefents, and the Arabians to furniih
every year fuch a quantity of frankincenfe as equalled
the weight of 1000 talents. Thus Darius received the
yearly tribute of 14,560 Euboeic talents, upwards of
/ 260,000 pounds fterling.
Under Darius, the building of the temple of Jerpfa-
lem, which had been obftrufted by Cambyfes and Smer¬
dis, went on fuccefsfully. and the Jewifh Hate was en¬
tirely reftored. The moft remarkable of Darius’s other
51 ] PER
tranfadtions were his expeditions againft Babylon j a* Perfia.
gainit Scythia, India, and Greece. The expedition v—
againft Babylon took place in the year 517 B. C. w1nen 0f
the people, unable to bear the oppreflion of the Perfians, tjie Baby-
and likewife difeentented becaufe the feat of government lontans.
wras removed from their city to Sufa in Perfia, took the
opportunity of the troubles which happened in the reigns
of Cambyfes and Smerdis, to ftore their city with all
kinds of provifions iulticient to ierve them for many
years j after which they broke out into an open rebel¬
lion, and this quickly brought upon them Darius with
all his forces. The Babylonians perceiving themfelves
Ihut up by fo numerous an army, turned all their
thoughts towards the fupporting of a long fiege, which
they imagined would tire out the king’s troops. To
prevent the confumption of their provifions, they took
the moft barbarous and cruel relolution that ever was
put in execution by any nation. They agreed among
themfelves to get rid of all unneceffary mouihs j and
therefore, gathering together all the old men, women,
and children, they ftrangled them without diftindtion ;
every one being allowed only to keep the wife he liked
heft, and a maid-fervant to do the work of the houfe.
The fiege continued for a year and eight months ; nor
was there any likelihood of its being ended, when Zo-
pyrus, one of Darius’s chief commanders, put him in
pofleilion of it by the following ftraiagem. He cut off
his nofe and ears, and having mangled his body with
ftripes in a moft cruel manner, he ned to the Babylo¬
nians thus disfigured, pretending that he had been fo
treated by Darius for advifing him to raife the fiege.
Being intrufted with the command of fome forces, he
cut off feveral parties of the Perfian army, whom Darius
thus facrificed in order to raife the charadter of Zopyrus
the higher among the Babylonians. In this manner he
fo much eftabliihed his credit, that at laft he was made
commander in chief of all the Babylonifti forces, and the
guard of the city committed entirely to his care $ and no
fooner was this done than he delivered it up to Darius,
who, to prevent their rebelling a fecond time, beat down
the wails of that metropolis to the height of 50 cubits.
Three thoufand of the moft adlive in the rebellion were
impaled ; the reft pardoned. As they had deftroyed
moft of their women, the neighbouring nations were
commanded to furniih them with wives, and 50,000
women were lent to that city, by which means it was -
prevented from being depopulated. Zopyrus vs-as’re¬
warded with the higheft honours, and had the whole re¬
venues of Babylon bellowed on him for life.
After the redudtion of Babylon, Daiius undertook a His unfuc-
Scythian expedition, diredted againft tliofe nations which oeftful ex¬
lie between the Danube and the Tanais. His pretext
for this war was, to revenge the calamities which thefe Sc Churns2
nations had brought upon Afia about 120 years before,"1
when they invaded and fubdued Media; keeping it in
fubjedtion for the tpace of 28 years, as we have related
under that article. In this expedition he was attended
with an army of 700,000 men. With thefe he marched
to the Thracian Bofphorus ; which having palled on a
bridge of boats, he reduced all Thrace. From Thrace
he advanced to the Danube, where he had appointed his
fleet to meet him. This river he pafied on another bridge
cf boats, and entered Scythia. TIis enemies, however,
were too wife to oppofe fuch-a formidable power ip the
open field ; and therefore xellfftd before him, waging
PER
Perfia.
the country as they went along, till at laft the king,
J fenfible of the danger he was in, refolved to give over
the enterprife and return home. In order to do fo with
fafety, he lighted a great number of fires in the night¬
time, and decamped j leaving behind him the old men
and the fick, who fell into the hands of their enemies.
The Scythians perceiving that Darius was gone, detach¬
ed a confiderable body to the bridge over the Danube j
and as they were well acquainted with the roads, they
got thither before the Perlians. The Scythians had
lent expreffes before-hand to perfuade the lonians, whom
Darius had left to guard the bridge, to break it down
and retire to their own country ; and this they prefied
the more earneftly, that as the time prefcribed by Da¬
rius was now expired, they were at liberty to 'return
home, without breaking their -word or being wanting in
their duty. Miltiades, prince of the Cherfonefus of
Thrace, wras for embracing fo favourable an opportunity
of cutting off Darius’s retreat, and fhaking off the Per-
fian yoke at once : all the other commanders agreed
with him, except Hyftiseus prince of Miletus 5 who re-
prefented to the Ionian chiefs, that their power was con-
nefted with that of Darius, fince it was under his pro-
teclion that each of them was lord in his own city 5 and
that the cities of Ionia would not fail to depofe them and
recover their liberty, if the Perfian power fhould fink or
decline. This fpeech made a deep imprefiion on the reft,
and it was at laft determined that they ftiould wait for
Darius } and in order to deceive the Scythians, they be¬
gan to break down the bridge, but advifed them to re-
' turn back and defeat Darius. They did fo, but miffed
him 5 and he having thus fafely efcaped fo great a dan¬
ger, immediately repaffed the Bofphorus, and took up
his winter quarters at Sardis, leaving Megabyzus, one
of his chief generals, to complete the conqueft of
Thrace.
The king having fufficiently refreftied his troops who
quers India, had fuffered extremely in the Scythian expedition, began
to think of extending his dominions eaftward ; and in
order to facilitate his defign, refolved in the firft place
to difcover thofe countries. With this view, he caufed
a fleet to be built and equipped at Cafpatyrus, a city on
the river Indus. The command of this fleet he gave to
one Scylax, a Grecian of Caryandia a city of Caria, who
was well verfed in maritime affairs. Him he ordered to
fail down the current, and make the beft difcoveries he
could of the countries lying on either fide of the river,
till he arrived at the fouthern ocean \ from whence he
was to fteer his courfe weft ward, and that way return to
Perfia. Scylax, having exactly obferved his inftruftions,
and failed down the river Indus, entered the Red fea by
the ftraits of Babelmandel, and on the 30th month from
his firft fetting out, landed at the fame place from whence
Nechu king of Egypt formerly fent out the Phoenicians
who circumnavigated Africa. From hence Scylax re¬
turned to Sufa, where he gave a full account of his dif¬
coveries •, upon which Darius, marching into India at
the head of a powerful army, reduced that large coun¬
try, and made it a province of the Perfian empire,
drawing from thence an annual tribute of 360 talents of
gold.
Soon after the expedition of Darius againft India hap-
> pened the revolt of the lonians, which gave occafion to
his expedition into Greece -, an account of which is given
under the articles Attica, Greece, Sparta, &c. The
4
23
He con-
24
Revolt of
the Ionian'
&.C.
[ 152 ] PER
ill fuccefs which attended him here, however, was fo far Perfia.
from making him drop the enterprife, that it only made —^ v 1
him the more intent on reducing the Grecians ; and he
refolved to head his army in perfon, having attributed
his former bad fuccefs to the inexperience of his gene¬
rals. But while he wTas employed in making the necef-
fary preparations for this purpofe, he received intelli¬
gence that the Egyptians had revolted, fo that he was
obliged to make preparations for reducing them alio j
and before this could be done, the king died, after
having reigned 36 years, leaving the throne to his fon
Xerxes. 2 -
This prince afcended the throne of Perfia in the year Expeditions
485 B. C. ; and his firft enterprife was to reduce the0^6*^65
Egyptians 5 which he effectually did, bringing them into^P1^
a worfe ftate of flavery than they ever had experienced Greece,
before. After this he refolved on an expedition into
Greece ; the unfortunate event of which is related under
the article Attica. By his misfortunes in the Grecian
expedition, he became at laft fo difpirited, that he thence¬
forth abandoned all thoughts of war and conquefts} but
growing tyrannical, and opprefling bis fubjedls, he was
murdered in his bed, in the year 464 B. C. and 21ft of ^
his reign 5 and was fucceeded by his third fon Artaxer- Xerxes fuc-
xes, furnamed Longimanus on account of the great length ceeded by
of his arms. Artaxerxes
This prince is named Ahafuerus in Scripture, and is^°”Sirna'
the fame who married Efther, and during the whole of
his reign ftiowed the greateft kindnefs to the Jewifti na¬
tion. In the beginning of his reign he was oppofed by
Hyftafpes the fecond fon of Xerxes, whom, however, he
overcame, though not without confiderable difficulty.
After this he applied himfelf to the fettlement of the af¬
fairs of government, and reforming many abufes which
had crept in ; and then, being fully eftablilhed on the
throne, he appointed feafts and rejoicings to be made for
180 days in the city of Sufa 5 at one of which he re¬
folved to divorce his queen for difobedience ; and after¬
wards married Efther, as we find it recorded in the fa-
cred writings.
In the fifth year of the reign of Artaxerxes the Egyp¬
tians revolted anew, and, being aflifted by the Athenians,
held out for fix years 5 but were again obliged to fubmit,
and continued in fubjeftion during the whole of his reign.
Nothing elfe remarkable happened during the life of
Aftaxerxes Longimanus, who died in the 41ft year of ^
his reign ; and wTas fucceeded by Xerxes II. the only Xerxes IS.
fon he had by his queen, though by his concubines he
had 17. Xerxeg having drunk immoderately at an en¬
tertainment immediately after his acceflion, retired to a
chamber in order to refreih himfelf with fleep j but here
he was murdered by Sogdianus, the fon of Artaxerxes
by one of his concubines, after he had reigned 45 days. 2g
Sogdianus was fcarce. feated on the throne when he Sogdianus.
put to death Bagorazus, the moft faithful of all his fa¬
ther’s eunuchs } by which, and the murder of his fove-
reign, he became generally odious. Upon this, fenfible
of the dangerous fituation in which he was, he fent for
one of his brothers named Ochus, whom he fufpected, .
•with a defign to murder him the moment he arrived. 29
Ochus, however, underftanding his defign, put off, by Ochus.
feveral pretences, his coming, till he had drawn together
a powerful army, with which he advanced to the con¬
fines of Perfia. Here he openly declared, that his defign
was to revenge his brother’s death } which brought over
to
1
Periia.
30
Artaxerxes
Mnereon.
31
Revolt of
Cyrus the
Younger.
P E H [ 1
to li!m many of the nobility and governors of provinces,
' by whom he was immediately proclaimed king. Sog-
dianus, feeing himfelf thus deferted, contrary to the ad¬
vice of all his friends, came to an accommodation with
Ochus who no fooner had him in his power than he
caufed him to be fuftbcated among allies; a punilhment
invented on purpofe for him.
Ochus being firmly fettled on the throne by the death
of Sogdianus, changed his name to Darius 3 and is by
hiltorians commonly called Darius Notius, or T/ie Baf-
tard. But Arfites, another of the brothers, feeing in
what manner Sogdianus had got the better of Xerxes,
and been afterwards driven out by Ochus, began to en¬
tertain thoughts of treating him in the fame manner.
He was not, however, fo fuccefsful ; for, being defeated
in an engagement, he furrendered himfelf in hopes of
mercy, but was immediately put to death by fuffocation
in allies. Several other perfons were executed : but
thefe leverities did not procure him the repofe which he
expected 3 for his whole reign was difturbed with violent
commotions in various parts of the empire. One of the
molt dangerous was raifed by Pifuthna governor of
Lydia 3 but he being deferted by his Greek mercenaries,
was at laft overcome, and put to death: however, his fon
Amorgas continued to infeft the maritime provinces of
Afia Minor for two years ; till he alfo was taken pri-
foner by TiiTaphernes, the new governor of Lydia, who
put him to death. Other infurreftions quickly folloived
this : but the greateft misfortune which befel Darius
during the wLole courfe of his reign wras the revolt of
the Egyptians, wTho could not be reduced. Before his
death he inverted Cyrus his youngeft fon with the fu-
preme government of all the provinces of Alia Minor.
This was done through the perfuafions of his mother
Paryfatis, who had an abfolute fway over her hulband 3
and Hie procured this command for him, that he might
thereby be enabled to contend for the kingdom after
his father’s death. She even infilled that the king Ihould
declare him heir to the crown before he died 3 but this
he could not by any means be induced to do. He died
in the year 405 B. C. and was fucceeded by his fon Ar¬
taxerxes, by the Greeks furnained Mnemon on account
of his extraordinary memory.
The mort remarkable tranfa&ion which happened dur¬
ing the reign of this prince was the revolt of his brother
Cyrus. This young prince had been raifed to fo great
power through the intereft of his mother, on purpofe
that he might revolt, as w’e have already ieen. He be¬
gan with gaining over the cities under the government
of TiiTaphernes; which quickly produced a war with
that governor. Cyrus then began to affemble troops,
which he pretended were deligned only againft Tiffa-
phernes. As he had given great aflirtance to the Lace¬
demonians in their wars againll the Athenians, he now
in return demanded afliftance from them 3 which requeft
they very readily complied with, ordering their fleet im¬
mediately to join him, and to obey in every thing the
commands of Tamos his admiral. At laft Cyrus, having
collefted an army of 13,000 Greek mercenaries and
100,000 regular troops of other nations, fet out from
Sardis, direcling his march towards Upper Afia ; the
army being entirely ignorant of the expedition on which
they were going. When they arrived at Tarfus, t,he
Greeks, fufpefting that they were marching againft the
king, refufed to proceed any further 3 but Cvrus havin'*-
VOL. XVI. Part I. '
S3 1 P E It
gained them over with prefents and promifes, they foon Peifia.
went on with iatisfaclion. Having arrived at Cunaxa 1 “ 
in the province of Babylon, Cyrus found his brother E ttJ32 f
with 900,000 men ready to engage him. Whereupon, Cunaxa!
leaping out of his chariot, he commanded his troops to
Hand to their arms and fall into their ranks ; which was
done with great expedition, no time being allowed the
foldiers to refrelh themielves. Clearchus, the commander
of the Peloponnefian troops, advifed Cyrus not to charge
in perfon, but to remain in the rear of the Greek batta¬
lions 3 but this advice he rejecled with indignation, fay¬
ing, that he Ihould thus render himlelf unworthy of the
crown for which he was fighting. As the king’s army
drew near, the Greeks fell upon them with fuch a fury,
that they routed the wing oppofite to them almoft at the
firft onfet ; upon which Cyrus was with loud ftiouts
proclaimed king by thole who flood next to him. But
he, in the mean time, perceiving that Artaxerxes was
wheeling about to attack him in flank, advanced againft:
him with 600 chofen horfe, killed Artagefes captain of
the king’s guards with his own hand, and put the whole
body to flight. In this encounter, difeovering his bro¬
ther, he fpurred on his horfe, and, coming up to him,
engaged him with great fury 3 which in fome degree
turned the battle into a Angle combat. Cyrus killed his
brother’s horfe, and wounded him on the ground; but
he immediately mounted another horfe, when Cyrus at¬
tacked him again, gave him a fecond wound, and had
already lifted up his hand to give him a third, when the
guards, perceiving the danger in which their king was,
di(charged their arrows at once againft his antagonift,
who at the lame time throwing hinrtelf headlong upon
his brother, wras pierced through by his javelin. He
fell dead upon the fpot 3 and all the chief lords of his
court, refolving not to furvive him, were (lain in the
fame place.
In the mean time, the Greeks having defeated the
enemy’s left wing commanded by Tiflaphernes, and the
king’s right wing having put to flight Cyrus’s left, both
parties, being ignorant of what had parted elfewhere,
imagined that they had gained the vi&ory. But Tiffa-
phernes acquainting the king that his men had been put
to flight by the Greeks, he immediately rallied his
troops, in order to attack them. The Greeks, under
the command of Clearchus, eafily repulfed them, and
purfued them to the foot of the neighbouring hills.’ As
night was drawing near, they halted at the foot of the
hill much furprifed that neither Cyrus himfelf, nor
any meffenger from him, had appeared ; for as yet they
knew' nothing of his death and the defeat of the reft of
the army.. They determined therefore to return to their
camp, which they did accordingly 3 but found there that
the greateft part of their baggage had been plundered,
and all their provifions taken, which obliged them to
pais the night in the camp without any fort of refrefti-
ment. The next morning, as they were ftill expefting
to hear from Cyrus, they received the news of his death
and the defeat of that part of the army. Whereupon
they fent deputies to Ariaeus, who was commander in
chief of all the other forces of Cyrus, offering him, as
conquerors, the crown of Perfia. Ariseus reje&ed ’the
ofier, and acquainting them that he intended to fet out
early m the morning on his return to Ionia, advifed Retreat
them to join him m the night. They followed his ad-of ten
vice, and, under the conduft of Clearchus, began their thoui'anfl
U march,Greek?*
P E R [i
Perha. march, arriving at his camp about midnight, whence
they fet out on their return to Greece. They were
at a vuft diftance from their own country, in the very
heart of the Perfian empire, lurrounded by a victorious
and numerous army, and had no means of retreat
but by forcing their way through an immenfe traft
of the enemy’s country. But their valour and refo-
lution maftered all thefe difficulties; and, in fpite of a
powerful army, which purfued and haraffed them all
the w^ay, they made good their retreat for 2325 miles
through the provinces belonging to the enemy, and
got lafe to the Greek cities on the Euxine fea. This
retreat (the longeft that was ever made through an
enemy’s country) was conduced at firlt by Clearchus ;
but lie being cut off through the treachery of Tifla-
phepnes, Xenophon was chofen in his room, who at
laft brought his men fafe into Greece : but for a full
account of that famous retreat, fee the article Xeno-
34 PH?-V-
War with I he w7ar with Cyrus was fcarcely ended, when ano-
the Lacede- thsr brolie out w'ith the Lacedemonians, on the follow-
moruans. jng account. Ti.Taphernes being appointed to fucceed
Cyrus in all his pow-er, to which was added all which
he himfelf poffelfed formerly, began to opprefs the
Greek cities in Alia in a moll cruel manner. On this
they fent ambafiadors to Sparta, deliring the affiffance
of that powerful republic. The Spartans having end¬
ed their long war with the Athenians, willingly laid
hold of the preient opportunity of breaking again with
the Perffans, and therefore fent againft them an army
under the command of Thimbro, who, being ffrength-
ened by the forces which returned Under Xenophon,
took the field againtt Tiffaphernes. But Thimbro be¬
ing foon recalled upon fome complaints, Dercyllidas,
a brave officer and experienced engineer, was appoint¬
ed to fucceed him ; and he carried on the w ar to much
more advantage than his predecefibr. On his arrival
in Alia, finding that Tiflaphernes w7as at variance with
another governor named PharnabaKus, he concluded a
truce with the former, and marching againff Pharna-
bazus, drove him quite out of JEolis, and took feveral
cities in other parts. The latter, however, imme¬
diately repaired to the Perfian court, where he made
loud complaints againff Tiffaphernes, but gave the
king a moft falutary advice, wffiich was to equip a
powerful fleet, and give the command of it to Conon
the Athenian, the beft fea-officer of his time, by which
means he wmuld obftruct the paffage of further recruits
from Greece j and thus foon put an end to the power
of the Lacedemonians in Afia. This advice being ap¬
proved of, the king ordered 500 talents for the equip¬
ment of a fleet, with directions to give Conon the com¬
mand of it.
In the mean time, Dercyllidas, wfith all his valour
and Ikill, fullered himfelf to be drawn into fuch a dif-
advantageous fituation, that he muff inevitably have
been deffroyed with his whole army, had it not been
through the cowardice of TilTaphernes, who having
experienced the Grecian valour at the battle of Cu-
naxa, could not by any means be induced to attack
them. I he Lacedemonians, however, having heard
that the Perfian monarch w?as fitting out a great fleet
againft them, refolved to pulh on the w7ar as vigorouf-
ly as poffible 5 and for this purpofe fent over Agefi-
laus one of their kings, and a moft experienced com-
54 ]
P E R
ittander, into Afia. This expedition was carried on Ferfa.
with fuch fecrecy that, Agelilaus arrived at Ephefus 1——v--—
before the Perfians had the leaft notice of his defigns.
Here he took the field with 10,000 foot and 4000
horfe, and falling upon the enemy while they were to¬
tally unprepared, carried every thing before him. rj if-
faphernes deceived him into a truce till he had leifure
to aflemble his forces, but gained little by his treach¬
ery ; for Agelilaus deceived him in his turn, and while
Tiflaphernes marched his troops into Caria, the Greeks
invaded and plundered Phrygia.
Early in the fpring, Agefilaus gave out that his de-
fign was to invade Lydia 5 but Tiflaphernes, who re¬
membered the laft year’s ftratagem, now7 taking it for
granted that Agefilaus would really invadeC Caria,
made his troops again march to the defence of that
province. But Agefilaus now led his army into Ly¬
dia as he had given out, and approached bardis ; upon
which Tiflaphernes recalled his forces' from their for¬
mer route, with a defign to relieve the place. But Ca¬
na being a very mountainous country, and unfit for
horfe, be h ad marched thither only with the foot, and
left the horfe behind on the borders of that province.
W hence, on their marching back to the relief of Sar¬
dis, the horfe being fome days march before the foot,
Agefilaus took the advantage of fo favourable an op¬
portunity, and fell upon them before the foot could
come to their affiftance. The Perfians were routed at
the very firft onfet; after which Agefilaus overran the
whole country, enriching both himfelf and his army
with the fpoils of the conquered Perfians.
By this continued ill fortune Artaxerxes was fo much
provoked againft Tiflaphernes, that he foon after cauled
him to be put to death.
On the death of Tiflaphernes, Tithraufles, who was
appointed to fucceed him, fent large prefents to Age-
filaus, in hopes of perfuading him to abandon bis con-
quefts j but finding that commander vras net by any
means to be induced to relinquilh the war, he fent Ti-
mocrates of Rhodes into Greece, with large fums of
money to corrupt the leading men in the cities, and re¬
kindle a war againft the Lacedemonians. This ftrata- AgeHiaus
gem produced the intended effeft ; for the cities of obliged to
Thebes, Argos, Corinth, and others, entering into a con-Lave Afia.
federacy, obliged them to recal Agefilaus to the defence
of his own country.
After the departure of Agefilaus, which happened gacedemo-
in the year 354 B. C. the Lacedemonian power re-niars’de¬
ceived a fevere blow at Cnidos, where their fleet was fea ted,
entirely defeated by that of Artaxerxes under Conon,
50 of their fliips being taken in the engagement 5 after
wdiich, Conon and Pharnabazus being mailers of the
fea, failed round the iflands and coafts of Afia, taking .
the cities there which had been reduced by the Lacede¬
monians. Seftos and Abydos only held out, and refill¬
ed the utmoft efforts of the enemy, though they had
been befieged both by fea and land.
Next year Conon having affembJed a powerful fleet,
again took Pharnabazus on board, and reduced the
illand of Melos, from whence he made a defeent on
the coafts of Lycaonia, pillaging all the maritime pro¬
vinces, and loading his fleet wdth an immenfe booty.
After this, Conon obtained leave of him to repair to
Athens with 80 fhips and 50 talents, in order to re¬
build the wral!s of that city 3 having firft convinced
Pharnabazus,
PER [IS
Perlk. Pliarnabazus, that nothing could more efFe&ually con-
’ v  tribute to the weakening of the power of Sparta than
putting Athens again in a condition to rival its power.
He no" fooner arrived at Piraeus the port of Athens, but_
he began to work 5 which, as he had a great number of
hands, and was feconded by the zeal of all thofe that
were well inclined to the Athenians, was foon complet-
37 ed, and the city not only reftored to its former fplendor,
Are obliged but rendered more formidable than ever, ihe Lacede¬
monians were now reduced to the neceffity of accepting
fuch terms of peace as they could procure. The terms
were, that all the Greek cities in Afia ihould be fubjeft
to the king of Perfia, as alfo the iflands of Cyprus and
Clazomena •, that the iilaijds of Scyros, Lemnos, and
Lnbros, ihould be reftored to the Athenians, and all the
cities of Greece, whether fmall or great, ihould be de¬
clared free; and by the. fame treaty, Artaxerxes en¬
gaged to join thofe who accepted the terms he propofed,
and to aflift them to the utmoft of his power againft fuch
as ihould rejed them.
Artaxerxes, being now difengaged from the Grecian
war, turned his arms againft Evagoras king of Cyprus.
This man was defcended from the ancient kings of Sa-
lamine the capital city of the iftand of Cyprus. His
anceftors had held that city for many ages in quality of
fovereigns ; but were at laid driven out by the Per dans,
who, making themfelves mailers of the whole illand, re¬
duced it to a Perftan province. Evagoras, however, be¬
ing a man of an enterprifing genius, foon became weary
of living in fubjedion to a foreign power, drove out the
Periiangovernor, and recovered his paternal kingdom.
Artaxerxes attempted to drive him out of it; but, be¬
ing diverted by the Greek war, was obliged to put off
the enterpnze. LXowever, Conon, by means 01 Cteiias
chief phyfician to Artaxerxes, got all differences accom¬
modated, and Artaxerxes promifed not to moieft him
in the pofleftion of his fmall kingdom. But Evagoras
foon becoming difcontented with fuch a narrow poffef-
fion, gradually reduced under his fubjedion almoft the
whole of the iiland. Some, however, there were, who
held out againft him, and thefe immediately applied to
Artaxerxes for afliftance ; and he, as foon as the war
with Greece was at an end, bent all his force againft
Evagoras, intending to drive him quite out of the iftand.
The ’Athenians, however, notwithftanding the favours
lately conferred upon them by the king of Peifia,
could not lorbear affifting their old ally in fuch a dread¬
ful emergency. Accordingly, they fent him ten men
of war under the command of Philocrates; but the
Lacedemonian fleet, commanded by Palentias brother
to Agefilaus, falling in with them near the iile of
Rhodes, furrounded them fo that not one (hip could
efcape. The Athenians, determined to aftift Evago¬
ras at all events, fent Cliabrias with another fleet and
a confiderable body of land forces ; and with the af-
fiftance of thefe he quickly reduced the whole bland.
But in a fliort time, the Athenians being obliged, in
confequence of the treaty concluded with the I erfians,
to recal Chabrias,vArtaxerxes attacked the bland with
an army of 300,000 men, and a fleet of 300 mips.. E-
vagoras applied to the Egyptians, Libyans, Arabians,
Tyrians, and other nations, from whom he received
fbpplies both of men and money ; and fitted out a fleet,
with which he ventured an engagement with that of
Artaxerxes. But being defeated, and obliged to ftiut
to make
peace with
the Per-
fians.
38
Cyprus re¬
duced.
5 1 PER
himfelf up in Salamine, he was clofely befieged by fea ITrfia. ^
and land. Here at laft he was obliged to capitulate, and ’ v
abandon to the Perfians the wdiole of the ifland except Sa¬
lamine, which he held as a king tributary to Artaxerxes.
The Cyprian wrar being ended, Artaxerxes turned
his arms againft the Caduuans, whofe country lay .be- 39
tween the Euxine and Cafpian ieas. But thefe nations Unfuccefs-
were too well'accuftomed to war to be overcome by the^T^6"
Perfians ; and therefore the king was obliged to aban-a^ainft. the
don the projeft, after having loft a great number of .hiscadufuns
troops and all the horfes wdiich he took out with him. and Egyp-
In his Egyptian expedition, which happened immedi-tians-
ately after the Cadufian war, he was attended with little
better fuccefs; which, howefer, was owing to the bad
conduct of his general Pharnabazus. This commander
being entrufted with the management of the Egyptian
war," fent an ambaffador to Athens, complaining that
Chabrias had engaged in the fervice of an enemy of
the king of Perfia, with whom the ftate of Athens w^as
in alliance, and threatening the republic with his ma-
fter’s refentment if proper fatisfa&ion was not given:
at the fame time he demanded Iphicrates, another A-
thenian, and the heft general of his time, to command
the Greek mercenaries in the Perfian fervice. This the
Athenians complied wdth ; and Iphicrates having mu¬
ttered his troops, fo exercifed them in all the arts of
war, that they became afterwards very famous among
the Greeks under the name of Iphwratejidn foldiers.
Indeed he had fufficient time to inftrucl them ; for the
Perfians were fo flow in their preparations, that two
whole years elapfed before they were ready to take the
field. At the lame time Artaxerxes, that he. might
draw the more mercenaries out of Greece, fent ambaffa-
dors to the different ftates in it, declaring it to be his
will and pleafure that they Ihould live at peace with
each other, on the terms of the treaty lately concluded :
which declaration was received with pleafure by all the
ftates except Thebes, who afpired at the fovereignty of
Greece; and accordingly rtfufeu to conform to it. All
things, however, at laft being ready for the expedition,
the troops were muftered at the city then called Ace,
and fince Ptolemais ; where they were found to confilt
of 200,000 Perfians under the command of Pharnaba-
zus, and 20,000 Greeks led by Iphicrates. The fleet
confifted of 300 galleys, halides a vaft number of other
veffels which followed with provifions. The fleet and
army began to move at the fame time ; and that they
might aft in concert, they feparated as little as poftible.
It was propofed, that the war Ihould begin with the
fiege of Pelufium; but Neftanebus, the revolted king
of Egypt, had provided fo well for the defence of the
place, that It was thought expedient to drop the enter-
prize, and make a defcent at one of the mouths of the
Nile. In this they fucceeded : for the Egyptians not
expefting them at that place, had not taken fuch care
to fortify it as at Pelufium. The fortrefs of coniequence
was eafily taken, and all the Egyptians in it put. to the
fword. After this, Iphicrates was for embarking the
troops without lols of time, and attacking Memphis the
capital of Egypt. Had this opinion been followed be¬
fore the Egyptians recovered from the conftemation in¬
to which they were thrown, it is highly probable that
the whole country might have been reduced at once :
out Pharnabazus would undertake nothing be tore the
reft of the forces were come up. Iphicrates then, in
U 2 the
PER
Perfia.
L i
40
Ochus fuc-
ceeds Ar-
taxerxes.
41
Reduces
Egypt.
tne utmoil vexation at lofing fo favourable an oppor¬
tunity, preffed Pharnabazus to allow him to attack the
place with the Greek mercenaries only •, but he refufed
this, alio, from a mean jealoufy of the honour which
Iphicrates might acquire ; and in the mean time the
Egyptians recovered fufficient courage to put themfelves
in fuch a pollute of defence, that they could not be at¬
tacked with any probability of fuccefs; and at the fame
the Nile overflowing as ufual, obliged them to return to
Phoenice. The expedition was again undertaken 12
years after, but without fuccefs.
The lail years of the reign of Artaxerxes were great¬
ly dillurbed by diifenfions in his family 3 which at lail
broke his heart, and he died in the 94th year of his
age, and 46th of his reign. He was fucceeded by one
of his fons named Ochus, who behaved with fuch cruel¬
ty, that almoft one half of his dominions revolted as
loon as he came to the throne. But, by reafon of the
diffenfions of the rebels among themfelves, all of them
were reduced, one after another 3 and among the reft,
the Sidonians, finding themfelves betrayed, burnt them¬
felves to the number of 40,000, together with their
wives and children.
Ochus, having quelled all the infurgents, immedi¬
ately fet himfelf about reducing Egypt, and for this
purpofe procured a reinforcement of other 10,000 mer¬
cenaries from Greece. On his march, he loft a great
number of his men drowned in the lake Serbonis, which
lies between Phoenice and Egypt, extending about 30
miles in length. When the fouth wind blows, the
whole furface of this lake is covered with fand, in fuch a
manner that no one can diftinguifh it from the firm
land. Several parties of Ochus’s army were loft in it
for .want of proper guides; and it is laid that whole
armies have fometimes perilhed in the fame place.
When he arrived in Egypt, he detached three bodies to
invade the country in different parts 3 each being com¬
manded by a Perfian and a Greek general. The firft
was led.by Lachares the Theban, and Rofaces governor
or Lydia and Ionia : the fecond by Nicoftratus the
Theban and Ariftazanes 3 th& third by Mentor the
Rhodian and Bagoas an eunuch. The main body of
the army he kept with himfelf, and encamped near Pe-
lufiutn, with a defign to watch the events of the war
there. The event was fuccefsful, as we have related
under the article Egypt 3 and Ochus having reduced
the whole country, difmantled their ftrongholds, plun¬
dered the temples, and returned to Babylon loaded with
booty.
The king, having ended this war with fuch fuccefs,
conferred very high rewards on his mercenaries and
others who had diftinguifhed themfelves. To Mentor
the Rhodian he gave 100 talents, and other prefents
to a great value 3 appointing him alfo governor of all
tne coafts of Adia, and committing to his care the
whole management of the war which he was ftill carry¬
ing. on. againft fome provinces that had revolted in the
beginning of his reign 3 and all thefe either by ftrata-
gems, or by force, he at laft reduced 3 reftoring the
king’s authority in all thefe places.—Ochus then,"’find¬
ing himfelf free from all troubles, gave his attention to
nothing but his pleafures, leaving the adminiftration
of affairs entirely to Bagoas the eunuch, and to Men¬
tor. Thefe two agreed to fliare the power between
them 3 in conference of which the former had the pra-
56 ] P E 11
vinces ^o; Upper Ana, and the latter all the reft. Ba- Pci ha.
goas, being, by birth an Egyptian, had a great zeal  
for the religion of his country, and endeavoured, on
the conquell of Egypt, to influence the king in fa¬
vour of the Egyptian ceremonies 3 but, in fpite of all
hk endeavours, Ochus not only refufed to comply, but
kilted the facred bull, the emblem of the Egyptian god
Apis, plundered the temples, and carried away their
faci ed records. I his Bagoas fuppoled to be the higheft 42
guilt which a human creature could commit 3 and there- Ochus mur.
fore.poifoned his mailer and benefaflor in the 21ft year leret^ ^
of his reign. Nor did his revenge flop here; for he at°as‘
kept the king’s body, caufing another to be buried in
its itead 3 and becaule the king had caufed his attend¬
ants eat the fleih of Apis, Bagoas cut his body in pieces,
ana gave it fo mangled to be devoured by cats, making
handles for fwords of his bones. He then placed Arfex
the youngeft of the deceafed king’s fons on the throne,
that, he might the more eafily preferve the whole power
to himfelf.
. A:fes did not long enjoy even the fhadow of power
which Bagoas allowed him, being murdered in the
fecond year of his reign by that treacherous eunuch,
vho now conferred the crown on Darius Codomannus, Darius Co-
a diftant relation of the royal family. Neither did he clomannus.
incline to let him enjoy the crown much longer than
his predeceffor; for, finding that he would not fuffer
himfelf to be guided by him in all things, the trea¬
cherous Bagoas brought him a poifonous potion, but
Darius got rid of him by his own artifice, caufing him
to drink the poifon which he brought. This eftablilh-
ed Darius in the throne as far as lecurity from internal
enemies could.do fo 3 but in a very little time his do¬
minions were invaded, and, we may fay, the fame mo¬
ment conquered, by Alexander the Great. The parti- Perfitton-
culars of that hero’s conqueft are related under the ar- quered by
tide Macedon; we fhall therefore here only takeAIexander
notice of. the fate of Darius himfelf, with which the Per-the Gl"£at*
fian empire concluded for many ages. After the battle
of Arbela, which was decifive in favour of Alexander,
the latter took and plundered Perfepolis, from whence
he marched into Media, in order to purfue Darius, who
had fled to Ecbatan the capital of that province. This
unhappy prince had ftill an army of 30,000 foot, among
whom were 4000 Greeks, -who continued faithful to the
laft. Befides thefe, he had 4000 flingers and qoco
horfe, moft of them Badrians, and commanded bv Bel-
fus governor of Badlria. When Darius heard that
Alexander was marched to Ecbatan, he retired into
Badria, with a defign to raife another army 3 but loon
after, changing his mind, he determined to venture a
battle with the forces he ftill had left. On this Beffus
governor of Badria, and Nabarzanes a Perfian lord of
great diftindion, formed a confpiracy againft him, pro-
pofing to feize. his. perfon, and, if Alexander purfued
them, to gam his friendlhip and protedion by betraying
their mafter into his hands 3 but if they efcaped,, their
defign was to murder him, and ufurp the crown. The
troops were eafily gained over, by reprefenting to them
the defperate fituation of Darius’s affairs 3 but Darius-
himfelf, though informed of their proceedings, and fo-
licited to truft his perfon among the Greeks, refufed to 4^
give credit to the report, or follow fuch a falutary coun- Darius fei-
fel. The confequence of this was, that he was in a few zei5 h1'3,
days feized by the traitors 3 who, out of refped to the-j^fub“
royal
PER [ i
royal dignity, bound him with golden chains, and fhut-
J ting him up in a covered cart, fled with him towards
Bactria. The cart was covered with flcins, and itrangers
appointed to drive it without knowing who the prifoner
was. Befilis was proclaimed commander in chief in the
room of Darius by the Ba&rian horfe 5 but Artabazus
and his fons, with the forces they commanded, and the
Greeks, under the command of one Patron, retired from
the body of the army under Beffus, and marched over
the mountains towards Parthiene. In the mean time
Alexander arriving at Ecbatan, was informed that Da¬
rius had left the place five days*before. He then dif-
patched orders to Clitus, who had fallen fick at Sufa, to
repair, as foon as he recovered, to Ecbatan, and from
thence to follow him into Parthia with the cavalry and
6000 Macedonians, who were left in Ecbatan. Alex¬
ander himfelf with the reft of the army purfued Darius;
and the nth day arrived at Rhages, having marched in
that fpace of time 3300 furlongs. Moft of thofe wTho
accompanied him died through the fatigue of fo long
a march ; infomuch that, on his arrival at Rhages, he
could fcarcely mufter 60 horfemen. Finding that he
couldjiot come up with Darius, who had already paffed
the Cafpian ftraits, he ftaid five days at Rhages, in order
to refreih his army and fettle the affairs of Media.
From thence he marched into Parthia, and encamped at
a finall diftance from the Cafpian ftraits, which he
paffed the next day without oppofition. He had fcarce¬
ly entered Parthia, when he was informed that Beffus
and Nabarzanes had confpired againft Darius, and de-
figned to feize him. Hereupon, leaving the main body
of the army behind wdth Craterus, he advanced with a
fmall troop of horfe lightly armed ; and having march¬
ed day and night wdthout ever halting, except for a few
hours, he came on the third day to a village where Bef¬
fus with his Batlrians had encamped the day before.
Here he underftood that Darius had been feized by the
traitors } that Beffus had caufed him to be fhut up in a
clofe cart, which he had fent before, that he might be
the more fure of his perfon ; and that the whole army
except Artabazus and the Greeks, wdro had taken ano¬
ther route, obeyed Beffus. Alexander therefore taking
with him a fmall body of light-armed horfe, for the
others could not poffibly proceed further, at laft came
in fight of the barbarians, who were marching in great
confufion. His unexpected appearance ftruck them,
though far fuperior in number, with fuch terror, that
they immediately betook themfelves to flight; and be-
caufe Darius refufed to follow7 them, Beffus and thofe
who were about him difcharged their darts at the un¬
fortunate prince, leaving him wallowing in his blood.
After this they all fled different ways, and were purfued
with great {laughter by the Macedonians. In the mean
time the horfes that drew the cart in which Darius w'as,
flopped of their own accord, for the drivers had been
killed by Beffus, near a village about four furlongs from
the highway. Thither Polyftratus a Macedonian, be¬
ing preffed with thirft in the purfuit of the enemy, was
direCted by the inhabitants to a fountain to refreih him¬
felf, not far from the place where they flopped. As he
was filling his helmet wdth w7ater, he heard the groans
of a dying man ; and looking round him, difcovered a
cart wdth a team of horfes, unable to move by reafon of
the many wounds they had received. When he drew
;7 1 p E R
near, he perceived Darius lying in the cart, and very Perfla;
near ids end, having feveral darts flicking in his body. ^
However, he had ftrenglh enough left to call for fome
water, which Polyftratus readily brought him. Darius,
after drinking, turned to the Macedonian, and with a
faint voice told him, that, in the deplorable ftate to
which he was reduced, it was no fmall comfort to him
that his laft words would not be loft : he then charged
him to return his hearty thanks to Alexander for the
kindnefs he had fliown to his wife and family, and to
acquaint him, that, with his laft breath, he befought the
gods to profper him in all his undertakings, and make
him foie monarch of the univerfe. He added, that it did
not fo much concern him as Alexander to purfue and
bring to condign puniftiment thofe traitors who had
treated their lawful fovereign with fuch cruelty, that
being the common caufe of all crowned heads. Then,
taking Polyftratus by the hand, “ Give Alexander
your hand, fays he, as I give you mine, and carry him,
in my name, the only pledge I am able to give, in this
condition, of my gratitude and affeftion.” Having ut¬
tered thefe words, he expired in the arms of Polyftratus.
Alexander coming up a few minutes after, bewailed his
death, and caufed his body to be interred with the high-
eft honours. The traitor Beffus being at laft reduced jj;s
to extreme difficulties, was delivered up by his own men derers pur--
naked and bound into the hands of the Macedonians j fued.
on which Alexander gave him up to Oxathres the
brother of Darius, to fuffer what punilhment he ffiould
think proper. Plutarch tells us that he w7as executed
in the following manner: Several trees being by main
force bent down to the ground, and one of the traitor’s
limbs tied to each of them, the trees, as they were fuf-
fered to return to their natural pofition, flew back with
fuch violence, that each carried with it the limb that
was tied to it.
Thus ended the empire of Perfia, 209 years after it ReVojt of
had been founded by Cyrus. After the death of A- th-* Par-
lexander the Perfian dominions became fubjeft to Se- thiam.
leucus Nicator, and continued fubject *to him for 62
years, when the Parthians revolted, and conquered the
greateft part of them. To the Parthians they conti¬
nued fubje£l for 475 years j when the fovereignty was
again reftored to the Perfians, as related under the ar¬
ticle Parthia.
The reftorer of the Perfian monarchy was Arta- Perfian em-
xerxes, or Artaxares, who was not only a private per-pire again
fon, but of fpurious birth. However, he poffeffed rehored by-
great abilities, by which means he executed his ambi- Altaxerxe3’
tious projects. He w7as no fooner feated on the throne
than he took the pompous title of king of kings, and
formed a defign of reftoring the empire to its ancient
glory. He therefore gave notice to the Roman gover¬
nors of the provinces bordering on bis dominions, that
he had a juft right, as the fucceffor of Cyrus, to all
the Leffer Afia) which he therefore commanded them
immediately to quit, as well as the provinces on the
frontiers of the ancient Parthian kingdom, which were
already his. The confequence of this was a w7ar with
Alexander Severus the Roman emperor. Concerning
the event of this war there are very different accounts.
It is certain, however, that, on account of his exploits
againft Artaxares, Alexander took the titles of Par-
thicus and Perfcus 5 though, it would feem, with no*
great-
PER
L io8 ]
P E R
Perfia.
5°
Succeeded
by Sapor,
who takes
Vaierian
pniVntr j
great reafon, as the Perfian monarch loti; none of his do¬
minions, and his fucceffors were equally ready with him-
lelt to invade the Roman territories.
Artaxares dying after a reign of 12 or 15 years,
was lucceeded by his fqn Sapor; a prince of great
abilities both of body and mind, but fierce, haughty,
the'Roman untr;h'fable, and cruel. He was no fooner feated on
enjperor the throne than he began a new war with the Romans.
In the beginning he was unfuccefsful: being obliged,
by the young emperor Gordian, to withdraw from the
Roman dominions, and was even invaded in his turn ;
but, in a fliort time, Gordian being murdered by Philip,
the new emperor made peace with him upon terms very
advantageous to the Perfians. He was no fooner gone
than Sapor renewed his incurfions, and made fuch alarm¬
ing progrefs, that the emperor Valerian, at the age
of 70, marched againft him in perfon with a numerous
army. An engagement enfued, in which the Romans
were defeated, and Valerian taken prifoner. Sapor
purfued his advantages with fuch infolence of cruelty,
that the people of the provinces took arms, firft under
Calliftus a Roman general, and then under Odenatus
prince of Palmyrene. Thus they not only protefled
ihemfelves from the infults of the Perfians, but even
gained many great victories over them, and drove Sa¬
por with difgrace into his own dominions. In his march
he is faid to have made ufe of the bodies of his unfor¬
tunate prifoners to fill up the hollow roads, and to fa¬
cilitate the paffage of his carriages over fuch rivers as
lay in his way. On his return to Perfia, he was foli-
cited by the kings of the Cadufians, Armenians, Bac-
trians, and other nations, to fet Valerian at liberty;
but to no purpofe. On the contrary, he ufed him the
lum crue y. worpe . ^reatej daily with indignities, fet his foot
upon his neck when he mounted his horfe, and, as is
affirmed by fome, fiayed him alive after fome years con¬
finement ; and caufed his fkin to be tanned, which he
kept as a monument of his victory over the Romans.
This extreme infolence and cruelty was followed by an
uninterrupted courfe of misfortune. Odenatus defeat¬
ed him in every engagement, and even feemed ready to
overthrow his empire ; and after him Aurelian took
ample vengeance for the captivity of Valerian. Sapor
•died in the year of Chrift 273, after having reigned 31
years; and was fucceeded by his fon Hormifdas, and
he by Varanes I. Concerning both thefe princes we
know nothing more than that the former reigned a
year and ten days, and the latter three years; after
which he left the crown to Varanes II. who feems to
have been fo much awed by the power of the Romans,
that he durft undertake nothing. The reft of the Per¬
fian hiftory, to the overthrow of the empire by the Sa¬
racens, affords nothing but an account of their conti¬
nued invafions of the Roman empire, which more pro-
52 perly belongs to the hiftory of Rome : and to which
The Perfian therefore we refer. The laft of the Perfian monarchs,
empire 0f the |Jne 0f Artaxares, was Ifdigertes, or Jezdegerd,
hyMbe^a-H as ca^ed by the Arabian and Perfian hiftorians,
who was cotemporary with Omar the fecond caliph af¬
ter Mahomet. He was fcarcely feated on the throne,
when he found himfelf attacked by a powerful army of
Saracens under the command of one Sad,-who invaded
the country through Chaldea. The Perfian general
took all imaginable pains to harafs the Arabs on their
march ; and having an army fuperior to them in num-
51
and treats
by
racens.
bers, employed them continually infkirmkl.es; which Perl’s,
were fometirnes favourable to him and fometimes other- ^ "
wife. But Sad, perceiving that this lingering war
would deftroy his army, determined to haften forward,
and force the enemy to a general engagement. The
Perfians declined this for a long time ; but at length,
finding a convenient plain where all their forces might
act, they drew up in order of battle, and refolved to
wait for the Arabs. Sad having difpofed his men in
the beft order he could, attacked the Perfians with the
utmoft fury. The battle lafted three days and three
nights ; the Perfians retiring continually from one poll
to another, iill at laft they wrere entirely defeated ; and
thus the capital city, and the greateft part of the do¬
minions of Perfia, fell into the hands of the Arabs. The
conquerors feized the treafures of the king; which
w'ere fo vaft, that according to a Mahometan tradition,
their prophet gave the Saracen army a miraculous view
of thofe treafares before the engagement, in order to
encourage them to fight.
After the lofs of this battle, Jezdegerd retired into
Chorafan, where he maintained himfelf as king, having-
under his fubjeefion two other provinces, named Kerman
and Segeftan. But after he had reigned in this limited
manner for 19 years, one of the governors of the few
towns he had left betrayed it, and called in the Turks.
This place was called Merou, feated on the river Gihon
or Oxus. Jezdegerd immediately marched againft the
rebels and their allies. The Perfians -were defeated ;
and the unfortunate monarch, having with much diffi¬
culty reached the river, found there a little boat, and a
fiffierman to whom it belonged. The king offered him
a bracelet of precious ftones; but the fellow, equally
brutal and ftupid, told him that his fare was five
farthings, and that he would neither take more nor
lefs. While they difputed, a party of the rebel horfe
came up, and knowing Jezdegerd, killed him, in the
year 652.
Jezdegerd left behind him a fon named Firowz, and a
daughter named Dara. The latter efpoufed Boftenav,
whom the rabbinical writers have dignified with the
title of the lead of tkc captivity ; and who, in faff, was
the prince of the Jews fettled in Chaldea. As for Fi-
rouz, he ftill prelerved a little principality ; and when he
died, left a daughter named Mali Afr/W, wffio married
Walid the fon of the caliph Abdalmalek, by whom fire
had a fon named 7~e%id, who became caliph, and confe-
quentiy fovereign of Perfia ; and fo far was this prince
from thinking himfelf above claiming the title derived
from Iris mother, that he conftantly ftyled himfelf the
fon of Khofrou king of Perfa, the defendant of the ca¬
liph Maroon, and among whofe ancefors on the fde of
the mother were the Roman emperor and the khacan. c-r
Perfia continued to be fubjeft to the Arabs till the^tateot'
decline of the Saracen empire, when it was feized by Peil'ia un'
various ufurpers, till the time of Jenghis Khan, who
conquered it as well as almoft all the reft of Afia. Af-princes,
ter his death, which happened in the year 1227, Perfia,
together with the neighbouring countries, were govern¬
ed by officers appointed by his fucceffors, who reigned
at Raerakorom, in the eaftern parts of Tartary, till the
year 1253, when it became once more the feat of a
mighty empire under Hulaku the Mogul, who in 1256
abolifhed the caliphate, by taking the city of Bagdad,
as related under that article. After the death of Hu¬
laku,
PER [ i
Pcrfia. laku, his fon Abaka facceeded to his extenfive domi-
' nions •, and liis firft' care was to fliut up all tire avenues
of his empire againft the other princes of the race of
Jenghiz Khan, who reigned in different parts of Tar¬
tary. His precautions, however, were of little avail j
for in the very beginning of his reign he was invaded
by Barkan Khan, of the race of Jagatay the fon of
Jenghiz Khan, from Great Bukharia, with an army of
300,000 men. Abaka was but indifferently prepared
to oppofe fuch a formidable power 5 but, happily for
him, his antagoniff died before the armies came to an
engagement, upon which the invaders difperfed and re¬
turned to Tartary. In the year 1264, Armenia and A-
natolia were ravaged by theMamlucks from Egypt, but
they were obliged to ffy from Abaka ; who thus feemed
to be eftablifhed in the poffeflion of an empire almoft as
extenfive as that of the ancient Perfian kings. His
tranquillity, however, was of • fliort duration 5 for, in
1268, his dominions were invaded by Borak Khan, a
prince likewife of the race of Jagatay, with an army of
100,000 men. He quickly reduced the province of
Chorafan, where he met with little oppofition, and in
1269 advanced as far as Aderbijan, where Abaka bad
the bulk of his forces. A bloody battle enfued 5 in
which Abaka was victorious, and Borak obliged to fly
into Tartary, with the lofs of all his baggage and great
part of his army. Abaka died in 1282, after a reign
of x 7 years, not without fufpicion of being poifoned ;
and was fucceeded by his brother Ahmed Khan. He
was the firft: of the family of Jenghiz Khan who em¬
braced Mabometanifm •, but neither he nor his fucceffors
appear to have been in the lead: verfed in the arts of
government ; for the Perfian hiftory, from this period,
becomes only an account of infurrections, murders, re-
TJndcrTa- hellions, and poifonings, till the year 1335, when it
merlane fplit all to pieces, and was poffeffed by a great number
and his fuc-of petty princes; all of whom were at perpetual war
with each ether till the time of Timur Beg, or Ta¬
merlane, who once more reduced them all under one
jurifdidtion. v
After the death of Tamerlane, Perfia continued to
be governed by his fon Shah Rukh, a wife and valiant
prince : but immediately after his death fell into the
fame confufion as before ; being held by a great num¬
ber of petty tyrants, till the beginning of the 16th cen¬
tury, when it was conquered by Shah Ifmael Safi, or
Sefi ; of whofe family we have the following account.
Conquered His father was Sheykh Hayder or Playdr, the fon of
bv Ifmael Sultan .funeyd, the fon of Sheykh Ibrahim, the fon of
Sheykh Ali, the fon of Sheykh Mufa, the fon of Sheykh
Sefi, who was the 13 th in a dire cl line from Ali the fon-
in-law of the prophet Mahomet. When Tamerlane re¬
turned from the defeat of Bajazet the Turkifh fultan,
he carried with him a great number of captives out of
Caramania and Anatolia, all of whom he intended to
put to death on fome remarkable occafion ; and with
this refolution he entered Ardebil, or Ardevil, a city
of Aderbijan, about 25 miles to the eaft of Taurus,
where he continued for fome days. At this time lived
in that city the Sheykh Safi, or Sefi, above mentioned,
reputed by the inhabitants to be a faint ; and, as fuch,
much reverenced by them. The fame of Safi’s fanfli-
ty fo much moved Tamerlane, that he paid him fre¬
quent vifitsq and, when he was about to depart, promi-
fed to grant whatever favour he fix on Id alk, Sheykh
Pcrfia.
ceffors.
55
Sefi.
59 ] PER
Safi, who had been informed of Tamerlane's defign to
put the captives to death, requefted of the conqueror
that he -would fpare the lives of ihoie unfortunate men.
Tamerlane, defirous of obliging him, not only granted
this requeft, but delivered them up to him to be difpofed
of as he thought fit 5 upon which the Sheykh furnifhed
them with clothes and other neceffaries as well as he
could, and fent them home to their refpeflive countries.
This generous -action proved very beneficial to the fa¬
mily ; for the people were fo much affefted with luch
an extraordinary inftance of virtue, that they repaired
in great numbers to Safi, bringing with them conlider-
able prefents j and this fa frequently, that few days paf-
fed in which he \vas not vifited by many. Thus, the
defeendants of the Sheykh made a confpicuous figure
till the year i486, when they were all deftreyed by
the Turcomans except Ifmael, who fled to Ghilan,
where he lived under the protection of the king of that
country 5 after which he became confnicuous on the fal¬
lowing occafion.
There was at that time, among the Mahometans, a
vaft number of people difperfed over Afia ; and among
thefe a particular party who followed that of-Haydr
the father of Ifmael, winch Sheykh Safi, one of his an-
ceftors, had brought into great reputation. Ifmael, who
had affumed the furname of So//, or dbge, finding that
Perfia was all in confufion, and hearing that there was
a great number of the Hayderian fed! in Caramania, re¬
moved thither. There he colledled 7000 of his party,
all devoted to the intereft of his family • and while he
was yet only 14 years of age, conquered Shirwan.
Afteb tiffs he purfued his conquefts j and as his antago-
nifts never united to oppofe him, had conquered the
greateft part of Perlia, and reduced the city of Bag¬
dad by the year 1510. However, his conquefts on the
weft fide were loon Hopped by the Turks 5 for, in 1 c 11,
he received a great defeat from Selim I. who took Tau-
ris 5 and would probably have crulhed the empire of If¬
mael in its infancy, had he not thought the conqueft of
Egypt more important than .that of Perfia, After his
defeat by Selim, Ifmael never undertook any thiny of
confequence. He died in 1323, leaving the crown to
his eldeft fen Thamafp I.
The new lhah was a man of very limited abilities,
and was therefore invaded by the Turks almoft inftant-
ly on his acceflion to the throne. However, they were
obliged to retreat by an inundation, which overflowed
their camp, and which frightened them with its red co¬
lour, probably arifing from the nature of the foil over
which it paffed. Thamafp, however, reduced Georgia
to a province of the Perfian empire ; that country be¬
ing in his time divided among a number of petty prin¬
ces, who, by reafon of their divifions, were able to make
little oppofition.
The reigns of the facceeding princes afford nothing Reign of
remarkable till the time of Shalt Abbas I. furnamed the
Gi'eat. He afeended the throne in the year 1584 •, and
his firft care was to recover from the Turks and Tartars
the large provinces they had feized which formerly be¬
longed to the Perfian empire. He began with declaring
war againft the latter, who had feized the fineft part of
Chorafan. Accordingly, having raifed a powerful ar¬
my, he entered that province, tvhere he was met bv Ab¬
dallah Khan the chief of the Uflbeck Tartars. * The
two armies lay in fight of each other for fix months;
but
5^
PER [
Peifia. but at length Abbas attacked and defeated bis enemies,
—' forcing them, for that time, to abandon Chora (an.
Here he continued for three years j and on his leaving
that place, fixed the feat of government at Ifpahan,
where it has continued ever fince. His next expedition
was againft the Turks. Underftanding that the garri-
fon of Tauris was in no expectation of an enemy, he
formed a defign of furprifing the place} and having
privately aflembled a few forces, he marched with fuch
celerity, that he reached a pafs called Shibh very near
Tauris, in fix days, though it is ufually 18 or 20 days
journey for the caravans. Here the Turks had polled
a few foldiers, rather for the purpofe of colle&ing the
cultoms on fuch commodities as were brought that way,
than of defending the pafs againft an enemy. Before
they came in fight of this pafs, Abbas and fome of his
officers left the reft of the army, and rode brilkly up
to the turnpike. Here the fecretary of the cuftom-
houfe, taking them for merchants, demanded the ufual
duties. Abbas replied, that the perfon who had the
purfe was behind, but at the fame time ordered fome
money to be given him. But while the fecretary was
counting it, he was fuddenly {tabbed by the Shah’s or¬
der •, and the officers who were with him fuddenly fal¬
ling upon the few foldiers who were there, obliged them
to fubmit} after which he entered the pafs with his ar¬
my. The governor of Tauris marched out with all the
troops he could collect on lo Ihort a warning } but being
inferior to the Perfians, he was utterly defeated, and
himfelf taken prifoner } after which the city was obliged
to fubmit, as alfo a number of places in the neighbour¬
hood. One city only called Orumi, being very ftrong-
ly fituated, refilled all the efforts of Abbas} but was at
tail taken by the affiftance of the Curds, whom he gain¬
ed over by promifing to lhare the plunder of the place
^ £11 to
57 r
Hiftory of
Khouli
Khan.
* See Pat-
fans.
with them. But inftead of this, he formed a defi
cut them all off at once } fearing that they might at
another time do the Turks a fervice of the fame nature
that they had done to him juft now. For this reafon
he invited their chiefs to dine with him } and having
brought them to a tent, the entrance to which had
feveral turnings, he ftationed on the infide two exe¬
cutioners, who cut off the heads of the guefts as foon as
they entered.
After this Shah Abbas confiderably enlarged his do¬
minions, and repelled two dangerous invafions of the
Turks. He attempted alfo to promote commerce, and
civilize his fubjefts } but ftained all his great actions by
his abominable cruelties, which he praftifed on every
one who gsfte him the leaft caufe of offence •, nay, fre¬
quently without any caufe at all. He took tlm ille of
Ormus from the Portuguefe, who had kept it fince
1507, by the affiftance of fome Englilh Ihips in 1622}
and died fix years after, aged 70.
The princes who fucceeded Shah Abbas the Great,
were remarkable only for their cruelties and debauch¬
eries, which occafioned a revolution in 1716, when the
Shah Huffein was dethroned by the Afghans, a people
inhabiting the country between Perfia and India } who
being oppreffed by the minifters, revolted under the
conduct of one Mereweis. The princes of the Afghan
race continued to enjoy the fovereignty for no more
than 16 years, when Alhraff the reigning lhah was de¬
throned by one of his officers *. Gn this Thamafp,
otherwife called Prince Thamas, the only furvivor of
4
160 ] PER
the family of Abbas, affembling an army, invited into Peifia.
his fervice Nadir Khan, who had obtained great reputa- v—
tion for his valour and conduct. He wras the fon of a
Perfian nobleman, on the frontiers of Ufbeck I artary }
and his uncle, who was his guardian, keeping him out
of poffeffion of the caftle and eftate which was his in¬
heritance, lie took to robbing the caravans} and, having
increafed his followrers to upwards of 5000 men, be¬
came the terror of that part of the country, and efpe-
cially of his uncle, who had feized his eftate. His uncle
therefore refolved to make his peace with him, and with
that view invited him to the caftle, where he entertain¬
ed him in a fplendid manner} but Nadir Khan ordered
his throat to be cut next night, and all his people to be
turned out of the caftle. No fooner had Nadir Khan
got the command of the Perfian army, than he attack¬
ed and defeated the ufurper Efriff, put him to death, and
recovered all the places the Turks and Ruffians had
made themfelves mailers of during the rebellion } and
then Prince Thamas feemed to be eftablilhed on the
throne : but Nadir Khan, to whom Thamas had given
the name of Thamas Koith Khan, that is, the Slave of
Thamas, thinking his fervices not fufficiently rewarded,
and pretending that the king had a defign againft his
life, or at leaft to fet him afide, confpired againft hisf
fovereign, and put him to death, as is fuppofed : after
which, he ufurped the throne, ftyling himfelf Shah Nadir
or Kmg Nadir.
He afterwards laid fiege to Candahar, of which a fon
of Merew7eis had poffeffed himfelf. During this fiege,
the court of the Great Mogul being dill rafted with
faftions, one of the parties invited Shah Nadir to come
to their affiftance, and betrayed the Mogul into his
hands. He thereupon marched to Delhi, the capital
of India, and fummoned all the viceroys and governors
of provinces to attend him, and bring with them all the
treafures they could raife} and thofe that did not bring
as much as he expefted, he tortured and put to death.
Having thus amaffed the greateft treafure that ever
prince was mailer of, he returned to Perfia, giving the
Mogul his liberty, on condition of his refigning the
provinces on the weft fide of the Indus to the crown of
Perfia. He afterwards made a conqueft of Ufbeck '
Tartary, and plundered Bochara the capital city. Then
he marched againft the Dagheftan 1 artars} but loll
great part of his army in their mountains, without fight¬
ing. He defeated the Turks in feveral engagements }
but laying fiege to Bagdad, w^as twice compelled to
raife the fiege. He proceeded to change the religion
of Perfia to that of Omar, hanged up the chief priefts,
put his own fon to death, and was guilty of fuch cruel¬
ty, that he was at length affaftinated by his own rela¬
tions, anno 1747. A conteft upon this enfued between
thefe relations for the crown, which has rendered Perfia
a fcene of the moll horrible confufion for upwards of
40 years. _ 58
The reader will form fome notion of the troubles of Different
this unhappy country from the following feries of pre-F-te^ers
tenders to the throne between the death of Nadir and 0f
the acceffion of Kerim Khan. We give it from Franck- perfia.
Tin’s Obfervations. “ ill, Adil Shah.—2d, Ibraheem
Shah.—3d, Shah Rokh Shah.—4th, Suleeman Shah.—
5th, Ifmaeel Shah.—6th, Azad Khan Afghan.—7th, '
Hoffun Khan Kejar.—8th, Ali Merdan Khan Bukhtea-
ri,—nth, Kerim Khan Zund.
y “Their
Peril a.
PER [ i
“ Their reigns, or more properly the length of time
they refpeftively governed with their party, were as
follows : Adil Shah, nine months. Ibraheem Shah, fix
months. Shah Rokh Shah, after a variety of revolu¬
tions, at length regained the city of Mefchid : he is now
alive (1787), and above 80 years of age, reigning in
Chorafan, under the direftion of his fon Nufiir Ullah
Meerza. Suleeman Shah, and Ifmaeel Shah, in about
forty days were both cut off, almoft as loon as they
were elevated. Azad Khan Afghan, one of Kerim
Khan’s molt formidable rivals and competitors, was fub-
dued by him, brought yirifoner to Shirauz, and died
there a natural death. Hoffun Khan Kejar, another of
Kerim Khan’s competitors, was befieging Shirauz, when
Ins army luddenly mutinied and deferted him. The mu¬
tiny was attributed to their want of pay. A party fent
by Kerim Khan took him prifoner. His head was in-
ftantly cut off, and prefented to Kerim Khan. His family
were brought captives to Shirauz. They were well
treated, and had their liberty given them foon after, un¬
der an obligation not to quit the city. Ali Merdan
Khan wras killed by a mulket Ihot as he was walking on
the ramparts of Mefchid encouraging his men. Kerim
Khan Zund, by birth a Curdiftan, was a moft favourite
officer of Nadir Shah, and at the time of his death was
in the fouthern provinces. Shirauz and other places
had declared for him. He found means at laft, after
various encounters with doubtful fuccefs, completely to
fubdue all his rivals, and finally to eftablifh himfelf as
ruler of all Perfia. He tvas in powTer about 30 years ;
the latter part of which he governed Perfia under the
appellation of vakeel or regent, for he never would re¬
ceive the title of Shah. He made Shirauz the chief
city of his refidence, in gratitude for the affiftance he
had received from its inhabitants and thofe of the fouth¬
ern provinces. He died in the year 1779, regretted by
all his fubjedls, who efteemed and honoured him as the
glory of Perfia.
“ When the death of Kerim Khan w7as announced in
two officers the city, much confufion arofe } two and twenty of the
fcffionof Prh’cipal officers of the army, men of high rank and
the citadel. ^am^y» to°^ poffeffion of the ark, or citadel, with a
refolution to acknowledge Abul Futtah Khan (the eld-
eft fon of the late vakeel) as their lovereign, and to de¬
fend him againft all other pretenders; wdiereupon Zikea
Khan, a relation of the late vakeel by the mother’s fide,
who was poffeffed of immenfe wealth, enlifted a great
part of the army into his pay, by giving them very con-
fiderable bounties. Zikea Khan was of the tribe of
Zund (or the Lackeries) ; a man remarkably proud,
cruel, and unrelenting. Having affembled a large body
the citadel, of troops, he immediately marched them to the citadel,
and laid clofe liege to it for the fpace of three days j at
6- the expiration of wffiich, finding he could not take it by
Employs force, he had recourfe to treachery. To each of the
treacherous principal khans he fent a written paper, by which he
entlce t£e fwore upon the Koran, that if they would come out and
officers ougfhbmit to him, not a hair of their heads ffiould be
and was touched, and that they firould have their effects fecured
to them. Upon this a confultation was held by them ;
and it appearing that they could not fubfift many days
longer, they agreed to furrender themfelves, firmly rely¬
ing on the promifes that had been made them. Zikea
Khan, in the mean time, gave private orders, for the
khans to be feized, and brought feparately before him as
Vol. XYI Part I.
59
Kerim
Khan en¬
joyed a
reign of
near 30
years.
60
Twenty-
61
Zikea
Khan.
62
Befieges
fuccefsful.
61 ] PER
they came out of the citadel. His orders were ftri&ly Perlia.
obeyed, and thefe deluded men were all mafiacred in hisv—
prefence : he w7as feated the whole time, feafting his eyes
on the cruel fpeftacle. ^
“ Zikea Khan’s tyranny became foon intolerable, and Murdered,
he wTas cut off by his owm body guard, when Abul Fut¬
tah Khan, wffio was at the time in the camp, vras pro¬
claimed king by the unanimous voice of the troops,
wffiom he immediately led back to Shirauz. On his
arrival he w7as acknowledged as fovereign by all ranks
of people, and took quiet poffeffion of the govern¬
ment. 6$
“ Mahomed Sadick Khan, only brother of the late Mahomed
Kerim Khan, who had during that prince’s life filled‘>acfek
the high office of beglerbeg of Fars, and had been
appointed guardian of his fon Abul Futtah Khan, was j-ejze tjje
at this period governor of the city of Baffora, which govern-
had been taken by the Perfians, previous to the vakeel’s nient;
death. Upon hearing the news of his brother’s deceafe
he became ambitious of reigning alone, and from that
inftant formed fchemes for the deftrufrion of his ne¬
phew7 ; but as it w7as neceffary for him to be on the
fpot for the advancement of his views, he determined
to withdraw the Perfian garrifon from Baffora, who
were all devoted to his intereft : accordingly he eva¬
cuated that place, and marched immediately for Shi¬
rauz.
“ The news of Sadick Khan’s approach threw the in¬
habitants of Shirauz into the greateft confternation :
their minds were varioufly agitated on the occafion 5
fome, from his know7n public charadler, expected he
w7ould honeftly fulfil the commands of his deceafed
brother; others, who had been witneffes to the con¬
fufion of former times, on fimilar occafions, rightly
imagined that he would fet up for himfelf 5 and indeed
this proved to be the cafe : for having entered Shirauz
a very few days after, he caufed Abul Futtah Khan to
be feized, deprived of fight, and put into clofe confine-
ment. _ _
“ After this event, Sadick Khan openly affumed the which he
government. As foon as the intelligence reached Ali effiAs.
Murad Khan, who was at Ifpahan, that lord inftantly
rebelled : deeming himfelf to have an equal right to
the government with Sadick Khan, as in fatft he had, he
could ill brook the thought of being obedient to him,
and openly declared himfelf a competitor for the em¬
pire. Perfia was by this means again involved in all
the horrors of a civil war. Ali Murad Khan indeed
took poffeffion of Shirauz, affumed the government, and
gave to the empire the flattering profpedft of being fet¬
tled under the gqvernment of one man; but this pro-
fpect was loon obfcured by the power and credit acqui¬
red by Akau Mahomed Khan.”
On the night following Kerim Khan’s death, this Akau Ma-
man found means to make his efcape from Shirauz, and homed
fled to the northward, where collefting fome troops, he ^an co*"
foon made himfelf mafter of Mazanderan and Ghilan,j j^ ’
and w7as proclaimed nearly about the time that Ali Mu-claimed at
rad Khan had taken Shirauz. “ It is remarkable (fays Mazande-
our author), that from his firft entering into competition ran.an^
for the government, he has been fuccefsful in every bat- G^an*
tie which he has fought. He is an eunuch, having been
made fo whilft an infant, by the command of Nadir ’
Shah, but poffeffes great perfonal bravery.
Ali Murad Khan, hearing of the fuccefs of Akau
X Mahomed
P<.rf;a.
63
Jaafar
Khan af-
(eit.-- his
p re ten Sons
to the go¬
vernment.
69
Is defeated
by Akau
Mahomed
Khan.
7°
Air and
climate of
Ferha.
P E R [ 162 ] PE R
Mahomed Khan, determined to go again ft him $ but as
he was previoufly proceeding to Ifpahan to fuppref's a
rebellion, he fell fuddenly from his horfe and expired on
the fpot.
“ At this period, Jaafar Khan, the eldeft and only
furviving fun of Sadick Khan, was governor of Khum :
lie deemed this a favourable opportunity to aiTert his
pretentions to the government, and immediately march¬
ed with what few troops he had to Ifpahan : foon after
his arrival he was joined by the greater part of the mal¬
contents, who were then in arms. In this fituation he
remained fome time •, but Akau Mahomed Khan coming
down upon him with his army, he was obliged to rilk
his fate in a battle, and, being defeated, fled with the
fmall remains of his troops, taking the road to Shirauz.
boon after finding himlelf ftrengthened by an increafe
of bis) army, he determined to venture a fecond engage¬
ment with his opponent Akau Mahomed Khan •, and
for this purpofe marched with his army towards llpa-
han : the two armies met near Yezdekliaft, when a bat¬
tle cnfued, and Akau Mahomed Khan’s fuperior fortune
again prevailing, Jaafar Khan was defeated, and retired
to Shirauz, which he quitted on the 25th of June 1787,
and flaortly after marched his army to the northward,
but returned in Oclobcr without having effeded any¬
thing.” Such was the ftate of Perfta in 1788. Mr
Francklin, from whole excellent Obfervations on a
Tour made in the years 1786-7 thefe particulars are
moftly ext rafted, fays that Jaafar Khan is the mod
“ likely, in cafe of fuccefs againft his opponent, to reftore
the country to a happy and reputable ftate : but it will
require a long fpace of time to recover it from the cala¬
mities into which the different revolutions have brought
it;—a country, if an oriental metaphor maybe allowed,
once blooming as the garden of Eden, fair and flour!th¬
ing to the eye ;—now, fad reverfe ! delpoiled and leaf-
lefs by the cruel ravages of war, and delolating conten¬
tion.”
As to the air and climate of this country, confider-
ing the great extent thereof, it cannot but be very dif¬
ferent, according to the’ fituation of its feveral parts ;
fome being frozen with cold, whilft others are burnt
with heat at the fame time of the year. The air,
wherever it is cold is dry ; but where it is extremely
hot, it is fometimes modi. All along the coaft of the
Perfian gulf, from weft to eaft, to the very mouth
of the river Indus, the heat for four months is fo ex-
ceffive, that even thofe who are born in the country,
Unable to bear it, are forced to quit their houfes, and
retire to the mountains •, fo that fuch as travel in theie
parts, at that feafon, find none in the villages, but
wretched poor creatures, left there to watch the effe&s
of the rich, at the expence cf their own health. The
extreme heat of the air, as it is unfupportable, fo it
makes jt prodigioufty umvholefome 5 ftrangers frequent¬
ly falling fick there, and feldotn efcaping. The eaft-
ern provinces of Perfia, from the river Indus to the
bonders of Tartary, are fubjeift to great heats, though
not quite fo umvhblefcme as on the coafts of the In¬
dian ocean and the Perfian gulf*, but in the north¬
ern provinces, on the coaft of the Cafpian fea, the heat
is full as great, and, though attended with moifture, as
unwholefome as on the coaft before mentioned'. From
Ofllobcr to May, there is no country in the wrorld
more pleafant than this 3 but the people carry inde¬
lible marks of the malign influence of their fummers, Perfia.
looking all of them of a faint yellow, and having y—
neither lirength nor Ipirits; though, about the end of
April, they abandon their houfes, and retire to the
mountains, which are 25 or 30 leagues from the fea.
But this moiftnefs in the air is only in thefe parts j the
reft of Perfia enjoys a dry air, the Iky being perfectly
ferene, and hardly to much as a cloud feen to fly there¬
in. Though it feldom rains, it does not follow* that the
heat admits of no mitigation : for in the night, not-
withftanding there is not a cloud to be (ten, and the
Iky is fo clear, that the liars alone afford a light fuf-
ficient to travel by, a brifk. wind fprings up, which
lalts until within an hour of the morning, and gives fuch
a ccolnefs to the air, that a man can bear a tolerable
warm garment. ’I'he fealons in general, and particular¬
ly in the middle of this kingdom, happen thus : the
w inter, beginning in November, and 1 ailing until March,
is very fliarp and rude, attended with froft and fnow ;
which laft defcends in great flakes on the mountains, mi
but never in the plains. The climate of Shirauz, the climate of
capital of Perfia Proper, is reprelented by a traveller Shirauz.
who lately vifited it, as one of the moil agreeable in the
world, the extremes of heat and cold being feldom felt.
“ During the fpring of the year the face of the country
appears uncommonly beautiful. The flowTers, of which
they have a great variety, and of the bnghteil hues, the
fragrant herbs, fhrubs, and plants, the rofe, the fweet
bafil, and the myrtle, all here contribute to refrefh and
perfume the natural mildnefs ol the air. The nightin¬
gale of the garden (called by the Perfians boolbul he%ar
dqftaan), the goldfinch, and the linnet, by their melo¬
dious warblings at this delightful feafon of the year, ferve
to add to the fatisfaflion of the mind, and to infpire it
with the moft pleafing ideas. The beauties of nature
are here depicted in their fulleit extent ; the natural lu-
ftorian and the botaniit would here meet with ample
fcope for purfuing their favourite inveftigaiions. With
fuch advantages, added to the falubrky of the air, how
can it be wmndered at that the inhabitants of Shirauz
fliould lb confidently affert the pre-eminence of their
own city to any other in the world ?—or that fuch beau¬
ties ihould fail of calling forth the poetical exertions of
a Hafiz, a Sadi, or a Jami ? Their mornings and even¬
ings are cool, but the middle of the day is very pleafant.
In fummer the thermometer feldom rifes above 73 in
the day time, and at night it generally finks as low as
62. The autumn is the word feafon of the year, that
being the time when the rains begin to fail, and during
the autumnal months it is confidered by the natives as the
moft unhealthy ; colds, fluxes, and fevers being very ge¬
neral. In winter a vaft deal of fnow* falls, and very
thick, but ice is rarely to be found, except on the fum-
mits of the mountains, or towards Ifpahan, and the
more northern parts 6f Perfia. One thing which is raoft
to be efteemed in this country, and renders it preferable
to any other part of the world, is their nights, w*hich
are always clear and bright: and the dew, that in moft
places is of fo pernicious and dangerous a nature, is not
of the leaft ill confequence here : there is none at ail in
fummer, and in the other feafons jt is of fuch a nature,
that if the brighteft feimitar (hould be expofed to it all
the night, it w*ould not receive the leaft ruft; a circum-
ftance I have myfelf experienced. This drynefs in the
ajr caufes their buildings to laft a great while, and is
undoubtedly
PER [ 163 ] PE R
Pcifia.
7*
SsU.
73
Produce,
undoubtedly one of tbe principal reafons tliat the cele¬
brated ruins of Perfepolis have endured for fo many
ages, and, comparatively (peaking, in fo perfect a ftate.”
The great drynefs of the air exempts Perfia from thun¬
der and earthquakes. In the fpring, indeed, there Ibme-
times falls hail •, and, as the harveft is then pretty far
advanced, it does a great deaf of mifchief. The rain¬
bow is feldom feen in this country, becaufe there rife
not vapours fufficient to form it; but in the night there
are feen rays of light {hooting through the firmament,
and followed as it were by a train of fmoke. The winds,
however briik, feldom fwell into (forms or tempefts }
but, on the other hand, they are fometime poifonous and
infectious on the (bore of the Gulf, as all travellers
agree. M. Tavernier fays, that at Gombroon people
often find themfelves (truck by a fouth wind, in fuch a
manner, that they cry, “ I burn !” and immediately fall
down dead. M. le Brun tells us, that he was allured
while he was there, that the weather was fometimes fo
excetfively fultry as to melt the feals of letters. At this
time the people go in their thirts, and are continually
fprinkled with cold water; and fome even lie feveral
hours naked in the water. Among the inconveniences
confequent from this malign difpofition of the air, one
of the molt terrible is the engendering, in the arms and
legs, a kind of long fmall worms, which cannot be ex¬
tracted without great danger of ^breaking them j upon
which a mortification enfues.
The foil of Perfia is in generaMlony, fandy, barren,
and everywhere fo dry, that, if it be not watered, it pro¬
duces nothing, not even grafs ; but, where they can turn
the water into their plains or valleys, it is not unfruit¬
ful. There is a great difference in point ©f fertility in
the difterent provinces of the empire ; and thofe of Me¬
dia, Iberia, Hyrcania, and BaCtria, are now in a great
meafure what they were formerly, and furpafs molt of
the others in their productions. All along the Perfian
gulf, the foil is (till more barren, cattle lefs plenty,
and every thing in a worfe condition than anywhere
elfe.
Though there is fcarcely a province in Perfia which
does not produce wine, yet the wine of fome provinces
is much more elteemed than that of others ; but Schi-
ras, or, as it is written by Mr Francklin, SIiirau%, wine
is univerfally allowed to be the very belt in Perfia j in-
fomuch, that it is a common proverb there-, That to live
happily one mult eat the bread of Yezd, and drink the
wine of Schiras.
The grain molt common in Perfia is wheat} which
is wonderfully fair and clean. As for barley, rice, and
millet, they only make bread of them in fome places,
as in Courdeltan, when their wheat bread is exhaulted
before the return of harveft. They do not cultivate in
this country either oats or rye ; except where the Ar¬
menians are fettled, who make great ufe of the latter
in Lent. Rice is the univerfal aliment of all forts of
people in Perfia ; for this reafon they are extremely
careful in its cultivation ; for, after they have fown it
in the fame manner as other grain, they in three months
lime tranfplant it, root by root, into fields, which are
well watered, otherwife it would never attain that per¬
fection in which we find it there; fince it is fofter,
looner boiled, and more delicious, than the fame grain
in any other part of the world. Perhaps its tafte is,
in fome meafure, heightened by a praCtice which they
follow to give it a gloffy whitenefs, viz. by clean fir. g Pei fi
it, after it is beaten out of the hulks, with a mixture ^
of dour and fait. Corn ripens exceedingly in this coun¬
try ; fo that in fome parts they have a threefold crop
in the year. The Perfian bread is generally very thin,
white, and good ; and commonly cheap enough.
Metals of all forts have been found in Periia. Since
the reign of Shah Abbas the Great, iron, copper, and
lead, have been very common j but there are no gold
or filver mines open at prefent; though, as Perfia is a
very mountainous country, fuch might very probably
be found, if pains were taken to iearch them out.
There are filver mines in Kerman and Mazanderan,
and one not far from Spauhawn j but they cannot be
worked for want of wood. Minerals are alfo found in
Perfia in abundance; efpecially fulphur, fait pet re, fait,
and alum. Nothing is more common in this country
than to meet with plains, fometimes 10 leagues in
length, covered entirely with fait, and others with ful¬
phur or alum. In fome places fait is dug out of mines,
and even ufed in building houfes. Marble, freeftone,
and Hate are found in great plenty about Hamadan.
The marble is of four colours, viz. white, black, red
and black, and white and black. Perfia yields two
lorts of petroleum or naphtha 5 namely, black and
white. In the neighbourhood of Tauris they find
azure •, but it is not lb good as that brought from Tar¬
tary. Among the molt valuable productions of Perfia
are the precious (tones called turquoifes, of which there
are feveral rocks or mines.
The horfes of Perfia are the molt beautiful of the
Eaft, though they are not fo much eftcemcd as thole
of Arabia ; fo great, however, is the demand for them,
that the fineft ones will fetch from pci. to 450k fter-
ling. They are higher than the Englilh laddie horfes;
ftraight before, with a fmall head) legs wonderfully
fiender, and finely proportioned ; they are mighty '
gentle, good travellers, very light and fprightly, and
do good fervice till they are ] 8 or 20 years old. The
great numbers of them fold into Turkey and the Indies,
though none can be carried out of the kingdom with¬
out fpecial licenfe from the king, is what makes them
fo dear. Next to horfes we may reckon mules, which
are much efteemed here, and are very fine; and next
to thefe we may juftly place affes, of which they have
in this country two forts •, the firft bred in Perfia, heavy
and doltifti, as afles in other countries are ; the other
originally of an Arabian breed, the molt docile and
uleful creature of its kind iu the world. They are ufed
wholly for the faddle ; being remarkable for their eafy
manner of going, and are very fure-footed, carrying
their heads lofty, and moving gracefully. Some of
them are valued at 20I. (terling. The mules here are
alfo very fine ; they pace well, never fall, and are fel¬
dom tired. The higheft: price of a mule is about qjl.
fterling. Camels are alfo numerous in Perfia, and very
ferviceable ; they call them kechty-kroiitli-konion, i. e.
“ the (hips of the land becaufe the inland trade is
carried on by them as the foreign is by (hips. Of thefe
camels there are trvo forts, the northern and fouthern :
the latter, which is much the fmaller, but fwifter, will
carry a load of about 700 weight, and trot as faft as
a liorfe will gallop •, the other will travel with a load
of 1200 or 1300 weight) both are profitable to their
mailers, as coding little or nothing to keep. They
L X 2 travel \
PER [ 164 ] PER
Perfia.
travel without halter or reins 5 grazing on the road
from time to time, notwithftanding their load. They
are managed entirely by the voice j thofe who direft
them making ufe of a kind of fong, and the camel mo¬
ving brilker, or at its ordinary pace, as they keep a
quicker or flower time. The camels fired their hair fo
clean in the fpring, that they look like fcalded fwine :
but then they are pitched over, to keep the flies from
Hinging them. The camels hair is the mofl profitable
fleece of all the tame beafts: fine Huffs are made of
it j and in Europe, hats, with a mixture of a little
beaver.
As beef is little eaten in Perfia, their oxen are ge¬
nerally employed in ploughing, and other forts of la¬
bour. Hogs are nowhere bred in Perfia, if we except
a province or two on the borders of the Cafpian fea.
Sheep and deer are very common throughout all Per¬
fia.
Of wild beafls, the number is not great in that coun¬
try, becaufe there are few forefis ; but where there are
any, as in Hyrcania, now called labriflan, abundance
01 lions, bears, tygers, leopards, porcupines, wild boars,
and wolves, are to be found 5 but the laft are not fo
numerous as any of the other fpecies.
There are but few infefts in this country ; which
may be afcribed to the drynefs of the climate. In fome
provinces, however, there is an infinite number of lo-
cults or grafhoppers, which dy about in i’uch clouds as
to darken the air. In certain parts of the Perfian do¬
minions they have large black fcorpions, fo venomous,
that fuch as are Hung by them die in a few hours. In
others they have lizards frightfully ugly, which are
an ell long, and as thick as a large toad, their ikins be¬
ing as hard and tough as that of the fea-dog 5 they are
faid to attack and kill men fometimes j but that may be
doubted. The fouthern provinces are infefied writh
gnatsfome wdth long legs, like thofe we call midges ;
and fome white, and as Imall as fleas, wdrich make no
buzzing, but fling fuddenly, and fo fmartly, that the
fling is like the prick of a needle. Among the rep¬
tiles is a long fquare wrorm, called by the inhabitants
ha%ar-pey, i. e. “ thoufand feet,” becaufe its wdiole
body is covered with feet •, it runs prodigioufiy fall j and
its bite is dangerous, and even mortal if it gets into the
ear.
There are in Perfia all the feveral forts of fowls,
which we have in Europe, but not in fuch great plenty;
excepting, however, wild and tame pigeons, of wrhich
vaft numbers are kept all over the kingdom, chiefly on
account of their dung : which is the beft manure for
melons. It is a great diverfion among the lower fort
of people in town or country to catch pigeons, though
It be forbidden : for this purpofe they have pigeons fo
taught that flying in one flock, they furround fuch
wild ones as they find in the field, and bring them back
with them to their mailers. The partridges of this
country are the largeft and fineft in the world, being
generally of the fize of our fowls. Geefe, ducks, cranes,
herons, and many other forts of water fowd, are common
here 5 as are like wife nightingales, which are heard all
the year, but chiefly in the fpring •, martlets, which learn
v/hatever words are taught them *, and a bird called
noura, wduch chatters inceffantly, and repeats what¬
ever it hears. Of birds of a larger fize, the moft re¬
markable is the pelican, by the Perfians called iacab,
i. e. “ water-carrier and alfo mife, i. e. “ fheep,” be- Perfia.
caufe it is as large as one of thefe animals *. There are ^ ^ ^
in Perfia various birds of prey. Some of their falcons Cl^,s
are the largeft and fineft in the world : the people take nitholo-
great pains to teach them to fly at game j the Perfian uy Index.
lords being great lovers of falconry, and the king ha-
ving generally 800 of this fort of birds, each of which
has a perfon to attend it. ^
There is perhaps no country in the world wfliich, ge-Mountains,,
nerally fpeaking, is more mountainous than Perfia j rivers, and
but many of them yield neither fprings nor metals,
and but few of them are ftiaded wfith trees. It is true,
fome of the chief of them are fituated on the frontiers,
and ferve as a kind of natural ramparts, or bulwarks,
to this vaft empire. Among the latter are the moun¬
tains of Caucafus and Ararat, fometimes called the
mountains of Daghejlan, which fill all the fpace between
the Euxine and Cafpian feas: thofe called Taurus, and
the feveral branches thereof, run through Perfia from
Natblia to India, and fill all the middle of the coun-
tr^
As to rivers, except the Araxes, which rifes in the
mountains of Armenia, and falls into the Kur or Cyrus
before it reaches the Cafpian fea, there is not one navi¬
gable ftream in this country. The Oxus divides Perfia
on the north-eaft from Ufbeck Tartary. The Indus alfo
may now be reckoned among the rivers of Perfia, as the
provinces lying to the weft of that river are now in pof-
feflion of that crown : this river is faid to run a courfe
of more than 1000 miles, and overflow’s ail the low
grounds in April, May, and June.
The feas on the fouth of Perfia are, the gulf of Perfia.
or Baffora, the gulf of Ormus, and the Indian ocean..
The only fea on the north is the Cafpian or Hyrcanian
fea } which is more properly a lake, having no commu¬
nication writh any other fea. Thefe feas, together with
the lakes and rivers, fupply Perfia wdth plenty of fiftu
The Cafpian fea contains very fine fifli on one fide 5 and
the Perfian gulf on the other is believed to have more.
fifli than any other fea in the wrorld. On the coafts of
this gulf is taken a fort of filh, for w’hich they have no
particular name : its flefti is of a red colour, very deli¬
cious, and fome of them vreigh 200 or 300 pounds.
The river fiih are chiefly barbels 5 but far from being
good. Thofe of the lakes are carps and Iliads. In the
river at Spauhawn are a great number of crabs, which
crawd up the trees, and live night and day under the
leaves, whence they are taken } and are efteemed very
delicious food. y -
In his voyage from Gombroon up the Perfian gulf,Hands, Stc.
Mr Ives makes mention of feveral iflands, named kifme,"1 the iJer-
Polloar, Kyes, Inderabie, Shittewar, and Bufheel. Some i'ian 8U1^
of thefe wrere quite barren ; on others there were a few
trees and bullies, wdth little fifliing towns, and a few
fmall veffels lying along fliore. The date trees were
thinly fcattered among the hills *, but though a fmall
portion of green might here and there be difeovered, yet
fuch was the barrennefs of thefe iflands in general, that
it was for fome time a matter of furprife how’ ftieep and
goats could poflibly fubfift upon them. On clofer exa¬
mination, however, it w?as found, that the foil produced
a kind of fmall leaved juicy mallows, on which thefe
animals principally feed. The Perfian coaft, as they
failed along, afforded a moft romantic profpeft, appear¬
ing at firft to be one continued rock, rent and tom
afunder
3erfia.
7<?
"rade.
PER [i
afunder by earthquakes 5 but it was afterwards difcover-
ed, that fome part of it was only fand hardened by the
rains and fun.
Narban Point terminates in a long and low piece of
land, which runs off into the gulf from the foot of the
Perlian hills. Between this point and the main land is
a channel, in which a Ihip of 900 tons burden might
eafily ride. The Portuguefe had formerly a lettlement
here, the remains of which are ftill to be feen. A large
river empties itfelf into the fea at this place ; and Mr
Ives obferves, that “ Providence feems here to have al¬
lotted a fpot of ground amidft unhofpitable rocks and
deferts, capable of affording the kind produftion of ve¬
getables for man and bealt.” The adjacent country is
fubjedl to the Arabs.
Through all the Perfian gulf Mr Ives remarks, that
the fpring water on the iflands is much better than that
on the continent; and the water neareil the fea on the
iflands has greatly the advantage over that which is
found in the middle parts. This holds good, however,
only in thole parts which are near the fea; for about 1 2
miles up the country, both on the Perfian and Arabian
fide of the gulf, the water is very good. At the ifland
called Bareen or Baharen, divers go down to the bottom
of the fea, at certain known depths, and come up again
with their veffels filled with frelh water. This frelh wa¬
ter is found in holes or little natural wells, fome fathoms
below7 the furface of the fea. The Arabs have certain
marks on the ifland to teach them where to dive for the
frelh water. Mr Ives was affured by an Arabian mer¬
chant, that he himfelf had difcovered a fpring upon the
fliore, by which one of thele wells are ferved. He put
into this fpring a bit of heavy flick $ and in two or three
days an Arabian diver brought it to him again from the
bottom of one of thefe holes.
The Englilh and other nations, trade with the Per-
fians feveral ways, particularly by the gulf of Chmus at
Gombroon, and by the way of Turkey. A trade alfo
was not many years fince opened by the Englith with
Perfia through Ruflia and the Cafpian fea 5 but that is
nowr difcontinued, having been prohibited by the court
of Ruffia, w'ho were apprehenfive that the Englilh would
teach the Perfians to build fhips, and difpute the navi¬
gation of the Cafpian fea with them. The principal
commodities and manufadlures of Perfia are raw and
wrought filks, mohair camblets, carpets, leather j for
which, and fome others the European merchants ex¬
change chiefly woollen manufaclures 5 but the trade is
carried on altogether in European {hipping, the Perfians
have fcarce any fhips of their owm, and the Ruffians the
foie navigation of the Cafpian fea. There is not a richer
or more profitable trade in the world, than that which is
carried on between Gombroon and Surat in the Eaft
Indies ; and the Englilh Eaft India Company frequently
let out their {hips to tranfport the merchandife of the
Banians and Armenians from Perfia to India. The (hah
or fovereign of Perfia, is the chief merchant j and he
uliially employs his Armenian fubjedls to traffic for him
in every part of the world. The king’s agents mult
have the refund of all merchandife, before his fubje&s
are permitted to trade. It is computed that Perfia pro¬
duces yearly upwards of 2 2,000 bales of filk, chiefly
in the provinces of Ghilan and Mazanderan, each bale
weighing 263 pounds. Vaft quantities of Perfian filk
ufed to be imported into Europe* efpecially by the-
Perfia.
77
78
ern-
65 ] PER
Dutch, Englifli, and Ruflians, before the civil wars
began. The goods exported from Perfia to India are,
tobacco, all forts of fruits, pickled and preierved, efpe-
cially dates, marmalade, wines, diitilled waters, horles,
Perfian feathers, and Turkey leather of all forts and
colours, a great quantity whereof is alfo exposed to
Mufcovy and other European countries. The exports
to Turkey are, tobacco, galls, thread, goats hair, fluffs,
mats, box-work, and many other things. As there are
no polls in the eafl, and trading by commiflion with the
ufe of bills of exchange, is little known, traffic muft
proceed in a very awkward heavy manner, in comparifon
of that of Europe.
The molt current money of Peafia are the abaflees, Money,
worth about is. qd. fterling ; they are of the fineft
filver. An abaffee is worth two mahmoudes •, a mah-
moude, two ihahees j and a fhahee, ten Angle or five
double cafbeghes : thefe laft pieces are of brafs, the
others of filver 5 for gold is not current in trade. The
fhahees are not very common j but mahmoudes and
calbeghes are current everywhere. Horfes, camels,
houles, &c. are generally fold by the toman, which is
an imaginary coin, worth 200 ihahees, or 50 abaffees y
and they ufualiy reckon their eftates that way. Such a
one, they fay, is worth lb many tomans, as we lay
pounds in England.
Perfia is an abfolute monarchy, the lives and eftates qov,
of the people being entirely at the dii'pofal of their* ment.
prince. The king has no council eftablifhed, but is
advifed by fuch minifters as are moft in favour j and
the refolutions taken among the women of the haram
frequently defeat the beft laid defigns. The crown is
hereditary, excluding only the females. The fons of
a daughter are allowed to inherit. The laws of Perfia
exclude the blind from the throne j which is the reafon
that the reigning prince ufually orders the eyes of all
the males of the royal family, of whom he has any
jealoufy, to be put out. The king has generally a great
many wives, which it would be death for any one befides
the eunuchs, who have the fuperintendance of them, to
look at, or even fee by accident 5 wherefore, when he
travels, notice is given to all men to quit the road, nay
the’r very houfes, and to retire to a great diftance.
The prime minifler is called attemaet dou/et, which,
fignifies the diredlor of the empire, and alfo vixir a%eni,
or the great fupporter of the empire ; as he alone al-
moft fuftains the whole weight of the adminiflration.-
This minifter’s chief ftudy is to pleafe his mailer, to fe~
cure to himfelf an afcendant over his mind, and to avoid
whatever may give him any uneafinefs or umbrage.
With this view, he never fails to flatter him, to extol
him above. all the princes upon earth, and to throw a
thick veil over every thing that might help to open his
eyes, or difcover to him the weaknefs of the ftate. He
even takes particular care to keep the king in utter
ignorance j to hide from him, or at leaf! to foften, all
unwelcome news j and, above all, to exalt immoderate¬
ly every the leaf! advantage he obtains over his ene¬
mies. As he takes thefe methods, which indeed are
and muff; be taken, more or lefs, by the minifters of
every defpotic prince, to fecure the favour and confi¬
dence of his mafter *, fo the inferior officers and gover¬
nors of provinces are obliged to employ all the means
in their power to fecure the prime minifter’s, they de¬
pending no lefs upon him than he does upon the kings.
There
V E Pv [ 166 ] PE E
Perfia. Tliers is a gradation of defpotrm and flaveiy, down
v "1 from the prime minifter to the lowed retainer to the
court, or dependent on the government. Children are
fometimes in Perfia required by the king to cut off the
ears and nofe, and even to cut the throats of their pa¬
rents ; and thefe orders cannot be objefled to, without
endangering their own lives. Indeed their bafenefs and
mercenarinefs are inch, that they will perpetrate Inch a-
trocious deeds without the lead fern pie or didiculty, when
they have a promife or expectation of poffeffmg their
pods. The prime miniders, notwithdanding the preca¬
rious footing on which they dand, in effect of their abi¬
lities or good fortune, fometimes continue in their em¬
ployments during life, or, if removed, are only banidied
to fome city, where they are allowed to fpend the re¬
mainder of their days in a private dation.
Next to the prime minider are the nadir, or grand-
mader of the houfehold ; the mehter, or groom of the
chambers, who is always a white eunuch ; the mirakbor
bathe, or mader of the horfe 5 the rrhr-fhikar bafne, or
great huntfman and falconer ; the divanbeggi, or chief
judice, to whom there lies an appeal from the deroga, or
the lieutenant of police, in every town ; the vacka nu-
vrez, or recorder of events, or fird fecretary of date ;
the mullau-die-elmenaleck, or mader of the accounts and
finances of the kingdom j the numes humbafhes, or the
king’s chief phyficians j the duckada-fibadie, or infpec-
tor of the palace, and regulator of rank at court} and
the khans, or governors of provinces, under whom are
other governors, called Johans, appointed alio by the
kin?- .
Civil matters are all determined by the cazi, and ec-
clefiaftical ones (particularly divorces) by the Iheick-el-
felleum, or head of the faith \ an officer anfvvering to the
mufti among the Turks; under him are the iheick-el-
felom, and cadi, who decide in all matters of religion,
and make all contrafls, tedaments, and other public
deeds, being appointed by the king in all the principal
towns *, and next to thefe are the pichnamas, or direc¬
tors of the prayers } and the moullahs, or doftors of the
law.
Judice is carried on in Perda in a very fummary man¬
ner •, the fentence, whatever it may be, being always
put into execution on the fpot. Theft is generally pu-
niffied with the lofs of nofe and ears j robbing on the
road, by ripping up the belly of the criminal, in which
fituation he is expofed upon a gibbet in one of the mod
public parts of the city, and there left until he expires
in torment.
There is no nobility in Perfia, or any refpeft ffiown
to a man on account of his family, except to thofe who
are of the blood of their great prophet or patriarchs j
but every man is edeemed according to the pod he poffef-
fes; and when he is difmiffed, he lofes his honour, and
he is no longer didinguifhed from the vulgar.
With refpeft to the forces of Perfia, their tvro bodies,
called the Kortjhies and Goulans, that ferve on horfe-
back, are well kept and paid, and may amount, the for¬
mer to about 22,000, and the latter to about 18,000.
The Kortffiies are defeended from an ancient but foreign
race ; and the Goulans are either Geoi'gian renegadoes
or flaves, or the children of daves of all nations. The
infantry, called Tangtchies, are picked out from among
the mod robud and vigorous of the peafants, and com-
pxffe a body of 40,000 or 50,000. The Perfians have
3
few fortified towns, and had no {hips of war, till Kouli Perfia,
Khan built a royal navy, and among them had a man of v 
war of 80 guns ; but fince the death of that ufurper, we
hear no more of their deet.
The arms of the king of Perfia are a lion couchant,
looking at the fun as he riles over his back. His ufual
title is Shaw or Pajhaw, the “ difpofer of kingdoms.”
They add alio to the king’s titles thofe of fultan, and
chan or chatn, which is the title of the Tartar fove-
reigns. To afts of date the Perfian monarch does not
fubferibe his name •, but the grant runs in this manner,
viz. This apt, or edict, is given by him whom the univerfe
obeys. ' _ 75
The ancient Perfians are known to have been exceed- Manners,
ingly voluptuous and effeminate. After the conqued of&c.
the empire by Alexander, the Greek difeipline and mar¬
tial fpirit being in part communicated to them, they be¬
came much more formidable ; and hence the Parthians
were feund to be a match not only for the Syro-Mace-
donian princes, but even for the Romans. Of their
manners we know little or nothing, but that to their
valour and military Ikill they joined in a furprifing de¬
gree all the luxury and diffipation of the ancient Per¬
fians.
The modern Perfians, like the Turk^, plundering all
the aoiacent nations for beauties to breed by, are men of
a good dature, drape, and Complexion •, but the Gaures,
or ancient Perfians, are homely, ill-ffiaped, and clumfy,
with a rough Ikin, and olive complexions. In fome
provinces, not only the complexions but the conditutions
of the inhabitants, fuffer greatly by the extreme heat
and unwholefomenefs of the air. The Perfian women,
too, are generally handfome and wrell-diaped, but much
inferior to thofe of Georgia and Circaffia. The men
wear large turbans on their heads, fome of them very
rich, interwoven with gold and filver •, a ved, girt wdth
a faffi ; and over it a loofe garment, fomething ihorter $
wdth fandals, or flippers, on their feet. When they
ride, which they do every day, if it be but to a houfe in
the fame town, they wrear pliant boots of yellow lea¬
ther 5 the furniture of their horfes is extremely rich, and
the ftirrups generally of filver : whether on horfeback
or on foot, they wear a broad fword and a dagger in
their falh. The drefs of the wTomen does not differ
much from that of the men } only their veils are longer,
and they wear ftiffened caps on their heads, and their
hair down.
With refpfccl to outward behaviour, fays an intelli¬
gent traveller, “ The Perfians are certainly the Pari-
fians of the Eaft. Whilfi: a rude and infolent demeanor
peculiarly marks the character of the Turkifli nation to¬
wards foreigners and Chriftians, the behaviour of the
Perfians wrould, on the contrary, do honour to the mod
civilized nations : they are kind, courteous, civil, and
obliging, to all drangers, without being guided by thofe
religious prejudices fo very prevalent in every other Ma¬
hometan nation ; they are fond of inquiring after the
manners and cudoms of Europe, and in return very rea¬
dily a fiord any information in refpeci to their own coun¬
try. The practice of hofpitality is with them fo grand
a point, that a man thinks himfelf highly honoured if
you wall enter his houfe and partake of what the family
affords ; whereas, going out of a houfe w ithout fmoking
a calean, or taking any other' reftefliment, is deemed in
Perfia a high affront.”
Their
Perfia.
PER [ 167 ] PER
Tlieir ufual drink is water and flierLet, as in other
Mahometan countries, wrine being prohibited •, but of
all Mahometan nations they pay the lead; regard to this
prohibition. Many of them drink wine publicly, and
almoft all of them in private (excepting jjhcfe who have
performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, and ecclelia-
fticS) : they alfo are very liable to be quarrelfome when
inebriated, which is often attended with fatal confe-
quences. They eat opium, but in much lefs quantities
than the Turks j and indeed in every thing they fay or
do, eat or drink, they make a point to be as different
from this nation as poinble, whom they deteft to a man,
beyond meafure ; eiteeming Jews and Chriftians fuperior
So to them, and much nearer to falvation.
Anecdotes Every one knows, that the religion of the Perfians is
ot their re- p^ahornetan 3 and that they are of the fed! of Ali, for
4,1 ' whom they entertain the mod extravagant veneration.
Mr Francklin heard one of his guides on the road re¬
prove another for the expre.Tion 0 God! O Ah ! “ No,
no, (faid his zealous compauion), A/ifir/?, Godfecond!'y
This attachment is the fource of their hatred to the
Turks, and of many ftrange cuftoms among themfelves,
which we have not room to enumerate 3 a few, however,
mud be mentioned.
“ Their mode of living is as follows : They always
rife at daybreak, in order to perform their devotions.
Their fird prayer is denominated numa<z foobh, or the
morning prayer^ it is faid before funrife, after which
they eat a flight meal called nd/hta or breakfad 3 this
confids of grapes, or any other fruits of the feafon, with
a little bread, and cheefe made of goats milk 3 they af¬
terwards drink a cup of very ftrong coffee without milk
or fugar 3 then the calean or pipe is introduced. The
Perfians, from the higheft to the lowed ranks, all fmoke
tobacco.
“ Their fecond hour of prayer is called numacz ‘zbhur,
or mid-day prayer, and is always repeated when the fun
declines from the meridian. Their dinner, or chdjht,
which is foon after this prayer, confifts of curds, bread,
and fruits of various kinds 3 animal food not being ufual
at this meal.
“ The third hour of prayer is called numa% ({fur, or
the afternoon prayer, faid about four o’clock.
“ The fourth hour of prayer is numa% Jhdm, or even¬
ing prayer, which is faid after funfet 3 when this is fi-
nifhtd, the Perfians eat their principal meal, called
Jhdmi or fupper. This generally confids of a pilau,
dreffed with rich meat fauces, and highly feafoned with
various fpices : fometimes they eat kibadb or road meat.
When the meal is ready, a fervant brings notice there¬
of, and at the fame time prefents a ewer and water 3
they then wadi their hands, which is an invariable cu-
dom with the Perfians both before and after eating.
They eat very quick, conveying their food to their
mouths with" their fingers 3 the ufe of knives and forks
being unknown in Perfia. Sherbets of different forts are
introduced, and the meal concludes with a defert of de¬
licious frillts. The fupper being finifhed, the family fit
in a circle, and entertain each other by relating plea-
fttnt ftories (of which they are exceffively fond), and
alio by repeating paffages from the xvorks of their mod
favourite poets, and amufing themfelves at various
kinds of games. The fifth and lad prayer is dyled
numa% akhir, the lad prayer 3 cr fometimes numci'Z Jheb,
cr the night prayer, repeated about an hour after fup- Pcrfra
per.” f)
The mod remarkable law among the Perfians refpects f’er^a' ,
marriage. A man may divorce his wife when he choofes, g,
without adigning any other reafon for the divorce than Remark-
that it is his pleafure. II he Ihculd change his mind, ari'e ^a!v
he may again marry her, divorce her a fecond time, and relPe<ding
a third time marry her 3 hut here this privilege flops. n,arriaSe*
No nran is allowed to marry the woman whom he has
thrice divorced. A widow is obliged to mourn four
months for her deceased hulband before file can be mar¬
ried to another 3 but a concubine may form a new con¬
nection the inflant that her keeper expires.
At the naming of children in Perfia, Mr Francklin Ceremony
informs us that the following ceremony is obferved : of naming
“ The third or fourth day after the child is born, the^eir chii-
fiiends and relations of the woman who has lain-in af-^ren'
femble at her houfe, attended hy mufic and dancing
girls hired for the occafion ; after playing and dancing
lome time, a mullah or prielt is introduced, who, taking
the child in his arms, demands of the mother what name
Ihe choofes the infant fhould be called by 3 being told,
he begins praying, and after a fhort time appHes his
mouth clofe to the child’s ear, and tells him diftinritly
three times (calling him by name) to remember and be
obedient to his father and mother, to venerate his Ko¬
ran and his prophet, to abftain from thofe things which
are unlawful, and to praCtife thofe things which are
good and virtuous. Having repeated the Mahometan
profeffion of faith, he then redelivers the child to his
mother 3 after which the company are entertained with
fiveetmeats and other refrefhments, a part of which the
females prefent always take care to carry away in their
pockets, believing it to be the infallible means of their
having offspring themfelves.”
The Perfians excel more in poetry than any oiRer fort Tntelle&ual
of literature 3 and altrologers are nowin as great repu-excc^ence'
tation in Perfia as the magi were formerly. Their
books are all manufcripts, the art of printing having ribt
yet been introduced among them : they excel indeed in
writing, and have eight different hands. They write
from the right hand to the left, as the Arabs do. In
their (ho t hand, they ufe the letters of the alphabet 3
and the fame letters, differently pointed, will have 20
different fignifications. In iliort, the Perfians are born
with as good natural parts as any people in the Fail,
but make a bad ufe of them; being great diiTemblers,
cheats, liars, and flatterers, and having a ffrong pro-
penfity to voluptuoufnefs, luxury, idlenefs, and indo¬
lence 3 vices indeed to which the Afiatics in general are -
much addicted.
PERSIAN WHEEL. See HYDRODYtLUIlCS.
PERSICA, the Peach, is by Linnaeus referred to
the fame clafs and genus with amygdalus. There is a
great variety of peach trees planted in the gardens, fome
of which are preferved only for the beauty of their
flowers, but moft of them for the fake of the fruit. Of
thofe remarkable for the beauty of their flowers thd
principal are, 1. The vulgaris, or common peach-tree,
with double flowers, which is a very great ornament in
gardens, producing very large double flowers of a beau¬
tiful red or purple colour, and" growing to a cunfider-
able fize. 2. The hurailis, or dwarf-almond. 3. The
africana, or double-flowering dwarf-almond, Thefe
m tWQ
P E'R [ 168 ] PER
Peificaria two reach not above the height of three or four feet,
Tv H though their flowers are of equal beauty with the
Perfimon. r 1 J
v iorraer.
Of the peach-trees cultivated for the fake of their fruit
there is a great number. They are railed from the ftones
of the fruit, which fliould be planted in autumn on a
bed of light dry earth, about three inches deep and
four inches afunder. In the winter the beds flrould be
covered with mulch to protect them from the frolt. In
this bed they flrould remain for a year 5 when they are
to be taken up and planted in a nurfery, where they are
to remain one or two years} after which they mult be
removed to the places where they are to continue.
PER3ICARIA. See Polygonum, Botany Index.
PERSICUS sinus, in Ancient Geography, (Mela,
Pliny) •, a part of the fea which the Romans called
Mare Rubrum, and the Greeks Mare Erythrceum;
walking Arabia Felix on the eaft, between which and
Carmania, entering into the land, it waflres Perfia on
the fouth. Its large mouth conlifts of ftraight fides,
like a neck, and then the land retiring equally a vafl:
way» ar>d the fea furrounding it in a large compafs of
fhore, there is exhibited the figure of a human head
(Mela). Theophraftus calls this bay Sinus Arabians, a
a name it equally claims with Perjicus, only for diftinc-
tion fake Perjicus is appropriated to it by others.
PERSIMON. See Diospyros, Botany Index.—
From the perfimon is made a very palatable liquor in the
following manner : As foon as the fruit is ripe, a fufli-
cient quantity is gathered, which is very eafy, as each
tree is well flocked with them. Thefe perfimon apples
are put into a dough of wheat or other flour, formed in¬
to cakes, and put into an oven, in which they continue
till they are quite baked and fufficiently dry, when they
are taken out again : then, in order to brew the liquor,
a pot full of water is put on the fire, and fome of the
cakes are put in : thefe become foft by degrees as the
water grows warm, and crumble in pieces at laft j the
pot is then taken from the fire, and the water in it well
flirred about, that the cakes may mix with it : this is
then poured into another veffel, and they continue to
fleep and break as many cakes as are neceflary for a
brewing : the malt is then infufed, and they proceed as
ufual with the brewing. Beer thus prepared is reckon¬
ed much preferable to other beer. They likewife make
brandy of this fruit in the following manner : having
colletted a fufficient quantity of perfimons in autumn,
they are altogether put into a veffel, where they lie for
a week till they are quite foft : then they pour water on
them, and in that ftate they are left to ferment of them-
felves, without promoting the fermentation by any addi¬
tion. The brandy is then made in the common way,
and is faid to be very good, efpecially if grapes (in par¬
ticular of the fweet fort), which are wild in the woods,
be mixed with the perfimon fruit. Some perfimons are
ripe at the end of September, but moft of them later,
and fome not before November and December, when
the cold firft overcomes their acrimony. The wood of
this tree is very good for joiners inftruments, fuch as
planes, handles to chifels, &c. but if after being cut
-down it lies expofed to funffnne and rain, it is the firft
wood which rots, and in a year’s time there is nothing
left but what is ufelefs. When the perfimon trees get
once into a field, they are not eafily got out of it again,
as they Ipread much.
PERSIS, a Roman lady, whom St Paul falutes in Perils
his epiftle to the Romans (xvi. 12.), and whom he calls H
his beloved fifter. He fays the has laboured much Pcr^>r^
for the Lord, and ftill labours. Nothing elfe of her
life is come to our knowledge, nor do we know that (he
is honoured by any church 3 which is fomething An¬
gular.
PERSIUS Flaccus, Aulus, a Latin poet in the
reign of Nero, celebrated for his fatires. He was born,
according to fome, at Volterra in Tufcany 3 and ac¬
cording to others, at Tigulia, in the gulf Della Specia,
in the year 34. He was educated till 12 years old at
Volterra; and afterwards continued his ftudies at Rome
under Palaemon the grammarian, Virginius the rhetorician,
and Cornutus the Stoic philofopher, who contracted a
friendftiip for him. Perfius confulted that illuftrious
friend in the compofition of his verfes. Lucian alfo ftu-
died with him under Cornutus ; and appeared fo charm¬
ed with his verfes, that he was inceffantly breaking out
into acclamations at the beautiful paffages in his fatires :
an example rarely feen in poets of equal rank. He was
a fteady friend, a good fon, an affeCtionate brother and
parent. He wTas chafle, meek, and model! : which
fliows how wrong it is to judge of a man’s morals by his
writings 3 for the fatires of Perfius are not only licen¬
tious, but lharp and full of bitternefs. He wrote but
feldom; and it was fome time before he applied himfelf
regularly to it.
Perfius was of a weak conftitution, and troubled with
a bad ftomach, which was the caufe of his death in the
30th year of his age. Six of his fatires remain 3 in their
judgements of which the critics have been much divided,
excepting as to their obfcurity, Perfius being indeed the
moft oblcure of all the Latin poets. As a poet, he is
certainly inferior to Horace and Juvenal 3 and all the
labours of liaac Cafaubon, who has written a moft learn¬
ed and elaborate commentary upon him, cannot make
him equal to either of them as a fatirift, though in vir¬
tue and learning he exceeded them both. He wTas a
profeffed imitator of Horace 3 yet had little of Horace’s
■wit, eafe, and talent at ridicule. His ftyle is grand, fi- '
gurative, poetical, and fuitable to the dignity of the
Stoic philofophy : and hence he fhines moft in recom¬
mending virtue and integrity: here it is that fatire be¬
comes him. He was too grave to court the mufes with
fuccefs : but he had a great foul, fufceptible of noble
fentiments, which give a grace but to indifferent poetry.
His cotemporaries thought highly of him. Quintilian
allows, that Perfius, although he wrote but one book
of fatires, acquired a great deal of true glory, Multum
et verce glor 'ue quamvis uno libro Pcrjius meruit: and
Martial fays much the fame thing, Sapius in iibro tnc-
moratur Perfius uno, &c.
PERSON, an individual fubftance of a rational in¬
telligent nature. Thus we fay, an ambaffador reprefents
the perfon of his prince 3 and that, in law, the father
and fon are reputed the fame perfon.
The word perfon, perfona, is thought to be borrowed
a perfonando, from perfonating or counterfeiting 3 and
is luppofed to have firft fignified a mafk : becaufe, as
Boethius informs us, in larva concava/onus volvatur :
and hence the aitors who appeared maflced on the ftage
were fometimes called larvati and fometimes peyfonati.
He likewife fays, that as the feveral actors reprefented
each a Angle individual-perfon, viz. Oedipus, or Chremes,
or
2
perfois
H
Pcrional.
PER [
or Hecuba, or Medea; for this reafon, other people,
who were at the fame time diftinguifhed by fomething
in their form, char after, &c. whereby they might be
known, came likewife to be called by the Latins pcrfo-
iue, and by the Greeks -xgorwKot,. Again, as aftors
rarely reprefented any but great and illuflrious charac¬
ters, the word came at length to import the mind, as
being that whofe difpoiitions conftitute the charafter.
And thus men, angels, and even God himfelf, were
called perform. Things merely corporeal, as a done, a
plant, or a horfe, were called kypofafes orfuppofta, but
never perfons. Hence the learned fuppofe, that the fame
name p erf on came to be ufed to fignify fome dignity,
w’hereby a perfon is diftinguiihed from another •, as a father,
hufband, judge, magiftrate, &c. In this fenfe we are to
underhand that of Cicero : “ Caefar never fpeaks of
Pompey, but in terms of honour and refpeft: he does
many hard and injurious things, however, againll his
perfon.”
Perfon we have already defined to mean an individual
fubftance of a reafonable nature. Now a thing may be
individual twro w7ays : i. Logically, becaufe it cannot
be predicated of any other} as Cicero, Plato, &c.
2. Phyfically ; in which fenfe a drop of wrater, feparated
from the ocean, may be called an individual. Perfon
is an individual nature in each of thcfe fenfes 5 logically,
according to Boethius, becaufe perfon is not fpoken of
univerfals, but only of fingulars and individuals ; we do
not fay the perfon of an animal or a man, but of Cicero
and Plato : and phyfically, fince Socrates’s hand or foot
are never confidered as perfons. This laft kind of indi¬
vidual is denominated tw <? ways : pofitively, when the
perfon is faid to be the wdiole principle of afting •, for
to whatever thing aftion is attributed, that the philofo-
phers call a perfon : and negatively, as when wre fay,
with-the Thomifts, &c. that a perfon confifts in this,
that it does not exift in another as a more perfeft being.
Thus a man, though he confifts of two different things,
viz. body and fpirit, is not twTo perfons ; becaufe neither
part of itfelf is a complete principle of aftion, but one
perfon, fince the manner of his confifting of body and
fpirit is fuch as conftitutes one whole principle of aftion ;
nor does he exift in any other as a more perfeft being j
as, for example, Socrates’s foot does in Socrates, or a
drop of water in the ocean.
Person, in Grammar, a term applied to fuch nouns
or pronouns as, being either prefixed or underftood, are
the nominatives in all infleftions of a verb ; or it is the
agent or patient in all finite or perfonal verbs. See
Grammar.
PERSONAL, any thing that concerns, or is reftrain-
ed to, the perfon : thus it is a maxim in ethics, that all
faults are perfonal.
PERSONAL ABion, in Law, is an aftion levied di-
reftly and folely againft the perfon 5 in oppofition to a
real or mixed aftion. See Action.
PERSONAL Goods, or Chattels, in Law, fignifies any
moveable thing belonging to a perfon, whether alive or
dead. See Chattfxs.
Personal Identity. See Metaphysics, Part III.
Chap. hi.
PERSONAL Verb, in Grammar, a verb conjugated
in all the three perfons ; thus called in oppofition to an
imperfonal verb, or that which has the third perfon
only.
Vol. XVI. Part I.
Perfonify-
in*-
69 ] PE Pt
PERSONALITY, in the fchools, is that which Perfonality
conftitutes an individual a diftinft perfon.
PERSONATi'E, is the name of the 40th order in
Linnaeus’s Fragments of a Natural Method, confifting >
of a number of plants whofe flowTers are furnifhed with
an irregular gaping or grinning petal, which in figure
fomewhat refembles the fnout of an animal. The bulk
of the genera of this natural order arrange themfelves
under the clafs and order didynamia angiofpermia of the
Sexual Method.
The reft, although they cannot enter into the artifi¬
cial clafs juft mentioned, for want of the claffic charac¬
ter, the inequality of the ftamina ; yet, in a natural me¬
thod, which admits of greater latitude, may be arranged
with thole plants which they referable in their habit and
general appearance, and particularly in the circumftan-
ces expreffed in that title.
PERSONIFYING, or Personalizing, the giving
an inanimate being the figure, fentiments, and language
of a perfon.
Hr Blair, in his Left-ures on Rhetoric, gives this ac¬
count of perfonification. “ It is a figure, the ufe of
which is very extenfive, and its foundation laid deep in
human nature. At firft view, and when confidered ab-
ftraftly, it would appear to be a figure of the utmoft
boldnefs, and to border on the extravagant and ridicu¬
lous. For what can feem more remote from the track
of reafonable thought, than to fpeak of ftones and trees,
and fields and rivers, as if they were living creatures,
and to attribute to them thought and fenfation, affec¬
tions and aftions ? One might imagine this to ke no
more than childifh conceit, which no perfon of tafte
could relilh. In faft, however, the cafe is very differ¬
ent. No fuch ridiculous effeft is produced by perfonifi¬
cation when properly employed 5 on the contrary, it is
found to be natural and agreeable, nor is any very un¬
common degree of paflion required in order to make us
relilh it. All poetry, even in its rnoft gentle and hum¬
ble forms, abounds with it. From profe it is far from
being excluded; nay, in common converfation, very
frequent approaches are made to it. When we fay, the
ground thirfs for rain, or the earth fmiles with plenty ;
when we fpeak of ambition’s being refiefs, or a difeafe
being deceitful; fuch expreffions ftiow the facility with
wdiich the mind can accommodate the properties of liv¬
ing creatures to things that are inanimate, or to abftraft
conceptions of its own forming.
“ Indeed, it is very remarkable, that there is a won¬
derful pronenefs in human nature to animate all objefts.
Whether this arifes from a fort of aflimilating principle,
from a propenfion to fpread a refemblance of ourfelves
over all other things, or from whatever other caufe it
arifes, fo it is, that almoft every emotion which in the
leaft agitates the mind beftows upon its objeft a mo¬
mentary idea of life. Let a man, by an unwary ftep,
fprain his ankle, or hurt his foot upon a ftone, and in
the ruffled difcompofed moment he will fometimes feel
himfelf difpofed to break the ftone in pieces, or to utter
paffionate expreffions againft it, as if it had done him an
injury. If one has been long accuftomed to a certain
fet of objefts, which have made a ftrong impreffion on
his imagination 5 as to a houfe, where he has pafied ma¬
ny agreeable years; or to fields, and trees, and moun¬
tains, among which he has often'ivalked with the great-
eft delight y when he is obliged to part with them, efpe-
Y cially
PER [ 170 ] PER
dally if he has no profpccf of ever feeing them again, he
can fcarce avoid having fomewhat of the fame feeling as
when he is leaving old friends. They feem endowed
with life. They became objects of his affection ; and,
in the moment of his parting, it fcarce feems abfurd to
him to give vent to his feeling in words, and to take a
formal adieu.
“ So ftrong is that impreflion of life which is made
upon us, by the more magnificent and linking objedts
of nature efpecially, that I doubt not in the lead of this
having been one caufe of the multiplication of divinities
in the heathen world. The belief of dryads and naiads,
of the genius of the wood and the god of the river,
among men of lively imaginations, in the early ages of
the world, eafily arofe from this turn of mind. When
their favourite rural objedls had often been animated in
their fancy, it was an eafy tranfition to attribute to them
fbme real divinity, fome unfeen power or genius which
inhabited them, or in fome peculiar manner belonged to
them. Imagination wras highly gratified, by thus gain¬
ing fomewhat to reft upon wdth more liability ; and
when belief coincided fo much with imagination, very
flight caufes would be fufticient to eftablilh it.
“ From this dedudlion may bd eafily feen how it
comes to pafs that perfonification makes fo great a fi¬
gure in all compofitions where imagination or paftion
have any concern. On innumerable occafions it is the
very language of imagination and pafiion ; and therefore
deferves to be attended to, and examined with peculiar
care. There are three different degrees of this figure,
which it is neceffary to remark and diftinguilh, in order
to determine the propriety of its ufe. The firft is, wdien
fome of the properties or qualities of living creatures are
afcribed to inanimate objefts ; the fecond, when thofe
inanimate objects are introduced as a£ting like fuch as
have life ; and the third, when they are reprefented ei¬
ther as fpeaking to us, or as liftening to what we fay
to them.”
The ingenious profeffor goes on to inveftigate the na¬
ture of perfonification at confiderable length. We fliall Pt
give his caution for the ufe of it in prole compofitioris,
in which he informs us this figure requires to be ufed w“
with great moderation and delicacy. “ The fame li¬
berty is not allowed to the imagination there as in
poetry. The fame affiltances cannot be obtained for
railing paftion to its proper height by the force of num¬
bers and the glow of ftyle. However, addreffes to ina¬
nimate objedls are not excluded from profe ; but have
their place only in the higher fpecies of oratory. A
public fpeaker may on fome occafions very properly ad-
drefs religion or virtue ; or his native country, or fome
city or province, which has fuffered perhaps great cala¬
mities, or been the fcene of fome memorable adlion.
But we mull remember, that as fuch addreffes are among
the higheft efforts of eloquence, they ftiould never be at¬
tempted unlefs by perfons of more than ordinary genius:
for if the orator fails in his defign of moving our paf-
ficns by them, he is fure of being laughed at. Of all
frigid things, the moll frigid are the aukward and un-
feafonable attempts fometimes made towards fuch kinds
of perfcnification, efpecially if they be long continued.
We fee the writer or fpeaker toiling and labouring to
exprefs the language of fome paftion wdiich he neither
feels himfelf nor can make us feel. We remain not only
cold, but frozen •, and are at full leilure to criticife on
the ridiculous figure w'hich the perfonified objtcl makes,
when w'e ought to have been tranfported with a glow7 of
enthufiafm. Some of the French wudters, particularly
Boffuet and Flechier, in their fermons and funeral ora¬
tions, have attempted and executed this figure not with¬
out wrarmtli and dignity. 1 heir works are exceedingly
worthy of being confulted for irftances of this and of le-
veral other ornaments of flyle. Indeed the vivacity and
ardour of the French genius is more fuited to this bold
fpecies of oratory, than the more correft but lefs ani¬
mated genius/ of the Britifti, who in their profe works
very rarely attempt any of the high figures of elo¬
quence.”
PERSPECTIVE.
"OERSPECl IVTE is the art of drawing on a plane
furface true refemblances or piftures of objefts, as
the objects themfelves appear to the eye from any di-
ilance and fituation, real or imaginary.
It was in the i6lh century that PerJpeEhve w7as re¬
vived, or rather reinvented. It owes its birth to paint¬
ing, and particularly to that branch of it which w7as em¬
ployed in the decorations of the theatre, where land-
fcapes w ere properly introduced, and which would have
looked unnatural and horrid if the fize of the objedls
had not been pretty nearly proportioned to their dillance
from the eye. We learn from Vitruvius, that Agathar-
chus, inftru£led by vTfchylus, was the firft who w7rote
upon this fubjeft ; and that afterwards the principles
of the art were more diftindly taught by Democritus
and Anaxagoras, the difciples of Agatharchus. Of
the theory of this art, as defcribed by them, w7e know7
nothing 3 fince none of their w ritings have efcaped
the general w-reck that w as made of Ancient literature
in the dark ages of Europe, However, the revival of
painting in Italy was accompanied with a revival of this
art.
The firft perfon who attempted to lay down the rules
of perfpedlive W'as Pietro del Borgo, an Italian. He
fuppofed cbjedls to be placed beyond a tranfparent ta*
blet, and endeavoured to trace the images which rays of
light, emitted from them, would make upon it. But
w7e do not know w'hat fuccefs he had in this attempt,
becaufe the book which he wrote upon the fubjedl is
not now extant. It is, however, very much commend¬
ed by the famous Egr.azio Dante 3 and, upon the prin¬
ciples of Borgo, Albert Durer conftrufted a machine,
by which he could trace the perfpe&he appearance of
objedls.
Balthazar Perufti ftudied the w ritings of Borgo, and
endeavoured to make them more intelligible. To him
we owe the difcovery of points of diftance, to which
all lines that make an angle of 45 degrees wuth the
ground-line are drawn. A little time after, Guido Ul-
balni, another Italian, found that all the lines that are
parallel
/
P E I S fVE
paralleHo one another, if they be inclined to the ground-
line, converge to fome point in the horizontal line 5 and
that through this point alfo, a line drawn from the eye,
parallel to them, will pafs. Thefe principles put to¬
gether enabled him to make out a pretty complete theory
of perfpeftive.
Great improvements were made in the rules of per-
fpeflive by fubfequent geometricians ; particularly by
Profed'or Gravefende, and ftilltnore by Dr Brooke Tay¬
lor, whofe principles are in a great meafure new, and
far more general than any before him.
In order to underhand the principles of perfpedlive,
it will be proper to confider the plane on which the
reprefentation is to be made as tranfparent, and inter-
pofed between the eye of the fpeclator and the objeft
to be reprefented. Thus, fuppofe a perfon at a win¬
dow looks through ah upright pane of glafs at any
objett beyond it, and, keeping his head heady, draws
the figure of the objedl upon the glafs with a black
lead pencil, as if the point of the pencil touched the
objeh: itfelf} he would then have a true i-eprefenta-
tion of the objedl in perfpeftive as it appears to his
eye.
In order to this two things are neceflary : firh, that
the glafs be laid over with hrong gum-water, which,
when dry, will be fit for drawing upon, and wull retain
the traces of the pencil : and, fecondly, that he looks
through a fmall hole in a thin plate of metal, fixed about
a foot from the glafs, between it and his eye, and that
he keeps his eye clofe to the hole j otherwife he might
ihift the pofition of his head, and confequently make a
falfe delineation of the objeft.
Having traced out the figure of the objeft, he may
go over it again with pen and ink} and when that is
dry, put a fheet of paper upon it, and trace it thereon
xvith a pencil : then taking away the paper and laying
it on a table, he may finifli the pidture by giving it the
colours, lights, and lhades, as he fees them m the objedl
itfelf; and then he will have a true refemblance of the
objedl.
To every perfon who has a general knowledge of
the principles of optics, this mult be felf-evident : For
as vifion is occafioned by pencils of rays coming in
Braight lines to the eye from every point of the vifible
objedt, it is plain that, by joining the points in the
tranfparent plane, through which all thofe pencils re-
fpedtively pafs, an exadt reprefentation muft be formed
of the objedt, as it appears to the eye in that particular
pofition, and at that determined diftance : and were pic¬
tures of things to be always firft drawn on tranfparent
planes, this fimple operation, with the principle on
which it is founded, would comprife the whole theory
and pradtice of perfpedfive. As this, however, is far
from being the cafe, rules muft be deduced from the
fciences of optics and geometry for drawing reprefenta-
tions of vifible objects on opaque planes j and the appli¬
cation of thefe rules conftitutes what is properly called
the art of perfpedtive.
Previous to our laying dowm the fundamental prin¬
ciples of this art, it may not be improper to obferve,
that wben a perfon Bands right againfl the middle of one
end of a long avenue or walk, which is Braight and e-
qually broad throughout, the fides thereof feem to ap¬
proach nearer and nearer to each other as they are fur-
C T I V E, 171
ther and further from ills eye j or the angles, under
which their different parts are feen, become lefs and lefs
according as the diflance from his eye increafes} and if
the avenue be very long, the fides of it at the fartheff
end will feem to meet: and there an object that would
cover the wbole breadth of the avenue, and be of a
height equal to that breadth, Would appear only to be a
mere point.
Having made thefe preliminary obfervations, we now
proceed to the practice of perfpedtive, which is built up¬
on the following
{Fundamental) THEOREM I.
Let abed (fig. 1.) reprefent the ground-plan of the Plate
figure to be thrown into perfpedtive, vend, ef g k the CCCCX.
tranfparent plane through wbich it is viewed by the eye I*
at E. Let thefe planes interfedt in the ftraight line
KL. Let B be any point in the ground plan, and BE
a ftraight line, the path of a ray of light from that
point to the eye. This will pafs through the plane
ef g h in fome point b ; or B will be feen through that
point, and b will be the pidture, image, or reprefentation
of B.
If BA be drawm in the ground-plan, making any
angle BAK with the common interfedtion, and EV
be drawm parallel to it, meeting the picture-plane or
perfpedtive-plane in V, and VA be drawn, the point b
is in the line VA fo fituated that BA is to EV as & A
to £ V.
For fince EV and BA are parallel, the figure
BA£ VE£B is in one plane, cutting the perfpedtive-
plane in the ftraight line VA; the triangles BA b, EV^,
are fimilar, and BA : EV—£ A : £ V.
Cor. 1. If B be beyond the pidture, its pidture b
is above the interfedtion KL j but if B be between the
eye and the pidture, as at Bf, its pidture b' is below
KL.
2. If two other parallel lines BA', ES, be drawn,
and A', S, be joined, the pidture of B is in the intellec¬
tion of the lines AV and A'S.
3. The line BA. is reprefented by A, or b A is the
pidture of BA 5 and if AB be infinitely extended, it
will be reprefented by AV. V is therefore called the
vanijhing point of the line AB.
4. All lines parallel to AB are reprefented by lines
converging to V from the points where thefe lines in¬
terfedt the perfpedtive plane ; and therefore V is the
vanilhing point of all fuch parallel lines.
5. The pidtures of all lines parallel to the perfpedtive Fig. 2.
plan# are parallel to the lines themfelves.
6. If through V be drawn HVO parallel to KL, the 1‘
angle EVH is equal to BAK.
Remark. The propofition now7 demonftrated is not
limited to any inclination of the picture plane to the
ground-plane j but it is ufual to confider them as per¬
pendicular to each other, and the ground-plane as ho¬
rizontal. Hence the line KL is called the ground line,
and OH the horizon line; and OK, perpendicular to
both, is called the height of the eye.
If ES be drawn perpendicular to the pidture-plane,
it wall cut it in a point S of the horizon-line diredtly ''
oppofite to the eye. This is called the point of fght, of
principal point,
Y 2 7. The
172
PERSPECTIVE.
7. The pi&ures of all vertical lines are vertical,
■and the pictures of horizontal lines are horizontal,
becaufe thefe lines are parallel to the perfpedtive
(plane.
8. The point of fight S is the vanifhing point of all
lines perpendicular to the perfpettive plane.
The above propofition is a fufficient foundation for
the whole practice of perfpective, whether on dire£t or
inclined pictures, and ferves to fugged all the various
praftical conftructions, each of which has advantages
which fuit particular purpofes. Writers on the fabject
have either confined themfelves to one conftrudtion,
from an aneftaiion of fimplicity or fondnefs for fyftem 5
or have multiplied precepts, by giving every conltruc-
rion for every example, in order to make a great book,
and give the iubjeht an appearance of importance and
difficulty. An ingenious practitioner will avoid both
extremes, and avail himfelf of the advantage of each con-
JtrucUon as it happens to fuit his purpole. We ffiall
now7 proceed to the practical rules, which require no con-
iideration of interfedting planes, and are all performed
on the perfpective plane by means of certain fubititutions
for the place of the eye and the original figure. The
general fubftitution is as follows :
Fig. 3. Let the plane of the paper be firft fuppofed to be
the ground-plan, and the fpedtaior to Hand at F
(fig. 3.). Let it be propofed that the ground-plan is
to be reprefented on a plane furface, Handing perpen¬
dicularly on the line GKL of the plan, and that the
point K is immediately oppofite to the fpeftator,
or that FK is perpendicular to GL : then FK is
equal to the diitance of the fpe&ators eye from the
pidhire.
Now fuppofe a piece of paper laid on the plan with
its ftraight edge lying on the line GL 5 draw on
this paper KS perpendicular to GL, and make it
equal to the height of the eye above the ground-plan.
This may be much greater than the height of a man,
becaufe the fpeftator may be Handing on a place much
raifed above the ground-plan. Obferve alfo that KS
mufl be meafured on the fame fcale on which the
ground-plan and the diflance FK were meafured. Then
draw HSO parallel to GL. This wdll be a horizontal
■line, and (when the picture is fet upright on GL) will
be on a level with the fpeclator’s eye, and the point S
will be directly oppofite to his eye. It is therefore call¬
ed the principal point, or point of Jig kt. The diflance of
his eye from this point will be equal to FK. Therefore
make SP (in the line SK) equal to FK, and P is the
projedling point or fubflitute for the place of the eye.
It is fometimes convenient to place P above S, fome-
times to one fide of it on the horizontal line, and in va¬
rious other fituations 5 and writers, ignorant of, or in¬
attentive to, the principles of the theory, have given it
different denominations, fuch as point of difance, point
of view, &c. It is merely a fubflitute for the point E
in fig. 1. and its moft natural fituation is below, as in this
figure.
The art of perfpeflive is conveniently divided into
ICHNOGRAPHY, which teaches how to make a perfpec¬
tive draught of figures on a plane, commonly called the
ground-plan *, and ScENOGRAPHY, which teaches how7
to draw7 folid figures, or luch figures as are raifed above
this plan.
lFunda?nental Prob. I. To put into perfpeBive any given
point of the ground-plan.
Firft general conftruftion.
From E and P (fig. 3.) draw7 any two parallel lines Fig. 3.
LA, PV, cutting the ground-line and horizon-line in A
and V, and draw BP, AV, cutting each other in £ ; b
is the picture of E.
For it is evident that BA, PV, of this figure are ana¬
logous to BA and EV of fig. 1. and that BA ; PV—
b A: bV.
If BA' be drawn perpendicular to GL, PV will fall
on PS, and need not be drawm. A'V will be A'S. 
This is the moft eafy conftru£tion, and nearly the fame
wdtli Fergufon’s.
Second general conftruftion.
Draw7 two lines BA, BA", and two lines PV, PD,
parallel to them, and draw7 AV, A'T), cutting each
ocher in b : b is the picture of B by Cor. 2.—This con-
ftrutftion is the foundation of all the rules of perfpeftive
that are to be found in the books on this fubjeift. They
appear in a variety of forms, owing to the ignorance or
inattention of the authors to the principles. The rule
moft generally adhered to is as follows :
Draw7 BA (fig. 4.) perpendicular to the ground- * p-
line, and AS to the point of fight, and fet off A/3 equal S
to BA. Set off SD equal to the diftance of the eye
in the oppolite direction from S that /3 is from A,
where B and E of fig. 1. are on oppofite Tides of the
picture } othervvife fet them the fame w7ay. D is called
the point of diftance. Draw /3 D, cutting AS in b.
This is evidently equivalent to drawing BA' and PS
perpendicular to the ground-line and horizon-line, and
BA" and PD (fig. 3.) making an angle of 430 with
thefe lines, with the additional puzzle about the way of
fetting off A'A" and SD, vchich is avoided in the con- F-
ftruftion here given. lfc’
This ufual conftrudlion, however, by a perpendicular
and the point of diftance, is extremely Ample and con¬
venient 5 and tw7o points of diftance, one on. each fide of
S, ferve for all points of the ground plan. But the firft
general conftrudion requires ftill fewer lines, if BA be
drawn perpendicular to G L, becaufe PV will then coin¬
cide with PS.
Third general conftruftion.
Draw7 BA (fig. 4.) from the given point B perpendi-
cular to the ground-line, and AS to the point of fight. lg'
From the point of diftance D fet off D equal to BA,
on the fame or the contrary fide as S, according as B is
on the fame or the contrary fide of the piflure as the eye.
Join d, A, and draw D b parallel to A. b is the pic¬
ture of B. For SD, D d, are equal to the diftances of
the eye and given point from the pidture, and SD : D d
~b S : A.
This conftruftion does not naturally arife from the
original lines, but is a geometrical confequence from
their pofition and magnitude 5 and it is of all others the
moft generally convenient, as the perpendicular diftances
of any number of points may be arranged along SD
without confufion, and their direbt fituations transferred
to the ground-line by perpendiculars fuch as BA \ and
nothing
P E R S P E
nothing is eafier than drawing parallels, either by a pa¬
rallel ruler or a bevel-iquare, uied by all who pradtife
drawing.
Pros. 2. To put any ftroiph line BC (fig. 5.) of the
ground plan in perfective.
Find the pictures b, of its extreme points by any of
the foregoing conftrudions, and join them by the ftraight
line b c.
Perhaps the following contlruClion will be found very
generally convenient.
Produce CB till it meet the ground-line in A, and
draw PV parallel to it; join AV, and draw PB, PC,
cutting AV in /;, c. V is its vanithing point, by Cor. 3.
of the fundamental theorem.
It mud be left to the experience and fagacity of the
drawer to Fleet fuch circumftances as are molt fuitabie
to the multiplicity of the figures to be drawn.
Prob. 3. To put any rcBilineal fgure of the ground-plan
in perfpeBive.
Put the bounding lines in perfpedive, and the pro¬
blem is folved.
The variety of conftrudions of this problem Is very
" great, and it would fill a volume to give them all.
The moft generally convenient is to find the vanithing
points of the bounding lines, and conned thefe with
the points of their interfedion with the ground-line.
Fig. 6. For example, to put the fquare ABCD (fig. 6.) into
perfpedive.
Draw from the psojeding point PV, PW, parallel to
AB, BC, and let AB, BC, CD, DA, meet the ground¬
line, in a, /3, and draw ccW^oY^k W, /3 W, cutting
each other in a bed, the pidure of the fquare ABCD.
The demonftration is evident.
This conftrudion, however, runs the figure to great
diftances on each fide of the middle line, when any of
the lines of the original figure are nearly parallel to the
ground-line.
Fig. 7. The following conftrudion (fig. 7.) avoids this in¬
convenience.
Let D be the point of diftance. Draw the perpendi¬
culars A B/3, C x, D and the lines Ae, Byj C^,
D h, parallel to PD. Draw S<*, S/3, Sx, S£, and D e,
Df Dg, D h, cutting the former in a, b, c, d, the angles
of the pidure.
It is not neceffary that D be the point of diftance,
only the lines A e, Bf, &c. muft be parallel to PD.
Remark. In all the foregoing conftrudions the ne-
ceffary lines (and even the finifhed pidure) are frequent¬
ly confounded with the original figure. To avoid this
great inconvenience, the writers on perfpedive dired us
to tranfpofe the figure 5 that is, to transfer it to the other
fide of the ground-line, by producing the perpendiculars
A a, B /3, C k, D till x A', /3 IV, &c. are refpedively
equal to A <*, B 0, &c. or, inftead of the original fi¬
gure, to ufe only its tranfpofed fubftitute A'B'C'D'.
This is an extremely proper method. But in this cafe
the point P muft alfo be tranfpofed to P' above S, in
order to retain the firft or moft natural and fimple con-
Fig. 8. ftrudion, as in fig. 8. j where it is evident, that when
BA—AB', and SP=SP', and B'P' is drawn, cutting
AS in b, we have b A \ b Sr=B'A : P'S,:=BA : PS,
and b is the pidure of B : whence follows the truth of
c r 1 v E. 173
all the fubfequent conftrudions with the tranfpofed
figure.
Prob. 4. To put any curvilineal fgure on the ground-
plan into perfpcdhve.
Put a fufficient number of its points in perfpedive
by the foregoing rules, and draw a curve line through
them.
It is well known that the conic fedions and fome
other curves, when viewed obliquely, are conic fedions
or curves of the fame kinds with the originals, with dif¬
ferent pofitions and proportions of their principal lines,
and rules may be given for deferibing their pidures
founded on this property. But thefe rules are very va¬
rious, unconnected with the general theory of perfpec-
tive, and more tedious in the execution, without being
more accurate than the general rule now given. It
would be a ufelefs affedation to iniert them in this ele¬
mentary treatife.
We come in the next place to the delineation of
figures not in a horizontal plane, and of folid figures.
For this purpofe it is neceffary to demonftrate the fol*
lowing
THEOREM II.
The length of arty vertical line Handing on the
ground plane is to that of its pidure as the height of the
eye to the diftance of the horizon line from the pidure
of its foot.
Let BC (fig. 2.) be the vertical lii>? Handing on B, 2,
and let Eh' be a vertical line through the eye. Make
BD equal to EF, and draw DE, CE, BE. It is evi¬
dent that DE will cut the horizon line in fome point d,
CE will cut the pidure plane in c, and BE will cut it
in b, and that b c will be the pidure of BC, and is ver*
tical, and that BC is to be as BD to b d, or as EF to
b d.
Cor. The pidure of a vertical line is divided in
the fame ratio as the line itfelf. For BC : BM =
b c \ b m.
Prob. 5. To put a vertical line of a given length in per¬
fpeBive funding on a given point of the piBure.
Through the given point b (fig. 9.) of the pidure, Fig.
draw S b A from the point of fight, and draw the ver¬
tical line AD, and make AE equal to the length or
height of the given line. Join ES, and draw b c pa¬
rallel to AD, producing b c, when neceflary, till it
cut the horizontal line in d, and we haveZ'c : b d,zz:
AE : AD, that is, as the length of the given line to
the height of the eye, and b d is the diltance of the
horizon-line from the point b, which is the pidure of
the foot of the line. Therefore (Theor. 2.) b e is the
required pidure of the vertical line.
This problem occurs frequently in views of archi-
tedure ; and a compendious method of folving it would
be peculiarly convenient. For this purpofe, draw a ver¬
tical line XZ at the margin of the pidure, or on a fepa-
rate paper, and through any point V of the horizon-line
draw VX. Set off XY, the height of the vertical line,
and draw VY. Then from any points b,r, on which it
is required to have the pidures of lines equal to XY,
draw b s, r t, parallel to the horizon-line, and draw the
verticals
174
P E R S P E
verticals s u, t v : thefe have the lengths required, which
may be transferred to’Z> and r. This, with the third gene •
ral conftruftion for the bafe points, will fave all the confu-
fion of lines which would arife from conftrufling each
line apart.
Prob. 6. To put any Jloping line in perfpeciive.
From the extremities of this line, fuppofe perpendi¬
culars meeting the ground plane in two points, which
we (hall call the bale points of the Hoping line. Put
thefe bafe points in perfpective, and draw, by laft pro¬
blem, the perpendiculars from the extremities. Join
ihefe by a ftraight line. It will be the pifture re¬
quired.
PROB. 7. To put a fquare in perfpeBive, as feen by a
perfon not Jlanding right againfl the middle of either of
its jides, but rather nearly even with one of its cor¬
ners.
Fig. 10. In fig. 10. let ABCD be a true fquare, viewed by an
obferver, not Handing at 0, directly againft the middle
of its fides AD, but at O almoft even with its corner
D, and viewing the fide AD under the angle AOD ;
the angle A 0 D (under which he would have feen AD
from 0) being 60 degrees.
Fig- u. Make AD in fig. 11. equal to AD in fig. 10. and
draw SP and O 0 parallel to AD. Then, in fig. 11.
let O be the place of the obferyer’s eye, and SO be
perpendicular to SP j then S lhall be the point of fight
in the horizon SP.
Take SO in your compafles, and fet that extent from
S to P ; then P lhall be the true point of diftance, taken
according to the foregoing rules.
From A and D draw the ilraight lines AS and
DS; draw alfo the Ilraight line AP, interfefting DS
in C.
Laftly, through the point of interfe&ion C draw BC
parallel to AD ; and ABCD in fig. 11. wall be a true
perfpeftive reprefentation of the fquare ABCD in fig.
10. The point M is the centre of each fquare, and
AMC and BMD are the diagonals.
Prob. 8. To^put a reticulated fquare in perfpeRive, as
feen by a perfon funding oppofte to the middle of one
of itsfdes.
A reticulated fquare is one that is divided into fe-
Fig. ia. veral little fquares, like net-work, as fig. 12. each fide
of which is divided into four equal parts, and the
whole furface into four times four (or 16) equal
fquares.
_ Having divided this fquare into the given number
of lelfer fquares, draw the two diagonals A a? C and
B*D.
Fig. 13. Make AD in fig. 13. equal to AD in fig. 12. and di¬
vide it into four equal parts, as Ae,eg,g z, and z'D.
Draw SP for the horizon, parallel to AD, and,
through the middle point g of AD, draw OS perpendi¬
cular to AD and SP.—Make S the point of fight, and
O the place of the obferver’s eye.
Take SP equal to SO, and P {hall be the true point
of'diftance.—Draw AS and DS to the point of fight,
and AP to the point of diftance, interfering DS in
C: then draw BC parallel to AD, and the outlines of
the reticulated fquare ABCD will be finiflied.
From the divifion points e,g,i} draw the ftraight lines
4
C T I V E.
ef,g h, i k, tending towards the point of fight S ; and-
draw BD for one of the diagonals of the fquare, the
other diagonal AC being already drawn.
Through the points r and s, where thefe diagonals
cut ef and ih, draw Im parallel to AD. Through the
centre-point x% where ’ the diagonals cut g h, draw n 0
parallel to AD.—Laftly, through the points v and w,
where the diagonals cut e f and 1 k, draw p q parallel to
AD ; and the reticulated perfpeciive fquare will be
finiihed.
This fquare is truly reprefented, as if feen by an ob¬
ferver Handing at O, and having his eye above the ho¬
rizontal plane ABCD on which it is drawn \ as if OS
was the height of his eye above that plane : and the
lines which form the fmall fquares within it have the
fame letters of reference with thofe in fig. 12. which is
drawn as it would appear to an eye placed perpendicu¬
larly above its centre x.
Prob. 9. To put a circle in perfpeBive.
If a circle be viewed by an eye placed direftly over
its centre, it appears perfedly round, but if it be ob¬
liquely viewed, it appears of an elliptical ftiape. This
is plain by looking at a common wine-glafs fet upright
on a table.
Make a true reticulated fquare, as fig. 1 2. of the fame Fig. 13.
diameter as you would have the circle •, and fetting one
foot of your compaffes in the centre x, defcribe as large
a circle as the fides of the fquare will contain. Then,
having put this reticulated fquare into perfpeftive, as in
fig. 13. obferve through what points of the crofs lines
and diagonals of fig. 12. the circle paffes j and through
the like points in fig. 13. draw the ellipfis, which will
be as true a perfpeciive reprefentation of the circle, as
the fquare in fig. 13. is of the fquare in fig. 12.
This is Mr Fergufon’s rule for putting a circle in
perfpedlive ; but the following rules by Wolf are" per¬
haps more univerfal. f
If the circle to be put in perfpeftive be fmall, de¬
fcribe a fquare about it. Draw firft the diagonals of
the fquare, and then the diameters h a and d e (fig. 14.) Fig. 14.
cutting one another at right angles; draw the ftraight
lines fg and b c parallel to the diameter de. Through
b and f and likewdfe c and g, draw ftraight lines meet¬
ing DE, the ground line of the pidlure in the points 3
and 4. To the principal point V draw the ftraight lines
1 V, 3 V, 4 V, 2 V, and to the points of diftance L and
K, 2 L&nd 1 K. Laftly, join the points of interfeftion,
0, b, d,f h, g, e, c, by the arcs a b, b d, df and abdfh
g ec a wall be the circle in perfpe&ive.
If the circle be large fo as to make the foregoing
praftice inconvenient, bifedl the ground line AB, de-
fcribing, from the point of bifeftion as a centre, the
femicircle AGB (fig. 15.), and from any number of Fig. 15.
points in the circumference C, F, G, H, I, &c. draw to
the ground line the perpendiculars C 1, F 2, G 3, H 4,
I 5, &c. From the points A, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, B, draw
ftraight lines to the principal point or point of fight V,
likewife ftraight lines from B and A to the points of di¬
ftance L and K. Through the common interfeblions
draw ftraight lines as in the preceding cafe \ and you
wall have the points a,c,fg,hf,b, reprefentatives of
A, C, F, G, H, I, B. Then join the points 0, c,f &c.
as formerly direfted, and you have the perfpeftfve circle
acfghibihgfc a.
Hence
F E R SPEC T I V E. 175
Hence it is apparent how we may put not only a cir¬
cle but alio a pavement laid with Itones ol any form in
perspective. It is likewife apparent how ufeful the
i'quare is in peripectxve 3 for, as in the fecond cafe, a true
fquare was deferibed round the circle to be put in
perfpeftive, and divided into feveral fmaller iquares,
ib in this third cafe we make ufe of the femicircle
only for the fake of brevity inllead of that fquare and
circle.
Pros. IO. To put a reticulated fquare in perfbeclive, as
feen by a perfon not funding right agamf the middle
of either of its fdes, but rather nearly even with one
„ „ of its corners.
Fig. r 6. J
In fig. 16. let O be the place of an obferver, viewing
the fquare ABCD almoft even with its corner D.—
Draw at plealure SP for the horizon, parallel to AD,
and make SO perpendicular to SP : then S (hall be the
point of fight, and P the true point of diftance, if SP
be made equal to SO.
Draw AS and DS to the point of fight, and AP to
the point of diifance, interfering D3 in the point C 3
then draw BC parallel to AD, and the outlines of thh
perfpeiTive fquare will be finhhed. This done, draw
the lines which form the lefl’er fquares, as taught in
Prob. 8. and the work will be completed.—You may
put a perfpeftive circle in this fquare by the fame rule
as it was done in fig. 13.
Prob. 14. To put a cube in perfpeclivc, as if viewed by
a perfon funding almof even with one of its edges,
and feeing three of its fdes.
Fig. 17.
In fig. 17. let AB be the breadth of either of the fix
equal fquare fides of the cube AG 3 O the place of the
obferver, almoft even with the edge CD of tlpe cube, S
the point of fight, SP the horizon parallel to AD, and
P the point of diftance taken as before.
Make ABCD a true iquare 3 draw BS and CS to
the point of fight, andBP to the point of diftance, in¬
terfering CS in G.—Then draw FG parallel to BC,
and the uppermoft perfperive fquare fide BFGC of the
cube will be finilhed.
Draw DS to the point of fight, and AP to the
point of diftance, interfering DS in the point I: then
draw GI parallel to CD 3 and, if the cube be an
opaque one, as of wood or metal, all the outlines of
it will be finilhed; and then it may be fhaded as in the
figure.
But if you want a perfperive view of a tranfparent
glafs cube, all the fides of which will be feen, draw
AH toward the point of fight, FH parallel to BA, and
HI parallel to AD : then AHID will be the Iquare
bafe of the cube, perfpeffively parallel to the top
BFGC ; ABFH will be the fquare fide of the cube,
parallel to-CGID, and FGIH will be the fquare fide
parallel to ABCD.
As- to the Ihading part of the work, it is fuch mere
children’s play, in comparifon of drawing the lines
which form the (hape of any objer, that no rules need
be given for it. Let a perfon fit with his left fide to¬
ward a window, and he knows full well, that if any
folid body be placed on a table before him, the light
will fall on the left-hand fide of the body, and the
right-hand fide will be in the (hade.
Prob. 15. To put any folid in perfpcclive.
Put the bafe of the folid, whatever it be, in perfpcc-
tive by the preceding rules. From each bounding
point of the bale, raife lines reprefenting in perfperive
the altitude of the objer 3 by joining thdfe lines and
fhading the figure according to the direrions in the
preceding problem, you will have a fcenographic re-
prefentation of the objer. This rule is general ; but
as its application to particular cafes may not be appa¬
rent, it will be proper to give the following example
of it.
Prob. 16. To pul a cube in perfpeclive as fecn from
one of its angles.
Since the bafe of a cube {landing on a geometrical
plane, and feen from one of its angles, is a Iquare feen
from one of its angles, draw firft fuch a perfperive
fquare : then raife from any point of the ground-line
DE (fig. 18) the perpendicular HI equal to the fide of Fig. i"'
the fquare, and draw to any point V in the horizontal
line HR the ftrajght lines VI and VH. From the
angles d,.b, and c, draw the dotted lines d2 and cl paral¬
lel to the ground line DE. Perpendicular to thole
dotted lines, and from the points 1 and 2, draw tfie
ftraight lines L 1 and M 2. Laftly, fince HI is the al¬
titude of the intended cube in <7, L x in c and b, M 2
in d, draw from the point a the ftraight line fa perpen¬
dicular to a E, and from the points b and c, b g and c e,
perpendicular to bci, and abdc being according to
rule, make a f —Ytl, bg — ec =L 1, and h d—M 2.
Then, if the points^, h, e,f be joined, the whole cube
will be in perlpeclive.
Prob. 17. To put a fquare pyramid in perfpeBive, as
fanding upright on its bafe, and viewed obliquely.
In fig. 19. let AD be the breadth of either of the Fig. ig,
four fides of the pyramid ATCD at its bafe ABCD 3 and
MT its perpendicular height. Let O be the place of the
obferver, S his point of fight, SE his horizon, parallel to
AD and perpendicular to OS 3 and let the proper point
of diftance be taken in SE produced toward the left
hand, as far from S as O is from S.
Draw AS and DS to the point of fight, and DL
to the point of diftance, interfefting AS in the point
B. Then, from B, draw BC parallel to AD 3 and
ABCD {hall be the perfpedlive fquare bafe of the py¬
ramid.
Draw the diagonal AC, interfedling the other dia¬
gonal BD at M, and this point of interfeclion {hall be
the centre of the fquare bafe.
Draw MT perpendicular to AD, and of a length
equal to the intended height of the pyramid : then
draw7 the ftraight outlines AT, CT, and DT 3 and the
outlines of the pyramid (as viewred from O) will be fi-
nifhed 3 which being done, the whole may be fo {haded
as to give it the appearance of a folid body.
If the obferver had flood at 0, he could have only
feen the fide ATD of the pyramid 3 and two is the
greateft number of fides that be could fee from any
other place of the ground. But if he were at any
height above the pyramid, and had his eye dircdfly
over its top, it wmuld then appear as in fig. 2D. and he Fig. sc,
would fee all its four fides E, F, G, FI, with its top t
juft over the centre of its fquare bafe ABCD 3 which
would ■
*70 PERSPECTIVE.
would be a true geometrical and not a perfpe&ive
fquare.
Pros. 18. To put two equal fquares in perfpeBive, one
of which /hall be direBly over the other, at any given
dijlance from it, and both of them parallel to the
plane of the hiori%on.
Fig. 2r. In fig. 21. let ABCD be a perfpeftive fquare on a
horizontal plane, drawn according to the foregoing rules,
S being the point of fight, SP the horizon (parallel to
AD), and P the point of diftance.
Suppofe AD, the breadth of this fquare, to be three
feet 5 and that it is required to place juft fuch another
fiquare EFGH direftly above it, parallel to it and two
feet from it.
Make AE and DH perpendicular to AD, and two
thirds of its length : draw EH, which will be equal
and parallel to AD ; then draw ES and HS to the
point of fight S, and EP to the point of diftance P,
interfering HS In the point G : this done, draw FG
parallel to EH ; and you will have two perfpective
fquares ABCD and EFGH, equal and parallel to one
another, the latter direffly above the former, and two
feet diftant from it j as was required.
By this method {helves may be drawn parallel to one
another, at any diftance from eacli other in proportion
to their length.
Prob. 19. To put a truncated pyramid in perfpeBive.
Let the pyramid to be put in perfpective be quin-
quangular. If from each angle of the furface whence
the top is cut off, a perpendicular be fuppofed to fall
upon the bafe, thefe perpendiculars will mark the
bounding points of a pentagon, of which the fides will
'be parallel to the fides of the bafe of the pyramid,
within which it is infcribed. Join thefe points, and the
interior pentagon will be formed with its longeft fide
parallel to the longeft fide of the bafe of the pyramid.
1&‘ From the ground-line EH (fig. 22.) raife the perpendi¬
cular IH, and make it equal to the altitude of the in¬
tended pyramid. To any point V draw’ the ftraight
lines IV and HV, and by a procefs fimilar to that in
Prob. 16. determine the fcenographical altitudes a, b, c,
d, e. Connetft the upper pointsg, h, i, k, by ftraight
lines •, and draw /h, fm,gn, and the perfpeftive of the
truncated pyramid will be completed.
Cor. If in a geometrical plane twro concentric cir¬
cles be defcribed, a truncated cone may be put in
perfpettive in the fame manner as a truncated pyra¬
mid.
Prob. 20. To put in perfpeBive a hollow prif?n lying
on one of its fdes.
23- Let ABDEC (fig. 23.) be a fe£!ion of fuch a prifm.
Draw HI parallel to AB, and diftant from it the
breadth of the fide on which the prifm refts ; and from
each angle internal and external of the prifm let fall
perpendiculars to HI. The parallelogram will be thus
-divided by the ichnographical procefs below’ the ground¬
line, fo as that’the fide AB of the real prifm will be pa¬
rallel to the correfponding fide of the fcenographic
view of it.—To determine the altitude of the internal
Fig. 24. and external angles. From H (fig. 24.) raife HI per¬
pendicular to the ground-line, and on it mark off the
true altitudes H 1, H 2, H 3, H 4, and H 5. Then if
3
from any point V in the horizon be drawn the ftraight
lines VH, V r, V 2, V 3, V 4, V 5 or VI 5 by a pro¬
cefs fimilar to that of the preceding problem, will be
determined the height of the internal angles, viz. irr
a a, i~b b, /^—dd; and of the external angles, c,
and §—e e ; and wdien thefe angles are formed and put
in their proper places, the feenograph of the prifm is
complete.
Prob. 21. To put a fquare table in perfpeBive, fand-
ing on four upright fquare legs of any given length
with refpeB to the breadth of the table.
In fig. 21. let ABCD be the fquare part of the floor Fig. 2r.
on which the table is to ftand, and EFGH the furface
of the fquare table, parallel to the floor.
Suppofe the table to be three feet in breadth, and its
height from the floor to be twm feet 5 then two thirds
°f AD or EH wall be the length of the legs i and k ;
the other two (/ and ni) being of the fame length in
perfpedlive.
Having drawn the two equal and parallel fquares.
ABCD and EFGH, as ftiowm in Prob. 18. let the legs
be fquare in form, and fixed into the table at a diftance
from its edges equal to their thicknefs. Take A a and
D d equal to the intended thicknefs of the legs, and a b
and dc alfo equal thereto. Draw the diagonals AC
and BD, and draw" ftraight lines from the points a, b, c,
d, towrards the point of fight S, and terminating at the
. fide BC. Then, through the points wdrere thefe lines
cut the diagonals, draw’ the ftraight lines n and 0, p
and q, parallel to AD; and you will have formed
four perfpeclive fquares (like ABCD in fig. 19.) for Fig. r$.
the bafes of the four legs of the table : and then it is
eafy to draw the four upright legs by parallel lines,
all perpendicular to AD ; and to {hade them as in the
figure.
To reprefent the intended thicknefs of the table-
board, draw" e h parallel to EH, and HG tow’ard the
point of fight S : then {hade the fpaces between thefe
lines, and the perfpedtive figure of the table will be
finilhed.
Prob. 22. To put five fquare pyramids in pcrspeBive,
funding upright on a fquare pavement compofed of
the furfaces 0/' 81 cubes.
In fig. 25. let ABCD be a perfpedlive fquare drawn iFig. 25.
according to the foregoing rules ; S the point of fight,
P the point of diftance in the horizon PS, and AC and
BD the tAvo diagonals of the fquare.
Divide the fide AD into 9 equal parts (becaufe 9
times 9 is 81) as Aa, a b, be, &c. and from thefe
points of divifion, a, b, c, d, &c. draw lines toward the
point of fight S, terminating at the furthermoft fide BC
of the fquare. Then, through the points where thefe
lines cut the diagonals, drarv ftraight lines parallel to
AD, and the perfpeclive fquare ABCD wUl be fubdi-
vided into 81 leffer fquares, reprefenting the upper fur-
faces of 81 cubes, laid clofe to one another’s fides in a
fquare form.
Draw AK Rnd DL, each equal to A a, and per¬
pendicular to AD ; and draw" LN toward the point
of flght S : then drarv KL parallel to AD, and its di¬
ftance from AD wall be equal to A a.—This done,
draw a l, b m, cn, do, ep, fq, gr, and hs, all paral¬
lel to AK; and the fpace ADLK will be fubdivided
into
*77
Fig. 26.
P E R S P
into nine equal fquares, winch are the outer upright
furfaces of the nine cubes in the fide AD of the fquare
ABCD.
From the points where the lines, which are parallel
to AD in this fquare, meet the fide CD thereof, draw
fhort lines to LN, all parallel to DL, and they wall di¬
vide that fide into the outer upright furfaces of the nine
cubes which compofe it : and then the outfides of all the
cubes that can be vifible to an obferver, placed at a pro¬
per diftance from the corner D of the fquare, will be
finilhed.
As taught in Prob. 17. place the pyramid AE up¬
right on its fquare bafe Atva, making it as high as
you pleafe ; and the pyramid DH on its fquare bafe
/iuwD, of equal height with AE.
Draw EH from the top of one of thefe pyramids
to the top of the other j and EH will be parallel to
AD.
Draw ES and HS to the point of fight S, and HP
to the point of diftance P, interfering ES in F.
From the point F, draw FG parallel to EH; then
draw EG, and you will have a perfpeftive fquare EFGH
(parallel to ABCD) with its two diagonals EG and
FH, interfering one another in the centre of the fquare
at I. The four corners of this fquare, E, F, G, H,
give the perfperive heights of the four pyramids AE,
BF, CG, and DH *, and the interferion I of the dia¬
gonals gives the height of the pyramid MI, the centre
of whofe bafe is the centre of the perfperive fquare
ABCD.
Laftly, place the three pyramids BF, CG, MI, up¬
right on their refperive bafes at B, C, and M j and the
required perfperive reprefentation will be finilhed, as in
the figure.
Prob. 23. To put Upright pyramids in perfpeffive, on
the fides of an oblong fquare or parallelogram; fo
that their di/lances from one another fhall be equal
to the breadth of the parallelogram.
In moll of the foregoing operations we have confi-
dered the obferver to be fo placed, as to have an ob¬
lique view of the perfperive objers : in this, we (hall
fuppofe him to have a direr view of fig. 26. that is,
llanding right againll the middle of the end AD which
is neareft to his eye, and viewing AD under an angle
of 60 degrees.
Having cut AD in the middle, by the perpendicular
line S s, take S therein at pleafure for the point of fight,
and draw' ES for the horizon, parallel to AD.—Here
S s mull be fuppofed to be produced downward, below
the limits of the plate, to the place of the obferver; and
SE to be produced towards the left hand beyond E, far
enough to take a proper point of dillance therein, ac¬
cording to the foregoing rules.
Take Ad at pleafure, and D^- equal to A d, for the
breadths of the fquare bafes of the twm pyramids AE
and DF next the eye : then draw AS and VS, and like-
wife DS and g S, to the point of fight S 5 and DG on
to the point of dillance, interfering AS in G : then,
trom G draw GI parallel to AD, you wall have the
fail peifpeflive fquare AGID of the parallelogram
ABCD. 6
from I draw IH to (or toward) the point of di¬
ftance, interfering AS in H ; -then, from H draw
Vol. XVI. Part I.
E C T I V E.
HK parallel to AD, and you will have the fecond per¬
fperive fquare GHKI of the parallelogram.—Go on in
this manner till you have drawn as many perfperive
fquares up toward S as you pleafe.
Through the point e, where DG interfer g S, draw
bf parallel to AD ; and you wiU have formed the two
perfperive fquare bafes Abed and e/D g of the tv o
pyramids at A and D.
From the point f (the upper outward corner oi ef
D^) draw f h toward the point of dillance, till it meets
AS in h ; then, from this point of meeting, drawr h m
parallel to GI, and you will have formed the two per¬
fperive fquares G h 1 k and lm 1 n, for the fquare bafes
of the turn pyramids at G and I.
Proceed in the fame manner to find the bafes of all
the other pyramids, at the corners of the reft of the
perfperive fquares in the parallelogram ABCD, as
Ihown by the figure.—Then,
Having placed the firft tvm pyramids at A and D
upright on their fquare bafes, as Ihown in Prob. 9.
and made them of any equal heights at plealure, draw
ES and FS from the tops of thefe pyramids to the
point of fight S: place all the reft of the pyramids
upright on their refperive bafes, making their tops
touch the ftraight lines ES and FS ; and all the work,
except the lhading part, wall be finilhed.
Prob. 24. To put a fquare pyramid of equal fined
cubes in perfpeclive.
Fig. 27. reprefents a pyramid of this kind ; confift-Fig. 27.
ing as it v-ere of fquare tables of cubes, one table
above another-, 81 in the loweft, 49 in the next, 25
in the third, 9 in the fourth, and 1 in the fifth or up-
permoft. Thefe are the fquare numbers of 9, 7, 3,
and 1.
If the artift is already mafter of all the preceding
operations, he will find lefs difficulty in this than in at¬
tending to the following defeription of it: for it cannot
be deferibed in a few words, but may be executed in a
very ffiort time.
In fig. 28. having drawm PS for the horizon, and la-Fig. 2«.
ken S for the point of fight therein (the obferver beiim
at O) draw AD parallel to PS for the fide (next the
eye) of the firft or lowermoft table of cubes. Draw
AS and DS to the point of fight S, and DP to the
point of diftance P, interfering AS in the point B.
Then, from B, draw' BC parallel to AD, and you w'ill
have the furface ABCD of the firft table.
Divide AD into nine equal parts, as A a, a b, b c,
cd, &c. then make AK and DL equal to A a, and per¬
pendicular to AD. Draw' KL parallel to AD, and
from the points of equal divifion at a, b, c, &c. draw
lines to KL, all parallel to AK. Then draw /$ S to
the point of fight S, and from the divifion points a, b, c,
&c. diaw lines with a brack lead pencil, all tending to¬
wards the point of light, till they meet the diagonaffiD
of the fquare.
From thefe points of meeting draw' black lead lines
_ parallel to AD; then draw the parts of
thefe lines with black ink w'hich are marked 1234
&c. between h E and DC.
Having drawn the firft of thefe lines fiq with black
ink, draw the parts a i, b k, c /, &c. (of the former
lines which met the diagonal BD) with black ink alfo ;
a'H rub out the reft of the black lead lines, which
'Z would
PERSPECTIVE.
would othenvife conrufe the following part of the work.
Then, draw LF toward the point of light S ; and, from
the points where the lines i, 2, 3, 4, &c. meet the line
DC, draw lines down to LF, all parallel to DL ; and
all the vifible lines’between the cubes in the firlt table
will be iinilhed.
Make 2 G equal and perpendicular to /3 2, and q M
equal and parallel to 2 G : then draw GM, which will
be equal and parallel to iq. From the points /, 2/2,22,
&c. draw h /?, / a, mp, &c. all parallel to 2 G, and the
outfides of the feven cubes in the fide G ^ of the fecond
table will be finilhed.
Draw GS and MS to the point of fight S, and MP
to the point of diftance P, interfering GS in II } then,
from the point of interfeftion H, draw HI parallel to
AD ; and you will have the lurface GHIM of the fe¬
cond table of cubes.
From the points n, 0, p, q, &c. draw black lead
lines toward f.*e point of fight S, till they meet the
diagonal MH of the perfpe£live fquare fur face GHIM ;
and draw SM, with black ink, toward the point of
fight.
From thofe points where the lines drawn from 22, 0,
/>, q, &c. meet the diagonal MH, draw black lead lines
to MI, all parallel to AD; only draw th'e whole firft
line y 1 with black ink, and the parts 2, 3, 4, &c. and
tj t, 0 u, p v, &c. of the other lines between y N and
MI, and GM and y 1, with the fame ; and rub out all
the red of the black lead lines, to avoid further confu-
fion. Then, from the points where the Ihort lines 1,
Z, 3, &c. meet the line MI, draw lines down to q E,
all parallel to M^, and the outer furfaces of the feven
cubes in the fide ME will be finilhed ; and all thefe
laft lines will meet the former parallels 2, 3, 4, &c. in
the line q E.
Make t O equal and perpendicular to y q and y P
equal and parallel to 2? O; then draw O P, which will be
equal and parallel to t y.—-This done, draw OS and PS
to the point of fight S, and PP to the point of di¬
ftance P in the horizon. Laftly, from the point Q,
where PP interfetts OS, draw QR parallel to OP; and
you will have the outlines OQRP of the furface of the
third perfpedtive table of cubes.
From the points 22, u, w, x, draw upright lines to
OP, all parallel to t O, and you will have the outer
lurfaces of the five cubes in the fide O y of this third
table.
From the points where thefe upright lines meet OP,
draw lines toward the point of fight S, till they meet
the diagonal PQj and from thefe points of meeting
draw lines to PR, all parallel to OP, making the parts
2, 3, 4, 5, of thefe lines with black ink which lie be¬
tween ZY and PR. Then, from the points where thefe
lines meet PR, draw lines down to y N; which will
bound the outer furfaces of the five cubes in the fide
PN of the third'-table.
Draw the line ^ 1 with black ink ; and, at a fourth
part of its length between 2 and Z, draw an upright line
to S, equal in length to that fourth part, and another
equal and parallel thereto from Z to V : then draw SV
parallel to a Z, and draw the two upright and equidi-
ftant lines between £ Z and SV, and you will have the
outer furfaces of the three cubes in the fide SZ of the
fourth table.
Draw SS and VS to the point of fight S in the ho¬
rizon, and VP to the point of diftance therein, intexfecl-
ing SS in T ; then draw TU parallel to SV, and you
have STUV, the furface of the fourth table, which be¬
ing reticulated or divided into 9 peffpeblive finall
fquares, and the uppermoft cube W placed on the mid-
dlemoft of the fquares, all the outlines will be finilhed ;
and when the whole is properly lhadtd, as in fig. 27. the
work will be done.
Pros. 25. To reprefent a double crofs in perJpeSlive.
In fig. 29. let A BCD and EFGH be the two per-p;T 20
fpective fquares, equal and parallel to one another, the
uppermoft directly above the lowermoft, drawn by the
rules already laid down, and as far afunder as is equal
to the given height of the upright part of the crofs ; S
being the point ol fight, and P the point of diftance, in
the horizon PS taken parallel to AD.
Draw AE, DH, and CG; then AEHD and
DHGC lhall be the two vifible fides of the upright
part of the crofs ; of which, the length AE is here
made equal to three times the breadth EH.
Divide DH into three equal parts, HI, IK, and KD.
Through thefe points of divifion, at I and K, draw MO
and PR parallel to AD : and make the parts MN, IO,
P£), KR, each equal to HI : then draw MP and OR
parallel to DH.
From M and O, draw MS and OS to the point of
fight S ; and from the point of diftance P draw PN cut¬
ting MS in T : from T draw TU parallel to MO, and
meeting OS in U ; and you will have the uppermoft
furface MTUO of one of the crofs pieces of the figure.
 From R, draw RS to the point of fight S ; and
from U draw UV parallel to OR ; and OUVR lhall be
the perfpeftive fquare end next the eye of that crofs
part.
Draw PMX (as long as you pleafe) from the point
of diftance P, through the corner M ; lay a ruler to N
and S, and draw XN from the line PX :—then lay the
ruler to I and S, and draw YZS.—Draw XY parallel
to MO, and make XW and YB equal and perpendicu¬
lar to XY : then draw VvB parallel to XY, and
WXYB lhall be the fquare vifible end of the other
crofs part of the figure.
Draw BK toward the point of fight S; and from U
draw UP to the point of diftance P, interfecling YS in
Z : then, from the interfeftion Z, draw Z a parallel to
MO, and Z b parallel to HD, and the whole delinea¬
tion will be finilhed.
This done, fhade the whole, as in fig. 30. and youpjg, .jq,
will have a true perfpedlive reprefentation of a double
crofs.
Prob. 26. To put three rows of upright fquare objeBs
in pcrfpeBive, equal in f‘ze, and at equal didances
from each other, on an oblong fquare plane, the
breadth of which f.mll be of any afjigned proportion
to the length thereof.
Fig. 31. is a perfpe£live reprefentation of an oblong Fig. 31.
fquare plane, three times as long as it is broad, having
a row of nine upright fquare objcbls on each fide, and
one of the fame number in the middle ; all equally high,
and at equal diftances from one another, both long-wife
and crofs-wife, on the fame plane.
In fig. 32. PS is the horizon, S the point of fight, P Fig. 32.
the
PERSPECTIVE.
r/9
the point of di(lance, and AD (parallel to PS) the
breadth of the plane.
Draw AS, NS,- and DS, to the point of fight S ; the
point N being in the middle of the line AD : and draw
DP to the point of diitance P, interfefting AS in the
point B : then, from B draw EC parallel to AD, and
you have the perfpeftive fquare ABCD.
Through the point ?, where DB interfedds NS, draw
ci e parallel to AD ; and you will have fubdivided the
perfpe£live fquare ABCD into four leffer fquares, as A
a i N, N / cl), # B £ /, and ih C e.
From the point C (at the top of the perfueddive
fquare ABCD) draw CP to the point of diftance P, in¬
terfering AS in E ; then, from the point E draw EF
parallel to AD •, and you will have the fecond perfpec-
tive fquare BEFC.
Through the point /, where CE interfedds NS, draw
b f parallel to AD •, and you will have fubdivided the
fquare BEFC into the four fquares ¥>blk, k/fC,
b E m /, and l mYf.
From the point F (at the top of the perfpeddive
fquare BEFC) draw FP to the point of diftance P, in¬
terfering AS in I ; then from the point I draw IK pa¬
rallel to AD -y and you will have the third perfpeffive
fquare EIKF.
Through the point «, where FI interfers NS, draw
eg parallel to AD ; and you will have fubdivided the
fquare EIKF into four leffer fquares, Yen ?n, m ng F,
don, and n oYg.
From the point K (at the top of the third perfperive
fquare EIKF) draw KP to the point of diftance P, in¬
terfering AS in L 5 then from the point L draw LM
parallel to AD ; and you will have the fourth perfpec-
tive fquare ILMK.
Through the point />, where KL interfers NS, draw
dh parallel to AD 5 and you will have fubdivided the
fquare ILMK into the four leffer fquares I dp o, 0p h¥L,
d Yqp, andp q M h.
Thus wre have formed an oblong fquare ALMD,
whofe perfperive length is equal to four times its breadth,
and it contains 16 equal perfperive fquares.—If greater
length was ftill wanted, we might proceed further on
toward S.
Through the point V, where f c interfers 8 S, draw
a line parallel to bf ; and you will have three perfpec-
tive fquares, at b, /, and x, for the bafes of the fourth
crofs rowr of objers.
Go on in this manner, as you fee in the figure, to
find the reft of the fquare bafes, up to LM j and you
will have 27 upon the whole oblong fquare plane, on
which you are to place the like number of objers, as
in fig. 31.
Having affumed AO for the perfperive height of
the three objers at A, N, and D (fig. 32.) next the
obferver’s eye, and drawn O 18 parallel to AD, in
order to make the objefts at N and D of the fame
height as that at O \ and having drawn the upright
lines 415, 7 W, 8 X, and D 22, for the heights at N
and D ; draw OS and RS, 15 S and WS, XS and
22 S, all to the point of fight S : and thefe lines will
determine the perfperively equal heights of all the
reft of the upright objers, as ftiown by the two placed
at a and B.
To draw the fquare tops of thefe objers, equal and
parallel to their bafes, wm need only give one example,
which will ferve for all.
Draw 3 II and 2 £) parallel to AO, and up to the
line RS ; then draw" parallel to OR, and OPQR
(hall be the top of the objer at A, equal and parallel
to its fquare bafe A 1 2 3.—In the fame eafy way the
tops of all the other objers are formed.
When all the reft of the objers are delineated, (hade
them properly, and the w'hole perfperive fcheme will
have the appearance of fig. 31.
P.ROB. 27. To put a fquare box in perfpeEtive, containing
a given number of lejfer fquare boxes of a depth equal
to their width.
Let the given number of little fquare boxes or cells Fig. 35,
be 16, then 4 of them make the length of each fide
of the four outer fides ab, be, cd, da, as in fig. 33. and
the depth afh equal to the width a e. Whoever can
draw the reticulated fquare, by the rules laid dowm to¬
wards the beginning of this article, will be at no lofs
about putting this perfperive fcheme in prarice.
Take A 3, equal to the intended breadth of the fide
of the upright fquare objer AO (all the other fides
being of the fame breadth), and'AQ for the intended
height. Draw O 18 parallel to AD, and make D 8
and 4 7 equal to A 3 ; then draw 3 S, 4 S, 7 S, and
8 S to the point of fight S 3 and among them we (hall
have the perfperive fquare bafes of all the 27 upright
objers on the plane.
Through the point 9, where DB interfers 8 S, draw
1 10 parallel to AD, and you have the three perfpec-
tive fquare bafes A 1 2 3, 4 5 6 7, 8 9 10 D, of the
three upright Square objeiTs at A, N, and D.
Through the point 21, wiiere eb interfers 8 S,
draw 14, n parallel to AD 3 and you will have the
three perfperive fquares a 14 15 16 17 18 19 20, and
2i 11 e 22, for the bafes of the fecond crofs row" of
objers •, namely, the next beyond the firft three at A,
N,and D.
Through the point w, where CE interfers 8 S, draw
a. line parallel to BC 3 and you will have three perfpec-
tive fquares, at B, k, and C, for the bafes of the third
row of objers j one of which is fet up at B.
Prob. 28. To put fairs with equal and parallelfeps in
perfpc&ive.
In fig. 34. let be the given breadth of each ftep,Fig- 34-
and ai the height thereof. Make be, c d, de, &c.
each equal to ab; and draw all the upright lines
at, b l, cn, dp, &c. perpendicular to ah (to which
the horizon x S is parallel) ; and from the points i, /,
n,p,r, &c. draw the equidiftant lines fB,/C, /z D,
&c. parallel \.o a h ; thefe diftances being equal to that
of i B from a h.
Draw" x i touching all the corner-points /, n, p, r, t,
v ; and draw 2 16 parallel to x i, as far from it as you
wrant the length of the fteps to be.
Toward the point of fight S draw the lines a 1, i 2,
b 3, / 4, &c. and draw" 16 15, 14 13, 12 11, 10 9, 8 7,
b 4 3> an<I ^ I, all parallel to A h, and meeting
the lines to 15, w 13, x 11, &c. in the points 15, 13, 11,
9> 7> 5> 3? and 1 : then from thefe points draw 15 14,
13 12, 11 10, 9 8-, 7 6, 5 4, and 3 2, all parallel to ha;
and the outlines of the fteps will be finifhed. From
the point 16 draw 16 A parallel to ha, and A x 16
will be part of the flat at the top of the uppermoft ftep.
Z 2 This
i Bo
rig- 35-
Fig. 36.
PERSPECTIVE.
This done, fhade the work as in fig. 35. and the whole
will be fiiiifhed.
Prop. 29. To put Jlairs with jlats and opening in per-
fpeHive, ftanding on a horizontal pavement offquares.
In fig. 36. having made S the point of fight, and
drawn a reticulated pavement Aid with black lead
lines, which may be rubbed out again ; at any dillance
from the fide AB of the pavement which is neareft to
the eye, and at any point where you choofe to begin the
flair at that diftance, as a, draw G a parallel to BA, and
take a b 2.1 pleafure for the height of each ftep.
Take a b in your compaffes, and fet that extent as
many times upward from F to E as is equal to the firfl
required number of fteps O, N, M, L, K ; and from
thefe points of divifion in EF draw7 1 b, 2d, 4 h,
and E k, all equidiftant from one another, and parallel
to F a : then draw the equidiftant upright lines a b,
t d, uf v h, zv h, and I m, all perpendicular to F a :
then draw m b, touching the outer comers of thefe fteps
at tn, k, h,f d, and b ; and draw n s parallel to m b, as
far from it as you wrant the length of the fteps K, L, M,
N, O to be.
Towards the point of fight S drawm mn, l ho, i 6,
7/p, f q, dr, and/'j’. Then (parallel to the bottom-
line BA) through the points n, 0, p, q, r, s, draw « 8 ;
5, 14; 6, 155 7, I6; 1, 175 and 2^; which done,
draw n ^ and 0 6 parallel to / m, and the outlines of the
.fteps K, L, M, N, O will be finiftied.
At equal diftances with that between the lines mark¬
ed 8 and 14, draw the parallel lines above marked 9
JO 11 12 and 135 and draw perpendicular lines up¬
wards from the points n, 0, p, q, r, ,r, as in the figure.
Make H m equal to the intended breadth of the flat
above the fquare opening at the left hand, and draw HW
toward the point of fight S, equal to the intended length
of the flat; then draw WP parallel to H m, and the
outlines of the flat will be finiihed.
Take the width of the opening at pleafure, as from
F to C, and draw CD equal and parallel to FE. Draw
GH parallel to CD, and the flrort lines marked 33, 34,
Sec. juft even with the parallel lines 1, 2, &c. From
the points where thefe ftiort lines meet CD draw lines
toward the point of fight S till they meet DE j then
from the points where the lines 38, 39, 40, &c. of
the pavement meet C y, draw upright lines parallel to
CD-, and the lines which form the opening will be
finiihed.
The fteps P, Q, R, S, T, and the flat U above the
arch V, are done in the fame manner with thofe in
fig. 34. as taught in Prob. 28. and the equidiftant paral¬
lel lines marked 18, 19, &c. are direftly even with
thofe on the left-hand fide of the arch V, and the up¬
right lines on the right-hand fide are equidiftant with
thofe on the left.
From the points where the lines 18, 19, 20, &c.
meet the right-hand fide of the arch, draw lines toward
the point of fight S ; and from the points where the
pavement lines 29, 30, 31', 32, meet the line drawn
from A towards the point of fight, draw upright lines
toward the top of the arch.
Having done the top of the arch, as in the figure,
and the few fteps to the right hand thereof, fhade the
whole as in fig. 37. and the work will be finiihed.
Prob. 30. To put upright conical objects in perfpeBive,
as ifJlanding on the ftdes of an oblong fquare, at di-
fances from one another equal to the breadth of the ob¬
long.
In fig. 38. the bafes of the upright cones are per-Fig. 3?
fpeSlive circles inferibed in fquares of the fame diameter 5
and the cones are fet upright on their bafes by the fame
rules as are given for pyramids, which we need not re¬
peat here.
In moft of the foregoing operations we have confi-
dered the obferver’s eye to be above the level of the
tops of all the objects, as if he viewed them when ftand¬
ing on high ground. In this figure, and in fig. 41. and
fig. 42. we lhall fuppofe him to be ftanding on low
ground, and the tops of the obje&s to be above the
level of his eye.
In fig. 38. let AD be the perfpeftive breadth of the Fig- 3?
oblong fquare ABCD ; and let A a and D d (equal to
A a) be taken for the diameters of the circular bafes of
the two cones next the eye, whofe intended equal heights
lhall be AE and DF.
Having made S the point of fight in the horizon pa¬
rallel to AD, and found the proper point of diftance
therein, draw AS and <7 S to contain the bafes of the
cones on the left-hand fide, and DS and </S for thofe on
the right.
Having made the two firft cones at A and D of
equal height at pleafure, draw7 ES and FS from their
tops to the point of fight, for limiting the perfpeftive
heights of all the reft of the cones. Then divide the
parallelogram ABCD into as many equal perfpedlive
fquares as you pleafe ; find the bafes of the cones at the
corners of thefe fquares, and make the cones thereon, as
in the figure.
If you would reprefent a ceiling equal and parallel
to ABCD, fupported on the tops of thefe cones, draw
EF, then EFGH fhall be the ceiling; and by draw7-
ing ef parallel to EF, you w7ill have the thicknefs
of the floor-boards and beams, which may be what you
pleafe.
This lhow7s how any number of equidiftant pillars
may be drawn of equal heights to fupport the ceiling
of a long room, and how the walls of fuch a room may
be reprefented in perfpedtive at the backs of thefe pillars.
It alfo ftiows how a ftreet of houfes may be drawn in
perfpeftive.
Prob. 31. To put a fquare hollow in perfpeBive, the
depth of which fhall bear any afjignedproportion to its
width.
Fig. 41. is the reprefentation of a fquare hollow, Fig. 41
of which the depth AG is equal to three times its
width AD •, and S is the point of fight over which
the obferver’s eye is fuppofed to be placed, looking
perpendicularly down into it, but not diredftly over the
middle.
Draw AS and DS to the point of fight S ; make ST
the horizon parallel to AD, and produce it to fuch a
length beyond T that you may find a point of diftance
therein not nearer S than if AD was feen under an
angle of 60 degrees.
Draw DU to the 'pomt of diftance, interfering AS
in B } then from the point B draw BC parallel to AD ^
an 4
Fig- 37-
I
Fig. 42.
43-
*
PERSPECTIVE.
1&1
and you will have the find perfpeclive fquare ABCD,
equal to a third part of the intended depth.
Draw CV to the point of diflance, interfering AS
in E ; then from the point E draw EF parallel to AD 5
and you will have the fecond perfpe£live fquare BEFC,
which, added to the former one, makes two-thirds of the
intended depth.
Draw FVV to the point of diidance, interfering AS
in G ; then from the point G draw GH parallel to
AD; and you will have the third perfperive fquare
EGHF, which, with the former two, makes the whole
depth AGHD three times as great as the width AD,
in a perfperive view.
Divide AD into any number of equal parts, as fup-
pofe 8 ; and from the divifion-points a, b, c, d, £cc.
draw lines toward the point of fight S, and ending at
GH ; then through the points where the diagonals BD,
EC, GF, cut thefe lines, draw lines parallel to AD ;
and you wull have the parallelogram AGHD reticu¬
lated, or divided into 192 fmall and equal perfperive
fquares.
Make AI and DM equal and perpendicular to AD ;
then draw IM, which will be equal and parallel to AD;
and draw IS and MS to the point of fight S.
Divide AI, IM, and MD, into the fame number of
equal parts as AD is divided; and from thefe points of
divifion draw lines toward the point of fight S, ending
refperively at GK, KL, and LH.
From thofe points where the lines parallel to AD
meet AG and DH draw upright lines parallel to AI
and DM ; and from the points where thefe lines meet
IK and LM draw lines parallel to IM ; then fhade the
wrork, as in the figure.
Pros. 32. Toreprefent a femicircular arch in perfpeRive,
as if it were [landing on two upright walls, equal in
height to the height of the obferver's eije.
After having gone through the preceding operation,
this wull be more eafy by a bare view of fig. 42. than it
could be made by any defeription ; the method being
fo much like that of drawing and (hading the fquare
hollow.—We need only mention, that a T b EA and
DYctd are the upright walls on which the femicir¬
cular arch is built; that S is the point of fight in the
horizon T t, taken in the centre of the arch ; and d in
fig. 41. is the point of difiance ; and that the trvo per-
lpe£t>e fquares ABCD and BEFC make the paral¬
lelogram AEFD of a length equal to twice its breadth
AD.
Prob. 33. To reprefent a fquare in perfpeclive, as view-
v ed by an obferver funding direRly even with one of
its corners.
In fig. 43. let A 9 BC be a true fquare, viewred by an
obferver (landing at fome diftance from the corner C,
and juft even with the diagonal C 9.
Let p SP be the horizon, parallel to the diagonal AB ;
and S the point of fight, even with the diagonal C9.
Here it wull be proper to have two points of diftance p
and P, equidiftant from the point of fight S.
Draw the ftraight line 1 17 parallel to AB, and
draw A 8 and Bio parallel to CS. Take the diftance
between 8 and 9 in your compaffes, and fet it off all the
•way in equal parts from 8 to 1, and from 10 to 17.-^—
The line 1 17 (hould be produced a good way further.
both to right and left hand from 9, and' divided all the
way in the fame manner.
From thefe points of equal divifion, 8, 9, 10, &c.
draw lines to the point of fight S, and alfo to the two
points of diftance p and P, as in the figure.
Now it is plain, that acb<y is the perfpedtive repre-
fentation of A9BC, viewed by an obferver even with
the corner C and diagonal C 9.—But if there are other
fuch fquares lying even with lifts, and having the fame
pofition with refpect to the line 1 17, it is evident that
the obferver, wdio (lands diredlly even with the coiner
C of the firft fquare, wull not be even with the like
corners G and K of the others ; but will have an ob¬
lique view of them, over the (ides FG and IK, wdftch
are neared his eye : and their perfpe&ive reprefenta-
tions will be and hkip,, drawm among the lines
in the figure : of which the fpaces taken up by each
fide lie between three of the lines drawn toward the
point of diftance />, and three drawn to the other point
of diftance P.
Prob. 34. To reprefent a common chair, in an oblique
perfpeclive view.
The original lines to the point of fight S, and points Fig 43^
of diftance p and P, being drawn as in the preceding
operation, choofe any part of the plane, as lm n 13, on
which you would have the chair L to (land.—There
are juft as many lines (namely twro) between / and m
or 13 and n, drawn toward the point of diftance p, at
the left hand, as between / and 13, or m and n, drawn
to the point of diftance P on the right: fo that l m,
mn, /* 13, and 13 4 form a perfpedtive fquare.
From the four corners l, in, n, 13, of this fquare
raife the four legs of the chair to the perfpeftive per¬
pendicular height you would have them : then make
the feat of the chair a fquare equal and parallel to /in n
13, as taught in Prob. 18. wdftch wull make the twTo
fides of the feat in the direction of the lines drawn to¬
ward the point of diftance p, and the fore and back part
ft the feat in diredlion of the lines drawn to the other
point of diftance P. This done, draw the back of the
chair leaning a little backward, and the crofs bars there¬
in tending toward the point of diftance P. Then (hade
the work as in the figure ; and the perfpettive chair will
be finiflied.
Prob. 35. To prefent an oblong fquare table in an oblique
perfpeRive view.
In fig. 43. Mis an oblong fquare table, as feen by 43*r
an obferver (landing diredlly even wuth C 9 (fee Prob.
33.), the fide next the eye being perfpeiflively parallel
to the fide ac of the fquare a beg.—The forementioned
lines drawn from the line 1 17 to the twro points of di¬
ftance p and P, form equal perfpeftive fquares on the
ground plane.
Choofe any part of this plane of fquares for the feet
of the table to (land upon ; as at p, q, r, and j-, in di¬
rection of the lines 0 p and r s for the two long fides,
and t s and q r for the two ends; and you will have the
oblong fquare or parallelogram qr s t for the part of the
floor or ground-plane whereon the table is to (land:
and the breadth of this plane is here taken in proportion
to the length as 6 to 10; fo that, if the length of the
table be ten feet, its breadth will be fix.
On the four little perfpeilive fquares at 7, r, s, and
I$2 - - P E R S P
place the four upright legs of the table, of what
height you pleafe, fo that the height of the two next
the eye, at o and />, fhall be terminated by a ftraight
line u v drawn to the point of diftance P. This done,
make the leaf M of the table an oblong fquare, per-
fpectively equal and parallel to the oblong fquare qrst
on which the feet of the table hands. Then lhade
the whole, as in the figure, and the work will be finiili-
W-
If the line 1x7 were prolonged to the right and left
hand, and equally divided throughout (as it is from 1
to 17), and if the lines which are drawm from p and
P to the right and left hand Tides of the plate veere
prolonged till they came to the extended line x 17, they
would meet it in the equal points of divifion. In form¬
ing large plans of this fort, the ends of flips of paper
may be palled to the right and left edges of the Iheet
on which the plan is to be formed.
Of the Anamorphofis, or reformation of diforted images.
By this means piftures that are fo milhapen, as to
exhibit no regular appearance of any thing to the naked
eye, fhall, when viewed by reflection, prefent a regular
and beautiful image. The inventor of this ingenious
device is not known. Simon Stevinus, who was the firlt
that wrote upon it, does not inform us from wdiom he
learned it. The principles of it are laid down by
S. Vauzelard in his Perfpeffive Conique ct Cijlmdrique ;
and Gafpar Schott profefles to copy Marius Bettinus in
his defeription of this piece of artificial magic.
It will be fufficient for our purpofe to copy one of
the fimpled figures of this writer, as by this means the
myftery of this art will be fufficiently unfolded. Upon the
Fig. 44. cylinder of paper, or palteboard, ABCD, fig. 44. draw
whatever is intended to be exhibited, as the letters IHS.
Then with a needle make perforations along the whole
outline 5 and placing a candle, G, behind this cylinder,
mark upon the ground plane the flradow of them, which
will be diflorted more or lefs, according to the pofitian
of the candle or the plane, &c. This being done, let
the pifture be an exaCt copy of this diflorted image, let
a metallic fpeculum be fubftituted in the place of the
cylinder, and let the eye of the fpeclator have the fame
polition before the cylinder that the candle had behind
it. Then looking upon the fpeculum, he will fee the
diflorted image reftored to its proper fliape. The re¬
formation of the image, he fays, wall not eafily be made
exaft in this method, but it will be fufliciently fo to an-
fwer the purpofe.
Other methods, more exaft and geometrical than
this, were found out afterwards: fo that thefe piftures
could be drawn by certain rules, without the ufe of a
candle. Schott quotes one of thefe methods from Bet¬
tinus, another from Herigonius, and another from Kir-
cher, which may be feen in his Magia, vol. i. p. 162,
&c. He alfo gives an account of the methods of re¬
forming pictures by fpeculums of conical and other fi¬
gures.
Inftead of copying any of thefe methods from Schott
or Bettinus, we fhall prefent our readers with that which
Dr Smith hath given us in his Optics, vol. i. p. 2 50, as,
no doubt, the beft, and from wfliich any perfon may
eafily make a drawing of this kind. The fame deferip-
Flq' tion anfwers to two mirrors, one of-which, fV. 39. is
and 40. j n o ’ r: • ’ &
convex, and the other, hg. 40. is concave.
2
E C T I V E,
In order to paint upon a plane a deformed copy
ABCDEKIHGF of an original picture, which fhall
appear regular, when feen from a given point O, ele¬
vated above the plane, by rays reflected from a polifhs-
ed cylinder, placed upon the circle hap, equal to its
given bafe 5 from the point R, which muft be fuppo-
led to lie perpendicularly under O, the place of the eye,
draw two lines R. Re; which ihall either touch the
bale of the cylinder, or elfe cut off two fmall equal
fegments from the Tides of it, according as the copy
is intended to be more or lei's deformed. Then, ta¬
king the eye, raifed above R, to the given height RO,
fomewhat greater than that of the cylinder, for a lumi¬
nous point, deferibe the fliadow aehf (of a fquare,
fig. 39. or parallelogram handing upright upon a eFig.
as a bafe, and containing the picture required) any¬
where behind the arch Inp. Let the lines drawn
from R to the extremities and divifions of the bafe a,
b, c, d, e, cut the remoteft part of the fliadow in the
points f g, h, i, k, and the arch of the bafe in /, m,
n, 0, p; from which points draw the lines /AF,
m BG, n CH, 0 DI, p EK, as if they were rays of
light that came from the focus R, and were reflected
from the bafe Inp; fo that each couple, /A, /R,
produced, may cut off equal fegments from the circle.
Laftly, Transfer the lines laf mbg, &c. and all theif
parts in the fame order, upon the refpeftive lines / AF,
m BG, &c. and having drawn regular curves, by eftL
mation, through the points A, B, C, D, E, through
F, G, H, I, K, and through, every intermediate order
of points ; the figure ACEKHF, fo divided, will be
the deformed copy of the fquare, drawn and divided
upon the original picture, and will appear fimilar to it,
when feen in the poliflied cylinder, placed upon the bale
/ n p, by the eye in its given place O.
The practical methods of drawing thefe images feem
to have been carried to the greateft perfection by J. v
Leopold, who, in the ACta Lipfienfia for the year 1712,
hns deferibed two machines, one for the images to be
viewed with a cylindrical, and the other with a conical
mirror. The perfon poffeffed of this inftfument has no¬
thing to do but to take any print he pleafes, and while
he goes over the outlines of it with one pen, another
traces the anamorphofis.
By methods of this kind, groves of trees may be
cut, fo as to reprefent the appearance of men, horfes,
and other objeCts from fome one point of view, 'which
are not at all difcernible in any other. This might
eafily be effeCted by one perfon placing himfelf in any
particular fituation, and giving directions to other per-
fons what trees to lop, and in what manner. In the
fame method it has been contrived, that buildings of
circular and other forms, and alfo whole groups of
buildings confifling of walls at different diltances and
with different pofitions to one another, fhoulgl be painted
fo as to exhibit the exaCt reprefentation of particular
objeCts, which could only be perceived in one fituation.
Bettinus has illuftrated this method by drawings in his
Apiaria.
It may appear a bold affertion to fay, that the very
fliort Iketch now given of the art of perfpeCtive is a
fuff cient foundation for the whole praCtice, and includes
all the expeditious rules peculiar to the problems which
molt generally occur. It is, however, true, and the in¬
telligent
PERSPECTIVE.
telligent reader will fee, that the two theorems on which
the whole refts, include every poffible cafe, and apply with
equal facility to piftures and originals in any pofition,
although the examples are felefted of perpendicular pic¬
tures, and of originals referred to horizontal planes, as
being the mofl frequent. The fcientific foundation be¬
ing fo fimple, the ftrudture need not be complex, nor
fwell into fuch volumes as have been publiihed on the
fubjec!: volumes which by their fize deter from the
perufal, and give the limple art the appearance of in¬
tricate mylfery 5 and by their prices, defeat the delign
of their authors, viz. the diffemination of knowledge
among the praftitioners. The treatifes on perfpective
acquire their bulk by long and tedious difcourfes, mi¬
nute explanations of common things, or by great num¬
bers of examples 3 which indeed do make fome of thefe
books valuable by the variety of curious cuts, but do not
at all inlfrucl the reader by any improvements made in
the art itlelf. For it is evident that moil of thofe who
have treated this fubjecf have been more converfant in
the practice of defigning than in the principles of geo¬
metry 3 and therefore when, in their practice, the cafes
which have offered have put them on trying particular
expedients, they have thought them worth communicat¬
ing to the public as improvements in the art 3 and each
author, fond of his own little expedient, (which a
fcientific perfon would have known for an eafy corol¬
lary from the general theorem), has made it the prin¬
ciple of a praftical fyflem—in this manner narrowing
inftead of enlarging the knowledge of the art 3 and the
practitioner tired of the bulk of the volume, in which a
Angle maxim is tedioufly fpread out, and the principle
on which it is founded kept out of his fight, contents
himfelf with a remembrance of the maxim (not under-
ftood), and keeps it flightly in his eye to avoid grofs
errors. We can appeal to the whole body of painters
and draughtfmen for the truth of this aflertion 3 and it
muft not be confidered as an imputation on them of re-
miffnefs or negligence, but as a neceflary confequence
of the ignorance of the authors from whom they have
taken their information. This is a ftrong term, but it
is not the lefs juft. Several mathematicians of emi¬
nence have written on perfpecfive, treating it as the fub-
je<ft of pure geometry, as it really is 3 and the perform¬
ances of Dr Brook Taylor, Gravefande, Wolf, De la
Caiile, Emevfon, are truly valuable, by prefenting the
art in all its perfpicuous fimplicity and universality.
The works of Taylor and Emerfon are more valuable,
on account of the very ingenious and expeditious 'con-
ftru&ions which they have given, fuited to every pof¬
fible cafe. The merit of the firft author has been uni-
verfally acknowledged by all the Britifti writers on the
fubjeff, who never fail to declare that their own works
are compofed on the principle of Dr Brook Taylor 3
but any man of fcience will fee that thefe authors have
either not underftood them, or aimed at pleafing the
public by fine cuts and uncommon cafes 3 for without
exception, they have omitted his favourite conftructions,
which had gained his predileftion by their univerfalily,
and attached themfelves to inferior methods, more ufually
expedient perhaps, or inventions (as they thought) of
their own. What has been given in this article is not
prafejjed to be according to the principles of Dr Brook
Taylor, becaufe the principles are not peculiar to him,
but the neceflary refults of the theory itfelf, and incul¬
cated by every mathematician who had taken the trouble
to coniider the fubjedf. They are futficient not only
for directing the ordinary practice but aifo for fuggeft-
ing modes of conitrudtion for every cafe out of the com¬
mon track. And a perfon of ingenuity will have a
laudable enjoyment in this, without inucji ftretch of
thought, inventing rules for himfelf 3 and will be bet¬
ter pleafed with fuch fruits of his own ingenuity, than
in reading the tedious explanation of examples devifed
by another. And for this purpofe we would, with Dr
Taylor, “ advife all our readers not to be contented
with the fcheme they find here 3 but, on every occafion,
to draw new ones of their own, in all the variety of cir-
cumltances they can think of. This will take up more
time at firft, but they will find the vaft benefit and plea-
fure of it by the extenfive notions it will give them of
the nature of the principles.”
The art of perfpeftive is neceflary to all arts where
there is any occafion for defigniug 3 as architedfure, for¬
tification, carving, and generally all the mechanical,
arts 3 but it is more particularly neceflary to the art of
painting, which can do nothing without it. A figure in
a pidlure, which is not drawn according to the rules of
perfpedlive, does not reprefent what is intended, but
fomething elfe. Indeed we hefitate not to fay, that a
pidture which is faulty in this particular, is as biameable,
or more fo, than any compolition in writing which is
faulty in point of orthography, or grammar. It is ge¬
nerally thought very ridiculous to pretend to write a
heroic poem, or a fine difcourfe, upon any fubjedl, with¬
out underftanding the propriety of the language in which
we write 3 and to us it feems no lefs ridiculous for one
to pretend to make a good pidlure without underftand¬
ing perfpcdtive : Yet how many pidtures are there to be
feen, that are highly valuable in other refpedts, and yet
are entirely faulty in this point ? Indeed this fault is fo
very general, that we cannot remember that we ever
have feen a pidlure that has been entirely without it;
and what is the more to be lamented, the greateft ma¬
ilers have been the moft guilty of it. Thofe examples
make it to be the lefs regarded 3 but the fault is not the
lefs, but the more to be lamented, and deferves the more
care in avoiding it for the future. The great occafion
of this fault, is certainly the wrong method that is ge¬
nerally ufed in educating of perfons in this art: for the
young people are generally put immediately to drawing 3
and when they have acquired a facility in that, they are
put to colouring. And thefe things they learn by rote,
and by pradlice only 3 but are not at ail inftrudled in
any rules of art. By which means, when they come to
make any defigns of their own, though they are very
expert at drawing out and colouring every thing that
offers itfelf to their fancy 3 yet for want of being in¬
ftrudled in the ftridl rules of art, they do not know how
to govern their inventions with judgement, and become
guilty of fo many grofs miftakes 3 which prevent them¬
felves, as well as others, from finding that fatisfadlion
they otherwife would do in their performances. To
corredl this for the future, we would recommend it to
the matters of the art of painting, to confider if it would
not be neceffary to eftablifh a better method for the edu¬
cation of their fcholars, and to begin their inftrudlions
with the technical parts of painting, before they let
them loofe to follow the inventions of their own unculti¬
vated imaginations,.
The,:
184
PERSPECTIVE.
The art of painting, taken in its full extent, confifts
of two parts; the inventive, and the executive. The
inventive part is common with poetry, and belongs more
properly and immediately to the original dehgn (which
it invents and difpofes in the moll proper and agreeable
manner) than to the picture, which is only a copy of
that defign already formed in the imagination of the ar-
tilt. The perfe£tion of this art of painting depends up¬
on the thorough knowledge the artift has of all the parts
of his fubjeft ; and the beauty of it conlifts in the happy
choice and difpofition that he makes of it : And it is in
this that the genius of the artift difcovers and {hows it-
felf, while he indulges and humours his fancy, which
here is not confined. But the other, the executive part
of painting, is wholly confined and ftriftly tied to the
rules of art, which cannot be difpenfed with upon any
account} and therefore in this the artift ought to go¬
vern himfelf entirely by the rules of art, and not to
take any liberties whatfoever. For any thing that is
not truly drawn according to the rules of perfpeflive, or
not truly coloured or truly (haded, does not appear to
be what the artift intended, but fomething elfe. Where¬
fore, if at any time the artift happens to imagine that
his piflure would look the better, if he ftiould fwerve
a little from thefe rules, he may aflure himfelf, that the
fault belongs to his original defign, and not to the ftrkft-
nefs of the rules j for what is perfeftly agreeable and
juft in the real original objefts themfelves, can never
appear defe&ive in a picture where thofe obje&s are er
adtly copied.
Therefore to offer a fiiort hint of thoughts we have
fome time had upon the method which ought to be fol¬
lowed in inftru£Hng a fcholar in the executive part of
painting : we would firft have him learn the moft com¬
mon eflections of practical geometry, and the firft ele¬
ments of plain geometry and common arithmetic. When
he is fufliciently perfect in thefe, we would have him
learn perfpeftive. And when he has made fome pro-
grefs in this, fo as to have prepared his judgement with
the right notions of the alterations that figures murt un¬
dergo, when they come to be drawn on a fiat, he may
then be put to drawing by view, and be exercifed in
this along with perfpeftive, till he comes to be {ufficient-
ly perfect in both. Nothing ought to be more familiar
to a painter than perfpeftive $ for it is the only thing
that can make the judgement correft, and will help the
fancy to invent with ten times the eafe that it could do
without it.
We earneftly recommend to our readers the careful
perufal of Dr Taylor’s Treatife, as publilhed by Collbn
in 1749, and Emerfon’s publifhed along with his Op¬
tics. They will be furprifed and delighted with the in-
ftru&ion they will receive ; and will then truly eftimate
the fplendid volumes of other authors and fee their fri¬
volity.
PER
I’erfpec- PERSPECTIVE is alfo ufed for a kind of pidfture.or
tlYe- painting, frequently feen in gardens, and at the ends of
"" * galleries ; defigned exprefsly to deceive the fight by re-
prefenting the continuation of an alley, a building, land-
fcape, or the like.
Aerial PERSPECTIVE, is fometimes ufed as a general
denomination for that wbich more reftri&edly is called
aerialperfpeEhve, or the art of giving a due diminution
or degradation to the ftrength of light, (hade, and co¬
lours of objefts, according to their different diftances,
the quantity of light which falls upon them, and the
medium through which they are feen ; the chiaro obfcu-
ro, or clair obfcure, -which confifts in exprefling the dif¬
ferent degrees of light, {hade, and colour of bodies,
arifing from their own ftiape, and the pofition of their
parts with refpedf to the eye and neighbouring objefts,
whereby their light or colours are affefted; and keep¬
ing, which is the obfervance of a due proportion in the
general light and colouring of the .whole picture, fo
that no light or colour in one part may be too bright or
ftrong for another. A painter, who would fucceed in
aerialperfpeBive, ought carefully to fiudy the effefts
which diftance, or different degrees or colours of light,
have on each particular original colour, to know how
its hue or ftrength is changed in the feveral circumftan-
ces that occur, and to reprefent it accordingly. As all
objedts in a pidture take their meafures in proportion to
thofe placed in the front, fo, in aerialperfpeHive, the
ftrength of light, and the brightnefs of the colours of
objedfs clofe to the pidture, muft ferve as a meafure,
with refpedt to which all the fame colours at feveral di-
4
PER
fiances muft have a proportional degradation in like cir- Perfpec-
cumftances. live.
Bird's eye view in PERSPECTIVE, is that which fup- V—
pofes the eye to be placed above any building, &c. as
in the air at a confiderable diftance from it. This is ap¬
plied in drawfing the reprefentations of fortifications,
when it is neceffary not only to exhibit one view as feen
from the ground, but fo much of the feveral buildings
as the eye can poftibly take in at one time from any fi-
tuation. In order to this, we muft fuppofe the eye to
be removed a confiderable height above the ground, and
to be placed as it were in the air, fo as to look down
into the building like a bird that is flying. In reprefen¬
tations of this kind, the higher the horizontal line is
placed, the more of the fortification will be feen, and
vice verfa.
PERSPECTIVE Machine, is an inftrument by which
any perfon, without the help of the rules of art, may
delineate the true perfpedtive figures of objedls. Mr
Fergufon has defcribed a machine of this fort of which
he afcribes the invention to Dr Bevis.
Fig. 45. is a plan of this machine, and fig. 46. is a Fig. 45.
reprefentation of it when made ufe of in drawing diftantand 46.
objedls in perfpedlive.
In fig. 45. a b ef is an oblong fquare board, repre-
fented by ABEF in fig. 46. x and y (X and Y) are
two hinges on which the part c Id (CLD) is moveable.
This part confifts of two arches or portions of circles c m l
(CML) and dnl (DNL) joined together at the top /
(L), and at bottom to the crofs bar dc (DC), to
which one part of each hinge is fixed, and the other
part
vk n s r k c t i v e . Fiat<■ r r < *\.\.
PIhu
I’E H SY FA' TJV K.
cc c cxi.
I
*»
PERSPECTIVE
Her* *e/» ^
i>i.ic ccccxm.
P   
s
Platt* CCCCXV
rv\ it sr kc t i\' i-;.
e
v.
r
I
- C//?,// M-;,,.//„/!' r^t.
PER [ i
- part to a flat board, half the length of the board a b ef
(ABEF), and glued to its uppermofl: fide. The centre
ot the arch c m i is at d, and the centre of the arch dnl
is at c.
On the outer fide of the arch </«/ is a Aiding piece
n (much like the nut of the quadrant of altitude belong¬
ing to a common globe), which may be moved to any
part of the arch between d and /: and there is fuch an¬
other Aider o on the arch c m which may be fet to
any part between c and /.—A thread c/>« (CPN) is
ftretched tight from the centre c (C) to the Aider n (N),
and fuch another thread is ftretched from the centre d
(D) to the Aider o (O) ; the ends of the thread being
fattened to thefe centres and Aiders.
Now it is plain, that, by moving thefe Aiders on their
refpeftive arches, the interfeclion p (P) of the threads
may be brought to any point of the open fpace within
the arches.—In the groove £ (K) is a ftraight Aiding
bar i (I), which may be drawn further out, or pufhed
further in at pleafure.
I o the outer end of this bar I (fig. 46.) is fixed the
upright piece HZ, in which is a groove for receiving the
Aiding piece £). In this Aider is a fmall hole r for the
eye to look through, in ufing the machine : and there is
a long Ait in HZ, to let the hole r be feen through
when the eye is placed behind it, at any height of the
hole above the level of the bar I.
How to delineate the perfpeBive figure of amj difiant
objeB or objects, by means of this machine.
Suppofe you wanted to delineate a perfpeftive repre-
fentation of/he houfe q s rp (which we muft imagine to
be a great way off, without the limits of the plate),
place the machine on a fteady table, with the end EF
ot the horizontal board ABEF toward the houfe, fo
that, when the Gothic-like arch DEC is fet upright,
the middle part of the open fpace (about P) within it
may be even with the houfe when you place your eye
at Z and look at the houfe through the (man hole r.
I ben fix the corners of a fquare piece of paper with four
wafers on the furface of that half of the horizontal
board which is neareft the houfe ; and all is ready for
drawing.
Set the arch upright, as in the figure ; which it will
be when it comes to the perpendicular fide t of the up¬
right piece st fixed to the horizontal board behind D.
b hen place your eye at Z, and look through the hole
r at any point of the houfe, as q, and move the Aiders
N and O till you bring the interfeftion of the threads
at P direftly between your eye and the point q : then
put down the arch flat upon the paper on the board, as
at S 1 , and the interfedtion of the threads will be at W.
Mark the point W on the paper with the dot of a black
lead pencil, and fet the arch upright again as before :
then look through the hole r, and move the Aiders N
and O till the interfection of the threads comes between
your eye and any other point of the houfe, as p : then
put down the arch again to the paper, and make a pen¬
cil mark thereon at the mterfecticn of the threads, and
draw a line from that mark to the former one at W 5
which line ■will be a true perfpective reprefentation of
the corner p q oi the houfe.
Proceed in the fame manner, by bringing the inter-
ieriion of the threads fiiccefiively between your eve and
other points of the outlines of the houfe, as r, r, &c.
a: d put down the arch to mark the like noints on the
Vol. XVI. Part I. ' ,
85 ] PE R
paper, at the interfe&ion of the threads: then conneft Pert
thefe points by ftraight lines, which will be the perfpec¬
tive outlines of the houfe. In like manner find points
for the corners of the door and windows, top of the
houfe, chimneys, &c. and drawr the finifliing lines from
point to point: then fhade the whole, making the lights
and fliades as you fee them on the houfe itfelf, and you
will have a true perfpedtive figure of it.—Great care
muft be taken, during the whole time, that the pofition
of the machine be not fiiifted on the table ; and to pre¬
vent fuch an inconvenience, the table fliould be very
ftrong and fteady, and the machine fixed to it either by
fcrewrs or clamps.
In the fame way, a landfcape, or any number of ob¬
jects wdthin the field of view through the arch, may be
delineated, by finding a fufncient number of perfpective
points on the paper, and connecting them by ftraight or
curved lines as they appear to the eye. And as this
makes every thing in pevfpedtive equally eafy, wnthout
taking the trouble to learn any of the rules for drawing,
the operations muft be very pleafing and agreeable.
Yet as fcience is ftill more fo, wre would by all means
recommend it to our readers to learn the rules for draw-
ing particular objects; and to draw7 landfcapes by the
eye, for wdiich, w7e believe, no perfpe£tive rules can be
given. And although any thing may be very truly
drawn in perfpe£tive by means of this machine, it can¬
not be faid that there is the leaft degree of fcience in
going that way to work.
The arch ought to be at leaft a foot wfide at bottom,
that the eye at Z may have a large field of view7 through
it : and the eye fhould then be, at leaft, ioi inches
from the interfedffion of the threads at P w7hen the arch
is fet upright. For if it be nearer, the boundaries of
view7 at the fides near the foot of the arch will fubtend
an angle at Z of more than 60 degrees, wdiich w7ill not
only ftrain the eye, but will alfo caufe the outermoft
parts of the drawflng to have a difagreeable appearance.
— I o avoid this, it w7ill be proper to draw back the
Aiding bar I, till Z be iqi inches diftant from P •, and
and then the whole field of view, through the foot wide
arch, will not fubtend an angle to the eye at Z of
more than 45 degrees ; which will give a more eafy and
pleafant view, not only of all the objects themfelves, but
alfo of their reprefentations on the paper whereon they
are delineated. So that, whatever the width of the
arch be, the diftance of the eye from it fhould be in
this proportion : As 12 is to the width of the arch, fo
is 144 to the diftance of the eye (at Z) from it.
If a pane of glafs, laid over writh gum w7ater, be fixed
into the arch, and fet upright when dry, a perfon wrho
looks through the hole r may delineate the obieifts upon
the glafs which he fees at a diftance through and be¬
yond it, and then transfer the delineation to a paper
put upon the glafs, as mentioned in the beginning of the
article Perspective.
Mr Peacock likewife invented three Ample inftru-
ments for drawing architecture and machinery in per-
fpeftive, of which the reader w7ill find Iketches and de-
feriptions in the 75th volume of the Philofophical
TranfafHons. Thefe deferiptions are not inferted here,
becauie we do not think the inftruments fuperior to that
deferibed by Fergufon, and becaufe we with that our
readers who have occafion to draw may make themlelves
!o much mafters of the art of perfpeftive, as to be above
A a the
PER [ i
Pen pec- the aid of fuch mechanical contrivances. But for the
1Je' . fake of thofe whofe opportunities of improvement in the
art do not enable them to praclife it without fuch helps,
we annex the following defcription of an inftmment in¬
vented for this purpofe by Dr Wollafton, to which he
has given the name of Camera Lucida.
“ Having a fhort time fince (fays the author) amufed
myfelf with attempts to {ketch various interefting views,
without an adequate knowledge of the art of drawing,
my mind was naturally employed in facilitating the
means of transferring to paper the apparent relative po-
fitions of the objefts before me ; and I am in hopes that
the inftrument, which I contrived for this purpofe, may
be acceptable even to thofe who have attained to greater
proficiency in the art, on account of the many advanta¬
ges it poffelfes over the camera obfcura.
“ The principles on which it is conftru&ed will pro¬
bably be moil diftiaftly explained by tracing the fuccef-
iive iteps, by which I proceeded in its formation.
“ While I look directly down at a Iheet of paper on
my table, if I hold between my eye and the paper a
piece of plain glafs, inclined from me downwards at an
angle of 450, I fee by reflexion the view that is before
me, in the fame diredlion that I fee my paper through
the glafs. I might then take a {ketch of it 5 but the
pofition of the objedta would be reverfed.
“ To obtain a diredl view, it is neceffary to have two
reflections. The tranfparent glafs muft for this purpofe
be inclined to the perpendicular line of fight only the
half of 450, that it may reflect the view a fecond time
from a piece of looking-glafs placed beneath it, and in¬
clined upwards at an equal angle. The objects now ap¬
pear as if feen through the paper in the fame place as
before •, but they are direft inftead of being inverted,
and they may be difcerned in this manner fufficiently
well for determining the principal pofitions.
“ The pencil, however, and any objeft, which it is
to trace, cannot both be feen diftinftly in the fame ftate
of the eye, on account of the difference of their di-
ftances, and the efforts of fuccefiive adaption of the eye
to one or to the other, would become painful if fre¬
quently repeated. In order to remedy this inconveni¬
ence, the paper and pencil may be viewed through a
convex lens of fuch a focus, as to require no more effort
than is neceffary for feeing the diftant objefts diftimffly.
Thefe will then appear to correfpond with the paper in
dijlance as well as direction, and may be drawn with fa¬
cility, and with any defired degree of precifion.
“ This arrangement of glaffes will be beft underftood
from infpefting fig. 47. a b \n the tranfparent glafs ;
b e the lower refleiffor; b d convex lens (of 12 inches
focus) ; e the pofition of the eye ; and fghe the courfe
of the rays.
“ In fiome cafes a different conftruflion will be prefe¬
rable. Thofe eyes, which without afliftance are adap¬
ted to feeing near objects alone, will not admit the ufe
or a convex glafs ; but will on the contrary require one
that is concave to be placed in front, to render the di¬
ftant objefts diffinft. The frame for a glafs of this
conurufiion is reprefented at ih, (fig. 49.) turn'ng upon
the fame hinge at h with a convex glafs in the frame
1 m, and moving in fuch a manner, that either of the
glaffes may be turned alone into its place, as may be
necefftry to fuit an eye that is long or Ihort-fighted.
86 ] PER
I hoie perfons, however, whole fight is nearly perfect,
may at pleafure ufe either of the glaffes.
“ The inftrument reprefented in that figure differs
moreover in other refpefts from the foregoing, which I
have chofen to deferibe firft, becaufe the aflion of the
reiieeftors there employed would be more generally un¬
derftood. But thofe who are converfant with the fei-
ence of optics will perceive the advantage that may be
derived in this inftance from prifmatic refleiffion ; for
when a ray of light has entered a folid piece of glafs,
and falls from within upon any furface, at an inclina¬
tion of only twenty-tw'o or twenty-three degrees, as
above fuppofed, the refraftive power of the glafs is
fuch as to fuller pone of that light to pals out, and the
furface becomes in this cafe the molt brilliant refledor
that can be employed.
_ “ Fig. 48. reprefents the fe£tion of a folid prifmatic
piece of glafs, within vffich both the reflexions requi-
fite are effeXed at the furfaces ab, be, in fuch a man¬
ner that the ray f g, after being refleXed firft at g, and
again at h, arrives at the eye in a direXion h e at right
angles to f g.
“ There is another circumftance .in this conftruXion
neceffary to be attended to, and which remains to be ex¬
plained. Yv here the refleXion was produced by a piece
ol plain glafs, it is obvious that any objeXs behind the
glafs (if fufficiently illuminated) might be feen through
the glais as well as the reflebted image. But when the
prifmatic refleXor is employed, fince no light can be
tranfmltted direXly through it, the eye mult be fo pla¬
ced that only a part of its pupil may be intercepted by
the edge of the prifm, as at e, fig. 48. The diftant bb-
jeXs will then be feen by this portion of the eye, while
the paper and pencil are feen paft the edge of the prifm
by the remainder of the pupil.
“ In order to avoid inconvenience that might arife
from unintentional motion of the eye, the relative quan¬
tities of light to be received from the objeX, and from
the paper, are regulated by a fmall hole in a piece of
brafs, which by moving on a centre at c, fig. 49. is ca¬
pable of adjuftment to every inequality of light that is
likely to occur.
“ Since the fize of the whole inftrument, from being
fo near the eye, does not require to be large, I have on
many accounts preferred the fmalleft fize that could be
executed with correXnefs, and have had it conftruXed
on fuch a fcale, that the lenfes are only three fourths of
an inch in diameter.
“ Though the original defign, and principal ufe of
this inftrument is to facilitate the delineation of objeXs
in true perfpeXive, yet this is by no means the foie pur¬
pofe to which it is adapted ; for the fame arrangement
of refleXors may be employed with equal advantage for
copying what has been already drawm, and may thus af-
fift a learner in acquiring at leaft a correX outline of
any fubjeX.
“ For this purpofe the drawing to be copied fhould be
placed as nearly as may be at the fame diftance before
the inftrument that the paper is beneath the eye-hole,
for in that cafe the fize wfill be the fame, and no lens
will be neceffary either to the objeX, or to the pencil.
“ By a proper ufe of the fame inftrument, every pur¬
pofe of the pentagraph may alfo be anfwered; as a paint¬
ing may be reduced in any proportion required, by pla-
* cing
Perfpec-
tive.
PER [ 187 ] P E K
peifpec- cing it at a diftance in due proportion greater than that
tiv6 of the paper from the inftrument. In this cafe a lens
Perth becomes requifite for enabling the eye to fee at two un-
equal diftances with equal diftinctnefs, and in order
that one lens may fuit for all thefe purpofes, there is
an advantage in carrying the height of the ftand ac¬
cording to the proportion in which the reduction is to
be effected.
“ The principles on which the height of the Idem is
adjufted will be readily underflood by thofe who are ac-
cuftomed to optical confiderations. For as in taking a
perfpedlive view the rays from the paper are rendered
parallel, by placing a lens at the diftance of its principal
focus from the paper, becaufe the rays received from the
diftant objefls are parallel; fo alfo when the objedf feen
by refledlion is at fo (hort a diftance that the rays re¬
ceived from it are in a certain degree divergent, the rays
from the paper Ihould be made to have the fame de¬
gree of divergency in order that the paper may be feen
diftinclly by the fame eye ; and for this purpofe the
lens muft be placed at a diftance lefs than its principal
focus. The ftem of the inftrument is accordingly mark¬
ed at certain diftances to which the conjugate foci are
in the feveral proportions of 2, 3, 4, &c. to 1, fo that
diftindl vifion may be obtained in all cafes, by placing
the painting proportionally more diftant.
“ By tranipofmg the convex lens to the front of the
inftrument and reverfing the proportional diftances, the
artift might alfo enlarge his frnallcr Iketches with every
defirable degree of corredlnefs, and the naturalift might
delineate minute objedts in any degree magnified.”
PERSPECTIVE Glafs, or Graphical Perfpeciive. See
Dioptrics.
PERSPIRATION, in Physiology, the excretion of
a fluid through the pores of the fkin. Perfpiration is
diftinguifhed into fenfible and infenfible ; and here fenfi-
ble perfpiration is the fame with fweating, and infenfible
perfpiration that which efcapes the notice of the fenfes.
PERSPICUITY, properly fignifies the property
which any thing has of being eafily feen through ; hence
it is generally applied to fuch writings or difcourfes as
are eafily underftood.
Perspicuity, in compofition. See Oratory, Nq
43-
PERTH, a county of Scotland, including Menteith,
Braidalbin, Athol, Stratherne, part of Cowrie, and
Perth Proper } is bounded by Badenoch and Lochaber
on the north and north-weft •, by Marr on the north-
eaft 5 by Argyle and Lennox on the weft and fouth-
weft having Clackmannanfhire, part of Stirlingfhire,
and the Forth to the fouth ; the (hires of Kinrofs and
Fife to the fouth-eaft, and Angus* to the eaft. It ex¬
tends above 70 miles in length, and near 60 at its
greateft breadth, exhibiting a variety of Highlands and
Lowlands ; mountains, hills, dales, and ftraths, diverfi-
fied with pafture grounds, corn fields, and meadows •,
rivers, lakes, forefts, woods, plantations, inclofures, towns,
villages, and a great number of elegant feats, beautifully
fituated, belonging to noblemen and gentlemen. The
chief rivers of Perthlhire are the Tay, the Teith, and
the Erne, befides a great number of fubordinate ftreams.
The river Tay is famous for its falmon-filhery. The
river Erne rifes from Loch Erne, a lake feven miles
long, in the mountainous country of Stratherne : this
river, after a courfe of 3 4 miles from weft to eaft, dur¬
ing which it receives many ftreams and rivulets, falls Perth,
into the Tay at Abernethy. ^ 1 t
“ The Tay (fays a late traveller), on the fouthern tfierowtr
bank of which the city of Perth ftands, is truly a noble ^3wr> I79J*
river. It rifes in Braidalbin, on the frontiers of Lorne»
Before it has advanced many miles from its fource, its
rtream is confiderably augmented by the acceflion of fe¬
veral fmall rills. Soon after, it diffufes its waters into
a fmall lake called Loch Dochart; and indeed the river
itfelf there bears rather the name of the Dochart. Con¬
tinuing its courfe from Loch Dochart, it fbon again ex¬
pands into another lake. Out of this it proceeds to Kil-
lin, ftill bearing, if I remember right, the name of the
Dochart. Here it meets with another river which flows
hither by a more north-eafterly courfe. The waters are
diffufed into the famous Loch Tay, 16 miles in length.
Iffuing from this fpacious lake at Kenmore, the Tay is
foon after increafed by the acceflion of the Lyon. It
proceeds onward in an eaftern diredlion through Athol,
receiving as it advances all the waters in the country,
till at Logierait it is joined by the large river of Tum-
mel. Here it bends to the fouth, and advancing about
eight miles reaches Dunkeld 5 whence taking a more
northern direflion, it continues its courfe towards Perth j
being as it advances ftill augmented by the acceflion of
various tributary ftreams, the moft confiderable of which
is the Almond. At Perth it turns to the fouth-eaft, and
receiving as it proceeds the waters of the Erne, pafles by
Abernethy, once the capital of the Pifthh kingdom.
Soon after this, it expands itfelf to the breadth of three
miles. Contrabfing its breadth, as it approaches Dundee,
it there opens into the German ocean.
“ Such is the noble river ; on the fouthern bank of
which, where it has increafed into a vaft body of wa¬
ter, and not a great many miles above where it dif-
charges itfelf into the ocean, Perth is advantageoufly
fituated. A perfon acquainted with the general cha-
ratfter of great rivers, and with their influence in deter¬
mining the afpetft and the fertility of the diftrifls through
which they pafs, might readily, without farther know¬
ledge of the local circumftances than what is conveyed
in this account of the courfe of the Tay, and of the
fituation of Perth upon it, conclude the city to ftand
amid delightful fcenery, and to enjoy moft of the ad¬
vantages which natural circumftances afford, for the
promotion of trade and induftry.”
Freeftone, lead, iron, and copper ores, with fome lapis
calaminaris, are found in different parts of Perthfhire.
The foil, being generally rich and well manured, pro¬
duces excellent wheat, and all kinds of grain. The hilly
country abounds with pafture for the black cattle, horfes,
fheep, goats, and deer. The heaths, woods, and forefts,
are ftored with variety of game j the rivers teem with
falmon and trout; the gardens and orchards are ftored
with all kinds of herbs, roots, apples, pears, cherries,
plums, and almoft every fpecies of fruit found in South
Britain. The houfes and attire, even of the common¬
alty, are neat and decent; and every peafant can pro¬
duce a good quantity of linen, and great ftore of blan¬
kets, made in his own family. Indeed, this is the cafe
through all the Lowlands of Scotland. Flax is reared
by every hufbandman ; and being dreffed at home, is
fpun by the females of his family into thread for linen •,
this is woven by country weavers, of whom there is a
great number through all the Low Country, and after-
A a 2 wards
PER [ 188
Penh. wards Feached or whitened by the good-wife and her
fervants j fo that the whole is made fit for ufe at a very
fmall expence. They likewife wafii, card, fpin, and
weave their wool into tartan for plaids, kerfies, and
coarfe ruffet-cloth, for common wearing, befides great
part of it which is knit into caps, llockings, and mitts.
Plaids, made of the fineft worfted, are wTorn either plain
or variegated, as veils, by women of the lower, and even
of the middle ranky nay, fome years ago, ladies of fa-
thion wore fiiken plaids with an undrefs: this is a loofe
piece of drapery, gathered about the head, {boulders,
and waift, on which it is croffed, fo as to leave the hands
at liberty, and produces a very good efifedt to the eye of
the fpeclator. The Lowlanders of Perthlhire are civi¬
lized, hofpitable, and induilrious : the commerce of the
country confifts chiefly in corn, linen, and black cattle :
there are, moreover, fome merchants who trade to fo¬
reign countries.—For an account of the different divi-
fions of this county above-mentioned, fee the articles as
they occur in the order of the alphabet.
PERTH Proper, ftretching 20 miles in length, and at
fome places 15 in breadth, is bounded on the north-eaft,
by the Carfe of Gowrie 5 on the eaft, by Angus 5 on the
weft, by Stratherne 5 on the north, by Athol ; and on
the fouth, by the frith of Tay. This is likewife a fruit¬
ful country, populous and well cultivated, abounding
with gentlemen who poflefs opulent eftates 5 with far¬
mers who underftand agriculture ; and with manufac¬
turers who turn their induftry to great account. North-
eaftward from Perth to Brechin lies the vale of Strath¬
more, one of the moft fertile diftritts in Scotland, which
gives the title of Earl to the noble family of Lyon.
The population of this county in 1801 amounted to
126,366 (a).
The following table (hows the ftate of the population,
according to its parifhes at two different periods.
Parijhes.
I Aberdalgy
Aberfoil
Abernethy
Abernyte
5 A1yth
Arngalk
Auchterarder
Auchtergaven
Balquhidder
10 Blackford
Blair Athol
Blairgowrie
Bendothy
Callander
ic Caputh
Cargill
Clunie
Collace
Comrie
20 Crieff
Culrofs
Cupar
Population
in 1755-
320
895
I49°
258
2680
736
1194
1677
159 2
1681
3257
i596
1293
1750
2048
1897
905
499
2546
1414
1695
1491
Population in
179c—1798-
523
790
I4I5
345
2723
554
1670
1784
1300
1360
3120
ibci
878
2100
2045
1720
io37
473
3000
2640
1442
2076
3°
] p
Parijhes.
Dron
Dull
25 Dumbarnie
Dumblane
Dun held
Dunkeld, Little
Dunning
Errol
Forgandenny
Forteviot
Fortingal
Foffaw ay
35 Foulis, Weller
Foulis, Eafter
Gaik
Glendovan
Inchture
40 Kenmore
Killin
Kilmadock
Kilfpindie
Kincardine
45 Kinclaven
Kin fauns
Kinloch
Kinnaird
Kinnoul
50 Kirkmichael
Lecropt
Lethendy
Logie
Logierait
35 Longforgan
Maderty
Meigle
Methven
Monedie
60 Monivaird
Monzie
Moulin
Muckhart
Muthil
65 Perth
Port
Rattray
Redgorton
Rhind
70 St Madoes
St Martins
Scone
Tippermuir
Trinity Gaik
7 5 Tullialian
76 Weem
E R
Population
in DSS-
598
5748
764
2728
1298
2919
1491
2229
1295
1164
3859
i?65
1706
586
385
220
893
3067
1968
2730
828
12 CO
993
639
331
557
1163
2689
577
346
1985
2487
1 285
796
1285
1790
1492
1460
1x92
2109
535
2902
9OI9
1865
751
io74
498
189
1083
889
988
9X3
1321
1295
118,903
Population in
1790—I71
450
46/6
I 2 CO
2730
*773
27°5
1600
2683
978
970
39x4
I5°5
1224
648
486
240
1000
3463
2360
3209
7x8
2068
II ;o
628
37 2
404
1465
2200
420
367
1500
2200
1526
631
1148
1786
1.320
1025
xxflb
1749
526
2948
19,871
500
2x23
495
3°o
1090
1442
1280
795
2430
J364
Perth.
I33»274
118,903
Increafe, 14,371
Perth,
(a) It is fuppofed that there is fome error in the ftatement of the population in 1801, by which it appears to be
kfs than in 1790 and 1798. But by the return of the population of the town of Perth, the amount in 1801 is only
54,878 ) and in 1791 it was nearly 20,000, which will account for the difference.
PER [ i
Perth. Perth, the capital of the county of that name, is an
agreeable, populous town, fituated 20 miles within land,
on the fomh bank of the river Tay. It was otherwife
called St Jo/mjlon’s, from a church dedicated to St John,
as the patron of the place. It is a royal borough, fecond
in dignity to the metropolis, the feat of a large prefhy-
tery, and gave the title of Earl to the family of Drum¬
mond, which is now forfeited. James Drummond, 4th
earl, was created duke of Perth by James II. for adher¬
ing to whofe interells he was outlawed. His two grand-
fons were attainted in 1745. No lefs than 14 national
councils have been held at Perth between 1201 and
1459. But, the oldeft was at Scone, A. D. 906. Perth,
in the reign of Edward I. of England, was poffelTed by
the Englilh, who fecuied it with fortifications : but after
an obftinate refiftance, they were expelled by Robert
Bruce. In the year 1715, the rebels made it a place of
arms, and rerired to it, after the battle of Dumblane ;
but they were in a little time diflodged by the duke of
Argyle, and retreated northwards with the pretender.
They pofleffed it alfo in 1745. The pretender was pro¬
claimed king, new magiftrates were appointed, and an
attempt was made to fortify it. The town is populous
and handfome ; the ilreets are well paved, and tolerably
clean at all times ; and the houfes, though not ifately,
make a very decent appearance. Both the ftreets and
houfes are, for the greater part, difpofed in a regularity
of plan, which proves them not to be of the molt remote
Heron's antiquity. It is indeed true, that the level fituation, be-
Tour. ing Angularly favourable to regularity, might, even from
the firlt, jgive this an advantage over many of our old
boroughs. Several ftreets run in a direction parallel
with the river, as far as a right line can bear this relation
to a curve line, nearly between eaft and weft: thefe are
again interfered by others extending between north and
fouth. It fhould feem that anciently particular ftreets
were inhabited, each by a particular clafs of artifans.
The names ftill preferred feem to indicate as much.
The fhop-keepers or merchants occupied one ftreet; the
hammermen a fecond 5 and other crafts occupied, in the
fame manner, each a feparate ftreet. Many of the houfes
in that ftreet called the IVater-gate, feem to be very old
buildings. Towards the fouth end of the Water-gate
ftands the famous palace of the Gowrie family. The
houfe, and the very room, where the attempt of the
Camden Gowries to feize or alfaffinate the king was fuppofed
to have been made, is now converted into barracks for
a train of artillery 5 but the back-ftair, down which the
Ruthvens were thrown, is pulled down. This ftrange
event, however magnified or attefted by contemporary
writers, is made up of fo many improbabilities, or cir-
cumftances for which no reafon can be afligned, that Sir
David Dalrymple, in republilhing the account printed
by authority, 1600, preparatory to his further obferva-
tions on it, feems jultified in abfolutely diferediting a
faff which paifed for problematical with fo many perfons
at the very time. Dr Robertfon fuppofes it a plot of
Elizabeth to get James into her power. Mr Cant hav¬
ing difeuffed the whole ftory of the confpiracy in his
Mufe’s Threnodie, p. 185—261, concludes, “that as
this would have been a very impolitic meafure, the bell
way of accounting for it is by James’s known hatred to
the Puritans, and wifh to get rid of two popular charac¬
ters.” The king had been feized and forced from his
favourites by the father of the Ruthvens 12 years before
89 ] PER
(1582), and though he affefted to forgive him, took Perth,
the firit opportunity to condemn and execute him as a y
traitor, 1584. Mr Camden was too good a courtier to
fpeak with impartiality of any part of this weak mo¬
narch’s conduct. Though the name of Gowrie was abo-
lifhed, the title of Ruthven was revived in the perfon of
Sir ihomas Ruthven of Freeland, whom Charles II.
1651, created Lord Ruthven : but the honour, on the
death of his fon David in 1704, devolved on Ifabel, fur-
viving daughter of his fecond filter, who married Sir
Francis Ruthven, and was fucceeded, 1732, by his fon-
James.
The caltle of Perth Hood near the red bridge, which
terminated the narrow llreet called Skinner-gate. At
the end of the Caitle-ltreet another narrow llreet leads
welt to the Black-friars, called Couvre-feu-row, where
the curfeu bell was. The kings of Scotland before
James II. were crowned at Scone, and refided at Perth
as t’ne metropolis of the nation. James refided and was
educated in the caltle of Edinburgh, and whs crowned
there I437> The parliaments and courts of jultice were
removed from Perth to Edinburgh, but Perth kept its-
priority till 22 James III. 1482.
The church in which John Knox harangued is ftill
Handing, and is now divided into three •, named the
caji, the middle, and the we/I kirks. The eaft kirk
was lately very handfomely modernifed within. There
is an old hofpital, a confiderable building, the found¬
ing of which is aferibed to James VI. The town-
houfe Ihuts up the eaftern end of the High-ftreet. A
monaftery of Carthuiians was here eftablilhed by King
James I. of Scotland, who loft his life on the very fpot,
by the treachery of Athol and his accomplices. The
king was buried in a very ftately monument in this place,
which was called monajlerium vallis virtutis, one of the
moft magnificent buildings in the kingdom, which with
the reft was deftroyed by the populace. James VI.
created George Hay commendator of the Carthufian
priory, giving him all its emoluments, with a vote and
leat in parliament but thele not being fufficient to fup-
port the title, he furrendered it back to the king. The
only remains offtiis magnificent ftru&ure is to" be feen
in the carved ftones with which the fouth-eaft porch of
St John’s church is built, now greatly decayed. The
king’s garment full of ftabs was preferved here after the
reformation.
The town was anciently provided with a ftone bridge
over the river, which an inundation fwept away ; but
a new and very fine one has lately been built, the moft
beautiful ftrudure of the kind in North Britain, and was-
defigned and executed by Mr Smeaton. Its lenoth is
900 feet; the breadth (the only blemifti) 22 within
the parapets. The piers are founded 10 feet beneath
the bed of the river, upon oaken and beechen piles, and
the ftones laid in puzzolano, and cramped with iron.
There are nine arches, of which the centre is 75 feet in
diameter. This noble work opens a communication with -
all the different great roads of the kingdom, and was •
completed at the expence of 26,000!. Of this the com-
miffioners of forfeited eftates, by his majefty’s permiffion,
gave 11 ,oool ; Perth 2000k; private fubferibers 4756k
the royal boroughs 500I. But ftill this great work
would have met with a check for want of money, had’
not the earl of Kinnoul, with his chara&eriftic "public
fpirit, advanced the remaining fum, and taken the fe-*
curity-
Perth,
Pertinax.
PER [ i
curity of the tolls, with the hazard only to himfelf. The
_ whole expence has now been defrayed, and the toll has
ceafed.
This town has but one parilh, which has two churches,
belides meetings for feparatifts, who are very numerous-
One church, which belonged to a monaftery, is very an¬
cient: not a veitige of the laft is now to be feen; for the
difciples of Knox made a general defolation of every edi¬
fice that had given ihelter to the worfhippers of the
church of Rome r it being one of his maxims, to pull
down the nefts, and then the rooks would fly away.
The flourilhing flate of Perth is owing to two ac¬
cidents : the firft, that of numbers of Cromwell’s wound¬
ed officers and foldiers choofing to relide here, after he
left the kingdom, who introduced a fpirit of induftry
among the people •, the other caufe was the long conti¬
nuance of the earl of Marr’s army here in 1715', which
occafioned vail fums of money being fpent in the place.
But this town, as well as all Scotland, dates its pro-
fperity from the year 1745 •, the government of this part
of Great Britain having never been fettled till a little
after that time.
That this town does not owe its origin to William I.
1210, as Boethius fays, is evident from its being men¬
tioned as a confiderable place in the foundation charter
of Holyroodhoufe by David I. 1128.
The population of Perth in 1791 is faid to have been
nearly 20,000 j but it is fuppofed that it has fince in-
creafed to 22,000.
The trade of Perth is confiderable. It exports an¬
nually 150,000!. worth of linen, from 24,000 to 30,000
bolls of wheat and barley to London and Edinburgh,
and a very large quantity of cured falmon. That fiih
is taken there in vaft abundance 5 3000 have been
caught in one morning ; weighing, one with another,
16 pounds ; the whole capture 48,000 pounds. The
fifliery begins on St Andrew’s day, and ends Auguft
26th old llyle. The rents of the fifheries amount to
confiderably upwards of 3000I. per. annum. Smelts
come up this river in May and June. W. Long. 3. 27.
N. Lat. 56. 22,
Perth Amboy. See New Jerse r.
PERTINAX, was an illuftrious Rorrlan emperor af¬
ter the death of Commodus. He was defcended of a
mean family •, and like his father, who was either a Have
or the fon of a manumitted flave, he for fome time fol¬
lowed the employment of drying wood and making char¬
coal. His poverty did not, however, prevent him from
receiving a liberal education. For fome time he was
employed in teaching a number of pupils the Greek and
the Roman languages in Etruria. He left this laborious
profeffion and became a foldier, and by his valour and
intrepidity gradually rofe to offices of the higheft truft
in the army, and was made conful by M. Aurelius for
his fervices. He was afterwards entrufted with the go¬
vernment of Moefia, artd at length he prefided over the
city of Rome as governor. When Commodus rvas mur¬
dered, Pertinax was univerfally chofen to fucceed to the
imperial dignity ; and his refufal, on the plea of old
age and increafing infirmities, did not prevent his being
fainted emperor and Auguftus. He complied wdth re-
luftance ; but his mildnefs, his economy, and popularity,
convinced the fenate and the people of the prudence and
the juftice of their choice. He forbade his name to be
Infcribed on fuch places or eftates as were part of the
3
93 ]
PER
imperial domains, and afferted that they belonged not Fcrtmax.
to him but to the public. He melted all the lilver ffa-
tues which had been raifed to his predeceflbr, and he ex-
pofed to fale all his concubines, horfes, arms, and all the
inftruments of his pleafure and extravagance. With the
money raifed from thefe relics he enriched the empire,
and was enabled to aboliffi all the taxes wffiich Commo¬
dus had laid on the rivers, ports, and highways, through
the empire. Thefe patriotic a&ions gained him the af-
fedffion of the worthieft and moil difeerning of his fub-
je£ts; but the extravagant, luxurious, and vicious, raif¬
ed their clamours againfl: him ; and when the emperor
attempted to introduce among the pretorian guards fuch
difeipline as was abfolutely necefiary to preferve the
peace and tranquillity of Rome, the flames of rebellion
were kindled, and the minds of the foldiers totally alie¬
nated. Pertinax was apprized of their mutinying, but
he refufed to fly at the hour of danger. He fcorned the
advice of fuch of his friends as wiffied him to withdraw
from the impending ftorm ; and he unexpe&edly appear¬
ed before the feditious troops, and without fear or con¬
cern boldly afked them, whether they who were bound
by duty to defend the perfon of their prince and em¬
peror, were come to betray him and to {lied his blood ?
His undaunted courage and intrepidity would have had
the defired effedl, and the foldiers had begun to retire,
when one of the moil feditious of them advanced and
darted his javelin at the emperor’s breaft, exclaiming
The foldiers fend you this. The reft inftantly followed
the example 5 and Pertinax, muffling up his head, and
calling upon Jupiter to avenge his death, remained un¬
moved, and was immediately difpatched. His head was
cut off and carried upon the point of a fpear in triumph
to the camp. This abominable murder happened in the
103d year of the Chriftian era.
It was no fooner known that Pertinax had been mur¬
dered, than the enraged populace flocked from all quar¬
ters of the city ; and uttering dreadful menaces againfl:
the authors of his death, ran up and down the ftreets in
queff of them. The fenators were no lefs concerned for
his death than the people •, the more, becaufe they were
now convinced, that the foldiers would fuffer none to
reign but tyrants. However, as they had more to lofe
than the common people, they did not offer to revenge
his death ; but either Ihut themfelves up in their own
houfes, or in thofe of the foldiers of their acquaintance,
thinking themfelves there moft fafe. Such was the un¬
fortunate and much-lamented end of Publius Helvius
Pertinax, after he had lived 66 years 7 months and 26
or 28 days •, and reigned, according to Dio Caffius, 87
days, that is, from the ift of January to the 28th of
March. His body, together with his head, w^as inter-'
red with great pomp by Didius Julianus, his fucceffcr,
in the burying place of his wife’s family. The emperor
Septimius Severus, wdth the title of emperor, affumed
the name of Pertinax, which he knew" would above any
thing elfe recommend him to the army in Illyricum,
and to the Roman people. He punifhed wdth great fe-
verity all thofe who had been acceffary to his death, dif-
banded the praetorian guards, honoured his memory
with a moft magnificent funeral, at wffiich w^as carried
the effigies of the deceafed prince, pronounced his pane¬
gyric, and caufed him to be ranked in the number of the
gods, appointing the fon chief prieft to his father. The
day of his acceffion to the empire was yearly celebrated
with
P E II [ i
Pertinent, with the Circenfian games ; and his birthday, for many
, i>ei u- years after, with other fports. He performed great tilings,
~ fays Herodian, during his lliort adminiifration, and would
have reftored the empire to its former luftre, had he been
indulged with a longer reign.
PERTINENT of lands, in Scots Law. See Law,
N° clxvii. 6. p. 670.
PERU, a country of South America, is bounded on
the north by Popayan, on the call by Amazonia, on
the fouth by Chili, and on the weft by the Pacific
ocean ; extending from x° 40' north to 26° 10' fouth
latitude, and between 56° aftd 8i° weft longitude from
Greenwich ; being about 1800 miles in length, but its
1 greateft breadth does not much exceed 390.
covJred^ This c.ount7 was difcovered by the Spaniards ; and
by the Spa-hrtelligence they had of it was on the follow-
aiards. 1 ^nS °ccafion. Nunez de Balboa having been raifed to
the government of the fmall colony at Santa Maria in
Darien by the fuffrages of. his companions, was very
defirous of having that authority confirmed by the
court of Spain. For this purpole he endeavoured to
recommend himfelf to the Spanifti miniftry by fome im¬
portant fervice ; that is, by extorting from the Indians
as much gold and lilver as he could. He therefore
made frequent introads into the adjacent country, fub-
dued feveral of the caciques or petty princes, and col-
ledled a confiderable quantity of gold. In one of thefe
expeditions, the Spaniards contended fo violently about
the divifion of fome gold which they had taken, that
they were on the point of coming to blows with one
another. A young cacique who was prefent, aftoniftied
at fuch contention about a thing of which he knew not
the ufe, tumbled the gold out of the balance with indig¬
nation, and turning to the Spaniards, told them, that
fince they valued gold fo very highly, he would condubl
them to a country where the molt common utenfils were
made of that metal. The Spaniards eagerly catched at
this hint •, and upon further queftioning the cacique,
were informed, that at the diftance of fix days journey,
towards the fouth, from the place where they were at
that time, they Ihould difeover another ocean, near
which this definable country was fituated ; but if they
Intended to attack that powerful ftate, they muft afifem-
ble a much greater number of forces than had hitherto
appeared on the continent.
Balboa was tranfported at the news. He immediately
concluded, that the ocean mentioned by the cacique was
that which Columbus had fo long fought for in vain, and
that the rich territory deferibed to him muft be part of
the Eaft Indies. He was therefore impatient till he
Ihould arrive at that happy country, in comparifon with
the difeovery of which all former exploits almoft vanilh-
ed into nothing. In'order therefore to procure a force
fufficient to enfure fuccefs in his enterprife, he firft fe-
cured the friendlhip of the neighbouring caciques, and
then difpatched fome of his officers to Hifpaniola. with
a large quantity of gold as a proof of his part fuccefs,
and an eameft of what he expected. By this means he
fecured the friendfhip of the governor, and procured a
confiderable reinforcement. But though he now ima¬
gined himfelf fufficiently ftrong to attempt the difeovery,
a there were ftill prodigious difficulties to be furmounted.
Difficulties The ifthmus of Darien, though not above 60 miles in
they had to breadth, has a chain of lofty mountains running through
oxer.ome. whole, extent. Being fitu&tcd between ^two vaft
)i ] PER
oceans, the Atlantic and Pacific, the climate is excef- Peru,
fively moift, infomuch that it rains for twro-thirds of the
year. In confequence of this the valleys are marffiy,
and fo frequently overflowed, that the inhabitants find
it neceffary in fome places to build their houfes upon
trees, in order to be elevated at fome diftance from the
damp foil, and the odious reptiles engendered in the
waters. There are alfo many large rivers very difficult
to be croiTed ; and as the country at that time wTas only
inhabited by a fewr wandering favages, the enterprife of
Balboa was looked upon as the moft difficult that had
been undertaken by any Spanifti adventurer.
On this arduous talk Balboa fet out on the 1 ft day
of September 1513, about the time that the periodical
rains began to aoate. He had only 190 Spaniards
along with him j but all of them were hardy veterans,
inured to the clima:e of America, and very much at¬
tached to their leader. A thoufand Indians attended
in order to carry their provifions and other neceflaries ;
and they had along with them fome of thole fierce dogs
fo terrible to the natives of America.
Balboa proceeded by fea, and without difficulty, to
the territories of a cacique whofe friendftiip he had
gained; but as fuon as he began to advance into the
interior parts of the country, he met with all the dif¬
ficulties above-mentioned. Some of the caciques alfo,
at his approach, fled with all their people to the moun¬
tains, carrying off or deftroying whatever could af¬
ford fubfiftence to an army. Others collefted their
force in order to oppofe him ; however, Balboa conti-
nued unmoved in fpite of all difficulties , and at laft, Balboa firffi*
after a moft painful journey of 25 days, he arrived at Sets a
the South fea ; when, with the moft extravagant tranf-“f th}es
ports of joy, he went into it up to the middle^ and took S°Uth ^
pofieffion of the ocean in his mailer’s name, vowfing to
defend it againft all the enemies of Spain.
That part of the South fea which Balboa now dif¬
covered, he called the G«//' of St Michael; which name
it ftill retains, and is fituated to the eaft of Panama.
From fome of the neighbouring caciques he extorted
provifions and gold by force j others fent him prefents
voluntarily ; and he had the fatisfa&ion to hear, that
the adjacent coafts abounded wfith pearl-oyfters. The
inhabitants vrere alfo unanimous in declaring, that
there was to the fouthward a very rich and populous
country, where the people had tame animals, which
they endeavoured to deferibe to him, meaning the Pe¬
ruvian ffieep. But, however impatient he might be
to vifit this empire, he confidered it as highly im¬
proper to venture thither with a handful of men ex-
haufted by labour and difeafe. He therefore led back
his followers to Santa Maria, in order to refrefti them
after their fatigues; and from thence he fent an ac¬
count to the court of Spain of the important difeovery
he had made, demanding a reinforcement of 1000 men,
in order to conquer the country he had newly difcover¬
ed. But here his hopes were all blafted at once. The He bde-
king indeed determined to profecute the difeovery, but prived of
refuftd to continue Balboa in his government, appointing his com-
Pedrarias Davila to fuperfede him, and giving him the mand’
command of 15 flout veffels, with 1200 foldiers, to en¬
fure his fuccefs.
Balboa, though much mortified by his difgrace,
fubmitted to the king’s pleafure without repining. It
was not long, however, before he met with an addi¬
tional .
>, -
PER [ i
tional misfortune the new governor tried him for
iome pretended irregularities committed before his ar¬
rival, and fined him of almoft all he was worth. In
the mean time the Spaniards, paying no regard to the
treaties concluded by Balboa with the Indians, plun¬
dered and deftroyed all indifcriminately, infomuch that
the whole country, from the gulf of Darien to the
lake Nicaragua, was defolated. The new comers had
alio arrived at the moil unlucky time of the year, name¬
ly, about the middle of the wet feafon, when the excef-
five rains produced the molt violent and fatal difeafes.
io this was joined an extreme fcarcity of provifions ;
fo that in the fpace of a month above 600 Spaniards
periihed in the utmoif mifery.
Balboa failed not to fend violent remonftrances to
Spain againit the conduft of the new governor 5 and
he, on the other hand, accufed his antagonift of ha¬
ving deceived the king by falfe accounts of the coun¬
try, and magnifying his own exploits beyond meafure.
At laft the king, fenfible of his error in fuperfeding
Balboa, appointed him adelantado, or lieutenant-go¬
vernor of the countries on the South fea, with very
extenfive privileges and authority 5 enjoining Pedrarias
to fupport him in all his enterprifes, and to confult
with him in every thing which he himfelf undertook.
It was impoflible, however, to extinguifh the envy of
Fed ran as 3 and therefore, though a reconciliation took
place in appearance, even fo far, that Pedrarias agreed
s to give his daughter in marriage to Balboa, yet he
And put to loon after had him condemned and executed on pre¬
death. tence of diiloyalty, and an intention to revolt from the
king.
On the death of Balboa, the thoughts of conquer¬
ing Peru were for a time laid afide ; however, it Hill
remained an objedt of defire to all the Spanilh adven¬
turers in America. Accordingly, feveral armaments
were fitted out with a defign to explore and take
poffeflion of the countries to the ealt of Panama 3 but,
either through the difficulties which attended the un¬
dertaking itfelf, or the bad condudt of the adventu¬
rers, all of them proved unfuccefsful, until at laft it be¬
came a general opinion, that Balboa’s fcheme had been
6 entirely vifionary.
Still, however, there were three perfons fettled at
A new ex- ^  ^      ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
un'toot” let Panama» 011 whom the common opinions made fo little
imprelfion, that they determined to go in queft of this
country, looked upon to be chimerical by the genera¬
lity of their neighbours. Their names vrere Francifco
Pi-zarro, Diego dc Almagro, and Hernando Luque. Pi-
zarro and Almagro were foldiers of fortune, and Luque
was an ecclefiaftic, who adled both as prieft and fchool-
raafter at Panama. 1 heir confederacy was authorifed
by Pedrarias governor of Panama ; and each engaged
to employ his whole fortune in the adventure. Pi-
zarro, being the leaft wealthy of the three, engaged
to take upon himfelf the greateft fhare of the fatigue
and danger, and to command in perfon the armament
which was to go firft upon the dilcovery. Almagro
offered to condudt the fupplies of provifions and rein¬
forcements of troops which might be neceffary 3 and
Luque was to remain at Panama, in order to negociate
with the governor, and to fuperintend whatever was
7 carrying on for the general intereft.
bacKuccefs I524> Pizarro fet fail from Panama with a fingle
atfirft. veffcl of fmall burthen and 112 men 3 and fo little was
2
92 ] PER
he or his countrymen at that time acquainted with the Peru.
climate of America, that the moft improper feafon of v—-
the whole year was chofen for his departure: the pe¬
riodical winds, winch were then fet in, being directly
oppofite to- the courle which he propofed to fteer. The
conlequence of this wms, that, after beating about for
70 days with much danger and fatigue, he had ad¬
vanced fcarce as far to the fouth-eaft as a Ikilful navi¬
gator will now7 make in three days. He touched at
leveral places of lerraFirmaj but finding that coun-
try. exceedingly inhofpitable and unhealthy, he was
ooiiged to retire to Chuchama, oppofite to the Pearl
iHands, where he hoped to receive fome reinforcements
from Panama. Plere he was found by Almagro, who
had let out in queft of him with a reinforcement of 70
men, and had fuffered diftreffes very much refembling
thole of Pizarro himielf. In particular, he had loft
an eye in combat wnth the Indians. However, he had
advanced as far as the river of St Juan m the province
ot Popayan, where the country fhowing a better afpeft,
and the inhabitants more friendly, our projectors again
began to indulge themfelves in hopes, and determined
by no means to abandon their fcheme.
Almagro returned to Panama, in hopes of recruit¬
ing their Ihattered troops. But the bad accounts of
the fervice gave his countrymen fuch an unfavourable
idea of it, that Almagro could levy no more than 80
men, and thefe with great difficulty. Slender as this
reinforcement wras, however, the adventurers did not
hefitate at renewing their enterprife. The difafters
and difappointments they met with in this new at¬
tempt, were fcarcely inferior to thofe they had already
experienced, when part of the armament at laft reached
the bay of St Matthew7 on the coaft of Quito, and
landed at I acamez to the fouth oi the river of Eme¬
ralds, where they met with a more fertile and cham¬
paign country than any they had yet feen 3 the natives
alfo were more civilized, and clothed in garments of
cotton or woollen fluff, adorned with trinkets of gold
and filver. But notwithftanding thefe favourable ap¬
pearances, Pizarro did not think fit to attack fuch a
powerful empire with an handful of foldiers already ex-
haufted 3 and therefore retired to a fmall ifland called
Gallo, with part of the troops 3 from whence he dif-
patched Almagro to Panama, in hopes of obtaining a
reinforcement.
The reception which Almagro met with w7as by np
means agreeable. Some of the adventurers had in¬
formed their friends of the many dangers and Ioffes
which they had fuftained ; which not only difheartened
people from engaging in the fervice, but weighed fo
much with Pedro de los Rios, the fucceffor of Pedra¬
rias, that he prohibited the raifing of new recruits, and
even dilpatched a veffel to bring home Pizarro and his
companions from the ifiand of Gallo. Almagro and
Luque, though much mortified with this difappointment,
privately advifed Pizarro not to relinquiffi an enterprife
on which they had built all their hopes. He therefore
pofitively refufed to obey the orders of the governor, and
employed all his addrefs in perfuading his men not to s
abandon him. But the calamities to which tfiey had Pizarro
been expofed had fuch an effedt upon them, that when at^ndoned
he drew a line upon the fand with his fword, tellinga11 ^'s
fuch as w ifined to return that they might pafs over it,
only 1 ^ had relolution to remain with him.
• Pizarro
1
PER
Perti. Plzarro with his little troop now fixed their refidence
'-on the ifie of Gorgona, which they confidered as a fafer
retreat than Gallo, as being farther removed from the
coaft, and uninhabited, fo that they might with the
greater lecurity wait for fupplies. Here they continued
five months in the moft unwholefome climate imagin¬
able, and at lafl had come to a. refolution of committing
themfelves to fea on a float, when a veffel arrived from
Panama to their relief. This was the elfedl of the conti¬
nued felicitations of Almagro and Luque 5 who, though
they could not prevail upon the governor to favour the
undertaking, had lucceeded fo far as to induce him to
fend a fmall veflel to -he relief of Pizarro and his unfor¬
tunate aflociates. However, the more effedlually to
fnow his difapprobation of Pizarro’s fcheme, the gover¬
nor refufed to allow one landman to go on board of thefhip
which he fent.—The hopes of the adventurers were now
again revived, and Pizarro eafily induced them to re-
Goes on fume their fcheme. Inflead of returning to Panama,
with his therefore, they failed to the fouth-eaft, and irt 20 days
fcheme at after the difeovery of Gorgona, they difeovered the
tures^Ven” coaft Peru* Having touched at fome places of lefs
note, they at length arrived at Tumbez, remarkable for
its llately temple, and a palace of the incas or fovereigns
of the country. Here they found that what had been
told them concerning the riches of the country was
true ; not only ornaments and facred veflels being made
of gold and filver, but even fuch as were for common
u!e. Yet to attempt the conqueft of this opulent em-
p>re with their flender force, would have been madnefs 5
they contented themfelves therefore with viewing it,
procuring two of the beafts of burthen called Hamas,
to which they gave the name of flieep, fome velfels of
gold and filver, and two young men, whom they pro-
pofed to inftruft in the Caflilian language. With thefe
Pizarro arrived at Panama in the year 1 527, near three
years after he had fet out from that place on his ex-
IO pedition.
Hiftory of The empire of Peru, thus difeovered, is faid to have
the Incas of been originally poffeffed by independent tribes, juftly
l em. reckoned among the moft favage even in America j
living more like wild beafts than men. For feveral ages
they lived in this manner, when fuddenly there appeared
on the banks of a lake called Titiaca, a man and woman
of majeflic form, and clothed in decent garments. They
deckred themfelves to be the children of the fun, fent
by their beneficent parent to inftrudl and reclaim man¬
kind.
The names of thefe tvro extraordinary perfonages
were Manco Cnpac and Mama Ocla. At their perfua-
fion, feveral of the difperfed favages united, and, re¬
ceiving their commands as heavenly injunftions, follow¬
ed them to Cuzco, where they fettled, and began to
lay the foundations of a city. Manco Capac inftrudi¬
ed the men in agriculture, and other ufeful arts ; while
Mama Ocla taught the women to fpin and weave ; af¬
ter which Manco turned his attention towards the in-
trodudlion of proper laws and regulations into his new
ftate.
Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was found¬
ed the empire of the Incas, or lords of Peru. At firft
' its extent was fmall, the territory of Manco Capac
reaching not above eight leagues from Cuzco his capi¬
tal. Within thefe narrow limits, howrever, he exer-
cifed the moft perfefl defpotifm, and the fame wTas
VoL. XVI. Part I.
PER
maintained by his fuccefibrS, all of wdiom were net Pern,
only obeyed as monarchs, but reverenced as deities.
Their blood -was held to be facred, and, by prohibit¬
ing intermarriages with the people, was never conta¬
minated by mixing with that of ar.y other race. The
family, thus leparated from the reft of the nation, was
diftinguiflied by peculiarities in drefs and ornaments,
which it was unlawful for others to aflume. Among
the Peruvians, however, it is faid, that this high de¬
gree of veneration was made ufe of by the monarchs
only to promote the good of their fubjedfs. If wTe may
believe the accounts given by their countrymen, the
Peruvian monarchs extended their empire not with a
view to increafe their own power and wealth, but from
a defire of diffufing the bleffings of civilization, and
the knowledge of the arts w'hich they poffefled, among
the barbarous people whom they reduced, and, during
a fucceflion of 12 monarchs, not one deviated from
this character.
The Peruvians w7ere taught by Manco to adore the Carver's
Creator of heaven and earth, whom they denominated Modern
Paca Camac, that intelligence which animated the General
world. They feldom built temples or offered facrifices Jr’
to him, but wmrlhipped him in their hearts. One Religion ©f
temple, however, dedicated to The unknown God, the the Peru-
Spaniajrds found at their arrival, eredled in a valley, v‘ans•
thence named the valleij of Paca Camac. The facrifi¬
ces inftituted in honour of the fun confifted chiefly of
lambs; befides which they offered all forts of cattle,
fowls, and corn, and even burnt their fineft cloths on
the altar by way of incenfe. They had alfo drink of¬
ferings made of maize or Indian corn, fteeped in wa¬
ter. Nor were thofe oblations the only a<5ts of ado¬
ration in general ufe among them. When they firft
drank after their meals, they dipped the tip of their
finger into the cup, and lifting up their eyes with
great devotion, gave the fun thanks for their liquor,
before they prefumed to take a draught of it.
Befides the worlhip of the fun, they paid fome kind
of veneration to the images of feveral animals and ve¬
getables that had a place in their temples. Thefe wTere
generally the images brought from the conquered na¬
tions, wTere the people worfhipped all forts of creatures,
animate or inanimate \ it being the cuftom, when a pro¬
vince w*as fubdued, to remove all their idols to the
temple of the fun at Cuzco.
Exclufive of the folemnities at every full moon, four
grand feftivals were celebrated annually. The firft of
thofe, called Raymi, was held in the month of June,
immediately after the fumrner folftice, and w7as kept
not only in honour of the fun, but of their firft Inca,
Manco Capac, and Coya Mama Ocla, his wife and
filter, whom the Incas confidered as their firft parents,
defeended immediately from the fun, and fent by him
into the world to reform and polifh mankind. At this
feftival, all the viceroys, generals, governors, and nobi¬
lity, w ere aflembled at the capital city of Cuzco; and
the emperor, or Inca, officiated in perfon as high-prieft ;
though on other occafions the facerdotal function was
difeharged by the regular pontiff, who was ufually either
the uncle or brother of the Inca.
The morning of the feftival being come, the Inca,
accompanied by his near relations, drawn up in order
according to their feniority, went barefoot in proceflion,
~3t break of day, to the market-place, where they re-
B b mained
[ 193 ]
PER
E 194 ]
PER
'P^rsi. mined looking attentively towards the eaii in cxpefta-
tion of the fifing fun* The luminary no fooner appear¬
ed, than they tell proflrate on their faces in the mold
profound veneration, and univerfally acknowledged it to
be their god and father.
The vaffal princes, and nobility, that were not of
the blood royal, affembled in another fquare, and per¬
formed the like ceremony. Out of a large flock of
iheep the priefts then chofe a black lamb, which they
■offered in facrifice, firft turning its head towards the
eaft. From the entrails of the viftimj on this occafion,
they fuperftitioully drew prognofiics relating to peace
jand war, and other public events.
That the Peruvians believed in the immortality of
the foul, appears from the practice of the Incas, who
conflantly inculcated to the people, that, on leaving
this world, they ftiould enter into a Elate of happinefs
provided for them by their god and father the fun.
, j Before the arrival of the Spaniards in America, the
They were Peruvians were acquainted with fome points of aftro-
.. quainted j10my. They had obferved the various motions of
'oi^ be10” t^ie Venus, and the different phafes of the moon,
fore the ar- The common people divided the year only by the fea-
rival of the Tons 5 but the Incas, who had difeovered the annual re-
Spaniards. volution of the fun, marked out the fummer and winter
folftices by high towers, which they eredled on the eafi:
and weft of the city of Cuzco. When the fun came to
rife direftly oppofite to four of thofe tow'ers, on the eafl
fide of the city, and to fet againfl: thofe of the weft, it
was then the fummer folftice •, and in like manner, when
it rofe and fet againft the other towTers, it was the win¬
ter folftice. They had alfo erefted marble pillars in the
great court before the temple of the fun, by which they
obferved the equinoxes. This obfervation was made
under the equator, when the fun being direftly vertical,
the pillars caft no fhade. At thofe times they crowned
the pillars with garlands of flow'ers and odoriferous
herbs, and celebrating a feftival, offered to their ador¬
ed luminary rich prefents of gold and precious ftones.
They diftinguifhed the months by the moon, and
their weeks were called quarters of the moon ; but the
days of the wreek they marked only by the ordinal num¬
bers, as firft, fecondv &c. They were aftonifhed at
the eclipfes of the fun and moon. When the former
hid his face, they concluded it was on account of their
fins, imagining that this phenomenon portended famine,
w?ar, and peftilence, or fome other terrible calamity.
In a fimilar ftate of the moon, they apprehended that
fhe was fick, and when totally obfeured, that fire wras
dying. At this alarming crifis they founded their trum¬
pets, and endeavoured by every kind of noife to roufe
the lunar planet from her fuppofed lethargy *, teach¬
ing their children to cry out, and call upon mama
quilla, or “ mother moon,” that fhe Would not die and
leave them to perifh.
They made no predi£Hons from any of the ftars,
but confidered dreams, and the entrails of beafts which
they offered in facrifice, as inftru&ive objefts of divi¬
nation. When they faw the fun fet, they imagined
that he plunged into the ocean, to appear next morning
in the eaft.
Among a people wholly void of letters, the fpecula-
They had ^ve effays °f the underftanding muft have been very
teachers of rude and imperfeft. They had, however, among them
saorality; amenta®, or philofophers, who delivered moral precepts,
and likewife cultivated poetry. Comedies and tragedies Peru,
compofed by thofe bards were acted on their feftivals
before the king and the royal family, the perfor¬
mers being the great men of the court, and the prin¬
cipal officers of the army. The araenlas alfo compo¬
fed fongs and ballads j but if we may judge from the
rudenels of the mufic with which they are laid to have
been accompanied, they were far from being agreeable
to a polifhed ear.
That the Peruvians were not unacquainted with paint- 14
ing and ftatuary, appears from the furniture and orna- And were
ments of their temples and palaces; but in all the im- not una<j-
plements of mechanic arts they were extremely defi- witl^paint-
cient. Though many goldfmiths were conftantly em-ing and
ployed, they had never invented an anvil of any me-ftatuaiy.
tal, but in its Head made ufe of a hard ftone. They
beat, their plate with round pieces of copper in place
of hammers j neither had they any files or graving
tools. Inftead of bellows for melting their metals, they
ufed copper pipes, of a yard long, almoft of the form
of a trumpet. Having no tongs to take their heated
metal out of the fire, they made ufe of a flick or cop¬
per bar. Their carpenters had no other tools than
hatchets made of copper or flint j nor had they learned
the ufe of iron *, though the country affords mines of
that metal. Inllead of nails, they fattened their timber
with cords or the tough twigs of trees. A thorn, or
a fmall bone, ferved them for a needle j and inftead of
thread, the finews of animals, or the fibres of fome
plant. Their knives were made of flint or copper.
When the Spaniards firft vilited this country, they
found it agitated by a civil war. Huana Capac, thep *
12th monarch from the founder of the ftate, was feat-,he Spa¬
ed on the throne; who is reprefented as a prince no niards faei-
lefs confpicuous for his abilities in war than for his btaied by a
pacific virtues. By him the kingdom of Quito was amorT^h*
fubdued, which almoft doubled the extent of the do-natlvt.c.
minions and power of the Peruvian empire, Notwith
ftanding the ancient and fundamental law againft pol¬
luting the blood of the Inca with any foreign alliance,
Huana married the daughter of the Conquered mo¬
narch, by whom he had a fon named Atahualpa, com¬
monly written Atabalipa, to whom, at his death in
1529, he left the kingdom of Quito, bellowing the
reft of his dominions upon Huafcar his eldeft fon by a
mother of the royal race. This produced a civil war,
in which Atabalipa proved vidlorious, and afterwards
attempted to fecure himfelf on the throne by putting to
death all the defeendants of Manco Capac, ftyled the
children of the fun, whom he could feize either by force
or ftratagem; however, from a political motive, he
fpared the life of his rival Huafcar, who had the misfor¬
tune to be taken prifoner in an engagement, that, by
iffuing out orders in his name, he might more eafily el-
tablifh his owm authority, and cover the illegality of his
birth.
This conteft had fo much engaged the attention of
the Peruvians, that they never once attempted to check
the progrefs of the Spaniards. It was fome time, how¬
ever, before Pizarro was informed of this conteft, fo
much in his favour. The firft intelligence which he re¬
ceived of it was a meffage from Huafcar, afking his
afliftance againft Atabalipa, whom he reprefented as
a rebel and an ufurper. Pizarro perceived the impor¬
tance of the intelligence, and therefore determined
to
PEE. [ 195 ] PEE
Peru. {0 pufli forward, while inteftine difcord put it out of
the power of the Peruvians to attack him with their
whole force. Being obliged to divide his troops, in
order to leave a garrifon in St Michael, which might
ferve for a place of retreat in cafe of a difafter, he be¬
gan his march with only 62 horfemen and 102 foot-
foldiers, 20 of whom were armed with crofs-bows, and
only three with muikets. He dircdled his courfe to¬
wards Caxamalca, a fmall town at the diftance of 12
days march from St Michael, where Atabalipa was en¬
camped with a confiderable body of troops. Before he
had proceeded far, an officer difpatched by the Inca
met him with a valuable prefent from that prince, ac¬
companied with a proffer of his alliance, and his affu-
rances of a friendly reception at Caxamalca. Pizarro,
according to the ufual artifice of his countrymen in A-
merica, pretended to come as the ambaffador of a
powerful monarch, and declared that he was now
advancing with intention to offer Atabalipa his aid
againll thofe enemies who difputed his title to the
throne.
And by As the object of the Spaniards in entering their
their igno- country was altogether incomprehenfible to the Peru-
motiv°s cf6 V^ans’ they had formed various conjectures concerning
the Spa- it, without being able to decide whether they ffiould
niards^ conlider their new guefts as beings of a fuperior nature,
who had vifited them from fome beneficent motive, or
as formidable avengers of their crimes, and enemies to
their repofe and liberty. The continual profeffions of
the Spaniards, that they came to enlighten them with
the knowledge of truth, and lead them in a way of
happinefs, favoured the former opinion ; the outrages
which they committed, their rapacioufnefs and cruel¬
ty, were awful confirmations of the latter. While in
this ftate of uncertainty, Pizarro’s declaration of his
pacific intentions fo far removed all the Inca’s fears,
that he determined to give him a friendly reception.
In confequence of this refolution, the Spaniards were
allowed to march in tranquillity acrofs the fandy defert
between St Michael and Motupe, where the mod:
feeble effort of an enemy, added to the unavoidable
diftreffes which they fuffered in palling through that
comfortlefs region, muff have proved fatal to them.
From Motupe they advanced towards the mountains
which encompafs the low country of Peru, and pafs-
ed through a defile fo narrow and inacceffible, that a
few men might have defended it againft a numerous ar¬
my. But here likewife, from the fame inconfiderate
credulity of the Inca, the Spaniards met with no op-
pofition, and took quiet poffeffion of a fort erefted for
the fecurity of that important ftation. As they now
approached near to Caxamalca, Atabalipa renewed
his profeffions of friendlhip ; and, as an evidence of
his fincerity, fent them prefents of greater value than
the former.
On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took pcffeffion of
a large court, on one fide of which -was a houfe which
the Spanilh hiftorians call a palace of the Inca, and on
the other a temple of the fun, the whole furrounded
with a ftrong rampart or wall of earth. When he had
polled his troops in this advantageous ftation, he dif¬
patched Hernando Soto, and his brother Ferdinand,
to the camp of Atabalipa, which was about a league
dillant from the town. He inffrucled them to confirm
the declaration which he had formerly made of his pa¬
cific difpofition, and to defire an interview with the Peru.
Inca, that he might explain more fully the intention ~—
of the Spaniards in vifiting his country. They were
treated with all the refpe&ful hofpitality ufual among
the Peruvians in the reception of their mofi cordial
friends, and Atabalipa promifed to vifit the Spanilh
commander next day in his quarters. The decent de¬
portment of the Peruvian monarch, the order of his
court, and the reverence with which his fubje£ts ap¬
proached his perfon and obeyed his commands, alfo-
nilhed thofe Spaniards, who had never met in Ameri¬
ca wfith any thing more dignified than the petty ca¬
cique of a barbarous tribe. But their eyes were Hill
more powerfully attracted by the vail profufion of
wealth which they obferved in the Inca’s camp. The
rich ornaments w-orn by him and his attendants, the
veffels of gold and filver in v.'hich the repall offered to
them was ferved up, the multitude of utenfils of every
kind formed of thofe precious metals, opened profpedls.
far exceeding any idea of opulence that a European of
the 16th century could form.
On their return to Caxamalca, vffiile their minds
were yet warm with admiration a;id defire of the wealth
which they had beheld, they gave fuch.a defeription of
it to their countrymen, as confirmed Pizarro in a refolu¬
tion which he had already taken. From his own obfer-
vation of American manners during his long fervice in
the New World, as well as from the advantages which
Cortes had derived from feizing Montezuma, he knew
ol what confequence it was to have the Inca in his
power. For this purpofe, he formed a plan as daring Perfidious
as it was perfidious. Notwithflanding the charscler he fcheme ot
had affumed of an ambaffador from a powerful monarch fJ*zarro ta
who courted an alliance with the Inca, and in violation {eize the
of the repeated offers which he had made to him of lus11^*
own friendlhip and .affiltance, he determined to avail
himfelf of the unfufpicious fimplicity with which Ataba-
lipa relied on his profeffions, and to feize his perfon du¬
ring the interview to which he had invited him. He
prepared for the execution of his feheme with the fame
deliberate arrangement, and with as little compunction,
as if it had refle&ed no difgrace on himfelf or his coun¬
try. Pie divided his cavalry into three fmall fquadrons,
under the command of his brothers Ferdinand, Soto, and
Ben alcazar ; his infantry was formed into one body,
except 20 of moll tried courage, whom he kept near
his own perfon to fupport him in the dangerous fervice
which he referved for himfelf •, the artillery, confin¬
ing of two field-pieces, and the crofs-bow men, were
placed oppofite to the avenue by which Atabalipa was
to approach. All were commanded to keep within the
fquare, and not to move until the fignal for a£lion was
given.
Early in the morning the Peruvian camp was all in
motion. But as Atabalipa was folicitous to appear with
the greateft fplendour and magnificence in his firll inter¬
view with the firangers, the preparations for this were fa-
tedious, that the day was far advanced before he began
his march. Even then, left the order of the proceffion
Ihould be deranged, he moved fo llowly, that the Spa¬
niards became impatient and apprehenfive that fome fuf-
picion of their intention might be the caufe of this delay.
In order to remove this, Pizarro difpatched one of his
officers with frelh affurances of his friendly difpofition.
At length the Inca approached. Firft of all appeared
B b 2 400
-4
i
PER [196] PER
409 rnen in an uniform drefs, as harbingers to clear the
way before him. Tie him!elf, fitting on a throne or
couch, adorned with plumes of various colours, and ah
moft covered with plates of gold and filver enriched
■with precious Hones, was carried on the fhoulders of his
principal attendants. Behind him came fome chief of¬
ficers of his court carried in the fame manner. Several
bands of fingers and dancers accompanied this cavalcade;
and the whole plain was covered with troops, amount¬
ing to more than 30,000 men.
As the Inca drew near the Spanifh quarters, Father
Vincent Valverede, chaplain to the expedition, advan¬
ced with a crucifix in one hand, and a breviary in the
other, and in a long difeourfe explained to him the doc¬
trine of the creation, the fall of Adam, the incarnation,
the fufferings and refurreclion of .Tefus (Thrift, the ap¬
pointment of St Peter as God’s vicegerent on earth, the
tranfmiflion of his apoftolical power by fi- ceffion to the
popes, the donation made to the king of Caftile by Pope
Alexander of all the regions in the New World. In
confequence of all this, he required Atabalipa to em¬
brace the Chriltian faith, to acknowledge the fupreme
jurifdiction of tire pop?, and to fubmit to the king of
Caftile as his lawful fovereign ; promifing, if he com¬
plied inftantly with this requifition, that the Caftilian
monarch would protect his dominions, and permit him
to continue in the exercife of his royal authority; but if
he fhould impioufty refufe to obey his fummons, he de¬
nounced war againft him in his mafter’s name, and
threatened him with the moft dreadful effects of his
vengeance.
This ftrange harangue, unfolding deep myfteries, and
alluding to unknown facts, of which no power of elo¬
quence could have conveyed at once a diftinft idea to
an American, was fo lamely tranflated by an unlkilful
interpreter, little acquainted with the idiom of the Spa¬
nifh tongue, and incapable of expreffing himfelf with
propriety in the language of the Inca, that its general
tenor was altogether incomprehenfible to Atabalipa.
Some parts in it, of more obvious meaning, filled him
with aftonifhment and indignation. His reply, how¬
ever, was temperate. He began with obferving, that
he was lord of the dominions over which he reigned by
hereditary fucceflion ; and added, that he could not con¬
ceive how a foreign prieft ftiould pretend to difpofe of
territories which did not belong to him ; that if fuch
a prepofterous grant had been made, he, who was the
rightful pofteffor, refufed to confirm it; that he had no
inclination to renounce the religious inftitutions erta-
bliihed by his anceftors; nor would he forfake the fer-
vice of the fun, the immortal divinity whom he and his
people revered, in order to worfhip the God of the
Spaniards, who was fubjeft to death ; that with refpefl
to other matters contained in his difeourfe, as he had
never heard of them before, and did not now underftand
their meaning, he defired to know where he had learned
things fo extraordinary. “ In this book,” anfwered
Valverede, reaching out to him his breviary. The Inca
opened it eagerly ; and turning over the leaves, lifted it
to his ear : “This (fays he) is filent; it tells me no¬
thing and threw it with difdain to the ground. The
enraged monk, running towards his countrymen, cried
out, “ To arms, Chriftians, to arms; the word of God
\s infulted ; avenge this profanation on thofe impious
dogs.n
Fizzaro, who during this long conference had with Peru,
difficulty reftrained his foldiers, eager to feize the rich ——v'-—
fpoils of which they had now fo near a view7, imme¬
diately gave the fignal of aflault. At once the martial
mufic ftruck up, the cannon and mulkets began to fire,
the horfe (allied out fiercely to the charge, the infantry
ruftied on fword in hand. The Peruvians, aftonilhed at
the fuddennefs of an attack which they did not expeft,
and difmayed with the deftruclive eftefts of the fire¬
arms, and the irrefiftible impreffion of the cavalry, fled
■with univerfal confternation on every fide, without at¬
tempting either to annoy the enemy or to defend them-
feh 7es. Pi zarro, at the head of his chofen band, advan¬
ced diredftly towards the Inca; and though his nobles
crow7ded around him with officious zeal, and fell in ,. S,-
numbers at his feet, while they vied one with another feizefi by
in facrificing their own lives, that they might cover the Pizarro.
facred perfon of their fovereign, the Spaniards foon pe¬
netrated to the royal feat : and Pizarro feizing the Inca
by the arm, dragged him to the ground, and carried
him as a prifoner to his quarters. The fate of the mo¬
narch increafed the precipitate flight of his followers.
The Spaniards purfued them towards every quarter, and,
with deliberate and unrelenting barbarity, continued to
flaughter wretched fugitives, who never once offered
at refiftance. The carnage did not ceafe until the
clofe of day. Above 4000 Peruvians were killed. Not
a fingle Spaniard fell, nor was one wounded but Pi¬
zarro himfelf, whofe hand w7as flightly hurt by one of
his owm foldiers, while ftruggling eagerly to lay hold on
the Inca.
The plunder taken on this occafion u7as immenfe, but pje 0f£rs
the Spaniards were ftill unfatisfied ; which being obfer- an im-
ved by the Inca, he endeavoured to apply himfelf to nienfe fura
their ruling paffion, avarice, in order to obtain his liber- ’or
ty : and therefore offered fuch a ranfom as aftonifhed
them, even after all they knew concerning the opulence
of [he country. The apartment in which he was con¬
fined was 22 feet in length and 16 in breadth ; and all
this fpace he engaged to fill rvith veffels of gold as high
as he could reach. This propofal was eagerly caught
by Pizarro, and a line was drawn upon the wralls to
mark the ftipulated height.
Atabalipa, charmed with the thoughts of liberty, im¬
mediately fet about performing his part of the agreement,
and difpatched meffengers into all parts of the empire,
in order to colleft the immenfe quantity of gold which
he had promifed ; and though the unfortunate monarch
was now in the hands of his enemies, fuch was the vene¬
ration which his fubjefls had for him, that his order’s
were obeyed with as great alacrity as though he had
been at full liberty ; while he, in the mean time, flat¬
tering himfelf with the hopes of being foo. releafed,
made no preparations for expelling the invaders from his
dominions.
In a fhort time Pizarro received intelligence that Al-
magro was arrived at St Michael with a reinforcement
equal to the force he had with him. This was a matter
of great joy to the Spaniards, and no fmall vexation to
Atabalipa, who now^ confidered his.kingdom as in dan¬
ger of being totally overrun by thefe ftrangers, whofe
force he neither knew7, nor the means they had of tranf-
porting themfelves. For this reafon he determined to
put his brother Fluafcar to death, left he ffiould join the
itrangers againft him. To this he was the rather in¬
clined.
Peru.
20
Pizarro re-
folves to
put the
Inca to
death.
P E R
dined, as he had got information that
prince had been making applications to them, and
had offered them a much larger fum than what was
ilipulated for the Inca’s ranfom; and in confequence
of this determination the unfortunate prince loft his
life.
In the mean time the Indians daily arrived at Caxa-
malca with vaft quantities of treafure; the fight of which
fo much inflamed the Spaniards, that they infilled upon
an immediate divifion : and this being complied with,
there fell to the fhare of each horfeman 8000 pefos, at
that time not inferior to the value of as many pounds
iter ling in the prefent century, and half as much to
each root foldier, Pizarro and his officers receiving
fhares proportionable to their dignity. A fifth part wTas
referved for the emperor, together with fome veffels of
curious workmanfhip as a prefent. In confequence of
this immenfe acquifition of wTealth, many of the Spa¬
niards became clamorous for their difcharge *, which was
readily granted by their general, as w7ell knowing that
the diiplay of their riches would not fail to allure ad¬
venturers more hardy, though lefs opulent, to his flan-
dard.
After this divifion of the fpoil, Atabalipa was very
importunate with Pizarro in order to recover his liber¬
ty ; but the Spaniard, with unparalleled treachery and
cruelty, had now determined to put him to death. To
this he was urged by Almagro’s foldiers, who, though
they had received an equal {hare with the reft, wTere ftill
unfatisfied. The Inca’s ranfom had not been completed •,
and they were apprehenfive, that.whatever firms might
afterwards be brought in, the troops of Pizarro would
appropriate them to themfelves as part of that ranfom.
They infilled with Pizarro, therefore, to put him to
death, that all the adventurers might for the future be
on an equal footing. Accounts were likewife received
that troops were affembling in the remote provinces of
the empire, which Pizarro fufpe&ed to be done by the
Inca’s'orders. Thefe accounts were heightened by one
Philipillo an Indian interpreter, who had conceived a
paftion for one of the unhappy monarch’s wives *, and
lor that reafon wilhed to have him put to death. Ata¬
balipa himfelf, too, had the misfortune to haften his
own ruin by his conceiving a contemptuous notion of
Pizarro, which he had not the precaution to conceal.
He had, fince they were firit difcovered by him, admir ¬
ed the European arts of reading and wudting, and wilhed
much to know whether he fhould regard it as a natural
or acquired talent. In order to determine this, he de-
lired one of the foldiers who guarded him to wrrite the
name of God upon the nail of his thumb. This he flow¬
ed to feveral Spaniards fucceftively, alking,. its meaning j
and to his furprife, they all returned the fame anfwer.
At length Pizarro entered •, and, on prefenting it to him,
he blulhed, and was obliged to own his ignorance ;
which infpired the Inca with the contemptuous notion
2I of him above-men!ioned.
rVtabalipa In order, however, to give fome fhow of juftice to
accufed andfuch a deteftable a£lion, and that he might be exempted
from Handing fingly as the perpetrator, Pizarro refolved
to accufe the Inca of fome capital crime, and inftitute a
court of judicature for the purpofe of trying him. For
this purpofe, he appointed himfelf and Almagro, with
two affiiftants, as judges, with full powers to acquit or
condemn ; an attorney-general was named to carry on
Ptru.1
and
condemn
ed,
[ ,97 ] PER
the captive the profecution in the king’s name ; counfellors Were
chofen to affift the prifoner in his defence •, and clerks
were ordained to record the proceedings of court. Be¬
fore this ftrange tribunal a charge was exhibited ftill
more amazing. It confifted of various articles : that
Atabalipa, though a baitard, hud dilpolTeffed the lawful
owner of the throne, and ufurped the regal power ; that-
he had put his brother and lawful fovereign to death j
that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted,
but commanded the oftering up of human facrificcs j
that he had a great number of concubines *, that fince
his imprifonment, he had wafted and embezzled the royal
treafures, which now belonged of right to the conque¬
rors } and that he had excited his lubje<fts to take up
arms againft: the Spaniards. On thefe heads of accufa-
tion they proceeded to try the fovereign of a great em¬
pire, over whom they had no jurifdiftion. To all thefe
charges the Inca pleaded not guilty. With refpedl to
the death of his brother, he alleged, that the Spaniards
could take no cognizance of the fa ft. With regard to
the taxes which he had levied, and the w-ars he had car¬
ried on, they were nothing to the Spaniards ; and as to
the confpiracy againft the Spaniards, he utterly denied
it. He called heaven and earth to w-itnefs the integrity
of his conduft, and how faithfully he had performed his
engagements, and the perfidy of his accufers. He de-
fired to be fent over to Spain to take his trial before the
emperor; but no regard was paid to his intreaties.
He w-as condemned to be burnt alive •, which cruel
fentence w-as mitigated, as a great favour, to ffrang'ftrangiedi
ling ; and the unhappy monarch was executed without
mercy. »
The death of the Inca was followed by a revolution
in the Spanilh affairs, who now became generally odious.
Hideous cries w-ere fet up by his women as the funeral
proceftion paffed by their apartment; many offered to
bury themfelves alive w-ith him •, and on being hindered, 23
ftrangled themfelves out of grief and vexation. The A general-
w-hole tow-n of Caxamalca was filled with lamentation,1^0^ °f
w-hich quickly extended itfelf over the whole kingdom. v^nser "
Friends and enemies accufed the Spaniards of inhuma¬
nity and treachery. Loads of gold that w-ere coming to
Caxamalca by order of the deceafed Inca were now
Hopped ; and the lofs of the treafure w-as the firft unfor¬
tunate confequence which the Spaniards felt from their
late iniquitous conduft. The two faftions of Indians
united againft Pizarro ; and many of the Spaniards not
only exclaimed againft: the cruelty of the judges, but
would even have mutinied, had not a fenfe of the im¬
pending danger kept them quiet. At Cuzco the friends
of the emperor Huafcar proclaimed Manco Capac the
legitimate brother of the late Inca, determining to fup-
port him to the laft againft all the machinations of his
enemies. Pizarro, in the mean time, fet up Taparpa,
the fon of Atabalipa, caufing him to be treated with all
the honours due to an emperor. Immediately he fet out
for Cuzco, the gaining of w-hich was-abfolutely neceffary
for his deftgn. An army of Indians occupied the paffes,
and refolved to difpute his progrefs. The conteft, how¬
ever, was foon decided ; the Spanifh cavalry bere down
every thing before them, and great numbers of Indians
w-ere llain. The conquerors gained a confiderable booty j
and Pizarro difpatched Almagro to reduce Cuzco, while
he himfelf founded a new colony in the fruitful val¬
ley of Xauna j which, however, w-as not permanent,
being;
Prni.
. 24
CLili inva¬
ded by Al¬
varado.
.2*
Me is obli¬
ged by Pi-
zarro to
abandon
the enter-
prize.
26
Honours
conferred
on Pizarro
by the
court of
Spain.
PER [ !
being afterwards removed to the place where Lima now
hands.
While Pizarro was thus employed, another comman¬
der, named Ferdinando Soto, was detached with 60 horfe
- to make the belt of his way to Cuzco, and clear the road
for the march of the remainder'of the army. Pie was
oppofed by a formidable colleftion of Indians, who had
fortified themfelves in order to defend a pafs againft
him : for which reafon, fearing left his ftrength might
be unequal, he fent a meffage to Pizarro, defiring that
the Inca might join him, thinking that his prefence
would awe the Peruvians, and prevent the further effu-
fion of blood ; but his expectations were fruftrated by
the death of the Inca, which happened about this time 5
fo that there was now a neceffity for having recourfe to
arms ; for as the Spaniards fet up no perfon in his
room, the title of Manco Capac wasuniverfallyacknow¬
ledged.
In the mean time, a new fupply of foldiers arriving
from Spain, Benalcazar, governor of St Michael, un¬
dertook an expedition againft Quito, where, accord¬
ing to the report of the natives, Atabalipa had left
t he greateft part of his treafure. , He accomplifhed
ids purpofe with very great difficulty, having a coun¬
try covered with rocks and mountains to pafs, and
being oppofed by large bodies of the natives. But
when he got pofleffion of the city, to his extreme mor¬
tification, he found that the inhabitants had carried off
all their gold and filver ; for they being now acquaint¬
ed with the ruling paffion of the Spaniards, had
taken care to difappoint it, by removing the treafures
which they knew very well had been the caufe of the
expedition.
About the fame time Alvarado governor of Guati-
mala, invaded the province of Chili. In this expedi¬
tion his troops endured fuch hardthips, and differed
fo much from the cold among the Andes, that a fifth
part of the men and all the horfes died, and at the
lame time the reft were fo much difpirited and ema- •
ciated, that they became quite unfit for fervice. What
was worft of all, when they had arrived at the end of
their journey, they met with a body of Spaniards drawn
up in hoftile array to oppofe them. Thefe bad been fent
againft him by Pizarro, who claimed Chili as part of his
jurifdiClion, and were now joined by Benalcazar, with
the troops under his command. Alvarado, however,
advanced boldly to the attack 5 but on the interpofition
of fome moderate men in each party, the difference was
accommodated. Alvarado engaged to return to his
government, upon his being paid 100,000 pefos to de¬
fray the expence of his armament. However, moft of
his followers remained in the country, and enlifted in
the fervice of Pizarro.
In the mean time Ferdinand Pizarro, the brother of
the general, had landed in Spain, where he produced
fuch immenie quantities of gold and filver as aftoniffi-
ed the court, even after all they had feen of the wealth
of their new difeovered territories. The general’s au¬
thority was confirmed to him, with new powers and pri¬
vileges, and the addition of 70 leagues extending along
the coaft, to the fouthward of the territory granted in
his former patent. Almagro had the title of adelantado
or governor conferred upon him, with juril’diclion over
aoo leagues of a country lying fouthward from the pro-
98 ] PER
vince alioted to Pizarro; he himfelf was made a knight Perm
of the order of St Jago. 0 ‘ w—
Of thefe tranfaftions fome accounts -were received at
Peru before the' arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro himfelf •
and no fooner did Almagro hear that he had obtained
the royal grant of an independent government, than
pretending that Cuzco, the capital of all Peru, lay
within his jurifdiction, he attempted to feize it. Pi¬
zarro was no lefs ready to oppofe him ; and a very
dangerous civil war was about to take place, when the
quarrel was made up, on condition that Almagro
fhould attempt the conqueft of Chili; and if he did
not find there an eftabliffiment equivalent to his ex¬
pectations, 1 izarro fliould yield up to him part of
Peru.
By this reconciliation Pizarro was left at liberty
to fettle the internal policy of his province, which,
though little qualified for a legifiator, he attempted,
by dividing the country into various diftrifls, ap¬
pointing magiftrates to prefide in each, and eftabliffi-
ing fuch regulations concerning the adminiftration of
juftice, the royal revenue, &c. as occurred to him.
I he feat of government he removed from Cuzco to Li¬
ma, which he named Ceudad des /os Reyes, and which
name it ftill retains among the Spaniards in all legal
and formal deeds. Its other name, Lima, is a cor¬
ruption of Rimac, the name of the valley in which the
city Hands.
In the mean time Almagro had fet out on his expe¬
dition to Chili ; the event of which has been related un¬
der the article Chili j and while he was thus employed,
Pizarro. encouraged fome of his moft diftinguiffied offi-
cers to invade thofe provinces of the empire which had
not yet been vifited by the Spaniards. This he did
witli a view to keep them employed, and prevent tu¬
mults ; but it was attended with very terrible confe-
quences. No fooner did Manco Capac the Inca per¬
ceive the fecurity of the Spaniards in thus dividing their
forces, than he feized the opportunity of making one vi¬
gorous effort to redrefs the wrongs of himfelf and his
countrymen, and expel the invaders, who had tyrannized
m fuch a cruel manner. Though ftri&ly guarded by
the Spaniards, he found means to communicate his in¬
tentions to the chief men of his nation, whom he joined
in the year 1536? under pretence of celebrating a fefti-
val which he had obtained liberty from Pizarro to at¬
tend. Upon this the ftandard of war was immediately 4,27,-
creeled, and a moft formidafcde army, according to the
opaniih hiitorians, or 200,000 men collefted. Many of the Pe-
Spaniards were maffacred in their habitations, and feve- ruvians.
ral detachments entirely cut off 5 and while this vaft ar¬
my laid fiege to Cuzco, another formidable body in veil¬
ed Lima, and kept the governor clofely Ihut up. The
greateft effort, however, was made " againft Cuzco,
which was defended by Pizarro and his two brothers'
with only 170 men. The fiege lafted nine months 5
many of the Spaniards were killed ; among whom was
Juan Pizarro, the general’s brother, and the beft beloved
of them all. The reft were reduced to the moft defpe-
rate fituation, when Almagro appeared fuddenlv in the
neighbourhood of Cuzco. He had received fuch ac¬
counts of the infurrecrion in Peru, as would at any rate
have determined him to return to the affiftance of Pi-
zarro} but befides this, he had now received the royal
patent*
23
They are
defeated,
and dif-
.perfed.
.29
■Civil war
between
Pizarro
and Alma-
5ro-
P E It [ 199 ] PER
patent, creating him governor of Chili, and deemed it
' certain beyond all contradiction, that Cuzco lay within
his jurifdiction ; for which reafon he haltened to prevent
it from falling into the hands of the Peruvians. On his
arrival his aflutance was folicited by both parties. The
Inca made many advantageous propofals; but at length
defpairing of obtaining any cordial union with a Spa¬
niard, he attacked him in the night by furprife with a
great body of chofen troops. But the Spanilh valour
and difcipline prevailed again ft all the numbers of their
enemies ; and the Peruvians were repulfed with fuch
{laughter, that a great part of the remainder difperfed,
and Almagro advanced to the gates of Cuzco without
oppofttion. Pizarro’s brothers took meafures to oppofe
his entrance j but prudence for the prefent reftrained
both par’ciea from entering into a civil war while they
were furrounded with enemies; and therefore each leader
endeavoured to corrupt the followers of his antagonift.
In this Almagro had the advantage ^ and fo many of
Pizarro’s troops deferted in the night, that Almagro was
encouraged to advance towards the city, where he fur-
prifed the centinels ; and xnvefting the houfe where the
two brothers were lodged, he compelled them, after an
obftinate defence, to furrender at difcretion ; and Alma-
gro’s authority over Cuzco was immediately recognized
as authentic.
In this fray only two or three perfons were killed j
but matters foon began to wear a more ferious afpeft.
Francis Pizarro, having difperfed the Peruvians who in-
vefted Lima, and received confiderable reinforcements
from other provinces, ordered 500 men under the com¬
mand of Alonfo de Alvarado to march to Cuzco, in
hopes of relieving his brothers, if they were not already
cut off. They advanced to a fmall diftance from the
capital, before they knew that they had a more formi¬
dable enemy than the Indians to encounter. When
they faw their countrymen drawn up on the banks of a
river to oppofe them, they were greatly furprifed 5 how¬
ever, Almagro, who wifhed rather to gain them than to
fight, began with attempting to feduce their leader.
Alvarado could not by any means be .gained over 5 but
being inferior in military {kill, Almagro attacked him
by furprife, entirely defeated and difperfed his army,
taking himfelf and fome of his principal officers pri-
foners.
This vi£tory feemed decifive \ and Almagro was ad-
vifed to make it fo by putting to death Gonzalo and
Ferdinand Pizarro, Alvarado, and fome others whom
he could not hope to gain. This advice, however, he
declined from motives of humanity, and a defire of
making his adverfary appear the aggreffor. For thefe
reafons, inftead of marching direftly againft Pizarro, he
retired quietly to Cuzco •, which gave his adverfary
time to recollect himfelf from the diforder into which
the news of fo many difafters had thrown him. Fie be¬
gan again to praftife upon Almagro thofe arts which
had before proved fuccefsful 5 and Almagro again fuffer-
ed himfelf to be deceived by pretended offers of pacifica¬
tion. The negotiations for this purpofe were protracted
for feveral months; and while Almagro was employed
in detecting and eluding the fraudulent intentions of
the governor, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado found
means to corrupt the foldiers who guarded them, and
not only made their own efcape, but perfuaded 60 of
Almagro’s men to accompany them. There now re- Pern,
mained only Ferdinand Pizarro in the hands of Alma- l—^
gro ; and he was delivered by another aCt of treachery.
The general propofed that all points of controverfy
fliould be fubmitted to the decifion of their fovereign :
and that Ferdinand Pizarro fhould be inftantly fet at li¬
berty, and return to Spain, together with fome officers
whom the general propofed to fend over to ffiow the
juftice of his claims. Though the intention of Pizarro
by making this propofal was evident, Almagro was de¬
ceived by it, and releafed thofe whom Pizarro wanted ;
which he had no fooner done, than the latter threw off
all difguife, and openly declared, that arms alone muft
now decide the matter between them. He therefore im¬
mediately fet out for Cuzco with an army of 700 men,
to which Almagro had only 500 to oppofe. From the
weaknefs of his forces, probably, Almagro did not at¬
tempt to guard fome ftrong pafles, through which Pi¬
zarro had to march, but waited patiently for his adver¬
fary in a plain open country.
In the mean time, Pizarro advanced without any ., 3°
obftruftion from his enemy ; and an engagement foon defeated
happened, in which Almagro was defeated and taken and take*,
prifoner. The conquerors behaved with great cruel-Pr‘foxier»~
ty, maffacring a great number of officers, and treating
Almagro himfelf with great feverity. The Indians had
affembled in great numbers to fee the battle, with an
intention to join the vanquiihed party ; but were fo
much overawed by the Spaniards, that they retired
quietly after the battle was over, and thus loft the only-
opportunity they ever had of expelling their tyrants.—1
Almagro, after having for 1’ome months languifhed in
prifon, was at length formally tried, and condemned to
die by Pizarro. Notwithftanding his confummate bra¬
very, for which he was remarkable, this hardy veteran
could not bear the deliberate approach of death, but
condefcended to ufe intreaties to fave his life. The Pi-
zarros, however, continued inflexible ; and he was firft
ftrangled in prifon, and then publicly beheaded.
left one fon by an Indian woman, whom he appointed Wrangled-
his fuccenor, by virtue of a power granted him by the
emperor.
As during thefe diffenfions all intercourfe with Spain
ceafed, it was fome time before the accounts of the civil
war were received at court. The firft intelligence was
given by fome of Almagro’s foldiers, who had left
America on the ruin of their caufe ; and they did not
fail to reprefent the injuftice and violence of Pizarra
in the ftrongeft colours, which ftrongly prejudiced the
emperor againft him. In a ftiort time, however, Fer¬
dinand Pizarro arrived, and endeavoured to give mat¬
ters a new turn. The emperor was uncertain which
of them he ought to believe } and therefore thought it
neceffary to fend over fome perfon with ample powers
to inquire into the merits of the caufe, and to deter¬
mine certainly who was in the wrong. If he found the
governor ftill alive, he was to affumc only the title of
judge, in order to have the appearance of afting in
concert with him 5 but if he was dead, the vicerov
might then produce his commiffion appointing him Pi.
zarro’s fucceffor in the government. This complaifance
to Pizarro, however, proceeded more from a dread of his
power than from any other thing ; for in the mean time,
his brother Ferdinand was arrefted at Madrid, and con¬
fined ;
Pern.
32
Peru di¬
vided by
Pizarre
among his
aiTociates.
33
Expedition
of Gonzales
Pizarro.
PER [ 2c
fined to a prifon, where he remained above 20 years.
The perfon nominated to this important truft was Chrif-
toval Vaca de Callro.
While this gentleman was preparing for his voyage,
» Pizarro, confidering himfelf as the unrivalled mailer of
Peru, proceeded to parcel out its territories among the
conquerors; and had this divifion been made with any
degree of impartiality, the extent of country w inch he
had to bellow wms fuflicient to have gratified his friends,
and to have gained his enemies. But Pizarro conduc¬
ted this tranfadlion, not with the equity and candour of
a judge attentive to difeover and to reward merit, but
with the illiberal fpirit of a party-leader. Large di-
llrifts, in parts of the country molt cultivated and po¬
pulous, vrere fet apart as his own propelty, or granted
to his brothers, his adherents, and favourites. To
others, lots lefs valuable and inviting were alligned.
The lollowTers of Almagro, amongll whom were many
of the original adventurers, to whofe valour and per-
i’everance Pizarro wras indebted for his fuccefs, rvere to¬
tally excluded from any portion in thofe lands, to¬
wards the acquilition of which they had contributed
fo largely. As the vanity of every individual fets an
immoderate value upon his oWn fervices, and the idea
of each, concerning the recompence due to them, rofe
gradually to a more exorbitant height in proportion
as their conquelts extended, all who rvere dilappointed
in their expe<51ations exclaimed loudly againft the ra-
pacioufnefs and partiality of the governor. The par¬
tisans of Almagro murmured in Secret, and meditated re¬
venge.
Rapid as the progreSs of the Spaniards in South
America had been lince Pizarro landed in Peru, their
avidity of dominion was not yet Satisfied. The officers
to whom Ferdinand Pizarro gave the command of dif¬
ferent detachments, penetrated into Several new pro¬
vinces ; and though fome of them vrere expofed to
great hardffiips in the cold and barren regions of the
Andes, and others Suffered diftreSs not inferior amidft
the woods and marfhes of thej plains, they made difeo-
veries and conquefts which extended their knowledge
of the country, as well as added to their power. Pe¬
dro de Valdivia re-affumed Almagro’s Scheme of inva¬
ding Chili j and, notwithstanding the fortitude of the
natives in defending their poffeffions, made Such pro-
grefs in the conqueft of the country, that he founded
the city of St Jago, and gave a beginning to the esta¬
blishment of the Spanish dominion there. But of all
the enterprises undertaken about this period, that of
Gonzales Pizarro wras the molt remarkable. The go¬
vernor, who Seems to have reSolved that no perSon in
Peru Should poffefs any Station of distinguished emi¬
nence or authority but thofe of his own family, had
deprived Benalcazar, the conqueror pf Quito, of his
command in that kingdom, and appointed his brother
Gonzales to take the government of it. He inStrufled
him to attempt the difeovery and conqueSt of the coun¬
try to the eait of the Andes ; which, according to the
information of the Indians, abounded with cinnamon
and other valuable Spices. Gonzales, not inferior to
any of his brothers in courage, and no lefs ambitious
of acquiring diftinftion, eagerly engaged in this diffi¬
cult Service. He fet out from Quito at the head of
340 Soldiers, near one half of whom were horfemen,
with 4000 Indians to carry their provifions. In for-
4
o ] PER
cing their way through the defiles, or over the ridges Pm.
of the Andes, excels of cold and fatigue, to neither of—y~““
which they were accuftomed, proved fatal to the greater
part of the wretched attendants. The Spaniards, though
more robuft, and inured to a variety of climates, Suf¬
fered considerably, and loft fome men ; but when they
defeended into the low country, their diitrefs increafed.
During two months it rained inceffantly, without any
interval of fair weather long enough to dry their clothes.
The vaft plains upon which they were now entering,
either altogether without inhabitants, or occupied by
the rudeft and leaf! indultrious tribes in the New World,
yielded little fubfiftence. They could not advance a
ilep but as they ctit a road through woods, or made It
through marffies. Such inceffant toil, and continual
Scarcity of food, feem more than fufficient to have ex¬
hausted and difpirited any troops. But the. fortitude
and perfeverance of the Spaniards in the 16th century
were infuperable. Allured by frequent but falfe ac¬
counts of rich countries before them, they perfilled in
Struggling on, until they reached the banks of the Coca
or Napo, one of the large rivers whofe waters pour in¬
to the Maragnon, and contribute to its grandeur.
There, with infinite labour, they built a bark, which
they expefted would prove of great utility, both in con¬
veying them over rivers, in procuring provifions, and in
exploring the country. This was manned with 50
foldiers, under the command of Francis Orellana, the
officer next in rank to Pizarro. The Slream carried
them down with fuch rapidity, that they were foon far
a-head of their countrymen, who followed Slowly and
with difficulty by land.
At this distance from his commander, Orellana,
young man of an afpiring mind, began to fancy himfelfi'aiis down
independent; and, tranfported with the predominant the river
paffion of the age, he Sormed the feheme of distinguish- Marag-
ing himfelf as a difeoverer, by following the courfe ofideferts"?!.
the Maragnon until it joined the ocean, and by fur-zarro>
veying the vail regions through which it flows. This
feheme of Orellana’s wras as bold as it wTas treacherous.
For, if he be chargeable with the guilt of having vio¬
lated his duty to his commander, and with having
abandoned his fellowT-foldiers in a pathlefs del’ert, where
they had hardly any hopes of fuccefs, or even of fafely,
but wffiat were founded on the Service which they ex¬
pected from the bark, his crime is, in feme meafure,
balanced by the glory of having ventured upon a na¬
vigation of near 2000 leagues, through unknown na¬
tions, in a veffel haftily conStrufted with green timber,
and by very unSkilful hands, without provifions, with¬
out a compafs, or a pilot. But his courage and ala¬
crity fupplied every defefr. Committing himfelf fear-
lefsly to the guidance of the Stream, the Napo bore
him along to the fouth, until he reached the great
channel of the Maragnon. Turning with it towards
the coalt, he held on his courfe in that direction. He
made frequent defeents on both fides the river, feme-
times feizing by force of arms the provifions of the
fierce favages feated on its banks, and fometimes pro¬
curing a Supply of food by a friendly intercourfe with
more gentle tribes. After a long feries of dangers,
which he encountered with amazing fortitude, and of
diftrefies which he fupported with no lefs magnanimi¬
ty, he reached .the ocean, where new perils awaited
him. Thefe he likewife Surmounted, and got fafe to
the
PER [ 201 ] P E R
Peru. the Spanifh feltlement in the ifland Cubagua j from
thence he failed to Spain. The vanity natural to tra¬
vellers rvho vifit regions unknown to the reft of man¬
kind, and the art of an adventurer, felicitous to mag¬
nify his own merit, concurred in prompting him to
mingle an extraordinary proportion of the marvellous
in the narrative of his voyage. He pretended to have
difeovered nations fo rich, that the roofs of their temples
were covered xvith plates of gold j and deferibed a re¬
public of women fo warlike and powerful, as to have
extended their dominion over a confiderable traft of
the fertile plains which he had vifited. Extravagant as
thofe tales were, they gave rife to an opinion, that a
region abounding with gold, diftinguiihed by the name
of E/ Dorado, and a community of Amazons, were to
be found in this part of the New World $ and fuch is
the propenfity of mankind to believe what is wonder¬
ful, that it has been dowdy, and with difficulty, that
reafon and obfervation have exploded thofe fables.
The voyage, however, even when ftripped of every ro¬
mantic embellidiment, deferves to be recorded, not only
as one of the moft memorable occurrences in that ad-
ventrous age, but as the firft event that led to any cer¬
tain knowledge of thofe immenfe regions that ftretch
eaftwrard from the Andes to the ocean.
No wwds can deferibe the confternation of Pizarro,
when he did not find the bark at the confluence of the
Napo and Maragnon, wdiere he had ordered Orellana
to wait for him. He wmuld not allow himfelf to fuf-
peft that a man, whom he had entrufted wdth fuch an
important command, could be fo bafe and fo unfeeling
as to defert him at fuch a junfture. But imputing his
abfence from the place of rendezvous to fome unknowm
accident, he advanced above 50 leagues along the
banks of the Maragnon, expe&ing every moment to
fee the bark appear with a fupply of provifions. At
length he came up with an officer whom Orellana had
left to perifli in the defert, becaufe he had the courage
to remonftrate againft his perfidy. From him he learn¬
ed the extent of Orellana’s crime; and his follow ers
perceived at once their owm defperate fituation, when
35 deprived of their only refource. The fpirit of the ftout-
Extreme di- eft hearted veteran funk wnthin him ; and all demand-
Gonzales ec* to ^ ^n^ant^* Pizarro, though he af-
Pizarro and fumed an appearance of tranquillity, did not oppofe
his men. their ineffination. But he was now 1200 miles from
Quito ; and in that long march the Spaniards encoun¬
tered hardftiips greater than thofe they had endured in
their progrefs outward, without the alluring hopes
which then foothed and animated them under their faf-
ferings. Hunger compelled them to feed on roots and
berries, to eat all their dogs and horfes, to devour the
moft loathfome reptiles, and even to gnaw' the leather
of their faddles and fword-belts. Four thoufand In¬
dians, and 210 Spaniards, periflied in this wild and dif-
aftvous expedition, which continued neartwm years : and
as 50 men were aboard the bark with Orellana, only
80 got back to Quito. Thefe were naked like favages,
and fo emaciated w ith famine, or worn out with fatigue,
that they had more the appearance of fpeflres than of
35 men. _
A tonfpira- But, inftead of returning to enjoy the repofe which
cy formed his condition required, Pizarro, on entering Quito, re-
agamtt the ceived accounts of a fatal event that threatened cala-
governo;; m'tjes more dreadful to him than thofe through which
Vol. XVI. Part I.
he had pafled. From the time that his brother made Pcru'
that partial divifion of his conquefts which has been v ~
mentioned, the adherents of Almagro, confidering them-
felves as proferibed by the party in pow’er, no longer
entertained any hope of bettering their condition.
Great numbers in defpahxreforted to Lima, where the
houfe of young Almagro was always open to them : and
the flender portion of his father’s fortune, which the
governor allowed him to enjoy, wTas Ipent in affording
them fubfiftence. The warm attachment w ith which
every perfon who ferved under the elder Almagro de¬
voted himfelf to his interefts, was quickly transferred to
his fon, wdio wTas now grown up to the age of manhood,
and poffeffed all the qualities which captivate the af-
fedtions of foldiers. Of a graceful appearance, dexter¬
ous at all martial exercifes, bold, open, generous, he
feemed to be formed for command ; and as his father,
confcious of his own inferiority from the? total want of
education, had been extremely attentive to have him in-
ftrudled in every fcience becoming a gentleman, the ac-
complifhments wffiich he had acquired heightened the
refpeft of his followers, as they gave him diftindlion and
eminence among illiterate adventurers. In this young
man the Almagrians found a point of union which they
wanted 5 and looking up to him as their head, w’ere
ready to undertake any thing for his advancement. Nor
was affeftion for Almagro their only incitement 5 they
wTere urged on by their owTn diftreffes. Many of them,
deftitute of common neceffaries, and weary of loitering
away life, a burden to their chief, or to fuch of their
affociates as had faved fome remnant of their fortune
from pillage and confifcation, longed impatiently for an
occafion to exert their aftivity and courage, and began
to deliberate how they might be avenged on the author
of all their mifery. Their frequent cabals did not pafs
unobferved j and the governor was warned to be on his
guard againfl: men who meditated fome defperate deed,
and had refolution to execute it. But, either from the
native intrepidity' of his mind, or from contempt of
perfons whofe poverty rendered their machinations of
little confequence, he difregarded the admonitions of
his friends. “ Be in no pain (faid he carelefsly) about,
my life ; it is perfe&ly fafe, as long as every man in
Peru knows that I can in a moment put him to death
wdio dares to harbour a thought againft it.” This fe-
curity gave the Almagrians full leifure to digeft and
ripen every part of their fcheme ; and Juan de Herrada,
an officer of great abilities, who had the charge of Al-
magro’s education, took the lead in their conlultations,
with all the zeal wdrich that connexion infpired, and
with all the authority which the afeendant that he was
knowm to have over the mind of his pupil gave him. y.
On Sunday, the 26th of June, at midday, the feafon who is
of tranquillity and repofe in all fultry climates, Her- tniiidered.
rada, at the head of 18 of tho moft determined con-
fpirators, fallied out of Almagro’s houfe in complete
armour \ and drawing their fw6rds, as they advanced
haftily towards the governor’s palace, cried out, “ Long
live the king, but let the tyrant die.” Their affociates,
warned of their motions by a fignal, were in arms at
different ftations ready to fupport them. Though Pi¬
zarro was ufuallv furrounded by fuch a numerous train
of attendants as fuited the magnificence of the moft opu¬
lent fubieft of the age in which he lived, yet as he was,
juft rifen from table, and moft of his own domeftics had
C c retired
/
Peru.
PER
retired to llieir own apartments, th_  r ^ 
through the tvro outer courts of the palace unobferved.
1 hey were at the bottom of the ftaircafe, before a pare
m waiting could give the alarm to his mafter, who was
converting with a few friends in a large hall. The
governor, whofe heady mind no form of danger csuld
appal, parting up, called for arms, and commanded
Francifco de Chaves to make fall the door. But that
officer, who did not retain fo much prefence of mind as
to obey this prudent order, running to the top of the
ifaircafe, wildly afked the confpirators what they meant,
and whither they were going ? Inftead of anfwering,
they ftabbed him to the heart, and burft into the hall.
Some or the perfons who were there threw themfelves
from the windows 5 others attempted to fly ; and a few
drawing their fwords, followed their leader into an in¬
ner apartment. The confpirators, animated with having
the object of their vengeance now in view, rulhed for¬
ward after them. Pizarro, with no other arms than his
fxvoid and buckler defended the entry, and, fupporied
by his half-brother Alcantara and his little knot of
friends, maintained the unequal contelf with intrepidity
worthy of his paft exploits, and with the vigour of a
youthful combatant. Courage (cried he), companions,
we are yet enow to make thofe traitors repent of their
audacity.” But the armour of the confpiratcrs protect¬
ed them, while every thruft they made took effect. Al¬
cantara fell dead at his brother’s feet; his other de¬
fendants were mortally wounded. The governor, fo
veary that he cou'd hardly wield his fword, and no
longer able to parry the many weapons furiouflv aimed
at him, received a deadly thruit full in his throat, funk
to the ground, and expired.
As foon as he was {lain, the alia {Tins ran out into the
ftreets, and waving their bloody fwords, proclaimed the
death of the tyrant. Above 200 of their afiociates ha-
ving joined them, they conducted young Almagro in
folemn proceffion through the city ; and affembling the
E R
Peru.
niagro
keads the
rebels.
magiftrates and- principal citizens, compelled them to
acknowledge him as lawful fucceffor to his father in his
government. The palace of Pizarro, together with the
38 noufes of feveral of his adherents, were pillaged by the
Amng Al- foldiers; who had the fatisfaCHon at once of being
avenged on their enemies, and of enriching themfelves
by the fpoils of thofe through whofe hands all the wealth
of Peru had paflfed.
The new governor marched into the heart of the
empire, in order to reduce fuch places as refufed to
acknowledge his authority. A multitude of ruffians
joined him on his march. Plis army breathed nothing
but vengeance and plunder : every thing gave way be¬
fore it. If the military talents of the general had
equalled the ardour of his troops, the war had ended
here. Unhappily for Almagro, he had loft his con¬
ductor John de Herrada. His inexperience made him
fall into the fnares that were laid for him by Pedro
Alvares, who had put himfelf at {he head of the oppo-
fite party. He loft, in attempting to unravel his plots,
that time that he ought to have employed in fightino-.
In thefe circumftances, an event, which no one could
have forefeen, happened to change the face of affairs.
rl he licentiate Vaca di Caftro, who had been fent
from Europe to try the murderers of old Almagro, ar¬
rived at Peru. As he was appointed to affume the
[ 202 ] P
confpirators paffed government in cafe Pizarro was no more, all who had
not fold themfelves to the tyrant haftened to acknow¬
ledge him. Uncertainty and jealoufy, which had for
too long a time kept them difperfed, were no longer
an obftacle to their re-union, Caftro, who was as "re-
folute as if he had grown old in the fervice, did not
fuffer their impatience to languifti, but inftantly led them
againft the enemy. The two armies engaged at Chapas
on the 16th of September 1542, and fought with inex-
preffible obllinacy. ViCiory, after having wavered a He if de-
long time, at the clofe of the day decided in favour of Seated by
that party whofe caufe was the moft juft. I hofe among v«ca du
the rebels who were moft guilty, dreading to languifti
under disgraceful tortures, provoked the conquerors to
murder them, crying out, like men in defpair/// was l
xvho killed Pissarro. 1 heir chief was taken prifoner,
and died on the fcaffold.
While thefe feenes of horrors were trarifaClino- in
merica, the Spaniards in Europe Were employed in find¬
ing out expedients to terminate than; though 110 mea-
furcs had been taken to prevent them. Peru had only
been made fubjeCf to the audience of Panama, which
was too remote to fuperintend the maintenance of o-0cd
older, and had too little influence to make its decrees
refpeCied. A Supreme tribunal was then eftabliflied at
Lima for the difpenfation of juftice, which was to be in-
vefted with authority fufficient to enforce and to reward
a due obedience to the laws. Blafco Nunez Vela, who
prefided in it as viceroy, arrived in 1544, attended by
his fubordinates in office, and found every thing in the
moft dreadful diforder.
To put an end to thofe tumults which n6w fubfift-
cd, would have required a profound genius, and many
other qualities which are feldom united. Nunez had
none of thefe advantages. Nature had only given him
probity, firmnefs, and ardour; and he had taken no
pains to improve thefe gifts. V\ ith thefe virtues, which
were almoft defers in his fttuation, he began to fulfil
his commiffion, without regard to places, perfons, or cir¬
cumftances.
Contrary to the opinion of all intelligent perfons, Ba(] ton-
who wiftied that he fliouid wait for frefh inftruftions duff of the
from Europe, he publiffied ordinances, whiel} declared vicer0>'Nu-
that the lands the conquerors had ftized fhould notnsz Vela'
pafs to their defeendants, and which difpoffeffed thofe
who had taken part m the civil commotions. All the
Peruvians wdio had been enflaved by monks, bifhops,
and perfons belonging to the government, were de-
Ci<wed free. Thole who belonged to other ^mafteis
were to be freed from their (hackles at the death of
their oppreffors. They could no longer be compelled
to bury themfeives in the mines, nor could any kind of
labour be exadled from them without payment. Their
tribute wras fixed. I he Spaniards who travelled on
foot were deprived of the right of taking three In¬
dians to carry their baggage ; and thofe who travelled
ori horfeback, of the right of taking five. The ca¬
ciques were difeharged from the obligation of furnilh-
ing the traveller and his retinue with provifions gratis.
Other tyrannical eftnblifhments alfo would foon have
been proferibed ; and the conquered people were on
the eve of being fheltered under the proteflion of
laws, which would at leaft have tempered the rigours
of the right of conqueft, if even they had not entirely
repaired
P E II [ 203 ] PER
Pern.
4*
He is over¬
come and
killed by
Gonzales
Pizarro.
repaired the injuftice of them ; but it ihould feein that
the Spanifh government was only to be unfortunate in
the good it attempted to effect.
A change fo unexpefted fdled thofe with confter-
nation who faw their fortunes wrefted from them, or
who loll the flattering hope of tranfmitting. them to
their pofterhy. Even thofe who were not affected by
thefe interefted views, being accuftomed to look upon
the Indians as the inlcruments and victims of their ava¬
rice, had no conception that any other ideas could pre¬
vail concerning them. From affonilhment they pro¬
ceeded to indignation, murmuring, and fedition. The
viceroy was degraded, put in irons, and banifhed to a
defert ifland, till he could be conveyed to Spain.
Gonzales Pizarro was then returned from his hazar¬
dous expedition, which had employed him long enough
to prevent him from taking a part in thofe revolutions
which had fo rapidly fucceeded each other. The an¬
archy he found prevailing at his return, infpired him
with the idea of feizing the fupreme authority. His
fame and his forces made it impoffible that this fhould
be refufed him ; but his. ufurpation was marked with
fo many enormities, that Nunez was regretted. He was
recalled from exile, and foon colledfed a fufhcient num¬
ber of forces to enable him to take the field. Civil
commotions were then renewed with extreme fury by
both parties. No quarter was aiked or given on either
fide. The Indians took part in this as they had done in
the preceding wars; fome ranged themfelves under the
ftandard of the viceroy, others under the banners of
Gonzales. From 1 !;,odo to 20,000 of thefe unhappy
wretches, who were fcattersd about in each army, drag¬
ged up the artillery, levelled the roads, carried the bag¬
gage, and deftroyed one another. Their conquerors
had taught them to be fanguinary. After a variety of
advantages for a long time alternately obtained, fortune
at length favoured the rebellion under the walls of
Quito in the month of January, in the year 1545 and
Nunez with the greateft part of his men were maf-
facred.
Pizarro took the road of Lima, where they rvere de¬
liberating on the ceremonies with which they (hould re¬
ceive him. Some officers wifhed that a canopy fliould
be carried for him to march under, after the manner of
kings. Others, with adulation ftill more extravagant,
pretended that part of the walls of the town, and even
fome houfes, muft be pul led down 5 as was the cuftom
at Rome, when a general obtained the honours of a
triumph. Gonzales contented himfelf with making his
entrance on horfeback, preceded by his lieutenant, who
marched on foot. Four bifhops accompanied him, and
he was followed by the magiffrates. The ftreets were
firewn with flowers, and the air refounded with the noife
of bells and various mufical inftruments. This homage
totally turned the head of a man naturally haughty, and
of confined ideas. He fpoke and afted in the moil de-
fpotic manner.
Had Gonzales poflefTed judgement and the appear¬
ance of moderation, it would have been pofiible for
him to render himfelf independent. The principal per-
fons of his party wifhed it. The majority would have
beheld this event with indifference, and the reft would
have been obliged to confent to it. Blind cruelties,
infatiable avarice, and unbounded pride, altered thefe
difpofitions. Even thofe, whofe intereffs were con-
neefed with thofe of the tyrant, wiihed for a deli- Peni-
verer. ^ v '
Such a deliverer arrived from Europe in the perfon A n ^ [;mt
of the licentiate Pedro di la Gafea. The fquadron and t0 the trou-
the provinces of the mountains immediately declared for bles by
a perfon who- was invefted with a lawful authority to Peclro C'1 ^
govern them. Thofe who lived concealed in defects,Gdfca’
caverns, and forefts, quitted their retreats to join him.
Gonzales, who faw no refource left to fupport him but
in fome great atchievemcnt, took the road of Cuzco,
with a refolution to give battle. At fome leagues di-
ftance from this place he met the royal army, and at¬
tacked it on the 9th of June 1548. One of his lieute¬
nants, feeing him abandoned at the firft charge by bis
belt foldiers, advifed him to throw himfelf into the ene¬
my’s battalions, and periih like a Roman: but this
weak man chofe rather to furrender, and end his life
on a fcaffold. Carvajal, a more able warrior, and
more ferocious than himfelf, was quartered. This
man, when he was expiring, boafted that he had maf-
facred with his own hand 1400 Spaniards and 20,000
Indians.
Such was the laft feene of a tragedy, of which every
aft has been marked with blood. The government was
tnoderate enough not to continue the proferiptions;
and the remembrance of the horrid calamities they
had fuffered kept the Spaniards in the bounds oij
fubjeflion. What flill remained of that commotion
that had been raifed in their minds, infenfibly funk in¬
to a calm 5 and the country bath remained in quiet
ever fince.
With regard to the Peruvians, the moft cruel mea- Hard fate
fures were taken to render it impoffible for them to re- of the Pe-
bel. Tupac Amaru, the heir of their laft king, hadruv‘an5,
taken refuge in fome remote mountains, where he lived
in peace. There he tvas fo clofely furrounded by the
troops which had been fent out againff him, that he was
forced to furrender. The viceroy Francis de Toledo
caufed him to be accufed of feveral crimes that he had
not committed, and for which he was beheaded in 1 $71.
All the other defendants of the Incas (hared the fame
fate, under pretence ihat they had confpired againft their
conquerors. The horror of thefe enormities excited fo
univerfal an indignation both in the Old and the New
World, that Philip II. thought himfelf obliged to dif-
avow them; but the infamous policy of this prince was
fo notorious, that no credit was given to this appearance
of his juftice and humanity. ^
The empire of Peru, at the time it was fubdued, ex- Extent of
tended along the South fea, from the river of Emeralds ,'he empire,
to Chili, and on the land fide to Popayan, according to
lome geographers. It contained within its extent that
famous chain of mountains which rifes in the Terra
Magellanica, and is gradually loft in Mexico, in order
to unite, as it (hould feem, the fouthern parts of Ame¬
rica with the northern. >
It is now divided into three grand divifions or audi- Payne's
ences; Quito, Lima or Los Reyes, and Los Charcos. Ge0Sral^y‘
As to its climate, mines, foil, and produce, they differ
greatly in different parts of the country.
The extenfive province of Quito is bounded on the Province of
north by Popayan, and includes a part of that govern-Quito,
ment, alfo by Santa Fe de Bogota on the fouth by
the governments of Piura and Chachapoyas; on the
caff it extends over the whole government of Maynas
C c 2 and
PER [ 204 ] PER
Peni- and tlie river of the Amazons to the meridian, which
^ v ^ divides the Spanilh from the Portuguefe dominions ; and
on the weft it is bounded by the South fea ; extending,
according to Antonio de Ulloa, 600 leagues in length,
and about 200 in its greateft breadth ; but this greatly
exceeds the computation of all other geographers. He
however obferves, that it muft be owned a great part
of thofe vaft dominions are either inhabited by nations
of Indians, or have not hitherto been fufficiently peopled
by the Spaniards, if indeed they have been thorough¬
ly known ; and that all the. parts that can properly be
faid to be peopled, and aflually fubjetft to the Spanifh
government, are thofe intercepted by the two Cordille¬
ras of the Andes, which, in comparifon to the ex¬
tent of the country, may be termed a ftreet or lane,
15 leagues, or fometimes more, from eaft to weft j
to this muft be added feveral detached governments,
feparated by the very exteniive tracts inhabited by free
Indians.
Climate, The climate of Quito differs from all others in the
leafons, 8tc. fame parallel, fince even in the centre of the torrid
vfnc!*8 ^r°* zone> or although under the equinoctial, the heat is not
only very tolerable, but even in fome places the cold is
painful while others enjoy all the advantages of a per¬
petual fpring, the fields being conftantly covered with
verdure, and enamelled with fiowers of the molt lively
colours. The mildnefs of the climate, free from the
extremes of heat and cold, and the conftant equality of
the day and night, render this country, which from its
litu.ation might be thought to be parched by the con¬
ftant heat of the fun, and fcarcely inhabitable, both plea-
fant and fertile j for nature has here difpenfed her blef-
fings with fo liberal a hand, that this country in feveral
refpefts furpaffes thofe of the temperate zones, where
the viciftitudes of winter and fummer, and the change
from heat to cold, caufe the extremes of both to be
more fenfibly felt. However, in different parts of the
country, the air is very different; in one part are moun¬
tains of a ftupendous height and magnitude, with their
fummits covered with fnow. The plains are temperate,
the valleys hot, and, according to the high or low fitua-
tion of the country, are found all the variety of grada¬
tions in temperature poflible to be conceived between
the extremes of heat and cold.
Quito, the capital, in 13'fouth latitude, and 770
50' weft longitude from Greenwich, is fo happily fitua-
ted, that neither heat nor cold are troublefome, though
both may be felt in its neighbourhood ; and what ren¬
ders this equality more delightful is, that it is conftant
throughout the whole year, the difference between the
ieafons being fcarce perceptible. Indeed the mornings
are cool, the remainder of the day warm, and the nights
of an agreeable temperature. See Quito.
The winds, which are pure and falubrious, blow for
the moft part from north to fouth, but never with any
violence, though they fometimes fhift their quarters, but
without any regard to the feafon of the year. Such fig-
nal advantages refulting from the climate, foil, and
afpefl of this country, would be fufficient to tender it
the moft: enviable fpot upon earth, as it is fuppofed to
be the moft elevated, if, whilft enjoying thefe delights,
the inhabitants were not haraffed by terror, and expo-
fed to continual danger 5 for here tremendous tempefts
of thunder and lightning prevail, which are fufficient to
appal the ftouteft heart j whilft: earthquakes frequently
fpread univerfal apprehenfions, and fometimes buty cities Peru,
in ruins.  y~—■
The diftinflion of winter and fummer confifts in a
very minute difference •, the interval between the month
of September and thofe of April, May, or June, is here
called the winter feafon, and the other months compofe
the fummer. In the former feafon the rain chiefly
prevails, and in the latter the inhabitants frequently
enjoy whole days of fine weather 5 but whenever the
rains are difeontinued for above a fortnight, the inha¬
bitants are in the utmoft confternation, and public pray¬
ers are offered up for their return. On the other
hand, when they continue a fhort time without inter-
miflion, the like fears prevail, and the churches are again
crowded with fupplicants to obtain fine weather j for a
long drought produces dangerous difeafes, and a conti¬
nual rain, without intervals of funftiine, deftroys the
fruits of 'the earth. The city of Quito, however, en¬
joys one peculiar advantage, in being free from mufke-
toes and other troublefome infefts, fuch as fleas and ve¬
nomous reptiles, except the nigtia or pique, which is a
very fmall infetft fhaped like a flea, but hardly vifible to
the fipht.
The fertility of the foil here is incredible, for the Soil, pro-
fruits and beauties of the feveral feafons are vifible atduce, Sec.
the fame time 5 and the curious European obferves with
a pleafing admiration, that while fome herbs of the field
are fading, others of the fame kind are fpringing up j
while fome flowers lofe their beauty, others blow to con¬
tinue the enamelled profpefl : thus, when the fruits of
the trees have attained their maturity, and the leaves
begin to change their colour, frefh leaves bloffom, and
fruits are feen in their proper gradations in fize and ripe-
nefs on the fame tree. The fame inceffant fertility is
confpicuous in the corn, both reaping and fowing being
carried onl at the fame time : fo that the declivities of
the neighbouring hills exhibit all the beauties of the
four feafons in one affemblage. Though all this is ge¬
nerally feen, yet there is a fettled time for the grand
harveft: yet fometimes the moft favourable feafon for
fiytving in one place is a month or two after that of ano¬
ther, though their diftance does not exceed three or four
leagues. Thus in different fpots, and fometimes in one
and the fame, fowing and reaping are performed
throughout the whole year, the forwardnefs or retard¬
ment naturally arifing from the different fituations, fuch
as mountains, rifing grounds, plains, and valleys \ and
the temperature being different in each, the beft times
for performing the feveral operations of hufbandry muft:
alfo differ.
The chirimoya is confidered as one of the moft: deli¬
cious fruits in the world. Its dimenfions are various,
being from one to five inches in diameter. Its figure is
imperfectly round, flatted towards the ftalk, where it
forms a kind of navel but all the other parts are near¬
ly circular. It is covered with a thin foft (hell, which
adheres fo clofely to the pulp as not to be feparated
from it without a knife. The outward coat is green,
variegated with prominent veins, forming all over it a
kind of net-work. The pulp is white, and contains a
large quantity of juice refembling honey, of a fweet
tafte, mixed with a gentle acid of a moft: exqaifite fla¬
vour. The feeds are formed in feveral parts of the
pulp, and are fomewhat flat. The tree is high and
tufted, the ftem large and round, but with fome ine¬
qualities,
PER [ 205 ] PER
Peru. qualities, full of elliptic leaves, terminating in a point.
—v   The bloffom differs little from the colour of the leaves,
which is a darkilh green j and though far from being
beautiful, is remarkable for its incomparable fra¬
grance.
The granadilla in its fliape refembles an hen’s egg,
but is larger. The outlide of the {hell is fmooth,
gloffy, and of a faint carnation colour, and the infide
white and foft. The (hell contains a vifcous liquid
fubftance, full of very fmall and delicate grains, lefs
hard than thofe of the pomegranate. This medullary
fubftance is feparated from the (hell by a fine and tranf-
parent membrane. Its fruit has a delightful fweetnefs
blended with acidity, very cordial and refreshing, and
fo wholefome, that there is no danger of eating to ex¬
cels.
The frutilla, or Peruvian ftrawberry, is very different
from that of Europe in fize •, though they are here ge¬
nerally not above an inch in length, they are much
larger in other parts of Peru; but their tafte, though
juicy, and not unpalatable, is not equal to thofe in Eu-
48 rope.
Inhabitants. The country is obferved to abound more m women
than in men, which is the more remarkable, as thofe
caufes which induce men to leave their country, as tra¬
velling, commerce, and war, naturally bring over more
men from Europe than women. But there are many
families in which there are a number of daughters,
without one fon among them. The women enjoy a better
ftate of health than the men, which may be owing in
fome meafure to the climate, and more particularly
to the early intemperance and voluptuoufnefs of the
other fex.
The Creoles are well made, of a proper ftature, and
of a lively and agreeable countenance. The Meftizos
are alfo in general well made, often taller than the or¬
dinary fize, very robuft, and have an agreeable air. The
Indians, both men and women, are commonly low of
ftature, though ftrong and well proportioned •, but more
natural defefts are to be found among them than in any
of the reft. Some are remarkably fhort, fome idiots,
dumb, or blind. Their hair is generally thick and
long, which they wear loofe on their fhoulders; but the
Indian women plait theirs behind with a ribbon, and cut
that before a little above the eyebrows, from one ear
to the other. The greateft difgrace that can be offered
to an Indian of either fex is to cut off their hair 5 for
whatever corporal punifhment their mafters think pro¬
per to inflift on them, they bear with patience •, but
this affront they never forgive ; and accordingly the
government has interpofed, and limited this punilhment
to the mod enormous crimes. The colour of the hair
is generally a deep black : it is lank, harfh, and as coarfe
as that of a' horfe. On the contrary, the male Mefti¬
zos, in order to diftinguifh themfelves from the Indians,
cut off their hair ; but the females do not adopt that
' cuftom.
Their drefs. The Meftizos in general wear a blue cloth, manufac¬
tured in this country ; but though they are the lowed
clafs of Spaniards, they are very ambitious of diftin-
guiftiing themfelves as fuch, either by the colour or fa-
fhion of the clothes they wear.
The Meftizo women affeft to drefs in the fame man¬
ner as the Spanish, though they cannot equal the ladies
in the richnefs of their fluffs. The meaner fort wear p^rn- ,
no (hoes j but like the men of the fame rank go bare- *
footed.
The drefs of the Indians confifts of white cotton
drawers, which hang down to the calf of the leg,
where they are loofe, and edged with a lace fuitable to
the ftuif. The ufe of a (hirt is fupplied by a black cot¬
ton frock, made in the form of a fack, with three open¬
ings at the top, one in the middle for the head, and
others at the corners for the arms •, thus covering their
naked bodies dowm to the knees. Over this is a ferge
cloak, with a hole in the middle for putting the head
through, and a hat made by the natives. TL his is their
general drefs, which they never lay afide, even while
they fleep and they have no additional clothing for
their legs or feet. The Indians, who have acquired
fome fortune, particularly the barbers and phlebotomills,
diftinguiftr themfelves from their countrymen by the
finenefs of their drawers, and by wearing a fhirt, which,
though without fleeves, has a lace four or five fingers in
breadth, faftened round like a kind of ruff or band.
They are fond of filver or gold buckles to their flioes,,
though they wrear no dockings ; and inftead of a mean
ferge cloak, wear one of fine cloth, wdiich is often adorn¬
ed with gold or filver lace.
There are two kinds of dreffes worn by the Indiart
wmmen, made in the fame plain manner with thofe worn
by the men in general, the whole confifting of a fliort
petticoat and a veil of American baize. But the drefs
of the kweft clafs of Indian women is only a bag
of the fame make and fluff as that of the men, which
they faften on their ftroulders with two large pins : it
reaches down to the calf of the leg, and is faftened
round the waift with a kind of girdle. Inftead of a
veil, they wear about the neck a piece of the fame
coarfe fluff dyed black; but their arms and legs are
naked.
The people have diftres unknown in Europe 5 but are Food and
particularly fond of cheefe; and hav« excellent butter drink, Sc^
in the neighbourhood of Quito. Sweetmeats are very
much admired.
Rum is commonly drank here by perfons of all ranks,
but their favourite liquor is brandy. The diforders ari-
fing from the exceflive ufe of fpirituous liquors are
chiefly feen among the Meftizos ; and the lower clafs of
wTomen, both among the Creoles and Meftizos, are alfo
extremely addi&ed to the fame fpecies of debauchery.
Another liquor much ufed in this country is mate,
which is made of an herb known in all thele parts of
America by the name of Paraguay, as being the pro¬
duce of that country. Some of it is put into a cala-
bafh tipped with filver, called here t?iate, with fugar
and fome cold water. After it has continued there
fome time, the calabafh is filled with boiling wrater, and*
they drink the liquor through a pipe fixed in the cala¬
bafh. It is alfo ufual to fqueeze into the liquor a fmall
quantity of the juice of lemons or Seville oranges, mix¬
ed with fome perfumes from odoriferous flowers. This
is their ufual drink in the morning falling, and many ufe
it alfo at their evening regale. "I he manner of drink¬
ing it appears very indelicate, the whole company taking
it fucceffively through the fame pipe, it being carried
feveral times round the company till all are fatisfied.
This among the Creoles is the higheft enjoyment: fo
that
TV-i-ii.
5i
Language
* S*
Honour
paid the
dead.
S3
Commerce.
PER [206
___ ^iat wnen they travel, they never fall to carry with
~ them a Sufficient quantity of it, and till they have taken
their dofe of mate they never eat.
The vice of gaming is here carried to an extrava,
gant height, to the ruin of many families, fome lofing
their docks in trade, others the very clothes from their
backs," and afterward thofe belonging to their wives
which they hazard, Stimulated by the hope of recovering
their own. 5
The common people, the Indians, and even the do-
medics, are greatly additted to dealing. The Medi-
zos, tnough arrant cowards, do not want audacity in
this way ) for though they will not venture to attack
any one in the dreet, it is a common practice to fnatch
oft a perfon’s hat, and immediately feek their Safety in
flight. This acquisition is Sometimes of considerable
value ; the hats worn by perfons of rank, and even by
the wealthy citizens when drefled, being of white bea¬
ver, worth fifteen dollars, befide the hatband of gold
or Silver lace, faftened with a gold buckle Set with dia¬
monds or emeralds. Robberies on the highway are Sel¬
dom heard of.
In Quito, and all the towns and villages of its pro¬
vince, different dialeids are Spoken, Spanith being no leSs
common than the Inga, the language of the country.
The Creoles uSe the latter as much as the former, but
both are considerably adulterated by borrowed words
and expreffions. The firft language generally Spoken
by children is the Inga 5 for the nurfes being Indians,
many of them do not underftand a word of Spanilh, and*
thus they afterward learn a jargon compofed of both
languages.
The Sumptuous manner of performing the laft of¬
fices for the dead, demonstrates how far the power of
habit is capable of prevailing over reafon and prudence,
for their oftentation is So great in this particular, that
many families of credit' are ruined by prepofieroufly en¬
deavouring to excel others ; and the people here may be
Said to toil and Scheme to lay up wealth, to enable their
fucceffors to lavilh honours upon a body infenlible of all
pageantry.
The commerce of the province of Quito is chiefly
carried on by Europeans Settled here, and others who
occasionally arrive. The manufa&ures of this province
are only cottons, fome white and Striped baize, and
cloths, which meet vn'th a good market at Lima, for
Supplying the inward provinces of Peru. The returns
are made partly in Silver, and partly in fringes made of
gold and Silver thread, and wine, brandy, oil, copper,
tin, lead, and quickfilver. On the arrival of the gal¬
leons at Carthagena, thefe traders refort thither to pur-
chafe European goods, which, at their return, they con¬
sign to their correspondents all over the province. The
coafts of New Spain Supply this province with indigo,
oi which there is a very large confumpticn at the ma¬
nufactures, blue being univerfally the colour which this
people adopt for their apparel. They alfo import, by
from Europe Peru.
54
] PE R
way of Guayaquila, iron and Steel both
and the coaSt ol Guatemala.
i he difpofition of the Indians in the province of ^ -
Quito is extremely remarkable, and they appear to have S'ihfhT
rVj v'k the PeoPle found there by thofe who habitants.
in-St discovered the country. They at prefent poffefs a
tranquillity not to be disturbed either by fortunate or
umoitunate events. In their mean apparel they are as
contented as a prince clothed in the moil Splendid robes.
I ney Show the fame difregard to riches; and even the
authority and grandeur within their reach is So little
tieoojecf of their ambition, that to all appearance it
Seems to be the Same to an Indian whether he be crea¬
ted an alcalde, or obliged to perform the office of a com¬
mon executioner.
. JTlleIri floth is fo great that Scarcely any thing can
induce them to work. Whatever therefore is neceffary
to be done is left to the Indian women, who are much
more active ; they Spin and make the half Shirts and
drawers which form the only apparel of their huShands ;
they cook the provisions, grind barley, and brew the
beer called chicha ; while the hufband fits Squatting on
his hams, the ufual pofture of the Indians, locking at
his buSy wife. 1 he only domeftic fervice they do ?s to
plough their little Spot of land, which is Sowed- by the
wife. When they are once Seated on their hams, no
reward can induce them to ftir; So that if a traveller
has loft his way, and happens to come to one of their
cottages, they charge their wives to lay that they are
not at home. Should the paffenger alight and enter
the cottage, the Indian would ftill be fafe ; for having
no light but what comes through a hole in the door, he
could not be difcovered; and Should the ftranger even
fee the Indian, neither entreaties nor rewards would pre¬
vail on him to ftir a ftep with him.
I hey are lively only in parties of pleafure, rejoicings,
entertainments, and efpecially dancing 5 but in all theie’
tne liquor muft circulate briikly, and they continue
drinking till they are entirely deprived both of fenfe
and motion.
It is remarkable that the Indian women, whether
maias or married, and Indian young men before they
a^e of an age to contradf matrimony, are never guilty
of this vice : it being a maxim among them, that drunk-
ennefs is the privilege of none but mafters of families,
who, when they are unable to take care of themfelves’
have others to take care of them.
-Hie women prefent the chicha (a) to their hufibands
in calahaShes, till their fpirits are raifed ; then one plays
on a pipe and tabor, while others dance. Some of the
beft voices among the Indian women Sing Songs in their
own language, and thofe who do not dance, Squat down
in the ufual pofture till it comes to their turn. When
tired with intemperance, they all lie down together,
without regarding whether they be near the wife of an¬
other or their own Sifter or daughter. Thefe festivities
Sometimes continue three or four days, till the prieft
(a) This is a liquor made from maize by the following procefs. The maize, after being Soaked in water till it
begin to grow, is dried m the fun, then parched a little, and at laft ground. The flour, after it has been well
kneaded, is put with water into a large veffel, and left fer two or three days to ferment. Its tafte is nearly that
of the moft indifferent kind of cyder. It is a refreshing, nourishing, and aperitive liquor j but it will not keep
above eight days without turning Sour. r
PER [ :
Peru. coming among them, throws away all the chicha, and
l*r" v~ difperfes the Indians, leil they (liould procure more.
Their funerals are likewife folemnized with exceflxve
drinking. The houfe is filled with jugs of chicha, for
the folace of the mourners and other vifitors; the latter
even go out into the ftreets, and invite all of their na¬
tion who happen to pafs by to come in and drink to the
honour of the deceafed. This ceremony lafts four or
fiTe days, and fometimes more, ftrong liquor being their
^ lupreme enjoyment.
Then man- The Indians in the audience of Quito are find to aft
ner of con- contrary to all other nations in their marriages; for they
tracing- never make choice of a woman who has net been firit
niaimges. enjoyed by others, which they confider as a certain in¬
dication of her perfonal attractions. After a young
man has made choice of a woman, he alks her of her
father, and having obtained his confent, the begin to
cohabit together as man and wife, and aflift the father-
in-law in cultivating the land. At the end of three or
four months, and frequently of a year, the hufband
leaves his bride or wife without any ceremony ; and
perhaps expoftulates with his father-in-law for endea¬
vouring to deceive him, by impofing upon him his
daughter, whom nobody elfe had thought worthy of
making a bedfellow. But if no difguft arifes in the man
on this account or any other, after palling three or four
months ill this commerce, which they call amanarfe, or
to habituate one’s felf, they then marry. This cuftom
is 11 ill very common, though the whole body of the
clergy have ufed all their endeavours to put a Hop to it.
Accordingly they always abfolve them of that fin be-
56 fore they give them the nuptial benediclion.
ara^oFthe _ ft has been obferved, that the dependencies of the
country in jurifdi&ions of Quito are feated between the two Cor-
thi- pro- dilleras of the Andes, and that the air is more or lefs
viu'-e. cold, and the ground more or lefs fterile, according to
the height of the mountains. Thefe barren trafls are
called deferts ; for though all the Cordilleras are dry,
fome are much more fo than others ; and the continual
mow and frofts render fome parts of them incapable of
producing a fingle plant, and confequently they are un¬
inhabitable by man or beaft.
Some of thefe mountains, which appear to have their
bafes refting on other mountains, rife to a moft aftonifh-
ing height, and, reaching far above the clouds, are here,
although in the midlt of the torrid zone, covered with
perpetual fnow. From experiments made with a baro¬
meter on the mountain of Cotopaxi, it appeared that its
fummit was elevated 6252 yards above the furface of the
fea, fomething above three geographical miles, which
greatly exceeds the height of any other mountain in the
known world.
Cotopaxi became a volcano about the time when the
Spaniards firtl arrived in this country. A new erup¬
tion happened in >743, which had been for fome days
preceded by a continual interior rumbling noife ; after
which an aperture was made in its fummit, as alfo three
others near the middle of its declivity ; thefe parts,
when the eruption commenced, were buried under pro¬
digious mafies .of fnow. 1 he ignited fubftances which
were ejecled being mingled with a confiderable quantity
of fnow and. ice, melting amidft the flames, were car¬
ried down with fuch amazing rapidity, that the plain
from Callo to Latacunga was overflowed, and all the
houfes with their wretched inhabitants were fwept away
07 ] PE R
in one general and indantaneous deltruSion. The river Perar
of Latacunga was the receptacle of this dreadful flood, “—v—
till becoming fwollen above its banks, the torrent rolled
over the adjacent country, continuing to fweep away
houfes and cattle, and rendered the land near the town
of the fame name as the river one vaft lake. Here,
however, the inhabitants had fufficient warning to fave
their lives by flight, and retreated to a more elevated
fpot at fome dilhince. During three days the volcano
ejected cinders, while torrents of lava with packed ice
and fnow poured down the fides of the mountain. The
eruption continued for feveral days longer, accompanied
with terrible roarings of the wind, ruining through the
craters which had been opened. At length all was
quiet, and neither fmoke nor fire were to he feen ; until
in May 1744 the flames forced a pafiage through feveral
other parts on the fides of the mountain ; fo that in clear
mghts the flames, being refledled by the tranfparent ice,
exhibited a very grand and beautiful illumination. On
the 13th of November following, it ejected fuch prodi¬
gious quantities ot fire and lava, that an inundation
equal to the former foon enfued, and the inhabitants of
the town of Latacunga for fome time gave ihemfelves
over for loft.
The moft fouthern mountain of the Cordilleras is
that or Mecas or Sangay, which is of a prodigious
height, and the far greateft part of it covered with
fnow ; yet from its fummit iffues a continual fire, at¬
tended with explofions which are plainly heard at 40
leagues diftance. The country adjacent to this vol¬
cano is entirely barren, being covered with cinders eject¬
ed from its mouth. In this mountain rifes the river
Sangay, whicli being joined by the Upano, forms the
Payra, a large river which difeharges itfelf into the Ma-
ranon.
Pichincha, though famous for its great height, is
1278 yards lower than the perpendicular height of Co¬
topaxi, and was formerly a volcano, but the mouth or
crater on one. of its fides is now covered with fand and
calcined matter 5 fo that at prefent neither fmoke nor
fire iffue from it. When Don George Juan and Don
Antonio de Ulloa were ftationed on it for the purpofe of
making aftronomical obfervations, they found the cold
on the top of this mountain extremely intenfe, the wind
violent, and they were frequently involved in fo thick a
fog,, or, in other words, a cloud, that ah object at fix
or eight paces diftance was fcarcely difcernible. The
air grew' clear, by the clouds moving nearer to the
earth, and on all fides furrounding the mountain to a.
vaft .diftance, reprefenting the fea with the mountain
Handing like an ifland in the centre. When this hap¬
pened, they heard the dreadful noife of the tempeits
that difeharged thernlelves on Quito and the neighbour¬
ing country. They faw the lightning iffue from the
clouds, and heard the thunder roll far beneath them.
While the lower parts were involved in tempefls of
thunder and rain, they enjoyed a delightful ferenity ;
the wind was abated, the fky clear, and the enlivening
rays of the fun moderated the feverity of the cold. Brit
when the clouds rofe, their thicknefs. rendered refpira-
tion difficult: fnow and hail fell continually, and the
wind returned with all its violence 5 fo that it was im-
poflihle entirely to overcome the fear of being, together
with their hut, blown down the precipice on wliofe
edge it was built, or of being buried in it by the con-
flaut
PER , [ 2o8 ] PER
flant accumulations of ice and fnow. Their fears were
likewife increafed by the fall of enormous fragments of
rocks. Though the fmalleft crevice vifible in their hut
was Hopped, the wind was fo piercing that it penetrated
through ; and though the hut was fmall, crowded with
inhabitants, and had feveral lamps conftantly burning,
the cold was fo great, that each individual was obliged
to have a chafing-dilh of coals, and feveral men were
conftantly employed every morning to remove the fnow
■which fell in the night. By the feverities of fuch a cli¬
mate their feet were fwelled, and fo tender that walking
was attended w ith extreme pain, their hands covered
with chilblains, and their lips fo fwelled and chopt that
every motion in fpeaking drew blood.
The next divifion of Peru is the audience of Lima,
which is bounded on the north by Quito, on the eaft
by the Cordilleras of the Andes, on the fouth by the
audience of Los Charcos, and on the weft by the Pacific
ocean, it being about 770 miles in length from north to
fouth, but of an unequal breadth.
The climate and foil of this country is uncommonly
various ; in fome places it is exceedingly hot, in others
infupportably cold, and in the city of Lima, where rain
never falls, it is always temperate. The feafons vary
•within the compafs of a fewr miles, and in certain parts
of the audience all the viciffitudes of weather are expe¬
rienced in 24 hours. It is extremely remarkable that
no rains fall or rivers flow on the fea coafts, though the
country is refrefhed by thick fogs, and the heat abated
by denfe clouds that never condenfe into fliowers. This
■phenomenon'has drawn the attention of many natura-
lifts, without their being able falisfaftorily to apcount
for it.
Spring begins toward the clofe of the year, that is
about the end of November or the beginning of Decem¬
ber, when the vapours which fill the atmofphere during
the winter fubfide, and the fun, to the great joy of the
inhabitants, again appears, and the country then begins
to revive, which, during the abfence of his rays, had
continued in a ftate of languor. This is fucceeded by
fummer, which, though hot from the perpendicular di-
reftion of the fun’s rays, is far from being infupport-
able ", the heat, which indeed would otherwife be excef-
five, being moderated by the fouth winds, which always
blow at this feafon, though with no great force. Win¬
ter begins at the latter end of June or the beginning of
July, and continues till November or December, when
the fouth wands begin to blow7 ftronger, and to produce
a certain degree of cold, not indeed equal to that in
countries where ice and fnow are known, but fo keen
that the light dreffes are laid by, and cloth or other
warm fluffs worn. During the winter the earth is co¬
vered with fo thick a fog, as totally to intercept the
rays of the fun ; and the winds, by blowing under the
fhelter of this fog, retain the particles they contrafted
in the frozen zone. In this feafon only the vapours dif-
folve into a very fmall dew, which everywhere equally
moiftens the earth 5 by which means all the hills, which
during the other parts of the year offer nothing to the
fight but rocks and waftes, are clothed with verdure
and enamelled with flowers of the moft beautiful co¬
lours. Thefe dew7s never fall in fuch quantities as to
impair the roads or incommode the traveller; a very
thin fluff will not foon be wret through ; but the conti¬
nuance of the mifts during the whole winter, w ithout
4
being exhaled by the fun, fertilizes every part of the Peru,
country. e—y—
From a table of meteorological obfervalions made in
the city of Lima, from the month of March 1791, to
March 1792, it appears that the thermometer was low-
eft during the month of September, w'hen it defcended
to 62°, and that it was higheft: in the month of March,
when it rofe as high as 84°. Thefe temperatures de¬
note the extremes of heat and cold in the winter and
fummer of this climate.
Lima is as free from tempefts as from rain j fo that
thofe of the inhabitants who have neither vifited the
mountains nor travelled into other parts, are abfolute
ftrangers to thunder and lightning, and are therefore
extremely terrified when they firft hear the former or
fee the latter. But it is very remarkable, that what is
here entirely unknown fliould be fo common 30 leagues
to the eaft of Lima ; it being no farther to the moun¬
tains, where violent rains and tempefts of thunder and
lightning are as frequent as at Quito.
But though the capital is freed from the terror of
thefe tempefts, it is fubjeft to what is much more dread¬
ful. Earthquakes happen here fo frequently, that the
inhabitants are under continual apprehenfions of being,
from their fuddennefs and violence, buried in the ruins
of their own houfes : yet thefe earthquakes, though fo
fudden, have their prefages, one of the principal of
which is a rumbling noife in the bowels of the earth
about a minute before the {hocks are felt, that feems to
pervade all the adjacent fubterraneous part j this is fol¬
lowed by difmal bowlings of the dogs, who feem to pre-
fage the approaching danger. The beafts of burden
palling the ftreets flop, and by a natural inftinft fpread
open their legs, the better to fecure themfelves from
falling. On thefe portents the terrified inhabitants fly
from their houfes into the ftreets w ith fuch precipitation,
that if it happens in the night they appear quite naked 5
the urgency of the danger at once banilhing all fenfe of
delicacy or fliame. Thus the ftreets exhibit* fuch odd
and lingular figures as might afford matter of diverfion,
were it poflible to be diverted in fo terrible a moment.
This fudden concourfe is accompanied with the cries of
children w7aked out of their fleep, blended with the la¬
mentations of the women, whofe agonizing prayers to
the faints increafe the common fear and coniufion. 1 he
men are alfo too much affefled to refxain from giving
vent to their terror ; fo that the whole city exhibits a
dreadful fcene of confternation and horror.
The earthquakes that have happened at the capital
are very numerous. The firft fince the eftabllfliment of
the Spaniards was in 1582 ; but the damage was much
lefs conliderable than in fome of the fucceeding. Six
years after Lima was again vifited by another earth¬
quake, fo dreadful, that it is ftill folemnly commemo¬
rated every year. In 1609 another happened, which
overturned many houfes. On the 27th of November
1630, fuch prodigious damage was done in the city by
an earthquake, that, in acknowledgement of its not ha¬
ving been entirely demolilhed, a fellival on that day is
annually celebrated. Twenty-four years after, on the
3d of November, the moft ftately edifices in the city,
and a great number of houfes, were deftroyed by an
earthquake but the inhabitants retiring, few of them
perilhed. Another dreadful one happened in 1678;
but one of the moft terrible was on the 28th of October
1687.
PER [ 209 ]
I’em. 1687. It began at four in the morning, and deftroyed tures are unknown
" ^ 1 many of the fineft public buildings and houfes, in which
a great number of the inhabitants pcnihed ; but this was
little more than a prelude to what followed ; for two
hours after, the (hock returned with fuch impetuous con-
cuffions, that all wTas laid in ruins, and the inhabitants
felt themfelves happy in being only fpeftators of the ge¬
neral devaftation, by having faved their lives, though
with the lofs of all their property. During this fecond
(hock, the fea retiring confiderahly, and then returning
in mountainous waves, entirely overwhelmed Callao,
which is at five miles diftance from Lima, and all the
adjacent country, together with the miferable inhabi¬
tants. From that time fix earthquakes have happened
at Lima previous to that of 1746. This laft was on the
28th of October, at half an hour after ten at night, when
the concuffions began with fuch violence, that in little
more than three minutes the greateft part, if not all the
buildings in the city, were deftroyed, burying under
their ruins thofe inhabitants who had not made fufficient
hafte into the ftreets, and fquares, the only places of
fafety. At length the horrible effedts of the firft fhock
ceafed ; but the tranquillity was of Ihort duration, the
concuffions fwiftly fucceeding each other. The fort of
Callao al(b funk into ruins ; but what it fuffered from
the earthquake in its building was inconfiderable, when
compared to the dreadful cataftrophe which followed j
for the fea, as is ufual on fuch occafions, receding to a
confiderable diftance, returned in mountainous waves,
foaming, with the violence of the agitation, and fudden-
ly buried Callao and the neighbouring country in its
dood. This, howmver, was not entirely effedteb by the
ilrft fwell of the waves; for the fea retiring farther, re¬
turned with ftill greater impetuofity, and covered both
the walls and other buildings of the place ; fo that what¬
ever had efcaped the firft inundation was totally over¬
whelmed by thofe fucceeding mountainous waves.
Twenty-three {hips and veffels, great and fmall, were
then in the harbour, 19 of which wTere funk, and the
other 4, among which was a frigate named St Fermin,
were carried by the force of the waves to a confiderable
diftance up the country. This terrible inundation and
earthquake extended to other parts on the coaft, and fe¬
vered towns underwent the fame fate as the city of Li¬
ma ; where the number of perfons who periftied within
two days after it began, amounted, according to the bo¬
dies found, to 1 q00, befide the maimed and wounded,
many of wdiom lived only a ftiort time in great torture.
The prelent population of this city, taken from accurate
fources, amounts to 52,627.
The country of Lima enjoys great fertility, producing
all kinds of grain and a prodigious variety of fruit.
Here induftry and art fupply that moifture which the
clouds withhold. The ancient incas of Peru caufed
fmall canals to be formed, in order to conduct the wa¬
ters of the rivers to every part of the country. The
Spaniards, finding thefe ufeful works executed to their
hands, had only to keep them in order •, and by thefe
are watered fpacious fields of barley, large meadows,
plantations, vineyards, and gardens, all yielding uncom¬
mon plenty. Lima differs from Quito, where the fruits
of the earth have no determined feafon ; for here the
harveft is gathered in, and the trees drop their leaves in
the proper feafon.
Although the fummer here is hot, yet venomous crea-
Vol. XVI. Part I.
P E R
and the fame may be faid of the ^! u
territory called Valles, though here are fome ports, as
Tumbez and Piura, where the heat is almoft as great as
that of Guayaquil. This Angularity can therefore pro¬
ceed from no other caufe than the natural drought of
the climate. ^
The audience of Lima is divided into four bifhoprics, Divilions
Truxillo, Guamanga, Cufco, and Arequipa. The dio~ Ac au-
cefe of Truxillo lies to the north of the archiepifcopal ^.e^e ul
diocefe of Lima, and like all the others is divided into
feveral jurifdidtions. The city of Truxillo is feated in
8° 6' fouth latitude, in a pleafant fituation, though in a
fandy foil.
In the diocefe of Guamanga is a rich quickfilver
mine, from which the inhabitants of a neighbouring
town procure their whole fubfiftence 5 the coldnefs of
the air in that place checking the growth of all kinds
of grain and fruit, fo that they are obliged to purchafe
them from their neighbours. The quickfilver mines
wrought here fupply all the filver mines in Peru with
that neceffary mineral, and notwithftanding the prodi¬
gious quantities already extracted, no diminution is per¬
ceived.
Cufco, which gives name to another diocefe, is the
moft ancient city of Peru, being of the fame date with
the empire of the incas, and was founded by them as
the capital of the empire. On the mountain contiguous
to the north part of the city are the ruins of a famous
fort built by the incas 5 whence it appears that their de-
fign v,Tas to inclofe the whole mountain with a prodigi¬
ous wall, cf fuch conftrudtion as to render its afeent ab-
folutely impracticable to an enemy, in order to prevent
all approach to the city. This wall was entirely of free-
ftone, and ftrongly built, fome of the ftones being of a
prodigious magnitude. The city of Cufco is nearly
equal to that of Lima. See Cusco.
In this biftiopric are feveral mines of gold and filver,
that are extremely rich.
The fourth diocefe of the audience of Lima is A.re-
quipa, wffiich contains the city of the fame name, one
of the largeft in Peru. It is delightfully fituated in
a plain 5 the houies are well built of ftone, and are ge¬
nerally lofty, commodious, finely decorated on the out-
fide, and neatly fumifhed within. The temperature of
the air is extremely agreeable, the cold being never ex-
ceffive, or the heat troublefome ; fo that the fields are
always clothed with verdure, and enamelled wiih
flowers, as in a perpetual fpring. But thefe advantages
are allayed by its being frequently expofed to dreadful
earthquakes ; for by thefe convulflons of nature it has
been four times laid in ruins. The city is, however,
very populous, and among its inhabitants are many no¬
ble families.
In this bifhopric are' feveral gold and filver mines,
and in fome parts are large vineyards, from which con-
fiderable quantities of wine and brandy are made. A-
mong the other produdtions is Guinea pepper, in which
the jurifdidtion of Arica in this diocefe carries on a
very advantageous trade, the annual produce of thefe
plantations bringing in no lefs than 63,000 dollars per
annum. The pods of this pepper are about a quarter
of a yard in length, and when gathered are dried in the
fun and packed up in bags of rufhes, each bag con¬
taining an aroba or a quarter of a hundred weight, and
thus they are exported to all parts. Other places of
D d this
Peru.
—y—
60
The au-
tlience of
Charcas.
dl
I>ivifions,
&c. of this
audience.
6z
How the
country
was at firft
fettled by
the Spa¬
niards.
PER [2
'Ihis junfdiclion arc famous for vail; quantities of large
and excellent olives, far exceeding the fineft produ¬
ced in Europe, being nearly, it is laid, the fuse of a hen’s
ebrg;
J- ne auaience of Eharcas, the lad divifion of Eeru, is
equal m extent to that of Lima 5 but many of its parts
<ue not fo well inhabited, fome being full of vad deferts
and impenetrable foreds, while others have extenfive
plains intercepted by the dupendous height of the Cor-
diheras . the country is inhabited only in fuch parts as
me nee irom thole inconveniences. It is bounded on
the north by the diocefe of Culco, and reaches fouth-
ward to Euenos Ayres j on the cad it extends to Bradlj
and on tne welt it reaches to the Pacific ocean, particu¬
larly at Atacama. The remainder of the province bor¬
ders on the kingdom of Chili.
ihis audience is divided into the archbidiopric of
Iiarn, and five bithoprics. We lhall begin with the
former.
1 he ruinous mountain of Potoli is knowm all over the
commercial world for the immenfe quantity of diver it
has produced, i he difcovery of this amazing treafure
happened at the commencement of the year 13-45, ^7 a
mere accident, which we diall mention afterwards. At
a fmall didance from it are the hot medicinal baths, cal¬
led Don Diego, whither fome retort for health and others
for arnufement.
At the time wiien the fird conqueds wrere made,
when emigrations were mod frequent, the country of
the Incas had a much greater reputation for riches than
Newr Spain j and, in reality, for a long time much more
confiderable treafures were brought away from it. The
delire of partaking of them mult necedarily draw' thi¬
ther, as w?as really the cafe, a greater number of Cadi-
lians. J hough almod all of them went over thither
with the hope of returning to their country to enjoy the
fortune they might acquire,, yet the tnajority fettled in
the colony. They were induced to this by the foftnefs
of the climate, the falubrity of the air, and the goodnefs
of the providons; Mexico prefented not the fame ad¬
vantages, and did not give them reafon to expeft fo
much independence as a land infinitely more remote
from the mother-country.
Cufco attradted the conquerors in multitudes. They
round this capital built on a ground that wTas very irre¬
gular, and divided into as many quarters as there were
provinces in the empire. Each of the inhabitants might
follow7 the ufages of his native country 5 but every body
was obliged to conform to the wordiip edablifhed by the
jounder of the monarchy. There was no edifice that
had any^ grandeur, elegance, or convenience ; becaufe
the people w7ere ignorant of the firft elements of archi-
tedfure. The magnificence of what they called the pa¬
lace of the/overeig 11, of the princes of the blood, and of
the great men of his empire, confifted in the profufion of
the metals that were lavifhed in decorating them. The
temple of the 8un w7as diftinguifhed above all other edi¬
fices j its walls were incrufted or fheathed wfith gold and
filver, ornamented with divers figures, and loaded with
the idols of all the nations whom the Incas had enlioht-
ened and fubdued.
As it wTas not a folicitude for their own prefervation
which occupied the Spaniards at firft, they had no foon-
cr pillaged the immenfe riches which had been amaffed
Peru.
10 ] PE R
at Cufco for four centuries, than they went in great
numbers in 1534, under the order of Sebaftian de Ben-
alcazar, to undertake the deftruflion of puito. The
ether towns and fettlements of the empire were overrun
wfiih the fame fpirit of rapine ; and the citizens and the
temples were plundered in all parts.
'J hofe of .the conquerors, who did not take up their
reuoence m .he leLtlements which they found already
formed, built towns on the fea coafts, where before
there were none : for the fterility of the loll had not per¬
mitted the Peruvians to multiply much there 5 and they
had not been induced to remove thither from the extre¬
mity of their country, becaufe they failed very little.
Paita, Truxillo, Callao, Plica, and Arica, were the
roads which the Spaniards deemed moft convenient for
the communication they intended to eftablifti among
themfelves and with the mother-country. The different
portions of thefe new cities determined the degree of
their profperity.
Thofe which w7ere afterwards built in the inland parts
of the country w7ere not erefled in regions which pre¬
fented a fertile foil, copious harvefls, excellent paftures
a mild and falubrious climate, and all the conveniences
of life. Thefe places, which had hitherto been fo well
cultivated by a numerous and flourifiling people, were
now totally difregarded. Very foon they exhibited only
a deplorable piflure of a horrid defert • and this wildnefs
muft have been more melancholy and hideous than the
dreary afpeft of the earth before the origin of focieties.
The traveller, who was led by accident or curiofity into
thefe defolate plains, could not forbear abhorring the
barbarous and bloody authors of fuch devaftations, while
he reflefted that it was not owing even to the cruel illu-
fions of glory, and to the fanaticifm of conqueft, but to
the ftupid and abjedl defire of gold, that they had facri-
ficed fo much more real treafure, and fo numerous a po¬
pulation.
This infatiable thirft of gold, which neither tended
to fubfiftence, fafety, nor policy, was the only mo¬
tive for'eftablifhing new fettlements, fome of which
have been kept up, while feveral have decayed, and
others have been formed in their ftead. The fate of
them all has correfponded with the difcovery, progrefs,
or declenfion, of the mines to which they were fubordi-
nate.
Fewer errors have been committed in the means of Manner of
procuring provifions. The natives had hitherto lived living of
hardly on any thing elfe but maize, fruits, and pulfe the natives,
for which they had ufed no other feafoning except fait
and pimento. Their liquors, which were made from
different roots, were more diverfified : of thefe the chicha
wras the moft ufual; but the conquerors were not fatis-
fied either with the liquors or with the food of the peo¬
ple they had fubdued. They imported vines from the
Old World, which foon multiplied fufhciently in the
fands of the coafts at lea, Pifca, Nafca, Moquequa,
and Truxillo, to furnifti the colony with the wine and
brandy it wanted. Olives fucceeded ftill better; and
yielded a great abundance of oil, which was much
fuperior to that of the mother-country. Other fruits
were tranfplanted with the fame fuccefs. Sugar fuc-
ceeds fo well, that none of any other growth can be
compared to that which is cultivated in thofe parts,
where it never rains. In the inland country wheat and
barley
Peru.
<4
Manufac¬
tures, &c.
P E Pi [2
barley were fown ; and at length all the European qua-
“ drupeds were foon found grazing at the foot of the
mountains.
This was a confiderable ftep ; but there ftill remained
much more to be done. After they had provided for a
better and a greater choice of fubliftence, the next care
of the Spaniards was to have a drefs more commodious
and more agreeable than that of the Peruvians. Tliefe
were, however, better clothed than any other American
nation. They owed this fuperiority to the advantage
which they alone poffeffed, of having the Llama and
Pacos, domeftic animals which ferved them for this ufe.
See Camelus, Mammalia Index.
After the conqueft, all the Indians were obliged to
wear clothes. As the oppreflion under which they
groaned did not allow them to exercife their former in-
duftry, they contented themfelves with the coarfer cloths
of Europe, for which they were made to pay an exorbi¬
tant price. When the gold and lilver which had efca-
ped the rapacity of the conquerors were exhaufted, they
thought of re eftablilhing their national manufadtures.
Thefe were fome time after prohibited, on account of
the deficiency which they occafioned in the exports of
the mother-country. The impoflibility which the Pe¬
ruvians found of purchafing foreign Huffs and paying
their taxes, occafioned permiflion to be given at the end
of ten years for their re-eftablithment. They have not
been difeontinued fince that time •, and have been
brought to as great a degree of perfeftion as it was pof-
iible they could be under a continual tyranny.
With the wool of the vicuna, a fpecies of wild pacos,
they make, at Cufco and in its territory, ftockings,
handkerchiefs, and fcarfs. Thefe manufactures would
have been multiplied, if the fpirit of deftrudtion had not
fallen on animals as well as on men. The fame wool,
mixed with that of the (lieep imported thither from Eu¬
rope, which have exceedingly degenerated, ferves for
carpets, and makes alfo tolerably fine cloth. Fleeces
of inferior quality are employed in ferges, druggets, and
in all kinds of coarfe fluffs.
The manufactures fubfervient to luxury are eflablifh-
ed at Arequipa, Cufco, and Lima. In thele three
towns is made a prodigious number of gold toys and
plate, for the ufe of private perfons, and alfo for the
churches. All tbefe manufadfures are but coarfely
wrought, and mixed with a great deal of copper. We
feldom difeover more tafte in their gold and iilver laces
and embroideries which their manufaftures alfo pro¬
duce. This is not altogether the cafe in regard to
their lace, which, when mixed with that of Europe,
looks very beautiful. This laft manufadlure is common¬
ly in the hands of the nuns, who employ in it the Peru¬
vian girls, and the young Meftees of the towns, who for
the moft part before marriage pafs fome years in the
convent.
Other hands are employed in painting and gilding
leather for rooms, in making with wood and ivory pieces
of inlaid work and fculpture, and in drawing figures on
the marble that is found at Cucuca, or on linen im¬
ported from Europe. Thefe different -works, which are
almoft all manufactured at Cufco, ferve for ornaments
for houfes, palaces, and temples : the drawing of them
is not bad, but the colours are neither exaCt nor perma¬
nent. If the Indians, who invent nothing, but are ex¬
cellent imitators, had able mailers and excellent models,
II ]
P E Ft
they would at leaft make good copyifts. At the clofe Pent,
of the laft century, fome works of a Peruvian painter, “
named Michael de St Jacques, were brought to Rome j
and the connoiffeurs difeovered marks of genius in
them. 65
Though the Peruvians were unacquainted with coin, Of the
they knew the ufe of gold and filver •, for they employ-ra
ed them in different kinds of ornaments. Independent ^ver
of what the torrents and accident procured them of thefe
metals, fome mines had been opened of little depth.
The Spaniards have not transmitted to us the manner in
which thefe rich productions were drawn from the bo-
fom of the earth. Their pride, which has deprived us
of fo much ufeful knowledge, undoubtedly made them
think, that, in the inventions of a people whom they
called barbarous, there was nothing that was worthy to
be recorded.
The difference as to the manner in which the Peru¬
vians worked their mines, did not extend to the mines
themfelves. The conquerors opened them on all fides.
At firft the gold mines tempted the avarice of the
greater number. Fatal experience dilcouraged thofe
whom paffion had not blinded. They clearly law,
that, for fome enormous fortunes railed in this manner,
great numbers, who had only moderate fortunes, were
totally ruined. Thefe mines funk into Such diferedit,
that, in order to prevent them from being abandoned,
the government was obliged to take the 20th part of
their produce, inftead of the fifth which it at firft re¬
ceived.
The mines of filver were more common, more equal,
and richer. They even produced filver of a lingular
fpecies, rarely found elfewhere. Towards the fea-
coaft, great lumps of this metal are found in the
fands.
There are a great number of other mines which are
infinitely more important, and are found in the rocks
and on the mountains. Several of them gave falfe hopes.
Such, in particular, was that of Ucuntaya, difeovered
in 1713. This was only an incruftation of almoft maf-
five filver, which at firft yielded feveral millions, but
was foon exhaufted.
Others which were deeper have been alike deferted.
Their produce, though equal to what it was originally,
was not fufficient to fupport the expence of working
them, which augmented every day. The mines of Qui¬
to, Cufco, and Arequipa, have experienced that revolu¬
tion which awaits many of the reft.
There are greater numbers of very rich mines which
the waters have invaded. The difpclition of the ground,
which from the fummit of the Cordilleras goes conti¬
nually ffielving to the South fea, muft neceffarily render
thefe events more common at Peru than in other places.
This inconvenience, which with greater care and Ikill
might often have been prevented or diminilhed, has
been in fome inftances remedied.
Jofeph Salcedo, about the year 1660, had difeovered,
not far from the town of Puna, the mine of Laycacota..
It was fo rich, that they often cut theffilver with a chi-
fel. Profpefity had fo elevated the mind of the propri¬
etor, that he permitted all the Spaniards who came to
feek their fortune in this part of the New World, to
work fome days on their own account, without weigh¬
ing or taking any account of the prefents he made them.
This generofity drew around him an infinite number of.
D d 2 people.
. , P E R l 2
people, wliofe avidity made them quarrel with each
other, and the love of money made them take up arms
and fall upon one another; and their benefahlor, who
had neglefted no expedient to prevent and extinguiih
their fanguinary contentions, was hanged as being5 the
author of them. Whilft he was in prifon, the water got
poiTeflion of his mine. Superftition foon made it imagi¬
ned that this was a punilhment for the horrid aft they
had perpetrated againft him. Ibis idea of divine ven¬
geance was revered for a long time ; but at laft, in 1740,
Diego de Bacna affociated with other opulent people to
avert the fprings which had deluged fo much treafare.
I he labours which this difficult undertaking required,
W'ere not finiffied till 1754- The mine yields as much
now as it did at firft. But mines ftiil richer than this
have been difcovered. Such, for example, is that of
Pot oil, which was found in the fame country where the
Incas worked that of Porco.
An Indian, named Hualpa, in 1545, purfuing fome
deer, in order to climb certain deep rocks laid hold of
a buffi, the roots of which loofened from the earth, and
brought to view7 an ingot of filver. The Indian had re-
courfe to it for his own ufe \ and never failed to return
to his treafare every time that his wants or his defires fo-
licited him to it. The change that had happened in his
fortune was remarked by one of his countrymen, and he
difcovered to him the fecret. The two friends could
not keep their counfel and enjoy their good fortune.
They quarrelled ; on which the indifcreet confidant dif¬
covered the whole to his mafter, Villaroell, a Spaniard
who w7as fettled in the neighbourhood. Pffion this the
mine became known, and was worked \ and a great
number of them were found in its vicinity ; the princi¬
pal of which are in the northern part of the mountain,
and their direction is from north to fouth. The molt
intelligent people of Peru have obferved, that this is in
general the direftion of the richeft mines.
The fame of what w7as palling at Potofi foon fpread
abroad 5 and there was quickly built at the foot of the
mountain a towm, confiding of 60,000 Indians and
10,000 Spaniards. The fterility of the foil did not
prevent its being immediately peopled. Corn, fruit,
docks, American duffs, European luxuries, arrived there
from every quarter. Indudry, which everywhere follows
the current of money, could not fearch for it wdth fo
much fuccefs as at its fource. It evidently appeared that
in 1738 thefe mines produced annually near 978,000k
without reckoning the filver which was not regidered,
and what had been carried off by fraud. From that
time the produce has been fo much diminiffied, that no
more than one-eighth part of the coin wffiich was for¬
merly druck is now made.
At the mines of Potofi, and all the mines of South
America, the Spaniards, in purifying their gold and
diver, ufe mercury, with which they are fupplied from
Quanta Velica. The common opinion is, that this
mine was difcovered in 1564. The trade of mercury
was then dill free : it became an exclulive trade in
IS71’ At this period all the mines of mercury wrere
Ihut 5 and that of Guanqa Velica alone was wrorked,
the. property of which the king referved to himfelf!
It is now found to diminidi. This mine is dug in a
prodigioufly large mountain, 60 leagues from Lima. In
its profound abyfs are feen dreets, fquares, and a cha¬
pel, where the myderies of religion on all fedivals are
12 ] PER
celebrated. Millions of flambeaux are continually kept
to enlighten it.
Private people at their own expence work the mine
of Guanga Velica. They are obliged to deliver to
government, at a dipulated price, all the mercury they
extraft from it. As foon . as they have procured the
quantity which the demands of one year require, the
work is fufpended. Part of the mercury is fold on
tne fpot, and the red is fent to the royal magazines
throughout all Peru ; from whence it is delivered out
at the fame price it is fold for in Mexico. This ar¬
rangement, which has occafioned many of the mines to
drop,, and .prevented others from being opened, is in-
excufable in the Spanidi fydem. The court of Ma-
drid., in this refpeft, merits the fame reproaches as a
minidry in other countries would incur, that wTould be
blind enough to lay a duty on the implements of agri¬
culture.
I he mine of Guanga Velica generally affefts thofe
wffio work in it with convulfions : this and the other
mines, which aie not leis unhealthy, arc all worked
by the Peruvians. Thefe unfortunate viftims of an
infatiable avarice are crowded together and plunged
naked into thefe abyffes, the greateil part of which
are deep, and all exceflively cold. Tyranny has in¬
vented this refinement in cruelty, to render ft impof-
fible for any thing to efcape its reillefs vigilance. If
there are any ■wretches who long furvive fuch barbarity,
it is the rJe of cocoa that preferves them.
In ffie Cordilleras, near the city of Paz, is a moun¬
tain ot remarkable height, called Illimani, which doubt-
lefs contains immenfe riches ; for a crag of it being
fome years ago fevered by a flaffi of lightning, and falling
on a neighbouring mountain, fuch a quantity of gold
wras found in the fragments, that for fome time that
metal wnas fold at Paz for eight pieces of eight per
ounce ; but its fummit being perpetually covered with
ice and fnow, no mine has been opened in the moun¬
tain.
The city of La Paz is of a middling fize, and from its
fituation among the breaches of the Cordilleras, the
ground on which it Hands is unequal, and it is alfo -fur-
rounded by mountains. When the river Titicaca is in-
creafed, either by the rains, or the melting of the fnow
on the mountains, its current forces along large maffes
of rocks with fome grains of gold, which are found after
the flood has fubfided. Hence lome idea may be formed
of the riches inclofed in the bowels of thefe mountains j
a remarkable proof of wffiich appeared in the year 1730,
when an Indian, walhing his feet in the river, difcovered
fo large a lump of gold, that the marquis de Caftel Fu-
erte gave twelve thoufand pieces of eight for it, and fent
it as a prefent to the king of Spain.
In a period of ten years, the Peruvian mines, without
including thofe of Quito and Buenos Ayres, yielded
35>359 marks of gold, 22 carats fine, and 3,739,763
marks of filver. This has been eftimated at 7,70 3,945!.
fterling. The above period is included between the years.
1780 and 1790.
Balfam of Peru. See Myroxilon, Botany and
Materia Medica Index.
PERUGIA, a town of Italy, in the pope’s terri¬
tories, and capital of Perugino. It is an ancient, hand-
fome,. populous, and large city, with a ftrong citadel,
an uuiverfity, and a bifhop’s fee. The churches, and
many
PET
I 2'
Pmigtno many other buildings, as well public as private, are veiy
li handfome. It is ieated on a hill, in E. Long. 12. 20.
PetagueL N_ Lah 43_ 6_
% PE11UGIN0, a province of Italy, in the territory
of the church, bounded on the weft by Tufcany, on the
fouth by Orvietano, on the eaft by the duchies of Spo-
kto and Urbino, and on the north by the county of
Citta Caftellana. It is one of the fmalleft provinces in
the territory of the church. The air is very pure, and
the foil fertile in corn and good wine •, beftdes, the lake
Perugia fupplies them with plenty of fifh. 1'he capital
town is Perugia. The lake is eight miles from the city,
and is almoft round, being about five miles in diameter}
in it there are three iftands. This province is about 25
miles in length, and near as much in breadth.
Perugino. See Montakini.
PERUKE. See Perruke.
PERUVIAN bark. See Cinchona, and Jesuits
Bark, Materia Me dig a Index.
PERUVIANA, a general name given to that vaft
peninfula, extending itfelf from the ifthmus of Darien
to Cape Horn, in the form of a triangle, of which the
Terra Magellanic a and the cape form the vertex. It
includes the whole of South America, although, as is
well known, all the countries included within thefe
limits do not acknowledge the dominion of the crown
of Spain. See TERRA Firma.
PESARO, a town of Italy, in the territory of the
pope, and duchy of Urbino, with a biftiop’s fee. It is a
large place, whole ftreets are paved with bricks. The
caftle is very well fortified, the harbour excellent, and
the cathedral church magnificent, i he environs are re-
jnarkable for producing good figs, of which they fend
large quantities to Venice. It is feated on an eminence
at the mouth of the river Fogha, on the gulf of Ve¬
nice. E. Long. 13. o. N. Lat. 43. 56.
PESCARA, a Very ftrong town in the kingdom of
Naples, and in the Hither Abruzzoj feated at the mouth
of a river of the fame name, which falls into the gulf of
Venice. E. Long. I 5. 2. N. Lat. 42. 27.
PESCENIUS Niger. See Niger.
PESCHIERA, a fmall but ftrong town of Italy,
in the Veronefe, with a caftle, and a ftrong fort 5 feat¬
ed on the river Mincio or Menzo, which proceeds from
the lake Garda. E. Long. 11. 4. N. Lat. 45. 27.
PESENAS, an ancient town of France, in Langue¬
doc, and in the diocefe of Agde } delightfully feated on
the river Pein, 12 miles north-eaft of Beffeirs, and eight
north of Agde. E. Long. 3. 34. N. Lat. 43. 28.
PESSARY, in Medicine, a folid fubftance compofed
of wool, lint, or linen, mixed wnth powder, oil, wrax, &c.
made round and long like a finger, in order to be intro¬
duced into the exterior neck of the matrix, for the cure
of feveral uterine diforders.
PEST, a town of Upper Hungary, and capital of
a county of the fame name, feated on the Danube, in
a fine plain, over-againft Buda, 85 miles fouth-eaft of
Prefburg. E. Long. 18. 2^- N. Lat. 47‘ 2.4-
PESTILENCE, in Medicine, the lame with the
Plague.
PETAGUEL, a territory of South America, in
Brafil, bounded on the north by Dele •, on the eaft by
the fea ; on the fouth by the captainlhip of Rio-Grande
and on the weft by Tupuya, It contains mines of lil-
vgr.
3 J PE T
PETAL, in Botany, one of the coloured leaves which Fetal
compofe the flower. } petau.
PETALI3M, a mode of deciding on the guilt of ci- ^
tizens, fimilar to the Athenian Ostracism. It was introdu¬
ced in Syracufe about the year before Chriit 460, in or¬
der to prevent the tyranny of the richer citizens, who nad
often about that time aimed at the diadem, i o prevent,
therefore, the evils daily arifing from thence, and to bring
down the afpiring minds of the wealthy citizens, tne Sy-
racuians were forced to make a law not unlike that oi
the Athenian oftracifm j for as at Athens every citizen
was to write on a ihell the name of the peiion whom
they conceived to be the molt likely, on account of his
wealth and adherents, to afpire to the crown •, io at Sy¬
racufe they were to write on a leaf the names ol luch as
they apprehended powerful enough to ufurp the fove-
reionty. When the leaves were counted, he who had
the molt fulfrages againft him was, without any fuither
inquiry, banilhed tor five years. I his newr-contriyed
method of impairing the eftates, and weakening the in-
tereft of the overgrowm citizens, was called petalifm,
from the Greek wrord petalon, which fignifies a lea..
This law w’as attended with many evil confequences j
for thofe who were moil capable of governing the com-
monwealth were driven out, and the adminiftration ot
public affairs committed to the meaneft of the people
nay, many of the chief citizens, who wTere able to ren¬
der their country great fervice, fearing to fall under pe¬
nalties of this law7, withdrew from the cityand lived
private in the country, not concerning themfelves with
public affairs : whence all the employments being filled
with men of no merit or experience, the republic was on
the brink of ruin, and ready to fall into a ftate of anar¬
chy and confuuon. The law therefore of petalifm, upon
more mature deliberation, was repealed loon after it had
been firft enafted, and the reins of government w7ere
again put into the hands ot men who knew how to man¬
age them.
PETARD, in the art of war. See Gunnery.
1 PETAU, Denis, or Dionyfms Petavius, a French
Jefuit of great erudition, was born at Orleans in 1583.-
His father was a man of literature, and obferving ftrong
parts and an excellent genius for letters in his fon, he
took every means in his power to improve them.^ He
ufed to tell his fon, that he ought to qualify-himfelf fo,
as to be able to attack and confound “ the giant of the
Allophylse 5” meaning thaLmoft eminent fcholar Jofeph
Sealiger, whofe abilities and learning wiere allow ed to
have done great honour and much lervice to the reform¬
ed. Young Petavius feems to have entered readily into
his father’s views j for he ftudisd moft intenlely, and a*-
terwards levelled much of his erudition againft Scahger,
He joined the ftudy of the mathematics to that of the
belles lettres; and afterwards applied himfelf to a courfe
of philofophy, which he began in the cohege of Orleans,
and finifhed at Paris. He afterwards maintained thefes
xu Greek, which was as familiar to him as Latin y and
the Latin, it is faid, he underftood better than he did his
owm native language. When he was pretty well advan¬
ced, he had free accefs to the king’s library, which he
often vifited on account of the Latin and Gieek manu-
feripts. Among other advantages which accompanied
his literary purfuits, was the friendfhip of Ifaac Cafau-
bon, whom Henry IV. called to Paris in 1600. It uas
at Cafaubon’s inftigation, that Petavius, though then.
PET
detail but very young, undertook an edition of The Works of
F--t'1 el' S7nefius- this edition he corre&ed the Greek from
the manufcripts, tranilated that part which yet remained
to be tranilated into Latin, and wrote notes upon the
whole. He was but 19 years of age when he was made
profeffor of philofophy in the univerfity of Bourges; and
he fpent the two following years in ifudying the ancient
philofophers and mathematicians. In 1604, when Mo¬
rel, profellbr of Greek at Paris, publilhed The Works of
Chryfoftom, fome part of Petavius’s labours on Synelius
■were added to them : from the title of which we learn,
that he then took the name of Pcetus, which he after¬
wards changed into Petavius. His own edition of The
Works of Synelius did not appear till 1612.
He entered into the fociety of the Jefuits in 1605,
and did great credit to it by his vaft and profound eru¬
dition. He became a zeilous advocate for the church
of Home 5 and there was no way of ferving it more
agreeable to him than that of criticifing and abuling
its adverfaries. He was molt bitter againlt Scaliger j
nor did he even fpare his friend Cafaubbn -whenever he
came in his w:ay.—Petavius excelled particularly in the
dark fcience of chronology ; the learned world in gene¬
ral being obliged to him for fome exa6t and nice difqui-
litions on this fubjeft. His chief work, which is in great
repute to this day, he in titled, Rationarium Temporutn.
It is an abridgement of univerfal hiltory, from the ear-
lielt times to 163 2, in chronological order, with refer¬
ences to proper authorities. It wTas improved, and fe-
veral additions made to it, by Perizonius, and others af¬
ter his death. This eminent father, after a very laborious
life, died at Paris in the end of the year 1652, aged 69.
Gaffendus, in his life of Perefchius, fays he was the moll
confummate fcholar the Jefuits ever had 5 an opinion very
likely to be true, when we conhder that he often con¬
tended fuccefsfully with Scaliger, Salmalius, and others,
whofe abilities have been univerfally acknowledged. His
judgement, however, was not equal to his erudition, and
his controverlial writings are full of fournefs and fpleen.
We have the following charadler of a great work of Pe¬
tavius by an author of much celebrity, but who perhaps
is as much biaffed on the fide of infidelity as he thinks
this learned Jefuit wras in favour of the church of Rome.
The Dogmata Theologica of Petavius are a work of in¬
credible labour and compafs : the volumes which relate
folely to the, iucarnation (two folios, 5th and 6th, of 837
pages) are divided into 16 books—the firft of his hiftory,
the remainder of controverfy and do&rine. The Jefuit’s
learning is copious and correct; his Latinity is pure, his
method clear, his argument profound and well conneft-
ed 5 but he is the Have of the fathers, the fcourge of he¬
retics, and the enemy of truth and candour, as often as
they are inimical to the Catholic caufe.
PETAW, an ancient town of Germany, in the cir¬
cle of Auftria, and in Stiria. It is a handfome place,
and is feated on the river Drave, 3 ? miles north-eaft of
Cilley, and 109 fouth of Vienna. E. Long. 15. 36. N.
Lat. <*. 40.
PETCHELI, a province of Afia, in China, and
the chief in the whole empire j bounded on the eaft by
the fea, on the north by the great wall, on the weft by
Chanfi, and-on the fouth by Chantong and Honan.
“ This province contains nine cities of the firft clafs,
which have feveral others under their jurifdiction •, thefe
are about 40 in number, lefs confiderable indeed, but all
3
PET
furrounded with walls and ditches. Petcheli has few Fetched
mountains. Its foil is fandy, and produces very little v-“~
rice ; but all other kinds of grain abound there, as well
as the greater part of the fruit-tre-es we have in Europe.
It pays an annual tribute to the emperor, which, accord¬
ing to Father Martini, confifts of 601,153 bags of rice,
wheat, and millet; 224 pounds of linfeed ; 45,135 of
fpun filk 13,748 of cotton j 8,737,248 truffes ofltraw
for the horles belonging to the court, and 180,870 mea-
fures of fait, each containing 124 pounds 5 which is pro-
portionably much inferior to that paid by other provin¬
ces. The population of this province is eftimated at
38,000,000.
• “ It is remarked that the people of this province
have not the fame aptitude for acquiring the fciences
as thofe who inhabit the fouthern provinces of the em¬
pire } but they are more robuft and warlike j and bet¬
ter calculated to endure the hardfhips and fatigue of
war. This is the cafe with the Chinele of all the other
northern countries.
“ The face of the country here being flat and level,
permits the ufe of a kind of carriage, the conftruc-
tion of which appears to be rather Angular. Father
Martini, one of the firft miflionaries in China, thus
defcribes it: ‘ They ufe, in the province of Petcheli,
a kind of chariot with one wheel, and conftrufted in
fuch a manner, that there is room in the middle for
only one perfon, who fits as if on horfeback j the
driver pufhes behind, and, by means of wooden levers,
makes the chariot advance with fafety and expedition.
This has perhaps given rife to the report of chariots
driven in that country by the wind, which the Chi-
nefe direft oyer land with fails, as they do Ihips at
fea. A French miffionary, who traverfed this pro¬
vince in 1768, feems to have made ufe of the fame
kind of carriage. ‘ We quitted the canal (fays he)
to travel in carts, which is cuftomary in this part of
China j but it is difagreeable beyond defcription. The-
cart is amazingly clumfy, and has a great refemblance
to the carriage of a gun : there is room in it for only
one perfon, who is frequently obliged to fit crofs-leg-
ged, as our taylors do in Europe ; it jolts prodigioufly 5
and, while the traveller is expofed to the fcorching rays
of the fun, fuch clouds of dull fometimes arife as almoft:
fuffocate him.’
“ The temperature of the air of this province does
not feem to agree with its latitude. Although Pet¬
cheli extends no farther than to the 4 2d degree of north
latitude, yet all the rivers there are fo much frozen dur¬
ing four months in the year, that horfes and waggons
with the heavieft loads may fafely pafs them. It deferves
to be remarked, that the whole body of ice is form¬
ed in one day, and that feveral are neceflary to thaw
only the furface. What may appear ho lefs extraordi¬
nary is, that during thefe fevere frofts one does not feel
that {harp and pinching cold which accompanies the pro-
dudlion of ice in Europe. Thefe phenomena cannot be
accounted for, but by attributing them to the great
quantity of nitre which is found difperfed throughout
this province, and to the ferenity of the Iky, which, even
during winter, is fcldom obfcure'd by a cloud. The phy-
fical explanation, which we have given of this Angular'
temperature, is fully confirmed by experiments lately
made by Father Amiot at Peking, which convinced him,
that in this capital and neighbourhood, as far as feven or
[ 214 j
PET [2
ditli. tiqlit leagues around, the water, air, and earth, equally
v~“— abound with nitre.
“ With regard to the water, the facility with which
it freezes, the folidity of the ice and its duration, evi¬
dently ounce the prefence of nitre. A tub filled
with water, placed near one of Reaumur’s thermome¬
ters, had its furface immediately frozen, when the
mercury flood only one oegree above the. freezing
point •, and when it flood three degrees below freezing,
the water became a fond mafs of ice, if the diameter
of the veffel did not exceed a foot and a half, and the
depth of the water four or five inches. This water,
when the weather was fine, continued in the fame ffate
of congelation as long as the mercury in the thermo¬
meter did not rife higher than three degrees above o j
when the mercury rcfe higher, it then began to dif-
iblve, but fo flowly, that two or three days were fcarce-
ly fufficient to reftcre it to its former fluidity.” Gro-
fier goes on to relate other experiments of Father A-
miot, which were made with a view to difcover the
caufe of the water’s freezing fo in this temperate, cli¬
mate 5 and he then proceeds to tell us, that “ if the
waters of the province of Petcheli contain much nitre,
it is no lefs certain, that the air which one breathes
there is abundantly impregnated with it. 1 he follow¬
ing are indubitable proofs of it : iff, Notwithflanding
unwholefome food, fuch as the flefh of the greater part
of domeftic animals that have died of old age or dif-
eafe, which the people of this province greedily devour,
notwithftanding filth and all the inconveniences refult-
ing from long damp, and confined lodgings, where all
the individuals of the fame family are, as it were, heap¬
ed one upon another, the plague never makes its ap¬
pearance in Petcheli j and the people are feldom attack¬
ed by any of thofe epidemical diftempers which are fo
common in Europe. 2dly, Provifions of every kind
may be kept at Peking a long while, without being
fubjeft to corruption. Raifins are eaten there frefli even
in May, apples and pears till midfummer; wild boars,
Rags, deer, roebucks, rabbits, hares, pheafants, ducks,
geefe, and all kinds of game, brought from Tartary to
Peking after the commencement of winter •, fifh of eve¬
ry fpecies, tranfported from the rivers of Leaotong—will
keep without the afliftance of fait, in their ftate of con¬
gelation, for two or three months, although they are ex-
pofed every day in the markets, carried from the mar¬
kets to private houfes, and from private houfes brought
back to the markets until they are all fold, which does
not happen before the end of March. It is certain that
thefe fads announce an antifeptic quality in the air,
which muft undoubtedly proceed from the great quan¬
tity of nitre contained in it-
“ 3dly, The earth which , forms the foil of Petcheli
abounds no lefs with nitre $ whole fields may be feen in
the neighbourhood of Peking which are covered with
it. Every morning at funrife, the country in certain
cantons appears white as if fprinkled by a gentle fall of
fnow. If a quantity of this fubftance be fwept together,
a great deal of kien, nitre, and fait, may be extraded
from it. The Chinefe pretend that this fait may be
fubftituted for common fait •, however this may be, it is
certain, that, in the extremity of the province towards
Siuen-hoa-fou, poor people, and the greater part of the
peafants, make ufe of no other. With regard to the
kien procured from the earth, they ufe it for wafhing
15 1 ' pet
linen as we do foap. Although the land of Petcheli be
replete with nitrons particles, it does not, however, form
dry deferts ; it is cultivated with care, and becomes „
fruitful by inceflant labour. The earth is frozen in
winter to the depth of two or three feet, and does not
become foft before the end of March. This may fuffi-
ciently explain why the frolt kills plants in the neigh¬
bourhood of Pekin, which Linnaeus raifed in Sweden,
although it is 20 degrees farther north than the capital
of the Chinefe empire.”
PETECHIiE, in Medicine, a name given to thofe
fpots, whether red or of any other colour, which appear
in malignant fevers.
PETELIA. See Strongoli.
PETER, St. the apoftle, born at Bethfaida, was
fon of John, Jona, or Joana, and brother of St An¬
drew (John i. 42. 43.). His firit name was Simon or
Simeon 5 but when our Saviour called him to the apo-
ftiefhip, he changed his name into Cephas, that is, in
Syriac, aJionc or a rock ; in Latin petra, whence Peter.
He was a married man \ and had his houfe, his mother-
in-law, and his wife, at Capernaum upon the lake of
Gennefareth (Mark i. 29. Matth. viii. 14. Luke iv.38.).
St Andrew having been firft called by Jefus Chrift, met
his brother' Simon, and told him (John i. 41.) we have
found the Mefliah, and then brought him to Jefus.
Jefus beholding him, laid to him, You are Simon fon
of Jona 5 henceforth you {hall be called Cephas, that
is, Jione or rock. After having paffed one day with
our Saviour, they returned to their ordinary occupa¬
tion, which was fifliing. Yet it is thought they were
prefent with him at the marriage of Cana in Galilee.
This happened in the 30th year of the vulgar Chriftian
Petechia:
Peter.
era.
Towards the end of the fame year, Jefus Chrift be¬
ing on the fhore of the lake of Gennefaretb, faw Peter
and Andrew bufy about their fifhery, and waftiing their
nets, (Luke v. 1, 2, 3.). He entered into their boat,
and bid Peter throw out his nets into the fea, in order
to fifli. Peter obeyed him, though he had already
fifhed the whole night without catching any thing.
They took fo many fifties at this draught, that their
own veffel, and that of James and John, fons of Zebe-
dee, were filled with them. Then Peter threw himfelf
at the feet of Jefus, and faid to him, Depart from me,
Lord, for I am a {inner. Then Jefus faid to them,
Follow me, and I will make you fiftiers of men. He
faid the fame thing to James and John j and immedi¬
ately they quitted their boats and nets, and followed our
Saviour.
Some time after, Jefus coming to Capernaum entered
into the houfe of St Peter, where his mother-in-law
lay fick of a fever. He immediately healed her, and
{he began to minifter to him (Luke iv. 38. and Mat.
viii. 14.). A little -while before the feaft of the paffover
of the following year, being the 3 2d of the vulgar era,
after Jefus returned into Galilee, he made choice of
twelve apoftles, among which St Peter has always the
firft place (Mat. x. 2. Luke vi. 13.). One night that
Jefus Chrift walked upon the waters of the lake of
Gennefareth, St Peter afked him leave to come and
meet him (Mat. xiv. 28, 29.). Jefus gave him leave j
but he feeing a great wave coming, was afraid, and
therefore began to fink. * Then Jefus held him up, and
faid, O man of little faith, why was you afraid ? Af¬
terwards
Peter.
PET [2
^ ter wards landing on the oilier fide of the lake, and the
multitude that he had fed the day before beyond the
hike being come to him at Capernaum, he fpoke to
them of his body and of his blood which he was to
give to his difciples to eat and drink. This fo offend¬
ed the multitude, that feveral of them quitted him there¬
upon. He therefore afked his apoftles if they alfo would
leave him ; to which Peter replied, To whom fhall we
go, Lord; for thou haft the words -of eternal life
(John vi. 53, 54, &c.). One day, as our Saviour was
near Caeiarea Philippi, he afked his apoftles whom the
world took him for ? they anfwered, that fome laid he
W'as John the Baptift; others, Elias ; and others Jere¬
miah, or one of the prophets. But whom do you fay I
am ? fays Jefus Chrift. Simon Peter anfwered, Thou
art Chrift, the fon of the living God. Jefus then faid
unto Petei, Bleffed art thou, Simon Barjona} for fleih
and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but my father
which is in heaven (Mat. xvi. 13, 14, &c.). And I
fay unto thee, that, as thou art Peter, fo upon this rock
wall I build my church, and the gates of hell fhall not
prevail againft it ; and I will give unto thee the keys
of the kingdom of heaven, and whatfoever thou fhalt
bind on earth fhall be bound in heaven, and whatfoever
thou fhalt loofe upon earth fhall be loofed in heaven.
About fix or eight days after this, our Saviour taking
I eter, James, and John, up a high mountain, apart from
the other difciples, fhow^ed them a glimpfe of his glory,
and was transfigured before them (Mat. xvii. 1, 2^ (Sem
and Luke ix. 28.). Whereupon Peter, feeing Mofes
and Elias together with Jefus, cried out to them in an
ecftacy, Lord, it is good for us to be here ! if you pleafe,
wre will make three tents \ one for you, one for Mofes,
and one for Elias.
Jefus returning from thence to Capernaum, thofe who
gathered the tribute-money came to Peter, and faid,
Does not your mafter pay tribute ? Whereupon Jefus
ordered Peter to throw his line into the fea, and that he
ihould find wherewith to pay the toll for them two
in the mouth of the firft fifh he fhould take. Peter
obeyed ; and finding a piece of money in the mouth of
the fifh, he gave it to the tribute-gatherers, as he was
directed.. One day, as Jefus was difeourfing concerning
the forgivenefs of injuries (Mat. xviii. 21, 22.), St
Peter alked him, how often they muft forgive, and whe-
:her it was fufficient to pardon an offender feven times ?
Jefus told him, I fay, you muft pardon not only as far
as feven times, but even feventy-times feven. Upon
another occafion (Mat. xix. 27—29.), as our Saviour
was (peaking of the danger of riches, Peter faid to him,
Loid, we have iett ail things to follow thee j wdrat re¬
ward {hall rve have for it r Jefus anfwered him, I tell
you in truth, that you who have left ail things to fol¬
low me fhall receive an hundred fold even in this world
and in the other eternal life 5 and at the laft day, when
the Son ot man ftiall come to judge the world, you fiiall
lit upon twelve thrones to judge the twelve tribes of If-
rael.
On theluefday before our Saviour’s paflion, Peter
Ihoived him the fig-tree lie had curfed the evening be¬
fore, which was now dried up and withered (Mark xi.
12—2I*) 1 and the day following, as they fat upon
the mountain of Olives, he, with the other apoftles,
alked Jefus when the temple was to be deftroyed (Mat!
xxiv. 1, 2, &c. Mark xiii. r, 2, &c. Luke xxii.). On
2
16 j PET
Thurfday he was fent With St John to prepare all thing s
or the paffover ; and at evening, when Jefus was come '
mto the city with his apoftles, and, being fet down at
table, began to fpeak of him that Ihould betray him
Peter made figns to John to alk him who this Ihould b^
(Jonn xiu. 24.). After fupper, the difciples entered in¬
to dupute which fhould be the greateft among them :
v. Hereupon Jefus Chrift, laying afide his garments, be-
too,, himfelf to walh their feet, to give them an example
or humility m his own perfon. St Peter at firft made
ome difficulty, and would not fuffer his mafter to walh
his feet: but Jefus telling him, that if he did not walh
his feet, he could have no part in him 5 St Peter replied.
Lord walh not only my feet, but my hands and head
alio (John xni. 6—10.).
Some time after, Jefus faid to him (Luke xxii. 3r,
32, ccc.), Peter, Satan has defired to lift you as men lift
wheat ; but I have prayed for you, that your faith may
not fail: and when you are converted, confirm your
brethren. By this he warned St Peter of his fall, 'that
was juft at hand, and of Ins renouncing him; from
rvLieu, by the afiiftance of God, he was afterwards to
recover. St Peter then afked him, where he was o-q. -
mg . and faid, he was ready to follow him everywhere
not only to. prifon, but to death ilfelf. But Chrift de-
clared to him, that he would be fo far from following
him to oeath that he would abjure him three times that
very night before the cock Ihould crow, or before break
or day.. When fupper was ended, he went to the garden
of Olives, where, taking Peter, James, and John, he
went with them apart, that they might be witneffes of
his agony. Peter, though before be had Ihowed fo
much refolution, yet fell aileep with the reft; which oc-
cafioned Jefus to fay to him, Do you fleep, Simon ?
Could you not watch with me one hour ? (Mark xiv.
37. Mat. xxvi. 40, &c.).
Judas being come with the foldiers to feize Jefus
Pv-i-ei drew his fword, and cut oft the right ear of one
called Malchus, who was fervant to the high-prieft:
but Jefus bid him put up his fword into the fcabbard !
and told him, that all thofe who fought with the fword
Ihould perilh by the fword: and at the fame time healed
Malchus’s ear (John xviii. 10, &c.). Peter followed
.iCius afar off, as far as the koufe of Caiaphas, and was
let in by means of another difciple, who was known in
the family. The foldiers and fervants that had brought
Jefus, having lighted a fire in the middle of the hail,
Peter mingled among them to warm himfelf alfo; when
a maid-fervant, having looked earneftly upon him, faid.
Surely this man was with Jefus of Nazareth. But Peter
made anfwer, I know not what you fay, for 1 do not fo
much as know the man. Prefenlly after he went out
into the porch, when immediately the cock crew. A
little while after another maid faid to thole that were.
Prefent, This man was with Jefus of Nazareth. But
Peter denied it with an oath. About an hour after,
one of the company affirmed that Peter was a difciple of
Jefus. Others infilled upon the fame thing ; and faid,
that furely he was one of them, for his very fpeech be¬
trayed him to be a Galilean. Lailly, one of them, be¬
ing a kinfman of Malchus whefe ear Peter had cut off,
affirmed the fame thing ; and alked him, Did not I fee
you with him in the garden ? Peter again denied it with
an oath, protefting that he did not know the man.
And at the fame lime the cock crowed the lecond
tipie.
Peter
PET [ 2
Peter. time. Then Jefus, being in the fame hall, and not far
from Peter, looked upon him; and Peter then remember¬
ing what Jefus had laid to him, that before cock-crow
he fhould deny him thrice, he went out of Caiaphas’s
houfe, and wrept bitterly (Mat. xxvi. 73, 75. Mark xiv.
34, 72-)*
Very probably he remained in fecret, and in tears,
all the time of our Saviour’s paffion, that is^ ail Friday
and Saturday following ; but on Sunday morning, Jefus
being rifen, and Mary having been at the tomb, and not
finding the body of Jefus, Ihe came in hafte into the
city, to tell Peter and John that they had taken away
their mailer, and that ihe could not find where they had
put him. Peter and John made haile thither, and John
coming firil, did not go into the fepulchre. Peter then
coming up to him, prefently ilooped dotvn, and faw the
linen clothes wdierein the body had been ivrapt. He
went then into the fepulchre, and John with him ; after
which they returned to Jerufalem, not knowing what
had come to pafs. But foon after Jefus appeared to the
holy women, wrho had come firft to the fepulchre, and
bid them give his apoftles notice of his refurreclion.
And the fame day our Saviour alfo appeared to Peter,
to comfort him, and affure him that his repentance had
been acceptable to him.
Some days after, St Peter being returned into Galilee
as Jefus had commanded him, and going to fifh in the
fea of Galilee, or in the lake of Gennefareth, w ith fome
other of the apofties, Jefus appeared to them on the fhore,
and bid them throw out their nets on the right fide of
the veffel. They threw them out, and took fuch a mul¬
titude of fifhes that they could not draw up their nets
again. Then St John faid to Peter, It is the Lord.
Peter immediately girded up himfelf, for he was naked,
and fwimming to fhore he came to Jefus : then drawing
their nets to fhore, Jefus dined with them. After dinner,
Jefus, faid to Peter, Simon, fon of Jona, do you love me
more than thefe ? He anfwered, Yea, Lord, you know
that I love you. Jefus fays to him, Then feed my
lambs. He put the fame queflion to him again j and
Peter making the fame anfwer, our Imrd faid to him
again, Feed my Iheep. This he repeated a third time ;
at which St Peter was troubled, and faid, You know.
Lord, that I love you. Jefus replied to him, “ Feed
my fheep. I tell you for a truth, that when you w7ere
young, you girded yourfelf, and went where youpleafed;
but now you are old, another (hall gird you, and lead
you where you would not go.” This he faid to let
him know wrhat death he was to die. At the fame
time, Peter feeing St John the Evangelift, faid to our
Saviour, Lord, what mull; become of him ? Jefus an-
fivered, “ If I will that he tarry till I come, wrhat does
that concern you ? Do you follow me.” Thus he re-
fufed to declare in what manner St John fhould end his
life.
After that Jefus Chrift had afeended into heaven,
and that the apoftles had been witneftes of his afeen-
fion, they returned to Jerufalem, to wHt there for the
Holy Ghoft, whom our Saviour had ptomifed to fend
them ; and being afletnbled together in a houfe, they
continued there in prayer, and in the union of chari¬
ty, till the time that the Floly Ghoft defeended upon
them, in the form of tongues of fire. During this in¬
terval, St Peter propofed to the apoftles, and to the
reft of the affembly, to fill up the place that the trai-
Vol. XVI. Part L
17 l , PET
tor Judas had left vacant* in the apoftlefhip. The pro- Peter:
pofal was agreed to by all ^ and two perfons were pro-
poled, Jofeph Barfabas and Matthias : upon this laft
the lot fell ; and from that time he was admitted one'
ol the apoftles. The tenth day after the afeenfion of
our Saviour, beiilg the day of Pentecoft, the Holy
Ghoft having defeended upon the apoftles, and upon
all the faithful that were ailembled with them, and ha¬
ving replenifhed them with fupernatural gifts, and
efpecially with the gift of tongues, all tliofe who were
witneffes of this miracle exprefted their admiration at
it ; and there being upon that day at Jerufalem a great
many Jews from feveral provinces of the eaft, they
could not comprehend by what means thefe men, who
were Galileans, ftiould fpeak the languages of all thefe
pagan nations (A<fts ii. 1, 2, &.C.). Some of them faid,
that the apoftles Were full of new wine. But St Peter
ftanding Up, told them, that what they heard and faw
was not the effect of drunkennefs, but was the comple¬
tion of the promife that the Holy Ghoft had made by
the prophet Joel (ii. 28.), to fend his fpirit upon all
flelh, and to give the fpirit of prophecy to young,and
old, to men and women. He afterwards fpoke to them
of Jefus Chrift, and told them that he was the true
Meffiah, that he was rifen from the dead as the ferip-
ture had foretold he fhould ; declaring that himfelf and
the other apoftles wete witnefles of his refurredlion 5
of his afeenfion into heaVen, and of the miftion of the
Holy Ghoft, the vifible effects of which they faw with
their own eyes in the gifts of language* wherewith they
had been replenifhed.
Then thofe that heard him were touched with com¬
punction, and afked the apoftles, Brethren, what (hall
we do ? Peter anfwered them. Repent, and be bap¬
tised, and you ftiall receive the Holy Ghoft. Then
he inftrufled them, baptized them, and that very day
three thoufand perfons were added to the church (Acts
iii. 1, 2, &c.). Some days after, St Peter and John,
going to the temple at the hour of prayers, met at a
gate of the temple a man who had been lame from his
birth, fo that he was carried about. This man feeing
Peter and John, alked alms of them : upon which Peter
faid to him, Silver or gold I have not *, but fuch as I
have I give thee : In the name of Jefus of Nazareth,,
rife up and walk. Prefently the man got up, and w'ent
into the temple along with them, lifting up his voice,
and glorifying God. He held St Peter, telling the
people then affembled all that had happened unto him.
Then Peter, taking this occafton, told the people, that
it w7as not by his own power that he had performed the
miracle they fo much wmndered at, but that it was
by the power of Jefus Chrift that this man wras healed.
He their laid before them the great crime they had
committed, in putting Jefus Chrift to death, who was
the Saviour of the world, and the Meffiah ; and after
he had fhewm them by all the prophecies that Chrift was
to die thus, he exhorted them to repentance, and to
make a proper ufe of the death of Chrift.
He was thus fpeaking to the people, when the priefts
and Sadducees coming upon them, laid hold on Peter
and John, and put them in prifon, until the day fol¬
lowing, it being now late (ACls iv. 1, 2, &c.). But-
the number of thofe that were converted this day at
the fecond preaching of St Peter was about five thoit-
fand. The day following, the rulers, magiftraies, and ‘
E e chief
pet r 2
tef- chief pnePis being affembled on this cccafion, ordered
v the apodles to be brought before them ; and then afk-
cd them, by whofe authority tl;ey performed the mi¬
racle of healing the lame man ? St Peter anfwered,
that it was in the name of jelus of Nazareth, whom
they had crucified, and . whom God raired again from
'he dead. The alfembly were furprlifd at the bold-
rieis of the anoftles upon this occafion : but came to a
refolution to dilm. is them, charging them at the fame
time to teach no more in the name of Jefus , and
threatening them if they ihould perfift in difobedience
to thele orders. The two apoftles returned to their
brethren, and related to them all that had paffed ;
which having heard, the brethren railed their voices
to heaven, begging God to give them ifrength and
courage to declare his word with perfect liberty ; and
having finifhed their prayers, the place Ihook wherein
they wrere alfembled, and they were again filled with the
Holy Ghoft.
At this time many of the faithful fold their eftates,
and brought the money to the apoftles (id. v. I, 2,
&c.). Of this number was a man called Ananias, with
liis wife Sapphira, who, by a private agreement between
themfelves, concealed a part of the money for which
they had fold their land, and brought the reft to St
Peter, as if it were the whole fum. Ananias came firft ;
and St Peter faid to him, Ananias, how came Satan to
feduce you, and to prevail with you to lie to the Holy
Ghoft, by concealing part of the price of your land ? It
is not men that you thought to impofe on, but God.
Immediately Ananias fell down dead, and they carried
him out and buried him. About three hours after his
wife Sapphira came in, and St Peter faid to her almoft
the fame things he had before faid to her hufband,
and immediately fhe fell down alfo, and gave up the
ghoft. This affair infufed a great awe in the whole
church, and amongft all thofe that heard of it. (See
A6ts v.).
The number of believers confiderably increafed eve¬
ry day : fo that they even brought out the fick into
the ftreets, and laid them where Peter was to pafs, that
at leaft his ftiadow might cover fome of them, by which
means they vie re healed of their diftempers. Then the
high-prieft and his affociates, that is, the Pharifees,
caufed the apoftles to be apprehended and put into pri-
fon.. But an angel brought them forth, and bid them
go into the temple, and there boldly declare all the
words of life which God had taught them. This they
performed : upon which the princes and priefts caufed
them to be brought before them; and having demanded
why they had d.fobeyed their orders, in continuing to
jpeak ftill in the name of Jefus Chrift, Peter and the
apoftles anfwered, that it vvas more neceffary to obey
God than man. This anlvver provoked them very much,
and they were going to condemn them to death, when
Gamaliel prevailed with them to change their refolution,
V>y reprefenting to them, that if this matter proceeded
frpm God, it was in vain for them to oppofe it 5 but if
otherwife, then it fhould foon vanilh of itfelf. So they
difmiffed the apoftles, after giving them 39 ftripes a-
piece, and charged them to fpeak no more in the name
of Jefus Chrift.
After thej martyrdofh of St Stephen, a perfecution
'Vas carried on ^gfdnft the faithful at Jerufalem, and they
were obliged to take fheiter in feveral places, The
18 ] PET
apoftles alone continued at Jerufalem (A&s via. 1,2, P
3, &c.). St Philip the deacon going to Samaria, the U“"~
Samaritans received the word of .the Lord, and feveral
of them were-baptized. Then St Peter and St John re¬
paired thither alfo, to give them the Holy Ghoft, which
St Philip, being only a deacon, had not power to do.
Simon the magician was alfo baptized among others j
and admiring the power that the apoftles had, of confer¬
ring the Holy Ghoft, would have bought the fame power
of the apofties, and accordingly offered money to St
Peter. But Peter with indignation replied to him, Thy
money and thou perffli together, who thinkeft the gifts
of God can be bought with money ! Thou haft no part
with us, nor haft any pretenfions to this miniftry, for
toy heart is not right before God. Repent therefore
of this wickednefs, and pray to God if perhaps he wall
pardon the wicked thoughts of thy heart. After this-
Peter and John returned again to Jerufalem. See
A<fts viii.
The fire of perfecution being now pretty well extin-
guiftied, St Peter departed from Jerufalem (A£ts ix. 3?
&c.), and vifiting the difciples from city to city, "he
came alfo to fee the faints that dwelt at Lydda. Here
he found a man called AJneas, who had been paralytic
for eight years. St Peter faid to him, iEneas, rile up j
Jefus Chrift the Lord cures you. He prefently got upj
and all that dwelt at Lydda that faw the miracle were
converted to the Lord. There was alfo at Joppa a cer¬
tain holy woman, named Tabitha, who happening to die
while St Peter was at Lydda, the difciples fent to de¬
fire him to come to them. Whereupon St Peter
came, and entering into the chamber where Tabitha
lay dead, he caufed every body to go out, and betook
himfelf to prayers. Then turning himfelf towards the
corpfe, he faid, Tabitha, arife. At which inftant Ihe
opened her eyes, and feeing St Peter, (he fat up. This
miracle was much famed at Joppa, and was the occa¬
fion that many were converted. St Peter flayed there
a good while, taking up his lodging with one Simon a
tanner.
Now there was at Csefarea of Paleftine a centurion
called Cornelius, a man that feared God (Adis x. 1,
2, 3.), and to whom it was revealed by an angel, that
he ftiould fend to Joppa to Peter, who fhould tell him
what he had to do. Cornelius immediately fent two
of his fervants ; and while they were upon the road, the
Lord fent a vifion to Peter, to prepare him to go to
this man without any fcruple, although he was not a
Jew; for as yet the door of the gofpel had not been
opened to the Gentiles. St Peter, then being at the
top of the houfe, fell into a trance, and faw, as it were,
a great flieet of linen let down from heaven, which was
full of all kinds of animals and reptiles, both clean and
unclean. He had this vifien three times, and heard a
voice, faying, Arife Peter, kill and eat. But Peter
anfwered, Lord, I have never eaten any thing unclean.
The voice replied, Call not that unclean which God
has purified. After which the fheet was again taken
up into heaven. At the fame time, the men came in
that had been fent by Cornelius. They acquainted
him with what had happened to their mafter, and de-
fired him to go along with them to Caefarea. The
day following St Peter fet out thither, and was ac¬
companied by fome of the brethren of Joppa. (See
A&s x.).
When
PET [2
Wlieft ?eter was returned to Jerufale'tn, tlie faithful
of the cu’cumcifion fatd to him, why have you gone un¬
to the uncircumcifed, and why did you eat with them ?
but Peter having related to them all that paffed, they
■were fatisfied, and glorified God who had given the gift
of repentance leading to life as well to the Gentiles as
to the Jews. It is thought, that a little after this Peter
Went to Antioch, wliere he founded the Chriftian church
of wdiich he was bithop (Gal. ii. u.). It is believed
that he continued here feven years, though not conilant-
ly : for during this time, he went to Jerufalem, and to
the provinces of Alia Minor, to Bithynia, Cappadocia,
and Pontus, as is concluded from the epiflle that he
afterwards addreffed to the faithful of thefe provinces.
From thence he went to Rome, in the 4 2d year of the
Chriilian era j and it is thought that at his leaving An¬
tioch he there fixed St Ignatius in his place. Eufebius
thinks, that the chief occafion of his going to Rome was
to oppofe Simon Magus, wrho by his deceits had per¬
verted a great number of perfons. However, the pre-
fence of St Peter, and the true miracles that he oppofed
to the tricks of Simon, ruined, or much diminifhed, the
reputation of this impoftor.
St Peter, leaving Rome, came to Jerufalem at the
pafibver, in the 44th year of the Chriftian era, when
Herod Agrippa began to perfecute the church. That
prince put St James the Greater, brother of John, to
the fword (A£Is xii. 1, &c.) j and perceiving that his
death was agreeable to the Jews, he moreover caufed
Peter to be apprehended and put in prifon, with a de-
fign of executing him publicly after the paflfover.
But the very night that Herod thought of putting him
to death, as Peter, loaded wuth chains, was afleep be¬
tween two feldiers, the angel of the Lord awakened
him, broke off his chains, opened the prifon door, and
brought him out the length of a ftreet. Then the an¬
gel leaving him, he came to the houfe of Mary the mo¬
ther of John, wdiere many of the faithful were affem-
bled at prayers j and having knocked at the door, a
damfel named‘Rhoda came to open it •, but when the
heard Peter’s voice, inftead of opening the door, fhe ran
in a tranfport of joy to acquaint the family that Peter
was at the door. Thofe wrho heard her could not be¬
lieve it, and faid, it wras his angel, and not himfelf: but
continuing to knock, and being let in, he informed them
of what had happened to him.
He then left Jerufalem •, but we are not told what
became of him till the time of the council held at Je •
rufalem in the year 51. It is thought that before this
time he made his fecond journey to Rome, from wrhence
he wrote his firft epiftle.
St Peter was obliged to leave Rome in the year 5 x
by order of the emperor Claudius, who had banifhed all
Jewrs from thence, becaufe of the tumults they conti¬
nually raifed there, excited by one Chreftus, as Sueto¬
nius fays, meaning probably by this name Jelus Chrift.
The apoftle then returned into Judea, where w?as held
the council of Jerufalem *, in which, after a ftriift: exa¬
mination of the matter propofed to Peter and the
apoftles, he fpoke to them wuth much wifdom, faying
(A61s xv. 7, 8, &c.), that God having given his Ho¬
ly Ghoft and the gift of faith to the Gentiles as w7ell as
to the Jewrs, they ought not to impofe the yoke of the
legal obfervances on the new converts, which (as he
fays) neither wre nor our fathers have been able to bear.
19 1 PET
But we believe, that it is through the grace of Jefus
Chrift that both we and they ihail be faved. St James
the Lefs, bifhop of Jerufalem, feconded this opinion of
St Peter $ and the council came to this conclufion,
That no new obligation ftiould be itnpofed on the Gen¬
tiles, but only that they Ihould be required to abftain
from fornication, from the ufe of blood, and from meats
offered to idols. The refolution of this council wras
written to the faithful of Antioch, becapfe it was there
this queftion was firft ftarted.
Some time after, St Peter coming to Antioch (Gal.
ii. 11. &.C.), he eat and drank wuth the Gentiles, with¬
out regarding that diftinftion of meats enjoined by the
law\ But after that, when feme of the faithful of Je¬
rufalem came to Antioch, being converted jews, St
Peter, out of fear to offend them, feparated himfelf from
the converted Gentiles, and wmuld no longer eat with
them as before. St Paul, fearing that what St Peter
did might be interpreted, as if he had a defire to oblige
the Gentiles to judaize, atid to fubmit themfelves to the
yoke of the law, and fo to revoke and annul what ho
himfelf had determined in the council of Jerufalem, he
withftood Peter to his face, and openly expoftulated
with him, telling him, he was much in the wrong to
endeavour to oblige the Gentiles, at leaft tacitly by
his own manner of afting, to live as the Jews do *, and
St Peter received this reprehenfion with filence and hu¬
mility.
The particulars of St Peter’s life are little known
from the 51ft year of the vulgar era, in which the
council of Jerufalem Was held, till his laft journey to
Rome, which was iome time before his death. Then
being acquainted by revelation that the time of his
death w^as not far off (2 Pet. i. 14.), he had a mind
to wuute to the faithful that had been converted by
him, to put them in mind of the truths he had before
taught them. He font them therefore his fecond
epiftle.
St Peter and St Paul came to Rome about, the fame
tirne^ in the year of Chrift 6>, where they performed
many miracles, and made many converts. Simon Ma>-
gus by his tricks continued here to deceive the people,
pretending himfelf to be the MefTiah, and even attempt¬
ing to afeend into heaven •, for having caufed himlelf to
be carried up into the air by his daemons, in a fiery cha¬
riot, St Peter and St Paul betook themfelves to their
prayers ; and then the impoftor, being forfaken by his dae¬
mons, fell down upon the ground, which fall fome time
afterwards occafioned his death. See Simon Magus.
Soon after this, St Peter wras taken tip and thrown
into prifon, wfofere it is faid he continued for nine months j
at laft he was crucified at Rome in the Via Oftia j with
his head downwards, as he himfelf had defired of his
executioners. This he did out of a fenfe of humility,
for fear it Ihould be thought, as St Ambrofe fays, that
he affefted the glory of Jefus Chrift, and the more to
augment the pain of his execution.
It is faid, that the body of St Peter was at firft bu¬
ried in the catacombs, two miles from Rome, from
whence it was afterwards tranfborted to the Vatican,
wdiere it has lain ever fince. PJi.s feftivat is celebrated
with that of St Paul on the 29th of June. St Peter
died in the 66th year of the vulgar era, after having
been bithop of Rome for about 24 or 25 years. His
age might be about 74 or 75 years. It is generally
E e 2 agreed.
PET [2
r>ter- agreed, that St Linus was his fuccefior. The fo'Joiv-
1 ing is the portraiture that Nicephorus gives us of St
beter, which he has probably taken from the ancient
pictures that were preierved of this apoftle. He was
hit, but pretty tall and upright, having a fair and
palilh countenance. The hair of his head and beard
vi as thick, fuzzled, and not long. hfis eves were
black, and blood-(hot; his eyebrows protuberant and
lofty ; his nofg fom'etiling long, and rather Hat than
(harp.
The two epiflks of St Peter are addrefled to thofe
Jewilh converts who were fcattered throughout Pontus,
Galatia, Sec. not only upon the perleculion raifed at
Jerufalem, but upon former difperfions of the Jews into
thofe places on feveral other occafions. The firft epiille
is principally deiigned to comfort and confirm them un¬
der thofe fiery trials and manifold temptations they were
then fubjeft to, and to direcl and inftrucl them how to
behave in the (everal (fates and relations both of the
civil and the Chriltian life, that they might not be en¬
gaged in thofe rebellions again (i Cm far and his officers,
then fomented among the Jews; and that they might
(lop the mouths of thofe who (poke againft them as
evil doers. In the fecond epiftle, he profecutes the
fame fubjecf, to prevent their apolfafy from the faith,
on account of any perfecutions they were liable to.
He likewife guards them againif the corrupt princi-
ples of the Goodies, and thofe who fcoffed at the pro-
miie of Chrift’s coming, as if it would never be ve¬
rified.
Blackwell's St Peter’s (fyle, fays a modern author, expreffes the
SacredClaf noble vehemence and fervour of his fpirit, the full
1 knowledge he had of Chriftianity, and the ftrong afiu-
rance he had of the truth and certainty of his doblrine;
and he writes with die authority of the firft man in the
college of the apofties. He writes with that quicknefs
and rapidity pf ftyle, with that noble riegledl of fome
of the formal confequences and niceties of grammar,
(till _ preferving its true reafon and natural analogy
(which are always marks of a fublime genius), that you
can fcarce perceive the paufes of his difeourfe and di-
ftinblion of his periods. The great Jofeph Scaliger calls
St Peter’s fid! epiftle majeftic ; and we hope he was
more judicious than to exclude the fecond, though he
did not name it.
A noble majefty, and becoming freedom, is what di-
ftinguiihes St Peter; a devout and judicious perfon can¬
not read him without foiemn attention and awful con¬
cern. The conflagration of this lower world, and future
judgement of angels and men, in the third chapter of
the fecond, is deferibed in liich ftrong and terrible terms,
fuch awful circumftances, that in the defeription we fee
the planetary heavens and this our earth wrapped up
with devouring flames, hear the groans of an expiring
world, and the crafties of nature tumbling into univerfal
ruin.
The authority of the fecond epiftle of St Peter was
for fome time doubted of, as Origen, Eufebius, St Je¬
rome and others have obferved. What made the an¬
cients call it in queftion, is the difference of its ftyle
from the firft. The third chapter, which deferibes the
cataftrophe of the vifible world, made Grotius think
this epiftle was wrote after the taking of Jerufalem ; be-
caufe that was not to happen till after the deftrutfion of
fthat city ; upon which he conjectures, that Simeon bx-
20 ] PET
fliop or Jerusalem's the author of this epiftle, and that
tne inferjpdon winch carries St Peter’s name is corrupt- 1
cd. But the bed critics admit this epiftle to be the ge¬
nuine woik of St Peter, who difeovers himfelf, where
he lays, tnat he was prelent at our Lord’s transfigura¬
tion ; and where he tells the Jews, this was the fecond
letter, ne had written to them, i he reader may fee this
queftion fully difculted, and the authority of this epiftle
eftablifhed beyond all doubt, by the learned Dr Sher¬
lock, in his Diffcrtation on the authority of the Second
Epiftle of St Peter.
St Peter has been made the author of feveral books;
fuen were, his Acls, his Golpel, hrs Revelation, his work
about preaching, and another about judgement. There
is extant a large hiftory of St Peter, called the Recogni¬
tions, aferibed to St Clement.
PjlTEB of Blois, a learned man of the i 2th century
was born about the year 11 20, at the city of Blois m
J ranee, trom whence he derived his name. His pa¬
rents, being opulent, gave him a learned education. In
his youth, when he ftudied in the univerfity of Paris,
he was exceflively fond of poetry ; and when he was a
little further advanced in life, he became no lefs fond of
rhetoric, io the ftudy of which he applied with the
gieateft ardour. I rom Paris he removed to Bononia in
Italy, to acquire the civil and canon law y in the know¬
ledge of both which he very much excelled. Pie ap¬
pears hom his writings to have cultivated medicine, and
feveral branches of the mathematics, with no little care
and fuccefs. the ftudy of theology was the chief de¬
light and bufinefs of his life, in which he fpent the
greateft part of Iris time, and made the greateft progrefs.
But unfortunately it was that fcholaftic theology, which
confided in vain attempts to prove and explain the ma¬
ny abiurd opinions which then prevailed in the church,
by the fubtleiies of Ariftotelian logic. In attempting
to explain in this manner the mod abfurd of all opinions
that ever exifted amongft mankind, he was the very firft
perfon who employed the famous word iranfubjlantia-
t;on, which was foon after adopted by the church of
Rome, and hath ever fince made fo great a noife, Be-
ing appointed preceptor to William IF. king of Sicily
m 1167, (“e obtained the cuftody of the privy feal ; and,
next to the archbilhop of Palermo, the prime minifter,
had the greateft influence in all affairs. But his power
was not of long duration ; for the archbiflrop being ba-
nilhed in 1168, our author foon after left the court of
Sicily, and returned into France. He was not long,
however, without a royal patron, being invited into
England by Henry II. who employed him as his private
(ecretary, made him archdeacon of Bath, and gave him
fome other benefices. When he had fpent A few years
at court, he conceived a difguft at that way of life (of
which he hath drawn a very unpleafing piffure in one
of bis letters), and retired into the family of Richard
archbiftiop of Canterbury, who had made him his chan¬
cellor about the year 1176. In this Ration he continued
to the death of the archbilhop in 1183, enjoying the
higheft degree of favour with that prelate, though he
uied much freedom in reproving him for his remiffnefs
in the government of the church. Our author remain¬
ed in the fame ftation in the family of Archbfthop Bald¬
win, who fucceeded Richard, afting both as his fccre-
tary and chancellor. He was alfo lent by that prelate
on an embaffy to Rome in 1187, to plead his caufe be¬
fore
Petr
Pt-ter.
P £ T [ 2
fore Pope Urban III. in the famous contrcverfy between
him and the monks of Canterbury about the church of
Hacking-Ion. After the departure of his friend and
patron Baldwin for the Holy Land in 119c, our author
was involved in various troubles in his old age, the cau-
fes of which are not didinfliy known •, and died about
the end of the 12th century. He appears from his
works, which may be jujUy reckoned among the re oft
valuable monuments ot ihe age in which he Houriihed,
to have been a man of great integrity and ftneere piety,
as well as of a lively inventive genius and uncommon
erudition. His printed works confift of 1^4 letters,
which he coll ceded together at the defire of Henry II. ;
of 65 fevmons, delivered on various occafions} and of
17 traces on different fubjeddsi
Peter the Hermit. See Croisade and Hermit.
Peter I. juftly ftyled Peter the Great, czar, and
afterwards emperor, of Ruin a, founder of the Ruffian
empire 5 for though the country was well known, and
-of great antiquity, yet it had no extent of power, of
political influence, or of general commerce, in Europe,
till his time, Pie was born in 1672-, and was pro¬
claimed czar wbtn but ten years of age, in exclufion
of John his elder brother, who, being of a fickly con-
ftitution, was at the fame time veiy weak in his under-
ftanding. The princefs Sophia, his half-filler, made
an infurreflion in favour of John 5 and to put an end
to the civil war, it was at laid agreed that the two
brothers fliould jointly fhare the imperial dignity. Pe¬
ter had been very ill brought up, not only through the
general defends of the Ruffian education, but likewife
through the arts of the princefs Sophia, who furrounded
him with every thing that might ftiile his natural defire
of knowledge, deprave his mind, and enervate it with
pleafures. Notwithftanding this, his inclination for mi¬
litary exercifes difeovered itfelf in his tendereft years.
Pie formed a company of 50 men, commanded by foreign
officers, clothed and exercifed after the German manner.
He entered himfelf into the loxveft poll, that of a drum¬
mer 5 and never rofe otherwife than as a foldier of for¬
tune. Herein his defign was to teach his nobility, that
merit, not birth, was the only title to military employ¬
ments. He reinforced his company with feveral others,
till at laid he had got together a confiderable body of
foldiers. As he then had no war on his hands, he exer¬
cifed them in all forts of mock engagements, and by this
means fecured to himfelf a body of well-difciplined
troops. The fight of a Dutch velfel, which he had met
with on a lake belonging to one of his pleafure-houfes,
:i ] P E T
made fuch an impreffion on bis mind, that he concei¬
ved the almoft impracdicable defign of forming a navy.
Plis firft care was to get lome Plollanders to build fome
fmall veffels at Mofcow 5 and he patted two fucceffive
fummers on boarc} Englifh or Dutch thips, which let
oat from Archangel, that he might inftrufd himfelf in
every branch of naval affairs (a). In 1696 czar John
died, and Peter was now foie mailer ol the empire.
In 1698 he fent an ernbaffy to Holland j and went
incognito in the retinue, and vifited England, as well as
Holland, fn order to inform himlelf fully in the art of
{hip-building. At Amfterdam be worked in the yard
as a private Ihip-carpenter, under the name of Peter
Michaelof ; but he has been oiien heard to fay, that if
he had never gone to England, he had full remained
ignorant of that art. In 1700 he had got together
a body of Handing forces, confifting of 30,000 foot j
and now the vaft project he had formed dilplayed it¬
felf in all its parts. He opened his dominions, which
till then had been flmt up, having firft fent the chief
nobility of his empire into foreign countries to improve
themfelves in knowledge and learning. Pie invited
into Ruffia all the foreigners lie could meet with, who
wTere capable of inftrufling his I objects in any manner,
and offered them great encouragement to fettle in his
dominions. This raifed many difeontents •, and the
defpotic authority he exerted on that occafion was
fcarcely powerful enough to fupprefs them. In 1700,^
being ftrengthened by the alliance of Auguftus king
of Poland, he made war on Charles XII. king of Swe¬
den. His firft ill fuccefs did not deter him \ for he
ufed to fay, I know that my armies mull be overcome
for a great while •, but even this will at laid teach them
to conquer. He afterwards gained confiderable ad¬
vantages ; and founded Peterfburg in 1703. In 1709
he gained a complete vitftory over the Swedes at Pul-
towa. In 1712 he wras inclofed by the Turks on the
banks of the Pruth ; and feemed inevitably loft, had
not the czarina Catherine bribed the grand vifir, and
the czar’s prudence completed his deliverance. In
1716 he made a tour through Germany and Holland,
and vifited the royal academy of fciences at Paris. It
would be endlefs to enumerate all the various elfablifh-
ments for which the Ruffians are obliged to him. Pie
formed an army according to the manner of the poli-
teft and moft experienced nations : he fitted out fleets
in all the four feas which border upon Ruffia: he
caufed many ftrong fortrefles to be railed alter the heft
plans) and made convenient harbours : he introduced
arts
(a) The following circumftance, it is faid, in fome meafure determined Peter to attempt thofe reformations
which he afterwards accompliflied. Great events have been fometimes the effect of little caufes ; and it is at leal!
poffible, that without the occurrence we are going to relate. Raffia might ftill have been in a ftate of barbarifm.
A young Genevefe, called Le Fort, about 1695, went to Mofcow with the Danifh ambaffiador. The czar Peter,
who was then 19 years old, fell in company with this Genevefe, who had foon learnt the Ruffian tongue, and
fpoke almoft all the tongues of Europe. Le Fort ingratiated himfelf wilh the pynce, entered into his fervice, and
foon afterwards into his familiarity. He made him comprehend that there was a different manner of living and
reigning from what had unhappily obtained throughout his vaft and miferable empire. A prince muft be born
with an uncommon greatnefs of foul to liften readily to a ftranger, and to be able to diveft himfelf of the prejudices
of a throne and of his country. The czar was fenfible that neither himfelf nor his people were yet to be reckoned
among men ; and that he had an empire to form, but could have no affiftance at home. From that time he took
a refolution to leave his dominions} and fet out, like another Prometheus, to borrow celeftial fire for animating his 5
countrymen.,
p E T f 2
j ^rts an<^ kiences into liis dominions, and freed religion
irom many fuperftitious abufes: he made laws, built
cit.eS, cut canals, &c.; w’as generous in rewarding
impartial in punilhing j faithful, laborious, and humble;
yet was not free from a certain roughnefs of temper
natural to his nation. He had indeed cured himfelf
of excefs m drinking j but he has been branded with
leveral other vices, particularly cruelty. He publilhed
the unfortunate hiftory of his fon Prince Alexis (n) •
towaids whom fome blame his feverity, while others
tumk it no more than wras neceffary. He perfeflly
knew the honour due to perfons of merit j and not
only heaped honours upon them during their life but
_gave them marks of elleem even after their death.? He
died of the ilrangury in 1725, and left the world
with the magnanimity of a hero and the piety of a
Lhriitian. '
22 ] p
Peter was tall of ilature,
afpecf, though fometimes
which altered his features,
bed to
Sophia
E T
and of a bold and majeflic
disfigured by convuliions,
. This deformity w^as afcri-
poifon, given him, as it is faid, by his filler
but it was indeed no other than wine and
1, ' , ' iiicui wine ana
brandy, wdnch he often drank to excefs, relying too
much on the ftrength of his conftitution. He con-
verled with perfons in all Rations, from the mechanic
to the general of an army 5 and his conyerfation was
neither like that of a barbarian who makes no dillinc-
tion between men, nor of a popular prince who feeks
to pleafe all the world, but that of a perfon who aims
at mitruthom He loved women as much as the kino-
ot Sweden, his rival, dreaded them, and all were equaf-
y agreeable to him 5 he valued himfelf on drinking
large draughts, rather than lipping delicious wine. We
are told that kings and legillators Ihould never fuffer
themfelves
a"d> !ik.e Wm quitted Mufcovyfccretty, but had
became an example of the moft t«ribfe fevlritt that?8 ’• badWs father, cott him his life. He
much to the honour of the emprefs Catherine "(he ha 1 ^ en from. tribunal of the throne : but, what is
another woman, and loved nothing that his'father loved f" f}!" • C mis{ortu”es that prince, w^ho v:zs born of
cruel ftepmother. The great crime of the unfor n ?J a 1 ?athenr!: • n0t m the Ieaft fufPeaed of the
proving every thing that was grand and immortal, and moieded by his fnhfr I-00.!?’10!1 3 and his dlfaP‘
day, hearing fome Mufcovites lamenting the infunnoftable fat; hls fatber for the glory of the nation. One
Peterfburg, he faid, “ Take courage, this citywTnot ^ undergo in the building of
m a journey of 6oo or 700 leagues which th° r^ar .1 i he was called to attend his father
a diftemper wdiich he had not • and fuch nmntiV f ^a-C’ 'e aeigne*-‘ li-cknefs. He took violent purges for
health L his wits! At firft ^ llad^n incl nation ZT™’ drinking of brandy, impaired his
and had learnt the German tonuue • but he hated learning was acquainted with geomerry and hiltory,
preached by his father “fLThad married h'm1’ and lean, it; for which he was moil rW
confort to Charles VI. This7 marriage was unfortunate of Wolfenbuttle, filler of the emprefs
brandy, and for Afroiina a Finland wench of a 1 a t 16 Prmce jS u as °ften abandoned for a debauch in
the princefs died of chag b, « h beTffible for ch!^ made’, II is rePOTkd ll’a*
cretly efpoufed Afrefmab ,,3 ‘ *-
reafon to be uneafy. ‘ 3 P L ie had Jul1 brought him a brother, at which he had n,
aboutllie^year^yib'l'tfreatened^he prhice^o'diiinhe 77 ^ ^ ^; lM at k”g'h ^
a monailery. 7 ’ tnrCatened lhe Pr,nce 10 bu» i and the prince told him that he intended to go into
France.^If'the VT^ H'f” ^ ^
vour, now was the time to declare himfelf- b„t : a j r’ ue had actually had a party formed in his fa-
creating dependents, he took a iournev in hi«t E ^ ° . r^maln'ng m Kufiia, making himfelf popular, and
k—*- • st;»
raidS ‘boAerX^rS whhTgaSrlSwW ™ "ZT* "ilh a" ‘h'
factory, and one piece of work attract J 1 is fi Jht m h +E b ^ ^ m Fra"Ce- If he went to vifit a manu-
went to dine at the duke d’Antb’s a Pet; E% T f he WaS Prefented "ilh ^ lhe "ext dav. He
in the fame habit that he wore. When he wa^atTh^rn ^ ‘ fa^wasAhis own P^ure at fbUJength,
prefented him with them • at lalt thev ftn-rE w i °/a meda^s» struck all kinds before him, and
up. He there faw hi^elf perf^^ ^ p' °n ^ ^ feet’ atld left t0 ^ake it
round her in letters Vires acquirit eundo ^ an allnfin t^ePreaL ^lie reverfe was a Fame, and
merit by travelling. * i n no e s jult than battering to a prince who really acquired new
owtSd ktS“hisSeXt0krtSeno'aLd,!hfs fl’f* T” l0ff?£n,'?<f “d 1» burned to his
young prince was conducted to Mofcow before the r °h' °f 0. Um J0"! ^aPles| to Peterthurg, from whence that
to the throne, by making him %n a folemn aft of • ■ r! "'t° bt-«a'’™th ^Priving him of his fncceflion
which aft the fafher promifed the fon to f“are hisHfe ^ “d ^ Ja™a7 >7^, in confidera.ion of
It was not altogether improbable that filch an ad would have been fome time or other annulled. The czar,
therefore.
PET [2:
Peter, themfelves to be tranfported by pafTion j but never was
‘ v ’ any man more paflionate than Peter the Great, or more
mercilefs. In a king this is more than an infirmity for
which we make amends by confefTmg it 5 but it was
generally remarked of Peter, and he himfelf laid to
a magiftrate of Holland, at his fecond voyage, li I have
reformed my nation, and have not been aoie to reform
myfelf.” It is true, the cruelties with which he is re¬
proached were not novelties at the court of Mofcow,
any more than at that of Morocco : it was not uncom¬
mon to fee a czar, with his own royal hand, inflict 100
lalhes on the naked fhoulders of a prime officer of the
crown, or of a lady of the palace, for failing in their
duty, by getting drunk •, or to try the goodnefs of his
fabre, by linking off the head of a criminal. Peter had
himfelf performed fome of thofe ceremonies of his coun¬
try 5 Le Fort, however (fee note a), had authority
enough over him at times to flay his hand even when
lifted up to ifrike, but he had not Le Fort always near
him.
The czar’s firft marriage is thus related in the me¬
moirs of Peter Henry Bruce, Efq. “ It took place in
1690, when he was only 18. He was married to Ot-
tokeffa Lapuchin, a boyar’s daughter, by whom he had
Prince Alexis j fome time after he turned her away and
fhut her up in a monaftery, on fufpicion of infidelity.
It was faid, that in one of her jealous fits fhe charged
Prince Menzikoff with carrying the czar to drabs of
his former acquaintance, who had been his cuffomers
for cakes ; upbraiding him with his firfl: occupation :
and that MeazikofF ever after bore an irreconcileable
enmity to both her and her fon. After the divorce,
3 ] P E T
one Mifs Mens, a very beautiful young lady, born at Peter.
Mofcow, of foreign parents, was much in favour with
the czar ; but when he was abroad, Mr Keyferling,
then redding at Mofcow as envoy from the king of
Pruflia, paid his addrefles to, and married her. When
the czar returned, he was fo much offended at Key¬
ferling, that , he ordered him to leave Mofcow, which
occafloned his immediate recal by the king his mafter,
who fent another in his room. It was believed, if his
public charaftcr had not protedled him, he would have
feverely felt his majefty’s difpleafure.
“ The czar was fome time after fmitten with the
charms of another beautiful young lady, the daughter
of a foreign merchant in this city : he firfl: faw her in
her father’s houfe, where he dined one day. He was
fo much taken with her appearance, that he offered
her any terms fire pleafed, if flue would live with him ;
which this virtuous young woman modertly refufed :
but dreading the effects of his authority, fhe put on
a refolution, and left Mofcow in the night, without
communicating her defign even to her parents. Having
provided a little money for her fupport, {he travelled
on foot feveral miles into the country, till fhe arrived
at a fmall village where her nurfe lived with her huf-
band and their daughter, the young lady’s fofter-After,
to whom flie difeovered her intention of concealing
herfelf in the wood near that village : and to prevent
any difeovery, fhe fet out the fame night, accompanied
by the hufband and daughter. The hufband being
a timber-man by trade, and well acquainted with the
wood, conduced her to a little dry fpot in the mid¬
dle of a morafs, and there he built a hut for her habi¬
tation.
therefore, in order to give it more force, forgetting that he was a father, and only remembering that he was the
founder of an empire, which his fon might overturn, and involve in its ancient barbarity, ordered a public procefs
to be drawn up againfl that unfortunate prince, for fome concealment, with which he was charged, in the confeflion
that they had exadled of him.
An aflembly was held of the bifhops, inferior eccleflaftics, and profelfors j who found in the Old Teftament,
that thofe who curfe their father or their mother fliould be put to death j that David indeed had pardoned
Abfalom, who had rebelled againfl: him, but that Abfalom was never pardoned by God. Such was their opi¬
nion, without drawing any conclufion 5 but it was in effedf figning a warrant for his death. Alexis had not in
faft curfed his father, neither had he ever revolted like Abfalom; he had never lain publicly with the king’s
concubines j but he had left the kingdom without his father’s permiflion, and had written letters to his friends
in which he only fignified that he hoped they would one day be mindful of him in Ruflia, But whatever might
be his cafe, of 124 lay judges, who were appointed to fit on him, there was not one that judged his offences lefs
than capital; and thofe who could not write, made others fign for them. It is reported in Europe, that the czar
had got tranflated from Spanifh into Ruffian the criminal procefs againfl Don Carlos, that unfortunate prince
whom his father Philip II. had confined in a prifon, where the heir of that great monarchy ended his days. But
there was nothing like a procefs carried on againfl: Don Carlos, nor was it ever known whether that prince died a
natural or a violent death. Peter, the moft defpotic of princes, wanted not an example. Certain it is that the
prince died the day after the fentence, and that the czar had at Mofcow one of the befl apothecary’s fhops in Eu¬
rope. It is probable, however, that the prince Alexis, the heir of the moft extenfive empire in the world, being
condemned unanimoufly by his father’s fubjecls, which were one day to be his own, might die of the fudden fliock
and change given to the body at the apprehenfion of fo ftrange and difmal a fentence. The father went to fee his'
fon in his laft agonies $ and it is faid he fhed tears. Infelix utcunque ferent ea fata nepotes. Thefe tears, however,
did not prevent the wheels from being covered with the broken limbs of his fon’s friends. He beheaded his own
brother-in-law Count Lapuchin, brother to his wife Ottokeffa Lapuchin whom he had divorced, and uncle to-
Prince Alexis. The prince’s confeflbr had alfo his head cut off. If Mufcovy has been civilized, flie has, it muff
be confelfed, paid dear for her improvement.
The remainder of the czar’s life was nothing but a feries of grand proje&s, labours, and exploits, that
feemed to efface the memory of his exceflive feverities, which were perhaps neceffary. He made frequent
fpeeches to his court and to hi$ council. In one he told them that he had facrificed his fon to the welfare of hi*
iJc-minicns.
PET [2
tatiovi. She had depollted her money with her nurfe to
procure little neceflaries for her fupport, which were
faithfully conveyed to her at night by the nurfe or her
daughter, by one of whom {lie was conHantly attended
in the night time.
The next day after her flight, the czar called at
her fathers to iee her, and finding the parents in an¬
xious concern for their daughter, and himfelf difap-
pointed, fancied it a plan of their own concerting.
He became angry, and began to threaten them with
the effects ot his difplcafure if the was not produced :
nothing was left to the parents but the molt folemn
proteftations, with tears of real forrow running down
their cheeks, to convince him of their irinocence, and
ignorance ot what was become of her; alluring him
of their fears that fome fatal dififter muff have befallen
her, as nothing belonging to her was amiffing, except
what fine had on at the time. The czar, fatisfied of
their fincen'y, ordered great fearch to be made for her,
with the oifer ot a confiderable reward to the perfon
who ihould difcover what was become of her, but to no
purpoie : the parents and relations, apprehending (he was
no more, went into mourning for her.
“ Above a year after this the was difcovered by an
accident. A colonel who had come from the army to
fee his friends, going to hunt in that wood, and fol¬
lowing his game through the mcra&, he came to the hut,
and looking into it faw a pretty young woman in a mean
drefs. After inquiring of her who fire was, and how fhe
came to live in To folitary a place, he found out at fall
that fhe was the lady whofe cjifappearance had made fo
great a noife ; in the utmofl confufion, and with the moff
fervent intreaties, fhe prayed him on her knees that he
wrould not betray her; to which he replied, that he
thought her danger was now part, as the czar was then
otherwife engaged, and that fhe might with fafety dif¬
cover herfelf, at lead to her parents, with whom he
would confult how matters fhould be managed*. The
lady agreed to this propofal; and he fet out imme¬
diately, and overjoyed her parents with the happy dif-
covery ; the iiTue of their deliberation was to confult
Madame Catherine (as fhe was then called) in what
manner the affair fhould be opened to the czar. The
colonel went alfo upon this bufinefs, and was advifed by
Madame to come next morning and fhe would introduce
him to his majefty, when he might make the difcovery
and claim the promifed reward. He went according to
appointment; and being introduced, told the accident
by which he had difcovered the lady, and reprefented
the miferable fituation in which he found her, and what
flie mull have fuffered by being fo long {hut up in fuch
a difmal place, from the delicacy of her fex. The czar
fhowed a great deal of concern that he fhould have been
the caufe of all her fufferings, declaring that he would
endeavour to make her amends. Here Madame Cathe¬
rine fuggefted, that fhe thought the befl amends his ma-
jefty could make, was to give her a handfome fortune
and the colonel for a hufband, who had the beft right,
having caught her in purfuit of his game. The czar,
agreeing perfe&ly with Madame Catherine’s fentiments,
ordered one of his.favourites to go with the colonel, and
bring the young lady home ; where fhe arrived to the
inexprefhble joy of her family and relations, who had all
been in mourning for her. The marriage was under the
dire&ion and at the expencc of the czar,, who himfelf
3
24 1 PET
gave the bride to the bridegroom ; faying, that he pre-
fented him with one of the moll: virtuous of women ; and
accompanied his declaration with very valuable prefents,
befides fettling on her and her heirs three thoufand rubles,
a-year. Ibis lady lived highly efteemed by the czar,
and every one who knew her. Befides the concurring
reports of other people, I had the flory from her own
mouth.”
On the whole, that Peter 1. was a great man, few
wul deny who know what real greatnefs is. A minute
account of the life of this diilinguifhed emperor would
make a large volume; we have been able to give but
the mere outlines of it : the anecdotes, however, at the
end, fhow in fome degree the nature of the man 3 at all
events they fhow one important truth, that it is a more
difficult thing to reform one’s felf than to reform a king¬
dom ; to^ conquer one’s paffions, than to conquer the
world. . The Ruffians, however, if there be any good in
civilization, owe to him every thing : and they feem to
be fenfible of it 3 tor a very pompous oration was de¬
livered to his memory by Michael Lomonoffoff, before
t^e Academy of Sciences at St Peterfburg, on the 26th
of April 1755. For a minuter account of his im¬
provements, See. fee Russia, Petersburg, and Cathe¬
rine I.
PETER the Wild Boy. This extraordinary creature
occafioned great {peculation among the learned 3 but we
do not know that any fatisfaflory caufes have been af-
figned for the ftriking difference between him and other
human beings.
The following account of him is extra&ed from the
pariffi-regifter of North-church, in the county of Hert¬
ford. “ Peter, commonly known by the name of Pe¬
ter the Wild Boy, lies buried in this churchyard, oppo-
hte to the porch. In the year 17 25 he was found in the
woods near Hamelen, a fortified town in the electorate
of Hanover, when his majefiy George I. with his at¬
tendants, was hunting in the foreft of Hertfwold. He
was fuppofed to be then about 12 years of age, and had
fubfifted in thofe woods upon the bark of trees, leaves,
berries, &c. for fome confiderable length of time. How
long he had continued in that wild Hate is altogether
uncertain 3 but that he had formerly been under the care
of fome peifon, was evident from the remains of a fhirt
collar about his neck at the time when he was found.
As Hamelen was a town where criminals were confined
to work upon the fortifications, it was then conjedured
at Hanover that Peter might be the iffue of one of thofe
criminals, who had cither wandered into the woods and
could not find his way back again, or being difcovered
to be an idiot was inhumanly turned out by his parents
and left to periih or fhift for himfelf. In the following
year, 1726, he was brought over to England, by the
order of Queen Caroline then princefs of Wales, and put
under the care of Dr Arbuthnot with proper mafters to
attend him. But notwithflanding there appeared to be
no natural defeCI in his organs of fpeech, after all the
pains that had been taken with him he could never be
brought diftinClly to articulate a Angle fyllable, and
proved totally incapable of receiving any inftruCIion.
He was afterwards intruded to the care of Mrs Titch-
bourn, one of the queen’s bedchamber women, with a-
handfome penfion annexed to the charge. Mrs Titch-
bourn ufually {pending a few weeks every fummer at the
houfe of Mr James Fenn, a yeoman farmer at Axter’j
End
Peter.
PET
Peter. End in this pariflr, Peter was left to the care of the faid
“■“V- Mr Fenn, who was allowed 35I. a-year for his fupport
and maintenance. After the death of James Fenn he
was transferred to the care of his brother i hoinas I'enn,
at another farm-houfe in this paridi called Broadway,
where he lived with the feveral fucceflive tenants of
that farm, and with the fame provifion allowed by go¬
vernment to the time of his death, Feb. 22. I785> when
he was luppofed to be about 7 2 years of age.
“ Peter was well made, and of the middle fize. His
countenance had not the appearance of an idiot, nor
was there any thing particular in his form, except that
two of the fingers of his left hand were united by a
wTeb up to the middle joint. He had a natural ear for
mufic, and was fo delighted -with it, that if he heard
any mufical inltrument played upon, he would imme¬
diately dance and caper about till he was almoft quite
exhaulled with fatigue ; and though he could never be
taught the diftintt utterance of any word, yet he could
eafily learn to hum a tune. All thofe idle tales which
have been publiflied to the world about his climbing up
trees like a fquirrel, running upon all fours like a wild
beaft, &c. are entirely without foundation ; for he was
fo exceedingly timid and gentle in his nature, that he
would fuffer himfelf to be governed by a child. There
have been alfo many falfe ftories propagated of his in¬
continence ; but from the minuteft inquiries among thofe
who conftantly lived with him, it does not appear that
he ever difcovered any natural paffion for women, though
he was fubjeft to the other paflions of human nature, fuch
ag anger, joy, &c. Upon the approach of bad weather
he always appeared fullen and uheafy. At particular
foafons of the year he fhowed a ftrange fondnefs for fteal-
ing away into the woods, where he would feed eagerly
upon leaves, beech-maft, acorns, and the green bark of
trees, which proves evidently that he had fubfifted in
that manner for a confiderable length of time before he
was firft taken. His keeper therefore at fuch feafons ge¬
nerally kept a ftridt eye over him, and fometimes even
confined him, becaufe if he ever rambled to any diftance
from his home he could not find his way back again: and
once in particular, having gone beyond his knowledge,
he wandered as far as Norfolk, where he was taken up,
and being carried before a magiftrate, wTas committed to
the houfe of corredlion in Norwich, and punilhed as a
fturdy and obftinate vagrant, who would not (for indeed
he could not) give any account of himfelf: but Mr Fenn
having advertifed him in the public papers, he was re¬
leafed from his confinement, and brought back to his
ufual place of abode.
“ Notwithftanding the extraordinary and favage ftate
in which Peter was firft found greatly excited the atten¬
tion and curiofity of the public ; yet, after all that has
been faid of him, he was certainly nothing more than a
common idiot without the appearance of one. But as
men of fome eminence in the literary world have in their
works publifhed ftrange opinions and ill-founded conjec¬
tures about him, which may feem to ftamp a credit upon
Voe. XVI. Part I.
PET
what they have advanced) that pofterity may not through Pfter.
their authority be hereafter milled upon the fubjedt, this v~“
fhort and true account of Peter is recorded in the parifti-
regifter by one who conftantly relided above 30 years in
his neighbourhood, and had daily opportunities ot feeing
and obferving him.”
Perhaps our readers will not be difpleafed if we pre-
fent them with Lord Monboddo’s account of this extra¬
ordinary creature (a). “ It was in the beginning of
June 1782 (fays his lordfhip) that I faw him in a farm-
houfe called Broadway, within about a mile of Berkham-
ftead, kept there upon a penfion which the king pays.
He is but low of ftature, not exceeding five leet three
inches j and although he muft now be about 70 years of
age, has a frelh healthy look. He wears his beard 5 his
face is not at all ugly or difagreeable 5 and he has a look,
that may be called fenfible and fagacious for a favage.
About 20 years ago he was in ufe to elope, and to be
miffing for feveral days 5 and once, I was told, he wan¬
dered as far as Norfolk j but of late he has been quite
tame, and either keeps in the houfe or faun ters about
the farm. He has been the x 3 laft years where he lives
at prefent } and'before that he was 12 years with ano¬
ther farmer, whom I faw and converfed with. This
farmer told me, that he had been put to fchool fome-
wdiere in Hertfordfture, but had only learned to articu¬
late his own name Peter, and the name of King George,
both which I heard him pronounce very diftinftly. But
the woman of the houfe where he now is (for the man
happened not to be at home) told me, that he under-
ftood every thing that was faid to him concerning the
common affairs of life 5 and I faw that he readily under-
ftood feveral things that fhe faid to him while I was pre¬
fent. Among other things fhe defired him to fing Nancy
Dawfon ; which he did, and another tune which (he
named. He never was mifchievous, but had always that
g^ntlenefs of nature which I hold to be charafteriftical
of our nature, at leaft till we became carnivorous, and
hunters or warriors. He feeds at prefent as the farmer
and his wife do •, but, as I was told by an old woman
(one Mrs Collop, living at a village in the neighbour¬
hood called Hempftead, who remembered to have feen
him when he firft came to Hertfordfhire, which (lie com¬
puted to be 55 years before the time I faw her), he then
fed very much upon leaves, and particularly upon the
leaves of cabbage, which he ate rawT. He was then, as
(he thought, about 15 years of age, walked upright, but
could climb trees like a fquirrel. At prefent he not only
eats flelh, but has alfo got the tafte of beer, and even of
fpirits, of which he inclines to drink more than he can
get. And the old farmer above-mentioned, with whom
he lived twelve years before he came to this laft; farmer,
told me, that he had acquired that tafte before he came
to him, which is about 25 years ago. He has alfo be¬
come very fond of fire, but has not yet acquired a liking
for money *, for though he takes it, he does not keep it,
but gives it to his landlord or landlady, which I fuppofe
is a leffon that they have taught him. He retains fo
F f much
[ 225 ]
(a) This eccentric writer, in fupport of his hypothefis, that man in a ftate of nature is a mere animal, without
clothes, houfes, the ufe of fire, or even fpeech, adduces the oran-outang, or man in the wroods, and this Peter the
wild man and others, as examples. He denies the wTant of the organs of fpeech as an ohjeflion, and infifts they only
want the artificial ufe of them.
PET [2
much of his natural inftina, that he has a fore-feeling
oi bad weather, growling and howling, and Ihowing
• great diiorder, beiore it comes.
“ Thefe are the particulars concerning him which I
ebferved myfelf, or could learn by information from the
neighbourhood.” From all thefe fads put together his
lordihip makes the follorving obfervations :
lir, Whatever doubts there may be concerning the
humanity of the oran-outang, it was never made a quef-
tion but that Peter was a man.
2dly, J hat he was, as the Dean [^SxviftJ fays, of a
father and mother like one of us. Tfiis, as 1 have faid,
was the cafe of two lavages found in the Difmal fwamp
' } ^ ^rginia, oi tne one found in theiiland of Diego Gar-
cbg and of him that was difcovered by M. le Roy in the
a yrenees, and in general of all the favages that have
been found in Europe within thefe laft 300 years; for
1 do not believe, that for thefe 2000 years pad there has
been a race of luch favages in Europe.
“ 3^7? i think there can be no reafon to doubt of
what was written from Hanover, and publilhed in the
newfpapers, tnat he was found going upon all fours, as
well as other_ folitary favages that have been found in
Europe. It is true that others have been found eredt;
which was the cafe of the two found in the Difmal fwamp
of Virginia, likewife of the man of the Pyrenees, and of
himm tne if;and of Diego Garcia j buttnelel luppole were
not expofed till they haci learned to walk upright •, where¬
as Peter appears to have been abandoned by his parents
before he had learned that leffon, but walked as we
know children do at firlf.
“ 4-thly, I think it is evident that he is not an idiot,
not only from hit; appearance, as I have defcribed it, and
fiom his aflions, but from all the accounts that we have
of him, both thole printed and thole attefted by perfons
yet living ^ for as to the printed accounts, there is not
tne lead imormation of that kind m any of them, except
in one, viz. Wye’s letter, N° 8. wherein is faid/ that
Ionic imputed his not learning to fpeak to want of un~
dei handing 5 which I Ihould think lliowed rather want
of underflanding in thofe who thought fo, when it is
conudered that at this time he had not been a year out
of the woods, and I luppole but a month or two under
the care of Dr Arbuthnot, who had taken the charge of his
education. The Dean indeed tells us, that he fiifpcfted
he was a pretender, and no genuine wild man, but not a
word of his being an idiot. And as to the perfons living,
liot one with whom I have converfed appeared to have
the lead fufpicion of that kind ; though it is natural that
men |who were not philofophers, and knew nbthing of
the progrefs of man from the mere animal to the intel-
Icftual creature, nor of the improvement of our under-
dandmg by locial intercourfe and the arts of life, but
believed that man when he came to a certain age has
from nature all the faculties which we fee him exert
and particularly the faculty of fpeecli, Ihould think him
an idiot, and wanting even the capacity of acquiring un-
derdanding. I knew an odicer of dragoons, a man of
very good fenfe, who was quartered where Peter then
lived for fome months, and faw him almod every day,
26 ] PET
and who affured me that he was not an idiot, but flimv-
ed common underdanding, which was all that could be'
expected from one no better educated than he.
daftly, thofe who have confidered what I have faid
(B) of the difficulty of articulation, will not be furpriled
that a man who had lived a favage for the fird 1 1 or 1 r
years of his life, Ihould have made lb little proorefs in
that art. I cannot, however, have the lead doubt, that
if he had been under the care of Mr Braidwood of Edin-
ourgh, he would have learned to fpeak, though with
much more difficulty than a man who had been brought
up tame among people who had the ufe of fpeech, and
uho confequently mud know the advantage of it. And
1 can have as little doubt that Mr Braidwood could have
taught the oraiy outang in Sir Alhton Lever’s colledlion,
wbp learned to articulate a few words, fo as to fpeak
plainly enough.” 1
Le Port, a market-town of England, in
V,Je- ;ou^Tead part of Guernfey, in Hampfhire, in the
Bntilh channel, confiding of only one long and nar-
row dreet. . The mouth of the harbour is well fet with
rocks, and is on each lide defended by a cadle ; one call¬
ed the Old cq/lle, and the other Cq/i/e-cornet. The go¬
vernor of the bland generally refides here, who has the
command of theganifon in this and all the other cables.
The harbour has a good read, from whence fhips may
iaii with any wind, and from the road pafs under the
guns of the cable to the pier, clofe up to the town.
1 be pier is a noble work, formed of vad bones, joined
together with great art and regularity ; it is not only a
lecunty to the daps, but, being contiguous to the town,
is handiomely paved at the top with large fmooth fW-
dones, guarded with parapets, and, being of a great
length and breadth, forms a pleafant walk, affording a
free profpecl of the fea and the neighbouring iflandd.
Cornet-cable, which commands both the town’and the
harbour, bands on a rock, feparated from the land by
a;i arm of the fea, no lefs than 600 yards wide, and not
foidable but at low water in great fpring-tides.
St Peter's ijland, in the lake of Bienne in Switzer¬
land, remaikable for being one of the retreats of Rouf-
feau ; whence it has alfo got the name of Roufeau'f
ijland. It lies towards the fouth fide of the lake, and
produces a great variety of dirubs and trees, particularly
la.ge oaks, beech, and Spanifh chefnut. The fouthern
fhore dopes gradually to the lake, and is covered with
herbage 5 the remaining borders are deep and rocky7 j
theii fummits in a few places thinly covered with
fiirubs \ in others their perpendicular fides are clothed
to the water s edge with hanging woods. The view's
from the different parts of the bland are beautiful and
diverfified; that to the north being the mod extenfive
and pleading. It commands the profpe& of the lake,
which is of an oval form j its cultivated borders, inter-
fperfed with villages and cables, with the towns of
Nidau and Bienne banding upon the farther extremity'.
Agreeable walks ^ are carried through the woods, and
terminate in a circular pavilion placed in the centre of
the ifland. Before the troubles in France, on Sunday,
and particularly the vintage-time, this ifiand was filled
with
Ft ter.
Jl^rd Mo.Hb.°ddo’ far /ron} ^king fpeech or articulation natural to man, rather wonders how he can bv
°r lirjItatlon attal.n the read7 Performance of fuch various and complicated operations. Add to thff
tuhen tne organs are completely formed to one language, how hard it is to make them anfwer another ’
PET [ 227 ] PET
with parties. who araufed themfelves with wandering
about the w'oods or dancing in the circular pavilion.
How they employ themfelves now it is not fo eafy to
lay, as it -was overrun and fubjecled by the forces of
that unhappy nation, and of courfe tainted wdth their
dell met ive principles. It wTas retaken by the Spaniards^
end properly belongs to the king of Sardinia. There is
only one farm-houfe on the ifland, in an->apartment of
which HoulTeau was lodged.
PETER-Pcnce, was an annual tribute of one penny,
paid at Rome out of every family at the feaft of St Peter.
And this Ina the Saxon king, when he went in pilgrim¬
age to Rome about the year 740, gave to the pope, partly
as alms and partly in recompence of a houle erefted in
Rome for Engliih pilgrims. And this continued to be
paid generally until the time of King Henry VIII.
when it was enafled, that from henceforth no perfon
{hall pay any penfions, Peter-pence, or other impofitions,
to the ufe of the bifhop or lee of Rome.
PFTERBOROUGH, a city of Northamptonlhire,
about 82 miles from London. It is the leaft city ex¬
cept perhaps Ely, and unqueftionably the pooreit bi-
Ihopric, though one of the oldelf towns in England. It
had a monaftery dedicated to St Peter, and founded as
early as the year 655, to which the abbot of Croyland
and his monks dying for protection in the year 870,
they w-ere overtaken and murdered in a court of this
monaltery, called the fjiouks churchy arc!, becaufe they
were all buried here ; and to this day is to be feen the
tombllone with their effigies, which had been erected
over their common grave. Soon after this the Danes
deltroyed both the monaftery and friars, fo that it lay
deftitute for above 100 years. The monks wTere, how¬
ever, reftored, and lived very fumptuoufty, with a mit¬
red abbot at their head, till the reformation, wffien Henry
VIII. converted it into a bilhop’s fee. The cathedral,
which is faid to be more than 1000 years old, though
apparently more modern, is a moft noble Gothic fabric,
and was much more fo before it was defaced in the civil
wars. The weft front, which is 1 ^6 feet broad, is very
(lately •, and befides columns curioully adorned, is fup-
porteJ by three of the talleft arches in Britain. The
windows of the cloifters are finely llained w-ith feripture
hiftory and the fucceffion of its abbots. There are in
the church monuments of Queen Catharine, wrife of
Henry VIII. and of Mary queen of Scots 5 and the
figure of one Mr Scarlet the fexton, wrho buried them,
and lived to 95, after he had buried all the houfekeepers
of the town twice over. There is but one parifh-chureh
befides the cathedral. The city is governed by a mayor,
recorder, and aldermen, by a charter of Henry VIII.
All its officers are defied by the dean and chapter,
confifting of fix prebendaries, who are all lords of the
manor.. Befides the dean and chapter, who are an ec-
clefiaftical corporation diftinfl from the bifhop, there are
eight petty canons, four ftudents in divinity, one epiftler,
one gofpeller, a fubdean, fubtreafurer, and chanter, eight
choriirers, eight finging men, two chancellors, befides a
Reward, organift, &c. a grammar fchool, and two charity
fchools. 'The river Nen, over which there is here a
wbpden bridge, is navigable by barges to Northampton,
50 miles further, wffiich bring coal, corn, &c. and by
which they export in fome years 6000 quarters of malt,
befides other goods, efpecially the woollen manufaflures.
either of cloth or (lockings, in which the poor are em¬
ployed. The air of Peterborough is faid not to be very Feter-
wholefome, by reafon of the neighbouring fens ; but the ^borough,
water of the river is freffi and good, the higheft fpring-^
tide never coming up within five miles of the town ; and
there* is plenty of excellent water in their wells. The
ftreets are very poor, and the houfes but mean ; there is,
however, a handfome market-houfe, over which are kept
the affixes and feflions. Its jurifdiflion extends over 32
towns and hamlets, wherein the civil magiftrates appoint¬
ed by the royal commiffion are veiled with the fame
power as judges of affize, and hold their quarterly fef-
fions in this city.
PETERHEAD, a town in Scotland, in the county
of Aberdeen, lies about 30 miles north-eaft of that city.
It (lands on the moft eafterly point in Scotland, and
from thence due w7eft that kingdom is broadeft.
Peterhead is the neared land to the northern conti¬
nent of Europe, and lies within 300 miles of the ccfie,
which is called the Naze of Norway. Through this
channel the grand body of the herrings pafs in their an¬
nual migrations from Shetland and the north feas to the
more fouthern latitudes, attended with the all-devouring
cod and ling ; on which account Peterhead, or, as it is
fometimes called, Buchanncfs, hath always been the fe-
cond llation of the Dutch buffes after leaving the Shet¬
land ifiands. Tradition fays, that fome hundred years
ago the Dutch offered Lord Marefchal, then the pro¬
prietor of the coaft, to cover a (’mail ifland called Inch-
Keith with (liver for the property of it to carry on their
fitheries, which for obvious reafons could not be ac¬
cepted. Be that as it may, the Dutch, in time of
peace, Hill frequent the coal! in July and Auguft, and
fometimes 100 fail are feen within fight of land, bufily
employed in the herring and white fiffieries. The na¬
tives, to whom this treafure properly belongs, have
lately made fome attempts towards the white fiftiery, of
which they cure and vend, chiefly at the London market,
4000 barrels of delicate fmall cod and ling annually.
They alfo fit out fome veffels for the Hebride fifhery off
Barrahead for the Barcelona market; and they claim
the merit of having taught the iflanders how to take and
cure the large fifli which abound on their coafts. They
have often gained the higheft premiums allow-ed by go¬
vernment for curing white fifties.
Few harbours in Great Britain are of more import¬
ance to navigation than this of Peterhead, as, in cafe of
violent dorms from the eafterly points, large veffels em¬
bayed betwixt this and the mouth of the Forth have not
a port that they can fafely take at every time of the
tide, that of Aberdeen excepted. If therefore they can¬
not make their -way to fea in the teeth of a ftrong eaft¬
erly wind, or double this headland that they may gain
the Murray frith, they muft inevitably come on ffiore.
This harbour lies on a fpacious bay, where veffels of any
burden may ride in all other winds, and is therefore the
general rendezvous of the (hipping which frequent the
northern feas, where they caft anchor on clean ground,
and ride fafely till the ftorms have abated. But though
nature hath done fo much for the benefit of navigation,
fomelhing is left for the exercife of human aid. The
harbour can at prefent contain in perfeft fafety 40 or 50
fail of veffels drawing 12 feet water, and is capable of
being extended fo as to admit a greater number of (hips
drawling 20 feet *, by which means not only cafual mer¬
chantmen but fmall (hips of wrar with their convoys
F f 2 would
PET [" 2
Fp,?rheafr’ W0U^ this a moft defirable refuge when purfued by
l l1' j fuperior force. T he harbour is defended by a good bat¬
tery. A confiderable trade is carried on from this
place diredtly to the Ealtic for deals, iron, hemp, tar,
and other articles. I here is alio a manufacture of few-
ing thread, which employs many young girls. A mi¬
neral well in the fummer-months gives great gaiety to
the place j its falutary virtues have long, and we believe
very juftly, been celebrated. The waters of this fpring
are powerfully diuretic, and are thought to be efficaci¬
ous in removing complaints in the botvels.
Twelve pounds avoirdupois of this water were analy¬
zed by Dr Laing, who found it compofed of
Muriate of iron,
Carbonate of iron.
Muriate of lime.
Siliceous earth,
Sulphate of lime,
 foda.
3°-75 grains.
3-25
7.00
2.00
2.00
iS-iS
7-5
Muriate of foda,
Carbonic acid gas, 83.5 cubic inches. The ingeni¬
ous author of the above analyfis recommends this v’ater
very much in cafes of fcrofula. Its moft valuable pro¬
perty is tonic, which is no doubt derived from the iron
that enters into its compofition.
There are here many elegant houfes for the accommo¬
dation of ftrangers. There is alfo a ball-room, under
which there are two falt-water baths. Thefe baths are
much frequented in nervous diforders : their effedt in
lengthening the conftitution is often furprifmg. Owing
to the open peninfulated fituation, the air of this place is
efteemed peculiarly pure and healthful even the fogs
riling from the fea are thought to be medicinal: the
town is therefore much enlivened by the concourfe of
company who frequent it on thefe accounts. Upon the
whole, the town is neat and well built, the houfes are
handfome, and the ftreets tolerably fpacious and very
clean ; and it has every appearance of a thriving, plen¬
tiful, and happy place. In 1793, the population was
4100, being an increafe of 1613, fmee the return to
Dr Webfter.
PEI ERHOFF, in Ruftia, is lituated about 20 miles
from Peterffiurg, and is diftinguiftied for its palace and
gardens. . The palace was begun by Peter I. and finifti-
ed by Elizabeth. As it is placed upon an eminence,, it
commands a moft fuperb view of Cronftedt, Peterfburg,
the intervening gulf, and the oppofite coaft of Carelia!
The palace is moft magnificently furniffied, and the fuite
Ox apartments are truly princely. The prefence-cham¬
ber is richly ornamented with portraits of the fovereigns
of the noufe of Romanor, who have reigned in Ruffia
fince 1613.
tlZ voll ^'ne garc^ens Peterhoff (fays an intelligent tra-
p. 485. vellerl have been celebrated tor their tafte and elegance j
and from the number of jet d’eaus, fountains, bafons,
cafcades, parterres, &c. they have been compared to
thole of v erfailles : and indeed in one relpedl thev art*
far iuperior 5 for the water-works of the latter only play
upon particular occafions, while thofe of Peterhoff are
perennial. Thefe gardens, which at the time of their
formation were greatly admired in this country, thounh
not congenial to the tafte of the emprefs, are buffered\o
remain in their prefent ftate ; as during fummer her ma-
jefty principally refides at Tzarlkoe-Selo, where the
28 1 PET
grounds are difpofed in a more modern and pleaiinjr rcr rl. ff
manner.” A vaft number of filver dolphins and ffilded II
ftatues are fcattered through them 5 but the moft re- ,PeterfbuT;
markable figures are thofe of two gladiators placed in a
balon of water. Thefe are reprefented, not with the
fword and buckler, the ancient implements of war, but
with a brace of piftols. Thefe they point to each other
in a threatening pofture, while the water guffies impe-
tuoufty from the barrels. In that part of the garden
which lies between the palace and the gulf, clofe to the
water, is a building which was the favourite retreat of
Peter I. . It is preferved, together with its furniture, en¬
tirely in its original ftate with a kind of religious vene¬
ration, ^ Its plainnefs fliows the frugal fimplicity in
which that monarch was accuftomed to live. In the
Erne celebrated gardens there is a remarkable building
called the mountain for fledges, and often by travelled
the flying mountain. “ It ftands (fays Mr Coxe) in the
middle of an oblong area,'inclofed by an open colon¬
nade, with a flat roof, which is railed for the conveni¬
ence of holding fpedfators. The circumference of this
colonnade is at leaf! half a mile. In the middle of the
area ftands the flying mountain, ftretching nearly from
one end to the other. It is a wooden building, fup-
ported upon pillars, reprefenting an uneven furface of
ground, or a mountain compofed of three principal af-
cents, gradually diminifhing in height, with an Inter¬
mediate fpace to referable valleys: from top to bottom
is a floored way, in which three parallel grooves are
foimed. It is thus ufed : a fmall carriage containing
one perfon being placed in the centre groove upon the
higheft point, goes with great rapidity down one hill :
the velocity which it acquires in its defeent carries it up
a fecond j and it continues to move in a fimilar manner
until it arrives at the bottom of the area, where it rolls
fop a confiderable wTay on the level furface, and flops
before it attains the boundary : it is then placed in one
of the fide grooves, and drawn up by means of a cord
fixed to a windlafs. To a perfon unacquainted with the
mechanifm, .this entertainment would appear tremen¬
dous ; but as the grooves always keep the carriage in its
right direftion, there is not the leaft danger of being
overturned. At the top of the mountain is a handfome
apartment for the accommodation of the court and prin¬
cipal nooility j there is alfo room for many thoufand
fpeflators within the colonnade and upon its roof. Near
the flying mountain is a fpacious amphitheatre, in which
tournaments are ufually exhibited.”
PELERS, Father, a Jefuit, w^as confeffor and
counsellor to James II. king of England. This prince
dhmiffed him in 1688, becaufe he was confidered as the
author of thofe troubles in which the kingdom was then
involved. “ He was (fays Biffiop Burnet) the moft
violent of the king’s advifers, and the perfon moft lift,
ened to. Though he had the honour of being nobly
defeended, he was a man of no extenfive erudition, and
w^as eminent only for his bigotry and forwardnefs.”
T. hough Burnet is not always to be believed, yet certain
it is, from the teftimony of other hiftorians, that Father
Peters was by no means a perfon properly qualified to
airecl King James in the critical fituation in which he
then flood. * .
PEI ERSBURG, St, a city of the province of In-
gna 111 Kufha, and capital of the whole empire. It is
iituated in N. Eat. 26. 23. and E. Eong. 30. 2 f.
from.
PET [2:
Ptterfburg from the fii'ft meridian of Greenwich. It was founded
1 s'—* in the year 1703 by Czar Peter the Great, whofe am¬
bition it was to have a fleet on the Baltic j for which
reafon he determined to found a city which might be¬
come the centre of trade throughout all his dominions.
The fpot he pitched upon was a low, fenny, uncultivat¬
ed ifland, formed by the branches of the river I\eva,
before they fall into the gulf of Finland. In the fum-
mer this ifland was covered with mud } and in winter
became a frozen pool, rendered almoft inacceflible by
dreary forefts and deep morafles, the haunts of bears,
wolves, and other favage animals. Having taken the
fort of Nattebourg, and the town of Neifchanz, in the
year 1703, this mighty conqueror affembled in Ingria
above 300,000 men, Ruffians, Tartars, Coffacks, Livo-
rdans, and others, even from the molt diftant parts of
his empire, and laid the foundation of the citadel and
fortifications, which were finifhed in four months, al-
moft in defpite of nature. He was obliged to open ways
through forefts, drain bogs, raife dykes, and lay caufe-
ways, before he could pretend to found the new city.
The workmen were ill provided with neceflary tools and
implements, fuch as fpades, pick-axes, {hovels, planks,
and wheel-barrows : they were even obliged to fetch
the earth from a great dirtance in the fkirts of their gar¬
ments, or in little bags made of old mats and rags fewed
together. They had neither huts nor houfes to flielter
them from the feverity of the weather : the country,
which had been defolated by war, could not accommo¬
date fuch a multitude with provifions *, and the fupplies
by the lake Ladoga were often retarded by contrary
winds. In confequence of thefe hardfhips, above 100,000
men are faid to have penflied : neverthelefs the work
proceeded with incredible vigour and expedition \ while
Peter, for the fecurity of his workmen, formed a great
camp, in fuch a manner, that his infantry continued in
Finland, and his cavalry -were quartered in Ingria.
Some Swedifh cruizers being defcried in the neighbour¬
hood, the czar polled a body of troops in the ifle of Rut-
zari, by whom the Sivedes wrere repulfed, and the work
met with no farther interruption. The buildings of the
city kept pace with the fortrefs, which is the centre of
the town, furrounded on all lides by the Neva ; and in
little more than a year, above 30,000 houfes were erect¬
ed. At prefent there may be about double that num¬
ber in Peterlburg, though many of them are paultry
and inconfiderable. In order to people this city, Peter
invited hither merchants, artificers, mechanics, and fea-
men, from all the different countries of Europe : he de-
molilhed the town of Nieufchants, and brought hither
not only the materials of the houfes, but the inhabitants
themfelves. A thoufand families were drawn from Mof-
cowr \ he obliged his nobility to quit their palaces and
their villas in and about Mofcow, and take up their re-
fidence at Peterlburg, in a much more cold and com-
fortlefs climate. Finally, refoiving to remove hither
the trade of Archangel, he iffued an ordonnance, im¬
porting, that all fuch merchandife as had been convey¬
ed to Archangel, in order to be fold to foreigners,
fhould now be fent to Peterlburg, where they fliould
pay no more than the ufual duties. Thefe endeavours
and regulations have rendered this one of the greateft
and moll flouriflnng cities in Europe. The Ruflian
boyars and nobility have built magnificent palaces, and
9 ] PET
are now reconciled to their filuation. At firft many Peterfbarp.
houfes were built of timber ; but thefe being fubjeft to' * J
fudden conflagrations in fpite of all the precautions that
could be taken, the czar, in the year 1714, iffued an
order, that all new houfes fliould be walled with brick
and covered with tiles. The fort is an irregular hexa¬
gon, with oppofite baftions. This, together with all
the reft of the fortifications, was in the beginning form¬
ed of earth only j but in the fequel they were faced with
ftronp- walls, and provided with cafemates, which are
bomb-proof. In the curtain of the fort, on the right
hand fide, is a noble difpenfary, well fupplied with ex¬
cellent medicines, and enriched with a great number of
porcelain vafes from China and Japan. From one of
the gates of the fort a draw-bridge is thrown over an
arm of the river, in which the czar’s galleys and other
fmall veffels are fheltered in the winter. The moft re¬
markable building within the fart is the cathedral, built
by the diredlion of an Italian architeft. Peterfburg is
partly built on little iflands, fome of which are conneft-
ed by draw-bridges j and partly on the continent. In
the higheft part, on the bank of the Neva, the czar fix¬
ed his' habitation, or ordinary refidence, built of free-
ftone, and fituated fo as to command a profpeft of the
greater part of the city. Here likewife is a royal foun-
dery •, together with the fuperb houfes of many noble
men. The marfhy ground on which the city is built,,
being found extremely flippery, dirty, and incommodi¬
ous, the czar ordered every inhabitant to pave a certain
fpace before his own door. In the year 1716, Peter,
taking a fancy to the ifland Wafili-Ofterno, which he
had given as a prefent to Prince Menzikoff, refumed
the grant, and ordered the city to be extended into this
quarter. He even obliged the boyars, or nobles, to
build ftone-houfes on this fpot, though they were alrea¬
dy in poffefllon of others on the fide of Ingria : accord¬
ingly this is now the moft magnificent part of the city.
On the other fide of a branch of the Neva Hands the
czar’s country or fummer palace, provided with a fine
garden and orangery. On the bank of the fame river is
the flaboda, or fuburbs, in which the Germans general¬
ly choofe their habitation. Peterfburg is very much
fubje£l to dangerous inundations. In the year 17 Li1?
the baftions and draw-bridges were either overwhelmed
or carried away. The breadth, depth, and rapidity of
the Neva, have rendered it extremely difficult, if not
impra&icable, to join the iflands and the continent by
bridges. Befides, Peter was averfe to this expedient
for another reafon : refolved to accuftom his fubjecls to
navigation, he not only rejected the projeft of a bridge,
but alfo ordered that no boat fliould pafs between the
iflands and continent, except by the help oi fails only.
In confequence of this ftrange regulation, many lives
were loft : but at length he gained his point •, and by
habituating his fluggifli Mufcovites to the dangers of the
fea, in a little time produced a breed of hardy tailors.
The adjacent country is fo barren, that the town mull
be fupplied with proviiions from a great diftance j
confequently they are extremely dear. Here are woods
in plenty, confifting of pine, fir, alder, birch, poplar,,
and elm *, but the oak and the beech are. generally-
brought from Cafan. In winter the weather is extreme¬
ly cold, and hot in the fummer. In June the length of
the night does not exceed three hours, during which the
native*-
*
PET [ 230 ] ' P E T
Pr-te’fbiirg. natives enjoy a continued twilight: but in December
1 ^ the fun is not vifible more than three hours above the
horizon.
The czar Peter, who was indefatigable in his endea¬
vours to improve and civilize his fubje&s, negle&ed
nothing which he thought could contribute to thefe pur-
pofes. He condefcended even to inftitute and regulate
affemblies at Peterfburg : thefe were opened at five in
the afternoon, and the houfe was fhut at ten ; between
thefe hours the fafhionable people of both fexes met
without ceremony, danced, converfed, or played either
at cards or at chefs, this laft being a favourite diverfion
• among the Ruffians. There wras Hkewife an apartment
appointed for drinking brandy and fmoking tobacco.
Plays and operas were likewife' introduced for the fame
purpofes •, but as Peter had little reliffi, and lefs tafte,
for thofe entertainments, they were performed in a very
aukward manner in his lifetime : however, fince his
death thefe performances have been brought to a greater
degree of art and decorum.
This* great northern legiflator eftabliffied, in the
neighbourhood of Peterfburg, manufa&ures of linen,
paper, faltpetre, fulphur, gunpowder, and bricks, toge¬
ther with water-mills for fawing timber. He inftituted
a marine academy, and obliged every confiderable fami¬
ly in Ruffia to fend at lead: one fon or kinfman, between
the ages of ten and eighteen, to this feminary, where he
was inftru&ed in navigation, learned the languages, wTas
taught to perform his exercifes, and to live under the fe¬
vered difcipline. To crown his other plans of reforma¬
tion, he granted letters patent for founding an academy,
upon a very liberal endowment •, and though he did not
live to execute this fcheme, his emprefs, who furvived
• him, brought it to perfection. It was modelled on tire
plans of the Royal Society in London, and the academy
of France. Mr Bullfinger opened it in the year x 7 26,
with an eloquent fpeech on the defign and utility of an
academy of fciences •, and the profeiTors, who have al¬
ways didinguifhed themfelves by their merit and erudi¬
tion, publidied an annual collection of their tranfac-
tions ; a talk the more eafy, as they have the benefit of
printing-prefles, wrell managed, at Peterfburg.
Peter the Great has been much cenfured for transfer¬
ring the feat of the empire from Mofcow to St Peterf¬
burg ; the former of which lay nearer to the centre of
his dominions. But thefe objections will have but little
weight with thofe who confider the confequences of the
removal. The new city is nearer than Mofcow was to
the more civilized parts of Europe ; and from an inter-
courfe with them the manners of the Ruffians have been
improved, and the nobility in particular have loft much
of their feudal importance. Above all, the grand ob-
jeCt of Peter, that of having a formidable navy in the
Baltic, has certainly been obtained, and the emprels of
Ruffia is now the arbitrefs of the north, and in fome de¬
gree the mediatrix of all Europe. In fhort, the erec¬
tion of St Peterfburg was perhaps one of the beft ads of
Peter’s reign, and has in its confequences been the moft
beneficial. Indeed it is at leaft probable, that if through
any revolution the feat of government Ihould be again
transferred to Mofcow, we Ihould nowhere fee the tra¬
ces of thofe memorable improvements, which the paffing
century has given birth to, but in the annals of hiftory $
and Ruffia would again, in all probability, relapfe into
her original barbarifm.
The eredion of bach a city as Peterfburg in fo fhort Peter/burg. 1
a time is truly wonderful.' Mr Coxe fays his mind was—-v“~J
filled with aftonifhment, when he refleded that fo late
as the beginning of the 18th century-the ground on which
it ftands was one vaft morafs, occupied by a very few' fiih-
ermen’s huts. The prefent divifions of the town, fome
of w'hich we have already mentioned, are called, 1. The
Admiralty quarter; 2. The Vaffili Oftrof or Ifland *,
3. The Fortrefs 5 4. The Ifland of St Peterfburg j and,
5. The various fuburbs of Livonia, of Mofcow', of A-
lexander Nevfki, and Wiburg.
The late emprefs has done fo much for this city,
that fhe may not improperly be called its fecond foun-
drefs. It is, nevethelefs, ftill an infant place, and, as
Mr Wraxall obferves, “ only an immenfe outline,
which will require future empreffes, and almoft future
ages, to complete.”
“ The ftreets in general, fays a late traveller, are Coxe's Tret* ■]
broad and fpaciousj and three of the principal ones, ve/x.
which meet in a point at the admiralty, and reach to
the extremities of the fuburbs, are at leaft two miles in
length. Moft of them are paved 3 but a few are ftill
fuftered to remain floored with planks. In feveral parts
of the metropolis, particularly in the Vaffili Oftrof,
wmoden houfes and habitations, fcarcely fuperior to com¬
mon cottages, are blended with the public buildings)
but this motley mixture is far lefs common than at Mof-
cowT, where alone can be formed any idea of an ancient
Ruffian city. The brick houfes are ornamented with a
‘white ftucco, which has led feveral travellers to fay that
they are built with ftone j whereas, unlefs I am greatly
miftaken, there are only twro ftone ftruftures in all Pe¬
terfburg. The one^ is a palace, building by the em¬
prefs upon the banks of the Neva, called the marble
palace; it is of hewn granite, with marble columns and
ornaments •, the other is the church of St Ifaac, con-
ftru&ed with the fame materials, but not yet finiihed.
“ The manfions of the nobility are many of them vaft ,
piles of building, but are not in general upon fo large
and magnificent a fcale as feveral I obferved at Mof¬
cow : they are furniftied with great coft, and in the
fame elegant fiyle as at Parip or London. They are
fituated chiefly on the fouth fide of the Neva, either
in the Admiralty quarter, or in the fuburbs of Livonia
and Mofcow, which are the fineft parts of the city.”
See Neva.
“ Peterfburg, although it is more compaft than the
other Ruffian cities, and has the houfes in many ftreets
contiguous to each other, yet ftill bears a refemblance
to the towns of this country, and is built in a very
ftraggling manner. By an order lately iffued from go-
vernment, the city has been inclofed within a rampart,
the circumference whereof is 21 verfts, or 14 Englifti
miles.”
The fame accurate obferver calculates the number of
inhabitants at Peterfburg, and makes the medium number
130,000. ' • ^
We have already faid that Peterfburg is- very liable
to be inundated. An inundation of a very alarming
nature took place when Mr Coxe was there in Sep¬
tember 1777, of which the following account was gi¬
ven in Journal St Peterfhurg, September 1777: “ In
the evening of the 9th, a violent ftorm of wind blowing
at firft S. W. and afterwards W. raifed the Neva and
its various branches to fo great a height, that at five in
PET _ [2-
r{bvtrg»t1ie morning tire waters poured over their oanks, and
v -Suddenly overflowed the town, but more particularly
the Vaffili Oftrof and the ifland of St Peterlhurg. The
torrent rofe in feveral ftreets to- the depth of four feet
find a half, and overturned, by its rapidity, various
buildings and bridges. About feven, the wind fhift-
ing to N. W. the flood fell as fuddenly j and at mid¬
day moll of the ftreets, which in the morning could
only be patted in boats, became dry. For a (hort time,
the river rofe xo feet 7 inches above its ordinary level.”
Mr Kraft, profe.Tor of experimental philofophy to
the Imperial Academy of Sciences, has written a judi¬
cious treatife upon the inundation of the Neva, from
which the followung obfervations were extracted by
Mr Coxe : “ Thefe floods are lefs alarming than for¬
merly, as the fwelling of the river to about fix feet a-
bove its ufual level, which ufed to overflow the whole
town, has no longer any effedl, excepting upon the
lower parts of Peterfburg j a circumftance owing to
the gradual raifing of the ground by buildings and other
caufes.
“ Upon tracing the principal inundations, the pro-
feflbr informs us that the moll ancient, of which there
is any tradition, happened in 10915 and is mentioned
bv Weber, from the account of fome filhennen inhabit¬
ing near Xiefchants, a Swedilh redoubt upon the Neva,
about three miles from the prefent fortrefs of Peterfhurg.
At that period the waters ufually rofe every five years;
and the inhabitants of that diftrift no fooner perceived
the particular ftorms which they had been taught from
fatal experience to confider as forerunners of a flood,
than they took their hovels to pieces, and, joining the
timbers together in the form of rafts, faftened them to
the fummits of the higheft trees, and repaired to the
mountain of Duderof, which is diftant fix miles from
their place of abode, where they waited till the waters
fubfided.
“ The higheft inundations, excepting the baft of
1777, were thole of the ill of November ijzS, when
the waters rofe 8 feet 2 inches •, and on the 2d of Octo¬
ber 1752, when they rofe 8 feet 5 inches.
“ From a long courfe of obfervations the profeiTor
draws the followflng conclulion. The highelt floods,
namely, thofe which rife about fix feet, have generally
happened in one of the latl four months of the year:
no fenfible effeft is ever produced by rain or lnowr; a
fwell is fometimes occafioned by the accumulation of
rnafies of ice at the mouth of the Neva •, but tbe prin¬
cipal caufes of the overflowing of that river are derived
from violent ftorms and winds blowing louth-weft or
north-well, which ufually prevail at the autumnal equi¬
nox •, and the height of the waters is always in pro¬
portion to *the violence and duration of thofe winds.
In a rvord, the circumftances moll liable to promote
the overflowings of the Neva, are when, at the au¬
tumnal equinox, three or four days before or after the
full or new moon, that luminary being near her peri-
gamm, a violent north-weft wind drives the waters
vf the northern ocean, during- the influx of the tide,
into the Saltic, and is accompanied, or inftantaneoully
fucceeded by a fouth-well wind in that fea and the gulf
of Finland. All thefe circumftances concurred at the
inundation of 1777 : it happened two days before the
autumnal equinox, four before the full moon, two alter
her pafilng through the perigaeuiu} and by a ilorm at
r ] PE T
fouth-weft, which was preceded by ftrong weft windsFetetfbm'r
in the northern ocean, and ftrong north winds at thev
mouth of the Baltic.”
See Notices et Remarques fur les debordemens de la
Neva a St Rcterfbourg, accompagnees d'une carte repre-
fentant la crue et la diminution des eaux, &c. in Nov.
Aft. Pet. for 1777, Par. II. p. 47. to which excellent
treatife we would refer the curious reader for further
information.
All our readers have unqueftionably heard of the
equeftrian ftatue of Peter I. in bronze. We (hall give
an account of that extraordinary monument in Mr
Coxe’s own words. “ It is (fays he) of a coloffal fize,
and is the w7ork of Monfieur Falconet, the celebrated
French ftatuary, call at the expence of Catherine IT
in honour of her great predeceflbr, whom Are reveres
and imitates. It reprefents that' monarch in the atti¬
tude of mounting a precipice, the fummit of which he
ha- nearly attained. He appears crowned with laure1,
in a loofe Afiatic veft, and fitting on a houfing of bear-
fldn : his right hand is ftretched out as in the ail ot
giving benediction to his people*, and his left holds
t ie reins. The defign is mafterly, and the attitude is
bold and fpirited. If there be any defect in the figure,
it confifts in the flat pofition of the right hand ; and for
this reafon, the view of the left fide is the moft linking,
where the whole 'appearance is graceful and animated.
The horfe is rearing upon its hind legs 5 and its tail,
which is full and flowing, flightly touches a bronze fer-
pent, artfully contrived to aftift in fupporting the- vail
weight of the ftatue in due equilibrium. The artift has,
in this noble effay of his genius, reprefented Peter as
the legiflator of his country, without any allufion to
conquelt and bloodlhed ; wiiely preferring his civil qua¬
lities to his military exploits. The contraft between the
compofed tranquillity of Peter (though perhaps not ab-
folutely oharafteriftic) and the fire of the horfe, eager
to prefs forwards, is very ftriking. The fimplicity ot
the infeription correfponds to the fublimity of the de¬
fign, and is far preferable to a pompous detail of exalt¬
ed virtues, which the voice of flattery applies to every
fovereign without diftinftion. It is elegantly finiftved in
brafs characters, on one fide in Latin, and on the oppo-
fite in Ruffian. Retroprimo Gatherina fecunda, 17825 i. e.
Catherine II. to Peter I.
“ The ftatue, when I was at Peterlhurg, was not
ereCted, but flood under a large wooden Hied near the
Neva, within a few yards of its enormous pedeftal.
When Falconet had conceived the defign of his ftatue,
the bafe of which was to be formed by a huge rock,
he carefully examined the environs of Peterfburg, it,
among the detached pieces of granite which are fcat-
tered about thefe parts, one could be found of magni¬
tude correfpondent to the dimenfions of the equeftrian
figure. After confiderable refearch, he difeovered a
ftupendous mafs half buried in the midlt of a morals, x
The expence and difficulty of tranfporting it were no
obftacles to Catherine II. By her order the morafs
was immediately drained, a road was cut through a
foreft, and carried over the marftiy ground 5 and T
ftone which, after it had been fomewhat reduced, weigh¬
ed at leaft 1500 tons, was removed to Peterfburg.
This more than Roman work was, in lefs than fix
months from the time of its firft difeovery, accomplifb-
ed by a windlafs, and by means of large fritfion balls
alternately
PER [ 232 ] PER
Beterlbarg. alternately placed and removed in grooves fixed on each
v 1 fide of the road. In this manner it was drawn, with
40 men feated upon its top, about four miles, to the
banks of the Neva j there it was embarked in a veffel
conftru&ed on purpofe to receive it, and thus conveyed
about the fame diftance by water to the fpot where it
now Hands. When landed at Peterfburg, it was 42 feet
long at the bafe, 36 at the top, 21 thick, and 17 high j
a bulk greatly furpafling in weight the moft boafted
monuments of Roman grandeur, which, according to the
fond admirers of antiquity, would have baffled the Ikill
of modern mechanics, and were alone fufficient to ren¬
der confpicitous the reign of the moft degenerate em¬
perors.
“ The pedeftal, however, though *ftill of prodigious
magnitude, is far from retaining its original dimenfionS,
as, in order to form a proper ftation for the ftatue, and
to reprefent an afcent, the fummit whereof the horfe is
endeavouring to attain, its bulk has been neceffarily di-
miniffled. But I could not obferve, without regret, that
the artift has been defirous to improve upon nature ; and,
in order to produce a refemblance of an abrupt broken
precipice, has been too lavilh of the chiffel. . Near it
was a model in plafter, to the fiiape of which the work¬
men were falhioning the pedeftal. It appeared to me,
that in this model the art was too confpicuous; and that
the effeft would have been far more fublime, if the
Hone had been left as much as poflible in its rude Hate,
a vaft unwieldy ftupendous mafs. And indeed, unlefs
' I am greatly miftaken, the pedeftal, when finilhed
according to this plan, will have fcarcely breadth fuf¬
ficient to afford a proper bafe for a ftatue of fuch colof-
fal fize.
“ The ftatue was erefted on the pedeftal on the 27th
of Auguft 1782. The ceremony was performed with
great folemnity, and was accompanied with a folemn in¬
auguration. At the fame time the emprefs iffued a
proclamation, in which, among other inftances of her
clemency, Ihe pardons all criminals under fentence of
death 5 all deferters, who (hould return to their refpec-
tive corps within a limited time j and releafes all crimi¬
nals condemned to hard labour, provided they had not
been guilty of murder.”
Mr Coxe informs us, that the weather is extremely
changeable in this capital, and the cold is at times ex¬
treme ; againft which the inhabitants take care to pro¬
vide (fee Peasant), though fome of them neverthelefs
unfortunately fall victims to it. M As I traverfed the
city, (fays Mr Coxe), on the morning of 12th January,
I obferved feveral perfons whofe faces had been bitten
by the froft : their cheeks had large fears, and appeared
as if they had been finged with an hot iron. As I was
■walking with an Englifh gentleman, who, inftead of a
fur cap, had put on a common hat, his ears were fudden-
ly frozen : he felt no pain, and would not have percei¬
ved it for fome time, if a Ruffian, in paffmg by, had not
informed him of it, and aflifted him in rubbing the part
affedted with fnow, by which means it was inftantly re¬
covered. This, or fridtion with flannels, is the ufual re¬
medy j but ftiould the perfon in that ftate approach the
itre, or dip the part in warm wTater, it immediately mor¬
tifies and drops off.—The common people continued at
-their work as ufual, and the drivers plied in the ftreets
with their fledges feemingly unaffedled by the froft;
their beards were incrufted with clotted ice, and the Peterfburg.
hoffes were covered with ificles. 1 —-
“ It fometimes happens that coachmen or fervants,
while they are waiting for their mafters, are frozen to
death. In order to prevent as much as poflible thefe
dreadful accidents, great fires of whole trees, piled one
upon another, are kindled in the court-yard of the pa¬
lace and the moft frequented parts of the town. As
the flames blazed above the tops of the houfes, and call
a glare to a confiderable diftance, I was frequently much
amufed by contemplating the pihturefque groups of Ruf¬
fians, with their Afiatic drefs and long beards, affembled
round the fire. The centinels upon duty, having no
beards, which are of great ufe to protect the glands
of the throat, generally tie handkerchiefs under their
chins, and cover their ears with fmall cafes of flan¬
nel.”
The police of this city has been much admired.
This eftablilhment confifts of a police mafter, two pre-
fidents, the one for criminal, the other for civil cafes,
and two confulters, chofen from the burgher clafs. To
this is committed the care to maintain decorum, good
order and morals ; the attainment of which is thus ac¬
compli (bed.
The refidence is divided into ten departments, each
of which has a prefident, who muft poffefs a correft
knowledge of the inhabitants in his own department, of
which he is regarded as the cenfor tnorutn. His houfe
muft be a refuge both night and day for all in diftrefs ;
and he muft not leave the city for two hours, under any
pretext whatever, without appointing a fubftitute to aft
in his abfence. The conftables and watchmen of his
department are fubjeft to his orders ; and in the dif-
charge of his duty, he has two fergeants to attend
him.
Each department has three, four, or five fubdivifions,
of which there are 42 in the whole refidence. Each of
thefe has a quarter-infpeftor, and under him a quarter-
lieutenant. The duty of all thefe is in unifon with that
of the prefident, but the fphere of their aftivity is more
circumfcribed. They fettle trivial affairs, and keep a
watchful eye over every thing that paffes.
The night watchmen are 500 in number, who have
ftations affigned them, and are to be aiding in the ieiz-
ing of offenders, or in any fervice their commanders
may require. , There is alfo a command of 120 men,
who are fupported by a regiment of huffars, {hould the
nature of their duty be at any time fo hazardous as to
render fuch a.meafure neceffary.
This piece of political mechanifm is fo harmonioufly
connefted in all its parts, that it becomes the admiration
of every foreigner.
So extraordinary is the vigilance obferved by every
part of this admirable whole, that all fecret inquifitions
are totally fuperfluous. The police has a knowledge of
every perfon in the refidence ; travellers are fubjeft to
certain formalities, in confequence of which to hide the
place of their abode, or the time of their departure, are
alike imprafticable. Every houfeholder muft declare
to the police who lodges with him, or what ftrangers
have put up at his houfe. When travellers leave the
town, they muft publilh in the newfpapers their name,
quality, and place of abode, three different times, and
produce the papers containing fuch advertifement.
4
F E T [ 2
u!*g Tlie police :Jfo watches over Jecret focieties of every
hind, ib that nothing inimical to the exifting govern-
_ i ment can either be freely difcuffed, or lafely carried into
execution. The difturbers of the public peace in this
city muit of eonfequence be few in number.
The court called oral, fits every day, and proceeds
orally in all the caules brought before it; keeping at
the fame time a day-book, in which the decifions of the
court are ehtered, and every week it is laid before the
fitting magiftrate. Every caufe muit be determined in
one day, or in three at moft, if the collecting of exa-
ipinations fhould be intricate and tedious. But Ibme
travellers have given a more unfavourable account of
the police of the Ruffian metropolis, and have decla¬
red that murder and robbery may fometimes be com¬
mitted with impunity, if the guilty have it in their
power to bribe the watchmen.
Petersburgh, in America, is a fea-port town in
Virginia, 25 miles fouthward of Richmond, feated on
the fouth fide of the Appamatox river, about 12 miles
above its junction with .lames river, and contained near¬
ly 300 houfes in 1787, in two divifions; one is upon a
cold clay foil, and is very dirty ; the other upon a plain
of fand or loam. There is no regularity, and very little
elegance in Peterfburgh. It is merely a place of bufi-
nefs.- The Free Mafons have a hall tolerably elegant;
and the feat of the Bowling family is pleafant and well
built. It is very unhealthy. About 2200 hogiheads
of toba co are infpefted here annually. Like Rich¬
mond, Williamfburpdi, Alexandria, and Norfolk, it is a
corporation; and what is fingular, Peterfburgh city
comprehends part of’ three counties. The celebrated
I-ndlan queen, Pocaholita, from whom defcended the
Randolph and Bowling families, formerly refided at this
place.
■ PE TERSFIELD, a handfome town of Hamplhire
in England, and fends two members to parliament. It
is feated in W. Long. I. 3. N. Lat. 5*i- 5.
PETERWARADIN, a fortified town in Sclavonia,
and one of the ftrongeft frontier places the houfe of
Auftria has againft the Turks, feated on the Danube
between the Drave and the Save. E. Long. 20. o. N.
Lat. 45. 20.
PETIOLE, in Botany, the fiender ftalks that fup-
' port the leaves of a plant.
PETIT, or Petite, a French word fignifying little
or [mail.
PETITE Guerre, denotes the operations of detached
parties and the war of pofts. See War, Part III.
PETIT Sergeanty. See Sergeanty.
Petit Treafon. See Treason.
Petit, John, a doctor of the Sorbonne, very, early
gained to himfelf a charabfer by his knowledge, and
thofe eloquent orations which he pronounced before the
univerfity of Paris. He was employed in the famous
embafly which was fent from France to Rome, for the
purpofe of healing the fchifm in 1407 ; but he foon loft
ail the honour which he had acquired. John Sans
Peur, duke of Burgundy, having treacheroully contri¬
ved to affaffinate Louis of France, duke of Orleans, on¬
ly brother to Charles VI. John Petit, entirely devoted
to the views of the murderer, maintained in a public
djfputation, at Paris, the 8th of March 1408, that the
murder was lawful. He had the effrontery to affert,
that “ it is allowable to employ fraud, 'treafon, and
VOX.. XVI. Part 1.
33 ] PET
every other method, however bafe, in order to get rid of P
a tyrant; and that no faith ought to be kept with him,”
He dared to add further, that “ the man who fiiould
commit fuch an ,a<ftion, not only deferved to be exempt¬
ed from punifhment, but to receive a reward.” This
fanguinary dodtrine was loudly exclaimed againft ; but
the duke of Burgundy’s powerful influence Iheltered
Petit for fome time. Some eminent writers, however,
of that period, with Gerfon at their head, denounced
the doctrine to John de Montaigu, bifhop of Paris, who
condemned it as heretical the 23d November 1414. It
•was likewife condemned by the council of Conftance
the year following at the mitigation of Gerfon ; but no
notice was taken either of Petit’s name or his writings.
In fine, the king, on the 16th of September 1416, or¬
dered the parliament of Paris to pronounce a fevere de¬
cree againft this dangerous performance ; and it was al-
fo cenluted by the univerfity. But the duke of Bur¬
gundy, in 1418, had intereft enough to compel the grand
vicars of the bifliop of Paris, who then lay lick at St
Omer’s, to retraft the fentence which that prelate had
paft in 1414. Petit died three years before, i. e. in
1411, at Hefdin ; and his apology in favour of the duke
of Burgundy, with all the particulars of that infamous
tranfadlion, may be feen in the fifth volume of the laft
edition of Gerfon’s works. Father Pinchinat, of the
order of St Francis, and author of the Diftionary of
Herefies, in 4to, has endeavoured to vindicate his order
from a charge brought by fome writers who have called
Petit a Cordelier, or Francifcan friar. “ He proves
very clearly (fays Abbe Prevot) that he was .a fecular
prieft ; and adds, that upon the fame evidence, Father
Mercier, a Cordelier, had a warm difpute in 1717 with
M. Dupin, who had given this title to Petit in his Col-
le£Hon of Cenfures. . He reprefented to him (fays he),
before a meeting of the Faculty, the falfity of fuch a
claim, and the injury which he offered to the order of
St Francis. Dupin, convinced of his error, candidly
owned that he was led into it by following fome infidel
writers, and promifed to retradl it. in the new edition of
the Cenfures, which was publilhed in 1720. M. Fleu-
ry, who had committed the fame miftake, promifed alio
to make amends for it by a folemn recantation ; but dy¬
ing before he had an opportunity of doing that piece of
juftice to the Cordeliers, the continuator of his Ecclefi-
aftical Pliftory, who had not fiich opportunities of in¬
formation, fell into the fame fault.” {Pour i? contre,
tom. x. p. 23.). If we take the opinion of L’Advo-
cat’s Dicfionary, it would appear no fault was commit¬
ted ; for it gives a lift of the penfioners of the dukes of
Burgundy, in order to prove that John Petit was a
Cordelier. Indeed, it is highly probable that if Dupin,
Fleury, and Father Fabre, did not alter their opinion, it
was owing to a firm perfuafion that they had committed
no error.
Petit, John Lewis, an eminent furgeon, born at Pa¬
ris in 1674. He had fo early an inclination to furgery,
that Mr Littre, a celebiaited anatomift, being in his fa¬
ther’s houfe, he regularly attended that gentleman’s
leflures, from his being feven years of age. He was
received matter in furgery in the year 1700; and ac¬
quired fuch reputation in the pra<ftice of that art, that
in 1726 the king of Poland fent for him to his court,
and in 1734 the king of Spain prevailed on him to go
into that kingdom. Fie reftored the health of thole
G g • princes;
PET [2
Pentio princes; and they endeavoured to detain him by offer-
rrincipu him great advantages, but he chofe rather to return
Petitot. to ^rance* He was received into the academy of fcien-
ces in 1715; became director of the royal academy of
inrgery 5 made feveral important difcoveries ; and in¬
vented new inftruments for tlie improvement of fur-
gery. He died at Paris in 1750. He wrote an ex¬
cellent Treatife on the' Diieafes of the Bones, the
bell edition of which is that of 1723; and many
learned DifTertaiions in the Memoirs of the Academy
of Sciences, and in the firft volume of the Memoirs of
Surgery.
PETITIO PR1VCIPIT, in Logicr the taking a thing
for true, and drawing conclufions from it as fuch, when
it is really falfe ; or at lead wants to be proved before
any inferences can be drawn from it.
PETITION, a fupplication made by an inferior to
a fuperior, and efpecially to one having jurifdiftion. It
is ufed for that remedy which the fubjefl liath to help
a w'rong done by the king, who hath a prerogative not
io be lued by writ: In which fenfe it is either gene¬
ral, That the king do him right ; whereupon follows a
general indorfement upon the fame, Let right he done
the party; Or it is fpecial, when the conclufion and
indorfement are fpecial, for this or that to be done, &c.
By ilatute, the foliciting, labouring, or procuring the
putting the hands or confent of above twenty perfons to
any petition to the king, or either houfe of parliament,
for alterations in church or date, unlefs by affent of
three or more judices of the peace of the county, or a
majority of the grand jury at the adizes or feffions, &c.
and repairing to the king or parliament to deliver fuch
petition with above the number of ten perfons, is fub-
jedd to a fine ot loci, and three months imprilonment,
being proved by two witnefies within fix months, in the
court of B. R. or at the afiizes, &c. And if what is
required by this datute be obferved, care mud be taken
that petitions to the king contain nothing which may be
interpreted to refledt on the adminidration ; for if they
do, it may come under the denomination of a libel: and
it is remarkable, that the petition of the city of Lon¬
don for the fitting of a parliament was deemed libel¬
lous, becaufe it luggeded that the king’s difiblving a
late parliament was an obdrudlion of judice ; alfo the
petition of the feven bhhops, fent to the Tower by
James II. was called a libel, &c. To fubferibe a pe¬
tition to the king, to frighten him into a change of his
meafures, intimating, that if it be denied many thoufands
of las fabjeels will be dfcontented, &c. is included a-
mong the contempts againd the king’s perfon and go¬
vernment, tending to weaken the fame, and is puniflrable
by fine and imprifonment.
PETITORY action, in Scots Law. See Law,
N° clxxxiii, 18. 2C.
PETITOT, John, a curious painter in enamel, who
was born at Geneva in 1607, reached a great degree of
perfection in the art. He was wonderfully patient in
finidiing his works, but he had the addrefs to conceal his
labour. Pie only painted the heads and hands of the
figures : the hair, grounds, and drapery, being executed
by Bordier his brother-in-law. Thefe two artids had
the credit of affociating and labouring together for fifty
years, without the lead milunderdanding between them.
It is afferted by an ingenious French writer, that Peti-
tot and Bordier derived the knowledge of the mod cu-
3+] PE T
rious and durable colours proper for enamelling, from
Sir Theodore Maycrne at London, who recommended
Petitot to Charles I. He had the honour to paint the
portraits ct that monarch and the whole royal family,
and continued in England until Charles’s unhappy end :
he then went to Paris, where he was highly favoured by
Louis XIV. and acquired an ample fortune. Being *a
Protedant, the revocation of the edied of Nantz obli¬
ged to retire to Geneva ; but fettling foon alter at Ve-
ray in the canton of Bern, he paffed the remainder of
his life in cafe and affluence. PJe died in 1691.
Petitot may be called the inventor of painting por¬
traits in enamel. Though his friend Bordier made fe-
veral attempts before him, and Sir Theodore May erne
had facilitated the means of employing the mod "beau¬
tiful colours j yet Petitot completed the works, which
under his hand acquired a foftnefs and livelinefs of co¬
louring that will never change, and will ever render
his works valuable. He made ufe of gold and filver
plates, and feldom enamelled on copper. When he fird
came in vogue, his price was 20 louis’s a head, which
he foon railed to 40. It was his cudom to take a paint¬
er with him, who painted the picture in oil ; after which
Petitot fketched out his ivork, which he always finilhed
after the life. When he painted the king of France,
he took thole pi&ures for his copies that mod refembled
him ; and the king afterwards gave him a fitting or two
to finilh his work.
FET1VER, James, a celebrated Englidi botanid,
was contemporary wfith Plukenet ; but we are wholly
unacquainted with the precife time of his birth. He
was by profefiion an apothecary, having feived an ap-
prenticelhip under Mr Fcltham, apothecary to Bartholo¬
mew’s hofpital, He fettled in Aider fgate-dreet when
he commenced bufintfs on his own account, wLere he
continued during the whole of his life. His bufinek;
was extenfive : and he was afterwards chofen apothecary
to the Charter-hcufe. Excepting Sir Plans Sloane, and
Mr Courten, he was the only perfon after the Trade-
Icants, who made any important collefticns in natural
hidcry, previous to thole of the prefent day. He em¬
ployed the captains and furgeons of different drips to
bring him home fpecimens 5 and by means of printed
direddions he enabled them to feledd proper objedls. In
this manner his colledlion focn became lo valuable, that
he was offered qocol. for it by Sir Hans Sloane, feme
time prior to his deceafe ; but, after be died, it was
purchafed by that naturalid. His fame was extended
both at home and abroad by his valuable mufeum. He
was chofen a fellow of the Royal Society j and having
become acquainted with Ray, he affided him in arran¬
ging the fecond volume of his Hidory of Plants. He
died on the 20th of April, 1718 ; and his funeral was
honoured by the attendance of Sir Hans Sloane, and
other eminent men, as pall-bearers.
He publilhed feveral works, on different fubjedls of
natural hidory, fuch as Mufci Petiveriani Centurice de¬
cern, 1692—1703, 8vo : Ga%ophylccii Natura- et Artis,
Decades decern, folio, it]02, with 100 plates: A cata¬
logue of Mr Ray’s Englidi Plerbal, illudrated with fi¬
gures, folio, 1713, and continued in 1715 : Many fmall
publications, which may be found enumerated in Dr
Pultney’s book: Many papers in the Philofophicai
Tranfaflions ; and a material article in the third vo¬
lume of Ray’s work, entitled ,'Pliintce Ear lores Chinenfes,
Madras,
Pttitof,
Petiver.
Petivena
Petrarch.
PET [ 235 1 p
Madras patahce, et African#, a Jacobo Petivero ad opus the fenate and people on th
confununandum collatas, &c. Many of his fmall tradls
having become Icarce, his works were collected and pu-
blithed, exclufive of his papers in the Tranfadions, in
2 vols. folio, in the year 1764.
PETIVERIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
hexandna clafs, and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 12th order, Uo/orace#. See JBotany Index.
PETRA, (Cedar, Lucian), a town of Greece, on
the coat! of lllyricum, near Dyrrhachium, and not far
from the mouth of the river Panyafus.—Another Pe¬
tra, (Livy) } a town of IVIaedica, a diftrift of Ihrace,
lying towards Macedonia } but in what part ot Mace¬
donia, he does- not fay.
Petra (Ptolemy), Petrsca (Silius Italicus), Petrina
(Italicus), in both which laid urbs is underftood •, an in¬
land town of Sicily, to"the fouth-weft of Engyum.
Now Petragiia (Cluverius).
PETRA Jecktael ( 2 Kings xiv.), a town of the Ama-
lekites *, near the Adfcenfus Seorpionis (Judges i.) and
the valley of Salt in the fouth of Judea ; afterwards in
the poffeilion of the Edomites, after deitroying the A-
maltekites.
PETRA Recent, or Rekem, fo called from Rekem
king of the Midianites, tlain by the Ifraelites (Num.
xxxi.). Formerly called Arce, now Petra ; the capital
of Arabia Petraea (Jofephus). Ptolemy places it in
Long. 66. 45. from the Fortunate iflands, and Lat. 30.
20. It declines therefore 80 miles to the fouth of the
parallel of Jerufalem, and 36 miles,, more or lefs, from its
meridian to the eaft. Jofephus fays, that the mountain
on wdiich Aaron died flood near Petra ; which Strabo
calls the capital of the Nabatad ; at thediftanceof three
or four days journey from Jericho. This Petra feems
to be the Sela of Ifaiah xvi. 1. and xlii. 11. the He¬
brew name of Petra “ a rock Though fome imagine
Petra to be no older than the time of the Macedonians.
PETRARCH, Francis, a celebrated Italian poet,
was born at Arezzo in 1304, and was the fon of Pe-
trarco di Parenzo. He ftudied grammar, rhetoric, and
philofophy, for four years at Carpentras; from whence
he went to Montpelier, where he lludied the law' under
John Andreas and Cino of Piftoia, and probably from
the latter received a tafte for Italian poetry. As Pe¬
trarch only ftudied the law' out of complaifance to his
father, who on his vifiting him to Bologna had thrown
in the fire all the Latin poets and orators except Virgil
and Cicero ; he, at 22 years of age, hearing that his fa¬
ther and mother wTere dead of the plague at Avignon,
returned to that city to fettle his domeftic affairs, and
purchafed a countiy-houfe in a very folitary but agree¬
able fituation, called Vauclufe: where he firft knew the
beautiful Laura, wdth whom he fell in love, and whom
he has immortalifed in his poems. He at length travel¬
led into France, the Netherlands, and Germany ; and
at his return to Avignon entered into the fervice of Pope
John XXII. w'ho employed him in feveral important
affairs. Petrarch was in hopes of being raifed to fome
confiderable polls: but being difappointed, he applied
himfelf entirely to poetry \ in which he met with fuch
applaufe, that in one and the fame day he received
letters from Rome and the chancellor of the univer-
fity of Paris, by which they invited him to receive
the poetic crown. By the advice of this friends, he
preferred Rome to Paris, and received that crown from
E T
8th of April 1341. “The I
ceremony of his coronation (fays Gibbon) was perform¬
ed in the Capitol, by his friend and patron the fupreme
magiftrate of the republic. Twelve patrician youths
wrere arrayed in Icarlet} fix repreientatives of the moil
illuftrious families, in green robes, with garlands o£
flowers, accompanied the proceflion} in the midft of
the princes and nobles, the fenalor, count of Anguii-
lara, a kinfman of the Colonna, affumed his throne •,
and at the voice of a herald Petrarch arofe. • Alter dh-
courling on a text of Virgil, and thrice repeating his
vow’s for the profperity of Rome, he knelt before the
throne, and received from the fenator a laurel crown,
wdth a more precious declaration, ‘ Ihis is the reward
of merit.’ The people Ihouted, ‘ Long life to the Ca ¬
pitol and the poet!’ A fonnet in praife of Rome was
accepted as the effufion of genius and gratitude} and
after the whole proceflion had vilited the \ atican, tne
profane wreath was fufpended before the {brine of St
Peter. In the a<ft or diploma which was prefented to
Petrarch, the title and prerogatives of poet-laureat are
revived in the Capitol after the lapfe of 1300 years j
and he receives the perpetual privilege of wearing, at
his choice, a crown of laurel, ivy, or myrtle ; cf affum-
ing the poetic habit ; and of teaching, difputing, inter¬
preting, and compofing, in all places wdiatfoever, and
on all fubjefts of literature. The grant was ratified by
the authority of the fenate and people •, and the charac¬
ter of citizen was the recompenfe of his affection for the
Roman name. They did him honour, but they did
him juftice. In the familiar fociety of Cicero and
Livy, he had imbibed the ideas of an ancient patriot j
and his ardent fancy kindled every idea to a fentiment,
and every fentiment to a paffion.” His love of foli-
tude at length induced him to return to Vauclufe;
but, after the death of the beautiful Laura, Provence
became infupportable to him, and he returned to Italy
in 1352; when, being at Milan, Galeas Viceconti
made him counfellor of ftate. Petrarch fpent almoft
all the reft of his life in travelling to and from the
different cities in Italy. He was archdeacon of Par¬
ma, and canon of Padua ; but never received the order
of priefthood. All the princes and great men of his
time gave him public marks of their efteem ; and while
he lived at Arcqua, three miles from Padua, the Flo¬
rentines deputed Boccace to go to him with letters, by
which they invited him to Florence, and informed him,
that they reftored to him all the eftate of which his la¬
ther and mother had been deprived during the diffen-
lions between the Guelphs and Gibelines. He died a
few years after at Arcqua, in 1374' Hs wrote many
w’orks that have rendered Ids memory immortal ; thefe
have been printed in four volumes folio. His lite has
been written by feveral authors. Amongft thefe there
was one by Mrs Sufanna Dobfon, in 2 volumes 8vo,
collected and abridged from the French. In this work
we have the following elegant and juft charadler of Pe¬
trarch.
“ Few chara&ers, perhaps, have fet in a ftronger
light the advantage of well-regulated difpofitions than
that of Petrarch, from the contrail we behold in
particular of his life, and the extreme mifery
he luffered from the indulgence of an affection, which,
though noble and delightful' when juftly placed, becomes
a reproach and a torment to its poffeltbr when once di-
G g 2 reded
PET
re&ed to an improper object. For.
J ourfelves or others j though (from the charafter of
Laura) they are acquitted of all guilt in their perfonal
intercourfe, yet, as the was a married woman, it is not
! 25<> 1 PET
let us not deceive between this admired poet and our late famous Yoritk. Pttrarcn
—Both,'we know, had great wit and genius, and no
lefs imprudence and eccentricity j both were canons, or
prebendaries, the Italian of Padua, &c. and the Lng-
poffible, on the principles of religion and morality, to ; lilhman of York j they both “ ran over France, wilh-
clear them from that juft cenfure which is due to every
defection of the mind from thofe laws which are the
foundation of order and peace in civil fociety, and
which are damped with the facred mark of divine au¬
thority.
“ In this particular of his charafter, therefore, it
is ftncerely hoped that Petrarch will ferve as a warn¬
ing to thofe unhappy minds, who, partaking of the
fame feelings under the like circumftances, but not yet
luffering his mifery, may be led, by the contemplation
of it, by a generous regard to the honour of human na¬
ture, and by a-view to the approbation of that all-feeing
Judge who penetrates the moft fecret receffes of the
heart, to check every unhappy inclination in its birth,
and deftroy, while yet in their pow'er, the feeds of thofe
pafiions which may otherwife deftroy them.
“ As to the cavils or cenfures of thofe who, incapa¬
ble of tendemefs themfelves, can neither enjoy the view
of it when prefented in its moft perfetl form, nor pity
its fuffcrings when, as in this work, they appear unhap¬
pily indulged beyond the bounds of judgement and
tranquillity j to fuch minds I make no addrefs, well
convinced, that, as no callous heart can enjoy, neither
xvill it ever be in danger of being milled, by the example
of Petrarch in this tender but unfortuante circumftance
of his character.
“ To- fufceptible and feeling minds alone Petrarch
will be. ever dear. Such, while they regret his failings,
and confider them as warnings to themfelves, will love
his virtues j and, touched by the glowing piety and
heart-felt contrition which often impreffed his foul, will
ardently detire to partake with him* in thofe pathetic
and fublime reflections which are produced in grateful
and affeCtionate hearts, on reviewing their own lives,
and contemplating the works of God.
“ Petrarch had received from nature a very danger¬
ous prefent. Plis figure wras fo diftinguilhed, as to at¬
tract univerfal admiration. He appears, in his portraits,
with large and. manly features, eyes full of fire, a
blooming complexion, and a countenance that befpoke
all the genius and fancy which fhone forth in his works.
In the flower of his youth, the beauty of his perfon wras
fo very ftriking, that wherever he appeared, he was the
object of attention. He pofleffed an underltanding
aCtive and penetrating, a brilliant wit, and a fine ima¬
gination. His heart was candid and benevolent, liif-
ceptible of the moft lively affeCtions, and ihfpired with
the npbleft fentiments of liberty.
“ But his failings mult not be concealed. His tem¬
per was, on fome occafions, violent, and his paffions
headftrong and unruly. A warmth of conftitution hur¬
ried him into irregularities, vdrich were followed with
repentance and remorfe.—No effential reproach, how¬
ever, could be caft on his manners, till after the 73d
year of his age. The fear of God, the thoughts of
death, the love of virtue, and thofe principles of reli¬
gion which were inculcated by his mother, preferved
him from the furrounding temptations of his earlier
life.”
A refemblance has been traced, in feveral inftances,
out any bufinefs there.” If the biftiop of Lombes pa-
tronifed and correfponded with the one, a prelate * of * Dr Gil-
the Engliflr churchy now deceafed, defired, in a letter,h ^rch*-
to Jhandyife\ with the other. In their attachments to
Laura and Eliza, both married women, thefe two pre- Grace’s
bendaries were equally warm, and equally innocent. < we expref-
And, even after death, a moft remarkable circumftance fo>n.
has attended them both ; fome perfons, we are' told,
ftole Petrarch’s bones, in order to fell them ; and, in
like manner, Yorick’s body, it is confidently affirmed,
was alfo ftolen, and his Ikull has been exhibited at Ox¬
ford.
PETRE, or Saltpetre. See Nitre, Chemistry
and Mineralogy Index.
PETRE A, in Botany, a genus of plants belonging to
the didynamia clafe ; and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 40th order, Perfonato:. See Botany
Index.
PETREL. See Procellaria, Ornithology In¬
dex.
PETRIFACTION, in Natural Hi/Jory, denotes
the. converfion of v\ ood, bones, and other iubitances,
principally animal or vegetable, into ftdne. Thefe
bodies' are more or lefs altered from their.original Hate,
according to the different iubftances they have lain
buried among in the earth j feme of them having fuf-
fered very little change, and others being fo highly im¬
pregnated with cryltalline, fparry, pyritical, or other
extraneous matter, as to appear mere maffes of. ftone or
lumps of the matter of the common pyrites j but they
are generally of the external dimenftons, and retain
more or Ids of the internal figure, of the bodies into
the pores of which this matter has made its way. The
animal fubftances thus found petrified are chiefly fea-
ftiells j the teeth, bony palates, and bones, of fith *, the
bones of land-animals, See. Thefe are found varioufly
altered, by the infinuation. of ftbny .and mineral mat¬
ter into their pores j and the fubftance of fome of them
is now wholly gone, there being only ftony, fparry, or
other mineral matter remaining in the fhape and form.
Refpefting the manner in which petrifaction is ac-
compliffied, we know but little. It has been thought
by many philofophers, that this was one of the rare
proceffes of nature 5 and accordingly fuch places as
afforded a view of it, have been looked upon as great
puriofities. However, it is now difeovered, that pe-
trifaclion is exceedingly common j and- that every kind
of water carries in it fome earthy particles, which be¬
ing precipitated from it, become ftone of a greater or
leffer degree of hardnefs 5 and this quality is moft re¬
markable in thofe waters which are much impregnated
with felenitic matter. It has ■ been found by obferva-
tion, that iron contributes greatly to the procefs: and
this it may do by its precipitation of any aluminous s
earth which happens to be diffolved in the water by
means of an acid ; 'for iron' has the property of precipi¬
tating this earth. Calcareous earth, however, by being
foluble in water without any acid, mult contribute very
much to the procefs of petrifa&ion, as they are capable
of a great degree' of hardnefs by means only of being
joined
r
PET [ 237 ] PE T
Petrifac- joined with fixed air, on which depends the folidity of
non our common cement or mortar ufed in building houfes.
The name -petrifa&ion belongs only, as we have feen,
to bodies of vegetable or animal origin j and in order
to determine their clafs and genus, or even fpecies, it
is neceffary that their texture, their primitive form, and
in fome meafure their organization, be Hill difcernible.
Thus we ought not to place the ftony kernels, moulded
in the cavity of fome Ihell, or other organized body, in
the rank of petrifactions properly fo called.
Pelrifadlions of the vegetable kingdom are almoft
all either gravelly or filiceous; and are found in gul¬
lies, trenches, &c. Thofe which ttrike fire with Heel
are principally found in fandy'fiffures •, thole which ef-
fervelce in acids are generally of animal origin, and are
found in the horizontal beds of calcareous earth, and
fometimes in beds of clay or gravel j in which cafe the
nature of the petrifaChon is differ(vit. As to the lub-
ftances which are found in gypfum, they feldom undergo
any alteration, either with refpect to figure or compofi-
tion, and they are very rare.
Organized bodies, in a Hate of petrifadllon, gene¬
rally acquire a degree of folidity of which they were
not poffeified before they were buried in the earth, and
fome of them are often fully as hard as the Hones or
matrices in which they are enveloped. When the
Hones are broken, the fragments of petri adiions are
eafily found, and eafily dillinguifiied. There are fome
organized bodies, bow7ever, lo changed by petriiaclion,
as to render it impollible to difcover their origin. That
there is a matter more or lefs agitated, and adapted for
penetrating bodies, which crumbles and feparates their
parts, draws them along with it, and difperfes them
here and there in the fluid which furrounds them, is a
fact of which nobody feems to entertain any doubt. In¬
deed wTe fee almoft every fubftance, whether folid cr
liquid, infenfibly confume, diminiftt ia'bulk, and at laft,
in the lapfe of time, vanifh and difappear.
A petrified fubftance, ftriftly fpeaking, is nothing
more than the Ikeleton, or perhaps image, of a body
which has once had life, either animal or vegetable,
combined with fome mineral. Thus petrified wood
is not in that ftate wood alone.- One part of the com¬
pound or mafs ox wood having been deftroyed by local
caufes, has been compenfated by earthy and Tandy fub-
H-ances, diluted and extremelv minute, which the w a¬
ters furrounding them had depofited while they them-
feives evaporated. Thefe earthy fubftances, being then
moulded in the Ikeleton, will be more or lefs indurated,
and will appear to have its figure, its ftructure, its fize,
in a word, the fame general characters, the fame fpeci-
fic attributes, and and famte individual differences.
Farther, in petrified wmod, no veftige of ligneous mat¬
ter appears to exift. We know that common wood is
a body in vyhich the volume of folid parts is greatly ex¬
ceeded by that of the pores. When wood is buried in
certain places, lapidific fluids, extremely divided and
fometimes coloured, infinuate themfelves into its pores
and fill them up. Thefe fluids are afterwards moulded
and condenfed. The folid part of the wood is decom-
pofed and reduced'into powder, which is expelled with¬
out the mafs by aqueous filtraiions. In this manner,
the places which were formerly occupied by the w'cod
are now left empty in the form of pores. This opera¬
tic:! of nature produces no apparent difference either of
the fize or of the fhape *, but it occalkms, both at the Petrifac-
furface and in the infide, a change of fubftance, and, ticn'
the ligneous texture is inverted j that is to fay, that
which was pore in the natural wood, becomes fohd
in that which is petrified •, and that which was fo¬
lid or full in the firft Hate, becomes porous in the
fecond. In this way, fays M. Mufard, petrified wood
is much lefs extended in pores than folid parts, and' at
the fame time forms a body much more denie and heavy
than the firft. As the pores communicate from the cir¬
cumference to the centre, the pemtaclion ought to be¬
gin at the centre, and end wiih the circumterence of
the organic body iubje&ed to the aflion of the lapidific
fluids. Such is- the origin of petrifactions. They are
organized bodies which have undergone changes at the
bottom of the lea or the fiirface of ihe earth, and which
have been buried by- various accidents at difltrem depths
under the ground.
In order to underftand properly the detail of the
formation of petrified bodies, it is neceffary to' be well
acquainted with all their conilitupnt parts. Let us
take wood for an example. Wood is partly loiid and
partly porous. The feud parts cordiit of a lubltance,
hard, ligneous, and compaCf, which forms the iup ort
of the vegetable j the porous parts confiit of veffels
or interftiees which run vertically and horizon.ally'
acrofs the ligneous fibres, and which ferve for coi duff¬
ing air, lymph, and other fluids. Among thete vef-
ieis, the tiacLae which rue in ipiral forms, and which
contain only air, are eafily diitinguifhed. The c^iin-
dric veffels, fome of which contain lymph, and others
the fuccus proprws, are full only during the ine oi the
vegetable. After its death they become vacant by
the evaporation and abience of the fluids with vhich
they were formerly filled. All thefe veffels, whether
afeending or deicending, unite with one another, and
form great cavities in the wood and in the bark. Ac¬
cording to Malpighi and Duhamel, the ligneous fibres
are themfelves tubular, and afford a paflage to certain
liquors; in fhort, the wood and bark are imerfperied
with utriculi of different fhapes and fizes. '1 lit .uni-
mentation of the trunk in thicknefs, according to
Malpighi, is ac com pinned by the annual addition V
anew exterior covering of fibres and of trachiae. O-
thers think that a concentric layer of fap-xvood is every
year hardened, whilft a new7 one is forming from the
bark. But it is on ail fides agreed that the concentric
layers of wmod are diliincf from one another, becaufe at
the point of contaff betwixt any two of them, the new
veffels, as well as new7 fibres, are more apparent and
perceptible than they are in any other place. Having
made thefe preliminary remarks on the ftruffure of ve>-
getables, we fhall now propeed to give an abridged ac¬
count of the manner in wmich M. Mongez explains their
petri faffion.
In proportion to the tendernefs and bad quality of
wmod, it imbibes the greater quantity of water \ there¬
fore 'this fort will unqueftionabiy petrify more eafily
than that which is hard. It is thought that aft the pe¬
trified wood fo often found in Hungary has been of.gr-
nallv foft, fuch as firs or poplars. Suppofe a piece of
wood buried in the earth •, if it be very dry, it will fu k
up the moifture which furrounds it like a t onge. rj .is
meifture, by penetrating it, w7ill dilate aft the par's of
which it is compofed. The trachea?, or air-veffels, ■ ft
be
P E T [ 2
and then the lymphatic vefiels and thofe
 i wmch contain the fuccus proprius, as they are likevvife
empty*.. The water which forms this moillure keeps in
diflolution a greater or a lei's quantity of earth;"and
ifns eaun, detached, and carried along in its courfe, is
reduced to fuch an attenuated ftate, that it efcapes our
ey es and keeps itielf fufpended, rvhether by the medium
of fixed air or by the motion of the water/ Such is the
lapidific fluid. Upon evaporation, or the departure of
the menftruum, this earth, fand, or metal, again ap¬
pears in the form of precipitate or fediment in the cavi¬
ties^ or the vefiels, which by degrees are.filled with it.
_ This earth is there moulded with exaftneis : The lapfe
Ox time, the mnultaneous and partial attraction of the
particles, make them adhere to one another ; the lateral
iuetion of the furrounding fibres, the obftruction of the
moulds, and the hardening of the moulded earth, be¬
come general; and there confiffs nothing but an earthy
fubftance which prevents the finking of the neighbour-
mg parts. If the depolit is formed of a matter in ge¬
neral pretty pure, it preferves a whiter and clearer co¬
lour tlian tile reft of tlie wood. ; and as the concentric
layers are only perceptible and diftinff in the wood, be-
caufe tne veuels are there more apparent on account of
their fize, the little earthy cylinders, in the ftate of pe¬
trified ^vood, muff be there a little larger, and confe-
quently muff reprefent exactly the turnings and repara¬
tions of tliefe layers. At the place ot the utriculi, glo¬
bules are obferved, of which the fhapes are as various as
the moulds wherein they are formed. The anaftomofes
of the proper and lymphatic veflels, form befides points
of fupport or reunion for this ftony fubftance.
With regard to holes formed by worms in any bits of
wood, before they had been buried in the earth, the la¬
pidific fluid, in penetrating thefe great cavities, depofits
there as eafily the earthy fediment, which is exactly
moulded m them. Thefe vermiform cylinders are iome-
vvhat lefs in bulk than the holes in which they are found,
which is owing to the retreat of the more refined earth
and to its drying up.
Let any one reprefent to himfelf this colleffion of
little cylinders, vertical, horizontal, inclined in differ¬
ent direftions, the ftony maffes of utriculi and of anaf¬
tomofes, and he will have an idea of the ftony fubftance
which forms the ground-work of petrifa&ion. Hither¬
to not a fingle ligneous part is deftroyed; they are all
exifting, but furrounded on every fide with earthy de¬
pofits : and that body which, during life, was compofed
of folid and of empty parts, is now entirely folid : its
deftruftion and decompofition do not take place till
after the formation of thefe little depofits. In propor¬
tion as the w'ater abandons them, it penetrates the ligne¬
ous fubftance, and deftroys it by an infenfible fermenta¬
tion. The woody fibres being decompofed, form in
their turn voids and interftices, and there remains in the
wdiole piece nothing but little ftony cylinders. But in
proportion as thefe woody fibres difappear, the furround¬
ing moifture, loaded with earth in the ftate of diffolution,
does not fail to penetrate the piece of vrood, and to re¬
main in its new cavities. The new depofite affumes ex¬
actly the form of decompofed fibres ; it envelopes in its
turn the little cylinders which were formed in their ca¬
vities, and ends by incorporating with them. We may
fuppofe here, that in proportion as it decompofes, there
is a reaction of the ligneous part againft the lapidific
3
38 ] PET
fluid: from this reaction a colour arifes which ftains Petrifac-
more or leis the new depofit; and this colour will make tion.
it eafily dittinguilhable from that which has been laid in —y“—
the infide of the veffels. In all petrified wood this (hade
is generally perceptible.
We have then, fays M. Mongez, four diftina epochs
in the procefs by which nature converts a piece of wood
into ftone, or, to fpeak more juftly, by which flie fub-
ftitules a ftony depofit in its place : 1. Perfeft vegetable
wood, that is to lay, wood compofed of folid and of
empty parts, of ligneous fibres, and of veffels. 2. Wood
having its veffels obflrufted and choaked up by an
earthy depofit, while its folid parts remain unaltered.
3. J he-folid parts attacked and decompofed, forming-
new cavities betwixt the ftony cylinders, which remain
in the lame ftate, and which fupport the whole mafs.
4. Thefe new cavities filled with new depofits, which in¬
corporate with the cylinders, and compole nothing elfe
but one general earthy mafs reprefenting exa&ly the
piece of wood.
Among the petrifactions of vegetables called demlro-
lites, are found parts of ftuubs, Items, roots, portions of
the trunk, fome fruits, &c. We muft not, however,
confound the impreffions of moffes, ferns, and leaves, or
incruftations, with petrifactions.
Among the petrifaCiions of animals, we find {hells,
cruftaceous animals, polyparii, fome worms, the bony
parts or fifties and of amphibious animals, few or no real
infeCts, rarely birds and quadrupeds, together with the
bony portions of the human body. The cornua ammonis
are petrified fhell-fifh; and with regard to figured and
accidental bodies, theie are lujus natures.
In order, fays M. Bertrand, in his DiBionnaire dcs
FoJJiles, that a body fhould become petrified, it is ne-
cefiary that it be, 1. Capable of prefervation under
ground: 2. 1 hat it be ftieltered from the air and run¬
ning .water (the ruins of Herculaneum prove that bodies
which have no connection with free air, preferve them-
Jelves untouched fmd entire). . 3. That it be fecured
from corrofive exhalations. 4. That it be in a place
where there are vapours or liquids, loaded either with
metallic or ftony particles in a itate of diffolution, and
which, without deftroying the body, penetrate it, im¬
pregnate it, and unite with it in proportion as its parts
are diflipated by evaporation.
It is a queftion of great importance among naturalifts,
to know the time which Nature employs in petrify¬
ing bodies of an ordinary fize.—It was the with of the
emperor, duke of Lorraine, that fome means fliould
be taken for determining this queftion. M. le Cheva¬
lier de Baillu, diredor of the cabinet of natural hiftory
ol his imperial majelty, and fome other naturalifts, had,
feveral years ago, the idea of making a refearch which
might throw fome light upon it. His imperial majefty
being informed by the unanimous obfervations of mo¬
dern hiftorians and geographers, that certain pillars
which are adually feen in the Dafiube in Gervia, near
Belgrade, are remains of the bridge which Trajan con-
ftruCted over that river, prefumed that thefie pillars ha¬
ving been preferved for fo many ages behoved to be
petrified, and that they would furnifti fome information
with regard to the time which nature employs in
changing wood into ftone. The emperor thinking this
hope well founded, and wifhing to fatisfy his curiofity,
ordered his amljaffador at the court of Conilanlinople
to
P E T [
to alk permilTion to take up from tlit Danuoe one
the pillars of Trajan’s bridge. The petition was grant¬
ed, and one of the pillars was accordingly taken up •,
from which it appeared that the petrifaftion had omy
advanced three fourths or an inch in the ipace oi i Spo
years. There are, however, certain waters in which
this tranfmutation is more readily accomplilhed.— Pe-
trifaftions appear to be formed more flcwly in eartiis
that are porous and in a flight degree moiit than in wa¬
ter itfelf.
When the foundations of the city of Quebec in Ca¬
nada were dug up, a petrified favage was found among
the laft beds to which they proceeded. Although there
was no idea of the time at which this man had been
buried under the ruins, it is hmvever true, that his quiver
and arrows rvere ftill well preferved. In digging a leaa-
mine in Derby (hire, in 1744? a human fkeleton was
found among (lags horns. It is impoflible to lay how
many ages this carcafe had lain there. In 1695 t-ie
entire fkeleton of an elephant was dug up near Tonna
in Thuringia. Some time before this epoch the petri¬
fied fkeleton of a crocodile was found in the mines of
that country. We might cite another fa<51 equally cu¬
rious which happened at the beginning of the lail cen¬
tury. John Munte, curate of Slsegarp in Scania, and
feveral of his parifhioners, wifhing to procure turf from
a drained marlhy foil, found, fome feet below ground,
an entire cart with the fkeletons of the horfes and car¬
ter. It is prefumed that there had formerly been a
lake in that place, and that the carter attempting to
pafs over on the ice, had by that means probably perifh-
ed. In fine, wood partly foffil and partly coaly, has
been found at a great depth, in the clay of which tile
W'as made for the abbey of Fonteriay. It is but very
lately that foflil wood was difcovered at the depth of 75
feet in a well betwixt Iffi and Vauvres near Paris. This
wood wras in fand betwixt a bed of clay and pyrites, and
water was found four feet lowTer than the pyrites. M.
de Laumont, infpeftor general of the mines, fays
(Journal de Phyjique, Mai 1736), that in the lead-
mine at Pontpean near Rennes, is a fiffure, perhaps the
only one of its kind. In that fiffure, fea-fiiells, roun-
ed pebbles, and an entire beech, have been found 240
feet deep. This beech was laid horizontally in the
dire£lion of the fiffure. Its bark was converted into
pyrites, the fap-wrood into jet, and the centre into
coal.
A great many pieces of petrified wrood are found in
diflerent counties of France and Savoy. In Cobourg
in Saxony, and in the mountains of Mifnia, trees of a
confiderable thicknefs have been taken from the earth,
which were entirely changed into a very fine agate, as
alfo their branches and their roots. In fawing them,
the annual circles of their growth have been diftin-
guilhed. Pieces have been taken up, on which it was
diffinftly feen that they had been gnawTed by worms ;
others bear vifible marks of the hatchet. In fine, pie¬
ces have been found which wTere petrified at one end,
while the other ftill remained in the ftate of wmod fit
for being burned. It appears then that petrified wood
is a great deal lefs rare in nature than is commonly ima¬
gined.
Cronftedt has excluded petrifaftions from any place
in the body of his fyftem of mineralogy, but takes
notice of them in his appendix. He diftinguifties them
239 ] _ P E T
of by the name of Muteralia Larvata, and defines them
to be “ mineral bodies in the form of animals or vege¬
tables.” The moft remarkable obfervations concerning
them, according to Mr Kirwan, who differs in fome
particulars from Mongez, are as follow'. i.Thofe of
(hells are found on or near the furface of the earth j
thofe of filh deeper •, and thofe of wood deeper ftilL
Shells in fubftance are found in vaft quantities, and at
confiderable depths. 2. The fubftances moft fufcep-
tible of petrifaction are thofe which moft refift the pu-
trefaftive procefs ; of which kind are (hells, the harder
kinds of wood, &c. j while the fofter parts of animals,
which eafily putrefy, are feldom met with in a petri¬
fied ftate. 3. They are moft commonly found in ftrata
of marl, chalk, limeftone, or clay : feldom in fandftone,
ftill more feldom in gypfum *, and never in gneifs, gra¬
nite, bafaltes, or (choerl. Sometimes they are found
in pyrites, and ores of iron, copper, and (liver; con¬
fiding almoft always of that kind of earth or other mi¬
neral which furrounds them ; fometimes of filex, agate,
or cornelian. 4. They are found in climates where the
animals themfelves could not have exifted. 5. Thofe
found in (late or clay are compreffed and flattened.
The different fpecies of petrifactions, according to
Cronftedt, are,
I. Terree Larvatcv ; extraneous bodies changed into
a limy fubftance, or calcareous changes. Thefe are, 1.
Loofe or friable. 2. Indurated. The former are of
a chalky nature in form of vegetables or animals ; the
fecond filled with folid limeftone in the fame forms.
Some are found entirely changed into a calcareous fpar.
All of them are found in France, Sweden, and other
countries in great plenty.
On thefe petrifaCiions Cronftedt obferves, that {hells
and corals are compofed of limy matter even when ftill
inhabited by their animals, but they are clafted among
the petrifactions as foon as the calcareous particles,
have obtained a new arrangement \ for example, when
they have become fparry j filled with calcareous earth
either hardened or loofe, or when they lie in the ftrata
of the earth. “ Thefe, fays he, form the greateft part
of the foffil collections which are fo induftnoufty made,
often without any regard to the principal and only ufe
they can be of, viz. that of enriching zoology. Minera-
logifts are fatisfied with feeing the poffibility of the
changes.the limeftone undergoes in regard to its parti¬
cles ; and alfo with receiving fome infight into the alte¬
ration which the earth has been fubjeCf to from the ftate
of the ftrata which are now found in it.” The calcined
(hells, where the petrifaCtions are of a limy or chalky
nature, anfwer extremely well as a manure ; but the in¬
durated kind ferve only for making grottoes. Gypfeous
petrifadions are extremely rare 5 however, Chardin in¬
forms us that he had feen a lizard inclofed in a ftone of
that kind in Perfia.
II. Larvre, or bodies changed into a flinty fubftance.
Thefe are all indurated, and are of the following fpe¬
cies. I. Cornelians in form of (hells from the river
Tcmm in Siberia. 2. Agate in form of wood 5 a piece
of which is faid to be in the collection of the. Count de
Teflin. 3. Coralloids of white flint (Millepora) found
in Sweden. 4. Wood of yellow flint found in Italy, in
Turkey near Adrianople, and produced by the waters
of Lough-neagh in Ireland.
III. Larvee Argil lace ce ; where,the bodies appear to
br. c.
E T [ 240 ] PET
ISic'Le aie found either loole and calx, which has affumed the place or (hape of extraneous
be changed into clay.
friable-,. or indurated. Of the former kind is a piece of
porcelain clay met with in a certain colledion, with all
the marks of the root of a tree upon it. Of the latter
kind is the ofteocoila ; which is laid to be the roots of
the poplar-tree changed, and not to confift of any calca¬
reous fubftance. A fort of foflil ivory, with'"all the
properties of clay, is faid likewife to be found in fome
places.
IV. Larva; Infa/itce; where the fubftances are im¬
pregnated with great quantities of falts. Human bodies
have been twice found impregnated with vitriol of iron
m mine of falun, in the province of Halarne in
Sweden. One of them was kept for feveral years in a
glafs cafe, but at laft began to moulder and fall to pieces.
-101 f and roots of trees are likewile found m w*ater
ilrongly impregnated with vitriol. They do not flame,
but look like a coal in a ftrong fire j neither do they de¬
cay in the air.
V. Bodies penetrated by mineral inflammable fub¬
ftances. 1. By pit- coal, fuch as wood ; whence fome
have imagined coal to have been originally produced
from wmod. Some of thefe fubftances are fully fatu-
tated wdth the coaly matter ; others not. Among the
former Cronftedt reckons jet *, among the latter the
fubftance called' mitmia vegetabi/is, which is of a loofe
texture, refembling amber, and may be ufed as fuch.
2. Fhofe penetrated by afphaltum or rock-oil. The
only example of thefe given by our author is a kind
of turf in the province of Skone in Sweden. The E-
gyptian mummies, he obferves, cannot have any place
among this fpecies, as they are impregnated artificially
wdth afphaltum, in a manner fimilar to what happens
naturally wdth the wmod and coaly matter in the laft
ipecies. 3. Thofe impregnated with fulphur which has
diflblved iron, or wdth pyrites. Human bodies, bivalve
and univalve fhclis and infects, have been all found in
this ftate ; and the laft are found in the alum date at
Andrarum, in the province of Skone in Sweden.
VI. Larvce metalliferce 5 w-here the bodies are im¬
pregnated with metals. Thefe are, 1. Covered with
native filver 5 wdiich is found on the furface of Ihclls
in England. 2. Where the metal is mineralized with
copper and fulphur. Of this kind is the fahlertz or
gray filver ore, in the fhape of ears of corp, and fup-
pol’ed to be vegetables, found in argillaceous flate at
Frankenberg and Tahlitteren in Heffe. 3. Larva cu-
prifera, where the bodies are impregnated with copper.
To this fpecies principally belong the turquoife or Tur¬
key ftones, improperly fo called ; being ivory and bones
of the elephant or other animals impregnated with cop¬
per. At Simore in Languedoc there are bones of ani¬
mals dug up, which, during calcination, affume a blue
coloui ; but according to Cronftedt it is not probable
that thefe owe their colour to copper. 3. With mine¬
ralized copper. Of thefe our author gives twm exam¬
ples. One is where the copper is mineralized with ful¬
phur and iron, forming a yellow marcafitical ore. With
this fome ftiells are impregnated which lie upon a bed of
ioadftone in Norway. Other petrifadlions of this kind
are found in the form of fifh in different parts of Ger¬
many. The other kind is where the cftpper is impreg¬
nated with fulphur and filver. Of this kind is the gray
filver ore, like ears of com, found in the flate quarries
at Heffe. 4. Larva ferrifera, with iron in form of a
bodies. Thefe are either loofe or indurated. Of the
loofe kind are fome roots of trees found at the lake Lan-
gelma in I inland, k he indurated kinds *are exemplified
in fome wood found at Orbiflan in Bohemia. 3. Where
the iron is mineralized, as in the pyritaceous larva;, al¬
ready defcribed.
VII. Where the bodies are tending to decompofi-
tion, or in a way of deftruciion. Among thefe, our
author, enumerates PvIoued and Turf. See likewife-
the article Fossil.
We fhall add the following defcription of a very cu¬
rious animal pelrifadtion. Xhe Abbe de Sauvages, ce¬
lebrated for his refined tafte and knowdedge in natural
hiftory, in a tour through Languedoc, between Alais
and Uzes, met with a narrow vein of no more than two
toifes wide, which croffes the road, and is bordered on
one fide by a grey dirty foil, and on the other by a dry
fandy earth, each of a vaft extent, and on a level with
the narrow vein which feparates them. In this narrow
vein only are contained petrified ftrells, cemented toge¬
ther by a wnitifh marl. They are in prodigious plen¬
ty ; among which there is one fpecies which the abbe
does not remember to have known to have been any¬
where defcribed, and may probably be a new acquisi¬
tion to natural hiftory.
I his fliell has the fliape of a horn, fomewhat incur-
vated towards the bafe. It feems compofed of feveral
cups, let into each other, which are fometimes found
feparate. They have all deep channels, which extend,
as in many other ftiells, from the bafe to the aperture ;
the projecting ribs which form thefe channels are moft-
ly worn away, being rarely to be found entire. Some¬
times feveral are grouped together ; and as a proof that
they are not a fortuitous affemblage caufed by the petri¬
faction, they are fixed together througb their whole
length, in fuch fort, that their bafe and aperture are
regularly turned the fame way. The abbe ftiould have
referred this to the genus which Linnaeus and the Mar¬
quis d’Argenville named dentalis, had they not been let
into each other. He found fome of them whofe aper¬
ture or hollow was not flopped up by the petrifaCtion,
and feemed as cones adapted to one another, forming a
row of narrow cells, feparated by a very thin partition :
this row occupied not more than one half of the cavity
of the ftiell.
Our article has already extended to fuch a length as
to preclude any further additions 5 we cannot, however,
finifli it without obferving, that foflil bones are very
common in Dalmatia. They are of various kinds, and
in their nature apparently very extraordinary 5 but we
have found no tolerable account or probable conjeCture
of their origin. Vitaliano Donati of Padua, in his Sa(r-
giofopra la Jlorie naturale dell'' Adriatico, was the firft
vdm took notice of them •, and Fortis, in his Travels into
Dalmatia, has given a copious account of them. They
are moft common in the iflands of Cherfo and Ofero.
See Fortis’s Travels into Dalmatia ; and thofe of our
readers who wifti to prolecute this inquiry may confult
with advantage Parkimon’s Organic Remains of a For¬
mer World, two vols. 410.
* PETRIFIED CITY. The ftory of a petrified city
is well known all over Africa, and has been believed
by many confiderable uenons even in Europe. Louis
XIV. was fo fully perfuaded of its reality that he or¬
dered
PET . [ 241 ] PET
Petrified dered his amfcaffador to procure the body of a man pe-
city- trifled from it at any price. Dr Shaw’s account of this
v affair is as follows : “ About 40 years ago (now more
than 70), when M. le Maire was the French conful at
Tripoli, he made great inquiries, by order of the
French court, into the truth of the report concerning a
petrified city at Ras Sem \ and amongft other very cu¬
rious accounts relating to this place, he told me a re¬
markable circumftance, to the great difcredit, and even
confutation, of all that had been fo pofitively advanced
with regard to the petrified bodies of men, children,
and other animals.
“ Some of the janizaries, who, in collefting tribute,
traverfe the diftriA of Ras Sem, promifed him, that,
as an adult perfon wTould be too cumberfome, they
would undertake, for a certain number of dollars, to
bring him from thence the body of a little child. After
a great many pretended difficulties, delays, and difap-
pointments, they produced at length a little Cupid,
which they had found, as he learned afterwards, among
the ruins of Leptis 5 and, to conceal the deceit, they
broke off the quiver, and fome other of the diftinguifh-
ing chara&eriftics of that deity. However, he paid
them for it, according to promife, 1000 dollars, which
is about 150 1. fterling of our money, as a reward for
their faithful fervice and hazardous undertaking 5 ha¬
ving run the rifk, as they pretended, of being ftrangled
if they fhould have been difcovered in thus delivering
up to an infidel one of thofe unfortunate Mahometans,
as they take them originally to have been.
“ But notwithftanding this cheat and impofition had
made the conful defift from fearching after the petri¬
fied bodies of men and other animals j yet there was
one matter of fa<R, as he told me, which ftill very
ftrangely embarraffed him, and even ftrongly engaged
him in favour of the current report and tradition. This
was fome little loaves of bread, as he called them,
which had been brought to him from that place. His
reafoning, indeed thereupon, provided the pretended
matter of fact had been clear and evident, was juft and
fatisfadftory ; for where we find loaves of bread, there,
as he urged, fome perfons muff; been employed in ma¬
king them, as well as others for whom they were pre¬
pared. One of thefe loaves he had, among other petri-
fications, very fortunately brought with him to Cairo,
where I faw it, and found it to be an echinites of the
difcoid kind, of the fame faftiion with one I had lately
found and brought with me from the deferts of Marah.
We may therefore reafonably conclude, that there is
nothing to be found at Ras Sem, unlefs it be the trunks
of trees, echinites, and fuch petrifications as have been
difcovered at other places.
“ M. le Maire’s inquiries, which we find were fup-
ported by the promife and performance of great rewards,
have brought nothing further to light. He could never
learn that any traces of walls, or buildings, or animals,
or utenfils, were ever to be feen within the verge of
thefe pretended petrifications. The like account I had
from a Sicilian renegade, who wTas the janizary that at¬
tended me whilft I was in Egypt •, and as in his earlier
years he had been a foldier of Tripoli, he aflhred me
that he had been feveral times at Ras Sem. This I had
confirmed again in my return from the Levant by-the
interpreter of the Britifh factory at Tunis, who was like-
wife a Sicilian renegado ; and being the libertus or freed-
Vol. XVI. Part I.
man of the baihaw of Tripoli, was preferred by him to
be the bey or viceroy of the province of Darna, where
Ras Sem was immediately under his jurifdicHon. His
account was likewife the fame; neither had he ever
feen, in his frequent journeys over this diffridl, any
other petrifications than what are above mentioned. So
that the petrified-city, with its walls, caftles, ftreets,
ftsops, cattle, inhabitants, and utenfils, were all of them at
firft the mere inventions of the Arabs, and afterwards
propagated by fuch perfons, who, like the Tripoli am-
baffador, and his friend above mentioned, were credu¬
lous enough to believe them.
“ However, there is one remarkable circumftance
relating to Ras Sem that deferves well to be recorded.
When the winds have blown away the billows of fand,
which frequently cover and conceal thefe petrificaticns,
they difeover, in fome of the lower and more depreffed
places of this diftridl, feveral little pools of water,
which is ufually of fo ponderous a nature, that, upon
drinking it, it paffes through the body like quickfilver.
This perhaps may be that petrifying fluid which has
all along contributed to the converfion of the palm trees
and the echini into ftone : for the formation not only of
thefe, but of petrifications of all kinds, may be entirely
owing to their having firft of all lodged in a bed of
loam, clay, fand, or lome other proper nidus or ma¬
trix, and afterwards gradually been afted upon and per¬
vaded by fuch a petrifying fluid as we may fuppofe this
to be.”
Tq this account it may not Le amifs to fubjoin the
memorial of Caffem Aga, the Tripoli ambaffador at the
court of Britain. The city, he fays, is fituated two days
journey fouth from Onguela, and 17 days journey from
Tripoli by caravan to the fouth-eaft. “ As one of my
friends (fays the ambaffador) defined me to give him in
writing an account of what I knew touching the petri¬
fied city, I told him what I had heard from different
perfons, and particularly from the mouth of one man of
credit who had been on the fpot : that is to fay, that it
was a very fpacious city, of a round form, having great
and fmall ftreets therein, furniffied with ftiops, with a
vaft cattle magnificently built: that he had feen there
feveral forts of trees, the moft part olives and palms, all
of ftone, and of a blue or rather lead colour : that he
faw alfo figures of men in a pofture of exercifing their
different employments •, fome holding in their hands
fluffs, others bread, every one doing fomething, even
women fuckling their children, and in the embraces of
their hufbands, all of ftone : that he went into the caltle
by three different gates, though there were many more,
where he faw a man lying upon a bed of ftone : that
there were guards at the gates with pikes and javelins,
in their hands : in Ihort, that he faw in this wonderful
city many forts of animals, as camels, oxen, hordes, affes,
ftreep, and birds, all of ftone, and of the colour above-
mentioned.”
We have fubjoined this account, becaufe it fliows in
ftriking colours the amazing credulity of mankind, and
the avidity with which they fwallow the marvellous, arid
the difficulty of difeovering the truth refpefling places or
things at a diftance from us.
PETROBRUSSIANS, a religious feft, which had
its rife in France and the Netherlands about the year
1110. The name* is derived from Pe/er Bruys, a Pro¬
vencal, who made the moft laudable attempt to reform
H h the
Petrified
City,
Petrobruf-
fiarm
V
PET f 242 ] PET
Pvtrobruf- the abufes ar.J remove the fuperflition that difgracecl the
Cans beautiful {implicily of the gofpel. His followers were
p ^ *1 . numerous j and for 20 years his labour in the miniftry
t was exemplary and unremitted. He wras, however, burnt
in the year 1130 by an enraged populace fet on by the
dergy. .
The chief of Bruys’s followers was a monk named
Henry; from whom the PetrobrufiiansWere alfo called
Henricians. Peter the Venerable, abbot of Clugny, has
an exprefs treatife againft the Petrobruffians ; in the pre¬
face to which he reduces their opinions to five heads.
1. They denied that children before the age of reafon
can be judified by baptifm, in regard it is our own faith
that faves by baptifm. 2. They held that no churches
ihould be built, but that thole that already are fhould
be pulled down •, an inn being as proper for prayers as a
temple, and a liable as an altar. 3. That the crofs ought
to be pulled down and burnt, becaufe we ought to abhor
the inllruments of our Saviour’s paflion. 4. That the
real body and blood of Chrift are not exhibited in the
eucharilt, but merely reprefented by their figures and
fymbols. 5. That facritices, alms, prayers, &c. do not
avail the dead. F. Langlois objefts Manicheifm to the
Petrobruffians j and fays, they maintained twro gods, the
one good, the other evil: but this we rather elteem an
effebl of his zeal for the catholic caufe, which determin¬
ed him to blacken the adverfaries thereof, than any real
fentiment of the Petrobruffians.
PETROJOANNITES, were followers of Peter
John, or Peter Joannis, i. e. Peter the fon of John, who
fiourilhed in the 12th century. Kis doflrine wras not
known till after his death, when his body was taken
out of his grave and burnt. His opinions were, that he
alone had the knowledge of the true fenfe wherein the
apoftles preached the gofpel j that the reafonable foul
is ndt the form of man ; that there is no grace infufed
by baptifm } and that Jefus Chrift was pierced with a
lance on the crofs before he expired.
PETROLEUM, or Rock Oil ; a thick oily fub-
flance exuding from the earth, and colle6led on the fur-
face of wells in many parts of the world. See Mine¬
ralogy Index.
PETROMYZON, the Lamprey, a genus of fillies
belonging to the order Carti/aginei. See Ichthyology
Index.
PETRONIUS was a renowmed Roman fenator.
When governor of Egypt, he permitted Herod, king of
the Jews, to purchafe in Alexandria any quantity of
corn which he fhould judge neceflary for the fupply of
his fubje&s, who were afflifted with a fevere famine.
When Tiberius died, Caius Caligula, who fucceeded him,
took from Vitellius the government of Syria, and gave
it to Petronius, wTho difcharged the duties of his office
with dignity and honour. From his inclination to favour
the Jews, he run the rilk of lofing the emperor’s friend¬
ship and his own life $ for when that prince gave orders
to have his ftatue depofited in the temple of Jerufalem,
Petronius, finding that the Jews would rather fuffer
death than fee that facred place profaned, was unwilling
to have recourfe to violent meafures ; and therefore pre¬
ferred a moderation, dilated by humanity, to a cruel
oBedience. We muf! not confound him with another
of the fame name, viz. Petronius Granius, who was a
centurion in the eighth legion, and ferved under CaTar
in the Gallic war. In his voyage to Africa, of which
country he had been appointed quaeftor, the Imp in which Petronius
he failed was taken by Scipio, who caufed all the foldiers Arbiter,
to be put to the fword, and promifed to fave the quae- v
flor’s life, provided that he would renounce CaTar’s
party. To this propofal Petronius replied, that “ Caefar’s
officers were accuflomed to grant life to others, and not
to receive it j” and, at the fame time, he flabbed him-
felf with his own fword.
PETRONIUS Arbiter, Titus, a celebrated critic and
polite writer of antiquity, the favourite of Nero, fup-
pofed to be the fame mentioned by Tacitus in the 16th
book of his Annals. He wTas proconful of Bithynia*
and afterwards conful, and appeared capable of the
greateft employments. He wras one of Nero’s princi¬
pal confidants, and in a manner the fuperintendant of his
pleafures j for that prince thought nothing agreeable or
delightful but what was approved by Petronius. The
great favour fhown him drew upon him the envy of Ti-
gellinus, another of Nero’s favourites, who accufed him.
of being concerned in a confpiracy againft the emperor ^
on which Petronius was feized, and was fentenced to die.
He met death with a ftriking indifference, and feems to
have tafted it nearly as he had done his pleafures. He
wrould fometimes open a vein and fometimes clofe it, con-
verfing with his friends in the meanwhile, not on the im¬
mortality of the foul, which wras no part of his creed,
but on topics which pleafed his fancy, as of love-verfes,
agreeable and paffionate airs; fo that it has been faid
“ his dying wras barely ceafing to live.” Of this difciplc
of Epicurus, Tacitus gives the following charafter :
“ He wTas (fays he) neither a fpendthrift nor a debau¬
chee, like the generality of thofe who ruin themfelves.;"
but a refined voluptuary, wrho devoted the day to fleep,
and the night to the duties of his office, and to pleafure.”
This courtier is much diftinguifhed by a fatire which he
wuoie, and fecretly conveyed to Nero; in wThich he in-
genioufly defcribes, under borrowed names, the chara&er
of this prince. Voltaire is of opinion that w!e have no
more of this performance but an extraft made by feme
obfeure libertine, without either tafte or judgement.
Peter Petit difeovered at Traw in Dalmatia, in 166 K,
a confiderable fragment containing the fequel of Tri-
malcion’s Feaft. This fragment, which was printed the
year after at Padua and at Paris, produced a paper w7ar
among the learned. While fome affirmed that it was the
work of Petronius, and others denied it to be fo, Petit
continued to aflert his right to the difeovery of the ma-
nufeript, and lent it to Rome, where it wras acknow¬
ledged to be a production of the 13th century. The
French critics, wffio had attacked its authenticity, were,
filent from the moment it wras depofited in the royal
library. It is now generally attributed to Petronius,
and found in every fubfequent edition of the wmiks of
that refined voluptuary. The public did not form the
fame favourable opinion of fome other fragments, which
were extracted from a manufeript found at Belgrade in
1688, and printed at Paris by Nodot in 1694, though
they are aferibed by the editor Charpentier, and feveral
other learned men, to Petronius 5 yet, on account of the
Gallicifms, and other barbarous expreffions with which
they abound, they have generally been confidered as un¬
worthy of that author. His genuine wrorks are, 1. A
Poem on the civil war between Caefar and Pompey,
tranflated into profe by Abbe de Marches, and into
French verfe by Prefident Bouhier, 1737, in 4to. Pe¬
tronius
PET
[ 243 3
PET
Petteia.
Petronius tronius, full of fire and enthufiafm, and difgufted with
Lucan’s flowery language, oppofed Pharfalia to Pharia-
t lia y but his work, though evidently Superior to the
1 other in fome refpecds, is by no means in the true ftyle
of; eoic poetry. 2. 2V Poem on the Education of the
Roman Youth. 3. Two Treatifes > one upon the Cor¬
ruption of Eloquence, and the other on the Caufes of
the Decay of Arts and Sciences. 4. A Poem on the
Vanity of Dreams. 5. The Shipwreck of Licas. 6. Re¬
flexions on the Inconftancy of Human Life. And, 7.
Trimalcion’s Banquet. To this laft performance mora¬
lity is not much indebted. It is a defcription of the plea-
fures of a corrupted court •, and the painter is rather an
ingenious courtier than a perfon wrhote aim is to reform
abufes. The bell editions of Petronius are thofe publifh-
ed at Venice, 1499, in 4to ; at Amfterdam, 1669, in
8vo, cum notis variorum ; Ibid, with Bolchius’s notes,
1677, in 2410 } and 1700, two vols. in 2410. The edi¬
tion of was reprinted in 1743’ twro vols. 4to,
with the learned Peter Burman’s commentaries. Petro¬
nius died in the year 65 or 66.
Petronius Maximus, was born in the year 395* °f
an illuilrious family, being at firft a fenator and conful of
Rome. He put on the imperial purple in 455, after
having eflfeXed the aflatTmation of Valentinian III. In
order to eftablifli himfelf upon the throne, he married
Eudoxia the widow of that unfortunate prince } and
as the wras ignorant of his villany, he confefled to her,
in a tranfport of love, that the ftrong defire he had of
being her huthand, had made him commit this atrocious
crime. Whereupon Eudoxia privately applied to Gen-
feric, king of the Vandals, who coming into Italy with
a very powerful army, entered Rome, where the ufurper
then was. The unhappy wretch endeavoured to make
his efcape; but the foldiers and people, enraged at his
cowardice, fell upon him, and overwhelmed him wTith a
fhower of ftones. His body was dragged through the
ftreets of the city for three days ; and, after treating it
with every mark of difgrace, they threw it into’ the
Tiber the 12th of June the fame year, 455* ^e reign¬
ed only 77 days. He had fome good qualities. He loved
and cultivated the fciences. He was prudent in his
councils, circumfpeX in his aXions, equitable in his
judgements j a facetious companion, and fteady friend.
He had the good fortune to win the affeXions of every
body, while he remained a private charaXer j but as a
prince, he was fo much the more deteftable, in that, af¬
ter he had obtained the throne by villany, he kept pof-
feflion of it only by violence. The crown was fcarcely
on his head before it appeared to him an infupportable
burden. “ Happy Democles (exclaimed he in his de-
fpair), thou wert a king during a Angle entertainment.”
PETROSA ossa, in Anatomy, a name given to the
fourth and fifth bones of the cranium, called alfo ojja
temporum and o[fa Jquamofa ; the fubftance whereof, as
their firfl: and laft names exprefs, is fquamofe and very
hard. See Anatomy Index.
PETROSELINUM (apium fetroselinum, Lin.)
Parjley, a plant which is commonly cultivated for culi¬
nary purpofes. See Botany and Gardening Index.
PETTEIA, in the ancient mufic, a term to which
we have no one correfponding in our language.
The melopceia, or the art of arranging founds in fuc-
ceflion fo as to make melody, is divided into three parts,
'which the Greeks call le 'pjis, mixisi and cJireJis; the
Latins fumptio, mixio, and ufus ; and the Italians prefa,
mefcola?nento, and ufo. The laft of thefe is called by the
Greeks Trirlu*, and by the Italians pettia ; which there¬
fore means the art of making a juft dilcernment of all
the manners of ranging or combining founds among
themfelves, fo as they may produce their effeX, 1. e.
may exprefs the feveral paflions intended to be railed.
Thus it (hows w'hat founds are to be ufed, and what
not j how often they are feverally to be repeated j with
which to begin, and with which to end •, whether with
a grave found to rife, or an acute one to tall, &c. I he
petteia conftitutes the manners of the mulic ; choofes out
this or that paflion, this or that motion of the foul, to
be awakened 5 and determines whether it be proper to
excite it on this or that occafion. The petteia, therefore,
is in mufic much what the manners are in poetry.
It is not eafy to difeover whence the denomination
ftiould- Jiave been taken by the Greeks, unlefs from
srerW, their game of chefs, the mufical petteia being
a fort of combination and arrangement of founds, as
chefs is of pieces called ttitIio, calculi, or “ chefs-men.”
PETTY, Sir William, fon of Anthony Petty, a
clothier, was born at Rumfey, a fmall town in Hamp-
fliire, in 1623 j and while a boy took great delight
in fpending his time among the artificers, w'hofe trades
he could work at when but twelve years of age.
Then he went to the grammar fchool there : at fif¬
teen he was mafter of the Latin, Greek, and French
tongues, and of arithmetic and thofe parts of praXical
geometry and aftronomy ufeful to navigation. Soon
after he w'ent to Caen in Normandy, and Paris, where
he ftudied anatomy, and read Vefalius with Mr Hobbes.
Upon his return to England, he w'as preferred in the-
king’s navy. In 1643, when the war between the king
and parliament grew hot, he went into the Netherlands
and France for three years ; and having vigoroufly pro-
fecuted hisftudies, efpecially in phyfic, at Utrecht, Ley¬
den, Amfterdam, and Paris, he returned home to Rum¬
fey. In 1647, he obtained a patent to teach the art of
double writing for feventeen years. In 1648, he pub-
lilhed at London “ Advice to Mr Samuel Hartlib, for
the advancement of fome particular parts of learning.”
At this time he adhered to the prevailing party of the
kingdom ; and went to Oxford, where he taught ana¬
tomy and chemiftry, and was created a doXor of phyfic.
In 1650, he was made profeffor of anatomy there; and
foon after a member of the college of phyficians in Lon¬
don. The fame year he became phyfician to the army
in Ireland ; where he continued till 1659, and acquired
a great fortune. After the refloration, he was introdu¬
ced to King Charles II. who knighted him in 1661. In
1662, he publifhed “ A Treatife of taxes and^ contribu¬
tions.” Next year he was greatly applauded in Ireland
for his invention of a double-bottomed (hip. He died at ^
London, in 1687, of a gangrene in the foot, occafion-
ed by the fuelling of the gout.
The charaXer of his genius is fufRciently feen in his
writings, which were much more numerous than thofe
w7e have mentioned above. Among thefe, it is faid, he
wrote the hiftory of his own life, which unqueftionably
contained a full account of his political and religious
principles, as may be conjeXured from what he has left
us upon thofe fubjeXs in his will. In that he has thefe
remarkable words : “ As for legacies to the poor, I am
at a ftand; and for beggars by trade and eleXion, I give
H h 2 them
P E T ' f 2
Petty them nothing : as for impotents by the hand of-God, the
Pet worth. PU,J^C ought to maintain tliem : as forthofe xvho, can get
no work, the magihrates fhould caufe them to be em¬
ployed •, which may be well done in Ireland, where are
iifteen acres of improveable land for every head : as for
piiioners for crimes by the king, or for debt by their
proiecutois, thofe who compaHionate the fulferings of
any objeft, let them relieve themfeives by relieving inch
llifleieis j that is, give them alms (a), &c. I am, con¬
tented, that I have aflifted all my poor relations, and
put many into a way of getting their own bread, and
have laboured in public works and inventions, and have
fought out real objedfs of charity ; and do hereby con¬
jure ail who parlake of my ellate, from time to time to
do the fame at their peril. Neverthelefs, to anfwer cu-
llom, and to take the lure fide, I give twenty pounds to
the moft wanting of the parilh wherein I die.” As for
his religion, he lays, “ I die in the profeffion of that
faith, and in the pra&ice of fuch worfhip, as I find
eftablifhed by the laws of my country $ not being able
to believe what I myfelf pleafe, nor to worfhip God bet¬
ter than by doing as I would be done unto, and obferv-
ing the laws of my country, and exprefling my love and
nonour to Almighty God, by fuch figns and tokens as
are underftood to be fuch by the people with whom I
live.” He died poflefied of a very large fortune, and
his family was afterwards ennobled.
The variety of purfuits in which Sir William Petty
was engaged, fhows him to have had a genius capable
of any thing to which he chofe to apply it 5 and it is
very extraordinary, that a man of fo aftiye and bufy a
fpirit could find time to write fo many things as it ap¬
pears he did.
Petty, any thing little or diminutive, when compar¬
ed with another.
PETTT-Bag, an office in chancery; the three clerks
Oi which record the return of all inquifitions out of every
county, and make all patents of comptrollers, gauy'ers.
cuftomers, &c.
PETTT-Chaps. See Motacilla, Ornithology In¬
dex.
PETTT-Fogger, a little tricking folicitor or attorney,
without either fkill or confcience.
Petty, or Petit, Larceny. See Larceny.
# PETTT-Patees, among confectioners, a fort of fmall
pies, made of a rich cruft filled with fweetmeats.
P ETTT-Sing/es,' among falconers, are the toes of a hawk.
Pe TTT- Tally, in the fea language, a competent al¬
lowance of vifinals, according to the number of the
ihip’s company.
Petty, or Petit, Treafon. See Treason.
PEI UNSE, in Natural Hi/lory, one of the two fub-
ftances of which porcelain or china-ware is made. The
petunfe is a coarfe kind of flint or pebble, the furface
of which is not fo fmooth when broken as that of our
common flint. See Porcelain.
PETWORTH, in Suffex in England, five miles
from Midhurft and the Suffex Downs, and 49 from
London, is a large, populous, and handfome town. It
is adorned with feveral feats of gentlemen, particularly
(a) In the town of Rumfey there is a houfe which
the rent of which is ftill applied to that ufe.
4 J P E Y
the magnificent teat of tbe Percies, earls of Northum- Peuceda-
berland, many of whom lie buried in a feparate vault nuni
ol its church. In the duke of Somerfet’s armory, in „ ^
this place, there is a fword which, by cireumftances, ap-. e>[ere'
pears to have been the weapon of the famous Henry
Hotfpur, though it is lefs unwieldy than other ancient
fwords.
PEUCEDANUM, or sulphur-wort, a genus of
plants belonging to the pentandria clafs, and in the na¬
tural method ranking under the 45th order, Umbellatar.
See Botany Index.
PEL I EMAN, Peter, was born at Rotterdam in
1650, and was a good painter of inanimate objects; but
the moft memorable particular relative to this artift was
the incident which occafioned his death.
He was requefted to paint an emblematical piflure Eicl. of
of mortality, reprefenting human Ikulls and bones, fur- Painters*
rounded with rich gems and mufical inftruments, to ex-
prefs the vanity of this world’s pleafures, amufements,
or poffeffions ; and that he might imitate nature with
the greater exa&nefs, he went into an anatomy room,
where feveral fkeletons hung by wires from the ceiling^
and bones, Ikulls, &c. lay Icattered about ; and imme¬
diately prepared to make his defigns.
While he was thus employed, either by fatigue, or
by intenfe ftudy, infenfibly he fell alleep ; but was fud-
denly roufed by a ftiock of an earthquake, which hap¬
pened at that inftant, on the 18th of September 1692.
The moment he awoke, he obferved the Ikeletons move
about as they were Ihaken in different dire&ions, and
the loofe Ikulls roll from one fide of the room to the
other; and being totally ignorant of the caufe, he was
ftruck with fuch a horror, that he threw himfelf down
flairs, and tumbled into the ftreet half dead. His
friends took all poffible pains to efface the impreffion
made on his mind by that unlucky event, and acquaint¬
ed him with the real caufe of the agitation of the Ike¬
letons ; yet the tranfa&ion ftill affe&ed his fpirits in fo
violent a manner, that it brought on a diforder, which
in a ftiort time ended his days. His general fubjefits
were either allegorical or emblematical alluftons to the
Ihortnefs and mifery of human life.
PEWI1, Sea-crow, or Mire-Ct'ow. See Larus,
Ornithology Index.
_ PEWTER, a factitious metal ufed in making dome-
flic utenfils, as plates, diflies, &c.—The bafis of the me¬
tal is tin, united to fmall portions of lead, zinc, bifmuth,
and antimony. “ We have (fays Dr Watfon) three
forts of pewter in common ufe ; they are diftinguiftied
by the name of Plate, Trifle, and Ley. The plate pew¬
ter is ufed for plates and diflies ; the trifle, chiefly for
pints and quarts ; and the ley-metal for wine meafures,
&c. Our very beft pewter is faid to confift of 100
parts tin, and 17 of antimony, though others allow
only 10 parts of the latter.” Befides this compofition,« ciem.
there are other kinds, compounded of tin, antimony, bi{-EJhys~
muth, and copper, in feveral proportions. iv. 167.
PEYRERE, Isaac la, a remarkable charafter for
verfatility in religious opinions, was born at Bourdeaux,
of proteftant parents, in 1594. He entered the fervice
' of
given by him for the maintenance of a charity-fchoel;
P E Y [ 245 1 P E Y
Pcvrere. of the Prince of Conde, who was much pleafed with
the fingularity of his genius^ From the perufal of St
Paul’s writings he took into his head to aver, that Adam
was not the firft of the human race } and, in order to
prove this extravagant opinion, he publifhed in 1655 a
book, which was printed in Holland in 410 and in'
12mo, with this title: Prceadamitce,jive exercitatio fuper
verjibus 12, 13, 14. cap. 15. Epiflolce. Pauli ad Roma¬
nos. This work was burnt at Paris, and the author im-
prifoned at Bruffels, through the influence of the arch-
bilhop of Malines’s grand vicar. The Prince of Conde
having obtained his liberty, he travelled to Rome in
1656, and there gave in to Pope Alexander VII. a fo-
lemn renunciation both of Calvinifm and Preadamifm.
His converlion was not thought to be fincere, at leafl:
with regard to this laft herefy. His delire to be the
head of a new fe<T is evident; and his book difcovers
his ambition \ for he there pays many compliments to
the Jews, and invites them to attend his lectures. Upon
his return to Paris, notwithftanding the earneft felicita¬
tions of his holinefs to remain at Rome, he went again
into the Prince of Conde’s fervice in the quality of
librarian. Some time after he retired to the feminary
des Vertus, where he died the 30th of January 1676, at
the age of 8 2, after the facraments ol the church had
been adminiltered to him. Father Simon fays, that when
he was importuned in his laft moments to retrafl the
opinion which he had formed refpe&ing the Preada-
mites, his anfwer was, Hi qucecunque ignorant blafphe-
?nant. His having no fixed fentiments of religion is
fuppofed to proceed more from a peculiar turn of mind
than a corruption of the heart *, for good nature, fim-
plicity of manners, and humanity, feem to have formed
his charadler. “ He was (fays Niceron) a man of a
very equal temper, and moft agreeable converfation.
He was a little too fond, however, of indulging his
wit, which fometimes bordered on raillery 5 but he took
care never to hurt or wound the feelings of his neigh¬
bour. His learning was extremely limited. He knew
nothing either of Greek or Hebrew •, and yet he ven¬
tured to give a new interpretation of feveral paffages of
the facred volume. He piqued himfelf on his know¬
ledge of the Latin 5 but excepting a few poets which
he had read, he was by no means an adept in that lan¬
guage. His ftyle is very unequal j fometimes fwelling
and pompous, at other times low and grovelling.” Be-
lides the work already mentioned, he has leu behind
him, I. A treatife as Angular as it is fcarce, intitled,
Du rappel de Juifs, 1643, in 8vo. The recal of the If-
raelites, in the opinion of this writer, will be not only
of a fpiritual nature, but they will be reinftated in the
temporal bleflings which they enjoyed before their re-
je&ion. They will again take pofleflion of the holy
land, which will refume its former fertility. God will
then raife up to them a king more juft, and more vidfloV
rious, than any of their former fovereigns had been.
Now, though all this is doubtlefs to be underftood fpi-
ritually of Jefus Chrift, yet our author is of opinion,
that it ought alfo to be underftood of a temporal prince,
who (hall arife for the purpofe of effecting the temporal
deliverance of the Jews 5 and that this prince lhall be
no other than the king of France, for the following rea¬
sons, which, it is believed, will carry conviftion to few
minds: 1. Becaufe the two titles of Mojl Chrijlian, and
of Eldejl Son of the Church, are aferibed to him by way
of excellence. 2. Becaufe it is prefumable, if the king^ Peyrere,
of France poflefs the virtue of curing the evil or ferofu- Peyrcr,ius-
la, which can only aftlidt the bodies of the Jews ; that ' * "
they will likewife have the power of curing their obfti-
nate incredulity, and the other inveterate difeafes of'
their fouls. 3. Becaufe the kings of France have for
their arms a jlcur de luce 3 and becaufe the beauty of
the church is in feripture compared to the beauty of
lilies. 4. Becaufe it is probable that France will be the
country whither the Jews (hall firft be invited to come
and embrace the Chriftian faith, and whither they (hall
retreat from the perfecution of the nations that have
dominion over them 5 for France is a land of freedom,
it admits of no flavery, and whoever touches it is free.
Peyrere, after explaining his ftrange iyftem, propofes a
method of converting the Jews to Chriftianity j a me¬
thod, fays Niceron, which will not be acceptable to ma¬
ny. He propofes to reduce the whole of religion to a
bare faith or belief in Jefus Chrift ; taking it for grant¬
ed, without any ftiadow of proof, that “ it is as difficult'
to comprehend the articles of our faith, as to obferve
the ceremonies of Mofes.—From this fcheme (fays he)
there would refult a double advantage to the church;
the reunion of the Jews, and of all thofe Chriftians who
are feparated from the body of the church.” Peyrere,
when he wrote this book, was a Calvinift \ but his Cal¬
vinifm too nearly refembled the Deifm of our age. He
confeffed himfelf, that his reafon for quitting the Prote-
ftants was on account of their being the firft and princi¬
pal oppofers of his book concerning the Preadamites.
II. A curious and entertaining account of Greenland,
printed in 8vo, 1647. When he was alked, on occafion
of this work, why there were fo many witches in the
north ? he replied, “ It is becaufe part of the property
of thefe pretended conjurers, when condemned to fuffer
death, is declared to belong to their judges.’’ III. An
equally interefting account of Iceland, 1663, 8vo. IV.
A letter to Philotimus, 1658, in 8vo, in which he ex¬
plains the reafons of his recantation, &c. We find in
Moreri the following epitaph of him, written by a poet
of his own times.
La Peyrere ici git, ce bon Ifraelite,
Huguenot, Catholique, enfin Preadamite r
Quatre religions lui plurent a la fois,
Et fon indifference etoit li peu commune,
Qu’apres quatre-vingts ans qu’il eut a faire un
choix, ;
Le bon homme partit, & n’en choifit pas une.
PEYRONIUS, Francis de la, for a long time-
praftifed forgery at Paris with foch diftinguifhed eclat,
that he obtained for himfelf the appointment of firft for-
geon to Louis XV. He impioved this favourable fitua-
tion with his majefty, and procured to his profeffion
thofe honours which had the effefl to quicken its pro-
grefs, and thofe eftabliffiments which contributed to .ex¬
tend its benefits. The Royal College of Surgery at
Paris was founded by his means in 1731, was enlighten¬
ed by his knowledge, and encouraged by his munifi¬
cence. At his death, which happened at Verfailles the
24th of April 1747, he bequeathed to the fociety of
forgeons in Paris two thirds of his effe&s, his eftate of
Marigni, which was fold to the king for 200,000 livres,
and his library. This ufefol citizen alfo left to the fo¬
ciety of furgeons at Montpelier two houfes, fituated in ,
P E Y
[
2
S'roufc’ t,nat •t0Wn’ livres, for the purpofe of
i rr r ^ y - i erefttng there a chirurgical amphitheatre. He appoint¬
ed the fame fociety univerfal legatee for the third of his
effefts; and all thefe legacies contain claufes whofe foie
objeft is to promote the public good, the perfeftion and
improvement of furgery ; for which he always folicited
the protection of the court. At the time of the famous
difpute between the phyficians and furgeons, he entreat¬
ed the Chancellor d’Agueffan to build up a brazen wall
between the two bodies. “ I will do fo, replied the mi-
nifter, but on what fide of the wall lhall we place the
fick Peyronius afterwards behaved with more mode¬
ration.—He was a philofopher without any oftentation 5
but his philofophy was tempered by a long acquaintance
with the world and with the court. The acutenefs and
delicacy of his underftanding, joined to his natural vi¬
vacity, rendered his converfation agreeable j and all
thefe advantages were crowned with a quality Hill more
valuable, an uncommon degree of fympathy for thofe in
diftrefs. He was no fooner known to be at his eftate in
the country, than his houfe was filled with fick people,
who came to him from the dillance of 7 or 8 leagues
tound about. He had once a plan of eltablilhing, on
this fpot, an hofpital, to which he intended to retire,
that he might devote the remainder of his life to the
fervice of the poor.
PEYROUSE, or Perouse, John Francis Galoup
DE la, the celebrated but unfortunate French naviga¬
tor, was born at Albi in the year 1741. His fa¬
ther intended to train him up to a maritime life, for
which purpofe he lent him, when very young, to the
marine fchool, where he became enthufiaftically attach¬
ed to his profeffion, and ambitious to emulate the fame
of the moll celebrated navigators.
He was appointed midihipman on the 19th of No¬
vember 1756, behaving with great bravery in that fta-
tion j and was feverely wounded in the engagement be¬
tween Hawke and Conflans, on the 20th of November
1759. The Formidable, in which he ferved, was ta¬
ken, after a vigorous refiftance j and it is probable that
Peyroufe reaped fome advantage from his acquaintance
with Britifh officers.
He was promoted, on the ill of O&ober 1764, to
the rank of lieutenant *, and as he abhorred a life of eafe
•and idlenefs, he contrived to be employed in fix differ¬
ent ffiips of war during the peace that fubfifted between
Great Britain and France. In 1767 he was promoted
to the rank of mafter and commander. In 1779 he
commanded the Amazone, belonging to the fquadron
of Vice-admiral Count d’Effaing ; and when that officer
engaged Admiral Byron ,*the poll of La Peyroufe was
to carry the orders of the admiral to the whole of the
line. He afterwards took the floop Ariel, and contri¬
buted to the capture of the Experiment.
In the year 1782, La Peyroufe was fent with the
Sceptre of 74 guns, and two frigates of 36 guns each,
with fome troops and field-pieces on board, to deftroy
the Engliffi fettlements in Hudfon’s Bay, which was ea-
fily accompliffied, as nothing was found on ffiore to op-
pofe the fmalleft force. Having deftroyed the fettle-
tnents, he learned that fome of the Engliffi had fled at his
approach into the woods. He generoufly left them pro-
vifions and arms to defend themfelves againft the fa-
vages.
+5 ] P E z
In the year l ySy, he was appointed to the command
of tome fiiips employed in a voyage round the world,
vwiich unfortunately proved his lalt. Of this voyage, as i
far as it was acompliflied, full accounts have been al¬
ready publiffied, from which it is manifeft that Peyroufe
was admiraoly qualified to difcharge fuch a truft. He
was an experienced and Ikilful feaman j a man of ma¬
thematical and pnyfical fcience, uncorrupted by that
faife philofophy which difgraced many of his attend¬
ants, and capable of the utmoff perfeverance in every
commendable purfuit. J o thefe excellent qualities he
auded caution and courage, with a difpofition truly be¬
nevolent towards the i'avages whom he vifited. Moll
of the calamities attendant on the voyage, with the ex¬
ception of the laft, were occafioned by the difobedience
of his officers, or their neglefting to follow his advice.
The lail difpatches of this great and truly excellent
man were dated from Botany Bay, February 7. 1788 j
and fince that period, no account of him has been re¬
ceived which is entitled to the fmalleft credit.
PEZAY, N. Masson, marquis of, born at Paris,
very early applied himfblf to the ftudy of letters, and
afterwards went into the army. He was made a captain
of dragoons j and had the honour of giving fome lef-
fons on ta&ics to the ill-fated Louis XVI. &Being ap¬
pointed infpeftor general of fome coafting veffels, he re¬
paired^ to the maritime towns, and executed his commif-
fion with more care and attention than was to have been
expe&ed from a votary of the mufes. But as, at the
fame time, he fhowed too much haughtinefs, a complaint
was brought againft him to the court, and he was ba-
mffied to his country feat, where he died foon after, in
the beginning of 1778. He was the intimate friend
and companion of Dorat. He had ftudied, and fuccefs-
fully imitated, his manner of waiting j but his poems
have more delicacy, and are lefs disfigured with trifling
converfations of gallantry. He has left behind him, 1.
A tranflation of Gatullus, which is not much efteemed,
2. Les. Soirees Helvetiennes, Alfaciennes, et Franc-Com-
toifes, in 8vo, 1770 ; a work very agreeably diverfified,
full of charming landfcapes, but written with too little
accuracy. Les Soirees Proven^ales, in manufcript,
which are faid to be nowife inferior in merit to the fore¬
going ones. 4. La Rofiere de Salency; a paftoral in
three a6ts, and which has been performed with fuccefs
on. the Italian theatres. 3. Les campagnes de Maile-
bois, in 3 vols 410, and a volume of maps.
PEZENAS, a place in France about 24 miles from
Montpelier. The foil about it is fandy. The rock is
limeftone. The fields are open, and produce corn, wine,
and oil. There are to be feen at this place the exten-
five ruins of a caftle, which formerly belonged to the
Montmorency family. This ftrong fortrefs was hewn
out of the rock on which it ftands, and appears to have
been complicated and full of art. The walls are lofty,
and above 8 feet in thicknefs. The rock, which is per¬
pendicular, is a mafs of ffiells, fuch as turbinites, oyfters,
cockles, with a calcareous cement. From hence the
circumjacent plain, decked with luxuriant verdure, and
(hut in by rugged mountains, affords a moft delightful
profpeft. E. Long. 3. 35. N. Lat. 43. 18.
PEZIZA, Cup-mushroom, a genus of plants of the
natural order of fungi, belonging to the cryptogamia
Pc y roc ft
II
Peziza.
clafs. See Botany Index.
PHACA,
P H A [ 247 ] P H A
Phaca PH AC A, a genus of plants belonging to the diadel-
It pbia clafs j and in the natural method ranking under
Phtenus. ^]ie ^ 2d order, Papilionnccce. See Botany Index.
v PH/EA, in Antiquity, a famous fovv which infeded
the neighbourhood of Cromyon. 'J'hefeus deftroyed it
as he was travelling from Troezene to Athens to make
himfelf known to his father. Some imagine that the
boar of Calydon fprang from this fow. According to
fome authors, Phaea was a woman who proftituted her-
felf to ilrangers, whom fire murdered, and afterwards
plundered.
PH AC I A, one of the ancient names of the
ifland Corcyra. Pheeaces the people, who were noted
for their indolence and luxury.
PH/EDON, a difciple of Socrates, who had been
feized by pirates in his youth ; and the philofopher, who
feemed to difcover fomething uncommon in his counte¬
nance, bought his liberty for a fum of money. Phae-
don, after Socrates’s death, returned to Elis his native
country, where he founded a fedt of philoiophers who
compofed what was called the Eliac fchool. The name
of Phaedon is affixed to one of Plato’s dialogues.
PHAtDRA, in fabulous hiftory, was a daughter of
Minos and Pafiphae j Hie married Thefeus, by whom
the was the mother of Acamas and Demophoon. They
had already lived for fome time in conjugal felicity,
when Venus, who hated all the defcendants of Apollo,
becaufe he had difcovered her amours with Mars, infpi-
red Phsedra with the ftrongeft paffion for Plippolytus
the fon of Thefeus, by the amazon Hippolyte. This
paffion {he long attempted to ftitle, but in vain 5 and
therefore, in the abfence of Thefeus, Hie addrefled Hip-
polytus with all the impatience of defponding love.
He reje£ted her with horror and difdain. She, hour-
ever, incenfed by the reception ffie had met, refolved to
puniffi his coldnefs and refufal 5 and at the return of
Thefeus ffie accufed Hippolytus of attempts upon her
virtue. He liftened to her accufation: and without
hearing Hippolytus’s defence, he baniffied him from his
kingdom, and implored Neptune, who had promifed to
grant three of his requefts, to puniffi him in an exem¬
plary manner. As Hippolytus tied from Athens, his
horfes were fuddenly terrified by a fea monfter, which
Neptune had fent on the ffiore •, and he was thus drag¬
ged through precipices and over rocks, trampled under
the feet of his horfes, and cruffied under the wheels of
his chariot. When his tragical end was known at A-
thens, Phaedra confeffed her crime, and hung herfelf in
defpair, unable to furvive one whofe death her extreme
guilt had occafioned. The death of Hippolytus, and the
infamous paffion of Phaedra, is t‘he iubject of one of the
tragedies of Euripides and of Seneca. She was buried at
Troezene, where her tomb was ftill to be feen in the time
of the geographer Paufanias, near the temple of Venus,
which ffie had built to render the goddefs favourable to
her inceftuous paffion. Near her tomb was a myrtle,
whofe leaves were full of fmall holes, which, it was re¬
ported, Phaedra had done with a hair pin, when the
vehemence of her paffion had rendered her melancholy
and almoft defperate. She was reprefented in a paint¬
ing in Apollo’s temple at Delphi, as fufpended in the
air, wffiile her filler Ariadne flood near to her, and fixed
her eyes upon her.
PHAtDRUS, an ancient Latin writer, who compo-
fbd five books of fables, in iambic verfe. He was a
Thracian j and was born, as there is reafon to conclude, Phxtc-
fome years before Julius Cseiar made himfelf matter of
the Roman empire. How he came into the fervice of 1 ^ 
Auguftus is not know n : but his being called Augiz/rus's
freedman in the title of the book, {hows that he had
been that emperor’s flave. The fables of Phaedrus are
valued for their wit and good fenfe, exprefied in very
pure and elegant language j and it is remarkable that
they remained buried in libraries altogether unknown to
the public, until they were difcovered and publiffied by
Peter Pithou, or Pithoeus, a learned French gentleman,
toward the clofe of the 16th century.
PHAENOMENON, in philofophy, denotes any
remarkable appearance, wffiether in the heavens or
earth, and whether difcovered by obfervation or expe¬
riment.
PHAETON, in fabulous hiftory, w-as the fon of the
Sun, or Phoebus and Clymene, one of the Oceanides.
He w as fon of Cephalus and Aurora, according to He-
fiod and Paufanias \ or of Tithonus and Aurora, ac¬
cording to Apollodorus. He is, however, more gene¬
rally acknowledged to be the fon of Phoebus and Cly¬
mene. He was naturally of a lively difpofition, and a
handfome figure. Venus became enamoured of him,
and entrufted him with the care of one of her temples.
This diftinguiftiing favour of the goddefs rendered him
vain and aipiring i and when Epaphus, the Ion of lo,
had told him, to check his pride, that he was not the
fon of Phoebus, Phaeton refolved to know his true ori¬
gin, and at the infligation of his mother he vifited the
palace of the fun. He begged Phoebus, that if he real¬
ly were his father, he would give him inconteftable
proofs of his paternal tendernefs, and convince the world
of his legitimacy. Phoebus received him with great
tendemefs, and iwore by Styx to grant whatever he re-
quefled as a proof of his acknowledging him for his
fon. The youth boldly afked the direrfion of the cha¬
riot of the fun for one day. His father, grieved and
furprifed at this, demand, ufed all his arguments to dif-
fuade him from the raffi attempt } but all w as in vain:
and being by his oath reduced to fubmit to his obftina-
cy, entrufted him with the reins, after he had dire&ed
him how-to ufe them. The young adventurer was how¬
ever foon fenfible of his madnefs. He wras unable to
guide the fiery fteeds \ and loofing the reins, Jupiter, to
prevent his confuming the heavens and earth, ftiuck him
with a thunderbolt, and hurled him from his feat into
the river Eridanus or Po. His fillers Phaethufa, Lam-
betia, and Phoebe, lamenting his lofs upon its banks,
wrere changed by the gods into black poplar trees \ and
Cycnus king of Liguria, alfo grieving at his fate, was
transformed into a f»an.
The poets fay, that while Phaeton was driving the
chariot of his father, the blood of the Ethiopians w^as
dried up •, and their {kin became black a colour which
is ftill preferved among the greateft part of the inhabi¬
tants of the torrid zone. The territories of Libya
were alfo, they tell us, parched up, on account of their
too great vicinity to the fun ; and ever fince, Africa,
unable to recover her original verdure and fruitfulnefs,
has exhibited a fandy country and uncultivated wafte.
According to thofe who explain this poetical fable,
Phaeton w^as a Ligurian prince, who ftudied aftronomy,
and in wffiofe age the neighbourhood of the Po was vi¬
fited with uncommon heats.
Phaeton,
F H A [ 248 I P H A
PHAETON, a genus of birds belonging to the order
of anferes. See Ornithology Index.
PHAGEDENA, in Medicine, denotes a corroding
ulcer.
PHAGEDENIC MEDICINES, thofe ufed to eat off
proud ov fungous flefh 5 fuch as are all the candies.
P HAG EDEN 1C Hater, in ChemiJlnj, denotes a water
made from quicklime and fublimate ; and is very effica¬
cious in the cure of phagedenic ulcers. To prepare this
water, put two pounds of freffi quicklime in a large
earthen pan, and pour upon it about ten pounds of rain¬
water ; let them Hand together for two days, ftirring
them frequently: at laft leave the lime to fettle well,
then pour off the water by inclination, filtrate it, and
put it up in a glafs bottle, adding to it an ounce of cor-
rofive fublimate in powder \ which from white becomes
yellow, and finks to the bottom of the veffel. The wa¬
ter being lettled, is fit for ufe in the cleanfing of wounds
and ulcers, and to eat off fuperfluous flefh, and efpeci-
ally in gangrenes 5 in which cafe may be added to it a
third or fourth part of fpirit of wine.
PHALtENA, the Moth, a genus of infe&s be¬
longing to the order of lepidoptera. See Entomology
Index.
PHALANGIUM, a genus of infedfs belonging to
the order of aptera. See Entomology Index.
PHALANGOSIS, in Surgery, is a tumor and re¬
laxation of the eyelids, often fo great as to deform the
eye, and confiderably to impede vifion. Sometimes the
eyelid when in this ftate fubfides or finks down, occa-
fioned perhaps either by a palfy of the mufcle which fu-
ftains and elevates the eyelid, or elfe from a relaxation
of the cutis above, from various caufes. But in the pa¬
ralytic or relaxed cafe, the ufe of cordial and nervous
medicines muff be propofed internally 5 and outwardly,
balfam of Peru and Hungary water are to be employed.
If all thefe fail, the remaining method of cure is to ex¬
tirpate a fufficient quantity of the relaxed culis.
PHALANX, in Grecian antiquity, a fquare batta¬
lion of foldiers, with their fhields joined and pikes crof-
fing each other j fo that it was next to impoffible to
break it.
The Macedonian phalanx is fuppofed by feme to have
had the advantage in valour and Irrength, over the Ro¬
man legion. Its number was 8000 men. But the word
phalanx is ufed for a party of 28, and feveral other num¬
bers •, and even fometimes for the whole body of foot.
Bee Legion.
Phalanx is applied, by anatomiffs, to the three rows
of fmall bones which form the fingers. See Anatomy
Index.
PHALARTS, a remarkable tyrant, born at Crete,
where his ambitious defigns occafioned his baniffiment :
he took refuge in Agrigentum, a free city bf Sicily, and
there obtained the fupreme power by ftratagem. The
circumftance which has chiefly contributed to preferve
his name in hiftory is his cruelty •, in one aft of which
he gave, however, an example of ffridl juftice. It is
thus related : Perillus, a brafs-founder at Athens, know¬
ing the cruel difpofition of Phalaris, contrived a new
fpecies of punifhment for him to inffift on his fubjedls.
He caff a brazen bull, bigger than the life, with an
opening in the fide to admit the vi&ims ; who being
Unit up in the body, a fire w^as kindled under it to roaft
them to death j and the throat was fo contrived, that
' 3
their dying groans refembled the roaring of a bull. The
artift brought it to the tyrant, expedling a great reward.
Phalaris admired the invention and workmanfhip, but
ordered the inventor to be put into it to make the firft
trial. In allufion to which, Ovid fays,
•  Neque emm lex aequior ulla,
^uam necis artijices arte perire fua.
The end of this deteftable tyrant is differently related j
but it is very generally believed, with Cicero, that he
fell by the hands of the Agrigentines 5 and, as feme fup-
pofe, at the inftigation of Pythagoras. Ovid tells us, that
his tongue was cut out j and that he was then put into
the bull to periffi by the fame flow fire by which means
he had murdered fo many before. Others fay that he
was ffoned to death *, and all agree that his end w'as vio¬
lent. He reigned, Eufebius fays, 28 years j others fay
16. After all, there is great uncertainty both as to his
life, death, and hiftory. Many of the circumftances re¬
lated of him, as they are collected by Mr Boyle, de¬
pend upon the authenticity of thofe epiftles which go
under the name of the tyrant 5 and which have been
juftly queftioned, and with great probability rejefted, as
the fpurious prodtnftion of fome modern fophift. See
Bentley, p. 177. col. 2.
Phalaris, or Canary-grafs, a genus of plants belong¬
ing to the triandria clafs. See Botany Index.
PHALERiE, among the ancient Romans, were mi¬
litary rewards beftowed for fome fignal aft of bravery.
Authors do not agree whether the Phalerae were a fuit
of rich trappings for a horfe, or golden chains fomething
like the torques, but fo formed as to hang down to the
breaft and difplay a greater profufion of ornament. The
laft opinion appears to have the greater prevalence, but
perhaps both are true.
PHALEREUS (Nepos), a village and port of A-
thens 5 this laft neither large nor commodious, for
which reafon Themiftocles put the Athenians on build¬
ing tl;e Piraeus 5 both joined to Athens by long w'alls.
The Phalereus lay nearer the city (Paufanias). Deme¬
trius Phalereus, the celebrated fcholar of Theophraftus,
was of this place ; to whom the Athenians erefted above
300 ftatues ; which were afterwrards deftroyed by his
enemies, on his flight to Ptolemy king of Egypt (Stra¬
bo). Here Demofthenes was wront to declaim, to ac-
cuftom his voice to furmount the noife and roaring of
the fea 5 a juft and lively emblem of popular affemblies.
PHALEUCIAN verse, in ancient poetry, a kind
of Verfe confifting of five feet ; the firft of wffiich is a
fpondee, the fecond a daftyl, and the three laft trochees.
PHALLUS, the Morel, a genus of plants of the
order of fungi, and belonging to the cryptogamia clafs.
See Botany Index.
Phallus, among the Egyptians, w^as the emblem of
fecundity. It was very fervently wmrffiipped by wo¬
men, efpecially by thofe who w^ere barren. This cuf-
tom w'as introduced among the Greeks, and feflivals in
honour of it were called phaluca. See Mysteries,
N° 38, &c. Among the Hindoos a fimilar emblem
called lingam is ufed, and for fimilar purpofes. See
Hindoos, N° 4.
PHALTI, or Phaltiel, fon of Lailh. He mar¬
ried Michal, after Saul had taken her from David ; but
David afterwards took her away from Phalti (1 Sam.
xxv. 44. 2 Sam. iii. 15.). Some interpreters are of opi¬
nion
P H A [ 249 ] P H A
Ptoanatic mon Phalti did not meddle with Miclial all the time (he
Phlra continued in his houfe, for fear that both of them fhould
i incur the penalty of death, to be infli&ed on adulterers
(Levit. xx. 10.), becaufe Michal had not been legally
divorced 5 but thefe reafons are frivolous. Saul looked
upon David as a rebel to his king, and an outlaw,
whofe goods and wives belonged to him, and wThich he
could abfolutely difpofe of. He would not have given
Michal to Phalti, nor wrould he have received her, if he
had not thought he might ufe her as his wife. If Mi¬
chal had no children by Phalti, by whom then were
thofe children that the fcvipture fays (he had, fince it is
known die had none by David ? See 2 Sam. xxi. 8. and
vi. 23.
PHANATIC, or Fanatic, a vifionary j one who
fancies he fees fpeflres, fpirits, apparitions, or other
imaginary objefts, even when awake ; and takes them
to be real. See Phantasy and Fanatic.
Such are phrenetics, necromancers, hypochondriac
perfons, lycanthropi, &c. See Phrenetic, Hypochon¬
driac, Lycanthropi.
Hence the word is alfo applied to enthufiafts, pre¬
tenders to revelation, new lights, prophecies, &c. See
Enthusiast, and SECOND Sight.
PHANTASIA was the daughter of Nicarchus of
Memphis in Egypt. It has been fuppofed that (lie
wrote a poem on the Trojan -war, and another on the
return of Ulyffes to Ithaca, from which compofitions
Homer copied the greateft part of his Iliad and Odyf-
fey, when he vifited Memphis, where they were depo-
fited.
PHANTASM, a term fometimes ufed in a fynony-
mous fenfe writh idea, or notion retained in the mind, of
an external object.
PHANTASMAGORIA, an optical deception.
See Science, Amufements of.
PHANTASY, or Fancy, the bnagination ; one of
the powers of the mind, by which the fpecies of objefts
received by the external organs of fenfe are retained,
recalled, further examined, and either compounded,
or divided : See Imagination; and Metaphysics,
Part I. Chap. ii. Or it is that internal fenfe whereby
the ideas of abfent things are formed, and reprefented
to the mind as if they were prefent. In melancholics
and madmen this faculty is very flrong, reprefenting ma¬
ny extravagant and monftrous things, and framing its
images as lively as thofe of fenfation : whence the vi-
fions and deceptions thofe perfons are liable to.
PHANUEL, of the tiibe of Alher, the father of a
holy widow and prophetefs called Anna, who was in the
temple when our Saviour was prefented there by his pa¬
rents (Luke ii. 36, 37, 38.).
PHAON, a young man of Mytilene, in the iiland of
Lefbos, received from Venus, as fable reports, an ala-
bafter vafe filled with an effence which had the virtue of
conferring beauty. He had no fooner anointed his bo¬
dy with it than he became the molt beautiful of men.
The ladies of Mytilene fell defperately in love with
him ; and the celebrated Sappho threw herfelf down a
precipice becaufe he wmild not encourage her paffion.
He is faid to have been killed by a hufband who fur-
prifed him with his wife. We have in Ovid a letter
from Sa- pho to Phaon, which Mr Pope has tranflated
into Englifh verfe.
PHARA, in Ancient Geoprafyh!. a village between
VOL. XVI. Part I.
Egypt and Arabia Petraea; or, according to Ptolemy, Pfiai*
at a promontory fituated between the Sinus Heroopo- ,
lites and Elaniticus of the Red fea ; where Ifmael is faid ,
to have dwelt. In Hebrew it is Paran, and in moll
interpreters ; Pharan, Septuagint and Vulgate. Pha-
ranitce, the people (Ptolemy). Paran or Pharan, the
name of the wildernefs in its neighbourhood, adjoining
to Kadefh.
PHARkE, in Ancient Geography, a town of Achaia
in Peloponnefus, on the river Pierus, 70 ftadia from the
fea, and to the fouth of Patrse 150 ftadia. Another, of
Crete (Pliny); a colony from the Pharce of Meftenia
(Stephanus). A third Pharce, or Pherce (Strabo, Pto¬
lemy) ; Phara, -ce, (Polybius) ; a town of Meffenia,
on the river Nedo (Straro) ; on the north fide of the
Sinus Meflenius, and to the north-weft of Abea. An¬
ciently read Pkaris in Homer (Paufanias, Statius'),
though now read Phare. Pharitce is the name of the
people.
PHARAMOND is the name which is given by the
generality of hiftorians to the firft king ol France. He
is faid to have reigned at Treves, and over a part of
France, about the year 420 ; and to have been fuc-
ceeded by his fon Clodion : but the account which is gi¬
ven of thefe two princes is very uncertain. It is pro¬
bable Pharamond was properly no more than a general
of an army, the head of a military fociety of Franks,
who wrere mafters of their perfons and their fortunes.
Gregory of Tours feems to have been of this opinion.
“ It is not generally known (fays he) who was the firft;
king of the French. Sulpitius Severus, who mentions
feveral things refpecting that nation, takes no notice of
its firft monarch ; he only fays that it had generals.”
Be that as it may, the inftitution of the famous Salique
law (fo named from the Salians, the moft illuftrious
of the Franks) is generally attributed to Pharamond.
“ This law fixed the punifhment of crimes, and various
points of police. There is no juft ground for believing
that it exprefsly fettled the right of fucceflion to the
crown : it .only fays, that, with relation to the Salic
land, -women have no (hare of heritage, without reftrift-
ing it to the royal family in particular ; for all thofe
were generally called Salic lands w hich were held by
right of conqueft ; and it is eafy to conceive that a na¬
tion of foldiers, whofe general wTas their king, would
not fubmit to be governed by a wroman. A long
cuftom, fupported by the principles of the nation,
came in time to be the eftablifhed law of the kingdom.”
(See M. Abbe Millot, Elem. de PHi/loire de France,
tom. i.).
PHARAOH, a common name of the kings of E-
gypt. Jofephus fays, that all the kings of Egypt, from.
Minaeus the founder of Memphis, who lived feveral ages
before Abraham,-have always had the name of Pha¬
raoh, down to the times of Solomon, for more than .
3300 years. He adds, that in the Egyptian language
the word Pharaoh fignifies a king ; and that thofe princes
did not a.Tume this name but when they afcended the
throne, at which time they quitted alfo their former
name. From hence it comes to pafs, fays Jofephus,
that Herodotus names none of the kings of Egypt after
Minceus the builder of Memphis, though he had 330
kings for his fuccefibrs^ becaufe they had all the name
of Pharaoh ; but becaufe this name did not pafe to wo¬
men alfo, he names an Egyptian queen Nicaule w'ho
I i fucceeded
P H A [2
;oh. fucceeded them. Laftly, I find, adds Jofephus, from the an¬
cient records of our nation, that from the age of Solomon
no king of Egypt had any longer the name of Pharaoh.
But Jofephus is not very accurate in this paffage. True
it is, Herodotus fays, that Mines, or Minaeus, was the
firll king of Egypt, and founder of Memphis j that
there were 330 kings after him in Egypt 5 that after
them there was a queen called Nicotris, and not Ni-
caule, as Jofephus writes it j but it is not true that thefe
kings had no other name but Pharaoh. Herodotus fays
exprefsly, that in the books of the Egyptian prietls were
read the names and the catalogue of 330 kings •, that in
this number of 330 there were 18 Ethiopians, and a
woman that was a foreigner called Nicotris, and that all
the others were Egyptians. Thefe 'rinces therefore had
every one his proper name mentioned in the catalogue
of the Egyptian kings. So likewife we fee in the frag¬
ments of Manetho, that every king of Egypt had a
name peculiar to him j and we find the name Pharaoh
only in Scripture.
What Jqfephus adds concerning Queen Nicaule, or
Nicotris, whom he pretends to be the fame as the queen
of Sheba, of whom mention is made in Scripture
(i Kings x. 1, 2, &c.), is entirely fabulous; and as to
what he fays, that lince the time of Solomon the kings
of Egypt have no longer had the name of Pharaoh, is
manifettly falfe, fince we frill find this name in the fe-
cond book of Kings, under Hezekiah (2 Kings xviii.
2i.) ; under Jofiah (xxiii. 29, 30, 33, &c.), where this
name is joined to Necho, which was the proper name
of this prince ; under Jehoiakim (xxiii. 35.) j and in the
prophets Ifaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, who are much
later than Solomon. It is very probable that the Egyp¬
tians gave the name of Pharaoh to their kings as long
as the Egyptian language was in common ufe, and as long
as their kings were of their own nation : but after the
conqueft of Egypt by Alexander the Great, and that
the Grecians introduced their language with their go¬
vernment, the name of Pharaoh was known no longer
among them. The firft prince known to us by the name
of Pharaoh was he in whofe time Abraham went down
to Egypt, when Sarah, who paffed only for Abraham’s
filler, was by the command of Pharaoh brought to his
palace in order to become his wife. See Abraham.
But the Lord fmote Pharaoh and his family with great
infirmities, and gave him to know that (lie was Abra¬
ham’s wife; whereupon Pharaoh fent for Abraham, re-
flored him his wife, and at the fame time gave orders
that he Ihould be conducted out of Egypt, with every
thing that belonged to him. See Sarah.
The fecond Pharaoh fpoken of in the Scripture is he
who reigned when .Tofeph arrived there. This prince or
his fuccelTor had the myfterious dream of the fat and
letin kine, and the feven full and barren ears of corn,
which Jofeph explained fo much to his fatisfaftion, that
he made him governor of his houfe and of all Egypt, re-
ferving only to himfelf the name of a king. This is the
fame Pharaoh who fent for and entertained the patriarch
Jacob and his family in Egypt, and gave them the
land of Golhen for their habitation. See Joseph and
Jacob.
The third Pharaoh known in holy writ is he who per-
fecuted the Ifraelites. Mofes tells us that he was a new
king, and had no knowledge of Jofeph (Exod. i. 8.).
This prince, obferving that the Ifraelites had become
o ] P h A
very numerous and powerful, refolved to deprefs them Ph
by hardfliip and labour ; and fet cruel and pitilefs talk-
mafters over them. But the more he oppieffed them,
the fafter they multiplied j infomuch that he gave orders
to the Egyptian midwives, who aflifted the Hebrew wo¬
men in their labour, to put all the male children to
death, and to lave alive the females only. But this
command mas not ftriftly executed. The midwives
feared the Lord, and preferved alive not only the female
children, but the males alfo.
Pharaoh, feeing this projeft did not fucceed to his
willies, publilhed a decree (Exod. i. 22.) that all the
male children born of rlebrew women fliould be thrown
into the Nile, and that oirly the females fliould be {pa¬
red. This order mas rigoroufly executed ; yet by the
providence of God Mofes mas preferved, and even brought
up in Pharaoh’s own court, by his own daughter, mIio
by chance had found the child, as he mas expoled upon
the Nile.
Mofes being grown up, and having killed an Egyp¬
tian MTho had abufed an Hebrew, mas obliged to fly from
Egypt to avoid that death that Pharaoh had threatened
him with.
Several years after, being about 80 years old, he re¬
turned again by an order from God, and performed
mighty miracles before Pharaoh. See Moses. There
is a good deal of probability that this Pharaoh before
whom Mofes appeared, and in M'hofe fight he finote E-
gypt with fo many plagues, mas a different perfon from
him Mrho M ould have laid hands on him after he had flam
the Egyptian. This fame Pharaoh having at lafl been
compelled to fend away the Hebren'S, and to fuffer them
to go out of Egypt, foon repented of the leave he had
given, and purfued them at the head of his army rvith
his chariots. But he was drowned in the Red fea,
wherein he had raflrly entered in the eagernefs of his
purfuit. Some hiftorians pretend to give us the name
of this Pharaoh ; fome, as Appion, call him Amofis or
Amafis 'y Eufebius calls him Chenchris; Ulher calls
him Amenophis 3 but we may affure ourfelves that there
can be nothing certain in all this.
The fifth Pharaoh known to us is he who gave pro-
teftion to Hadad fon of the king of Edom, who gave
him to M'ife the filler of his orvn queen, enriched him
vith lands, and brought up his fon Genubah in his
own court. Hadad returned to Idumea after the death
of David.
The lixth Pharaoh is he who gave his daughter in
marriage to Solomon king of the Hebrews (1 Kings
iii. 1.) } and having taken Gezer, he fet it on fire,
drove the Canaanites out of it, and gave it for a prefent
to Solomon, in lieu of a dowry for his daughter, uhom
he had married to this prince (1 Kings ix. 16.).
The feventh is Shilhak, who entertained Jeroboam in
his dominions, a rebellious fubjefl of Solomon, and of¬
fered him a refuge in oppolition to the king his mailer.
The fame Shilhak declared MAr again!! Piehoboam the
fon and fucceffor of Solomon, befieged and took Jerufa-
lem, carried aMAy all the king’s treafures, and thofe of
the houfe of God, aiid particularly the golden bucklers
that Solomon had made. See Shishak.
The eighth is that Pharaoh M'ith MThom Hezekiah
made a league againft Sennacherib king of Affyria, in
the year of the M’-orld 3290. See Sennacherib. This
Pharaoh is probably the fame whom Herodotus names
Sethon,
P H A I 25
Sethon, prieft of Vulcan, who came to meet Senna-
1 cherib before Pelufium, and to whofe affiftance Vulcan
fent an army of rats, which gnawed the bow-firings
and the thongs of the bucklers of Sennacherib’s fol-
^ The ninth is Pharaoh-Necho, or Nechos, fon of
Pfammiticus, who made war with Jofiah, and fubdued
him. Herodotus alfo mentions this prince. See Ne-
cho, and Egypt, N® h.
The tenth is Pharaoh Ilophrah, who entered into an
alliance with Eedekiah king of Juuah, and attempted cO
rome to his afliilance againft Nebuchadnezzar king of
Chaldea. It was againft this Pharaoh that Ezekiel pro¬
nounced feveral of his prophecies (See Ezek. xxix. xxx.
xxxi. xxxii.). He is called Apries in Herodotus, lib. ii.
c. 161. He is alfo mentioned in Habakkuk ii. 15, 16.
See alfo Ifaiah xix. xx. and Jeremiah xlvi. 16, &c. See
Apkyes, and Egypt, N° 13, &c.
PHARAON is the name of a game of chance, the
princioal rules of which are: the banker hords a pack
confifting of 52 cards 5 he draws all the cards one after
the other, and lays them down alternately at his right
and left hand ; then the ponte may at his pleafure fet
one or more flakes upon one or more cards, either
before the banker has begun to draw the cards,^ or
after he has drawn any number of couples. The
banker wins the flake of the ponte when the card of
the ponte comes out in an odd place on his right hand,
but lofes as much to the ponte when it comes out in
an even place on his left hand. The banker, wins half
the ponte’s flake when it happens to be twice in one
couple. When the card of the ponte being but once
in the flock happens to be the laft, the ponte neither
wins nor lofes 5 and the card of the ponte being but
twice in the flock, and the laft couple containing, his
card twice, he then lofes his whom flake. 13e IVIoivre
has fhown how to find the gain of the banker m any
{fircufnftance of cards remaining m the flock, and of
the number of times that the ponte s cards is contained
in it. Of this problem he enumerates four cafes, viz.
when the ponte’s card is once, twice, three, or four
times in the flock. In the firfl cafe, the gain of the
banker is-, n being the number of cards in the flock.
In the fecond cafe, his gain is
-2 X.V
«X'7—1 « X«—1
or
’ff-f 1
n X n—x
gam
3 y
or
H A
fuppofing y —
hi
1 X 1’ «—I
the fourth cafe, the gain of the banker, or the lofs of
Pharez,
t’tunlecs
the ponte, is
2«—5
13b
2 n—5
fup-
, fuppofing y—i. In the third cafe, his
2X«—IX«—3
pofing De Moivre has calculated a table, exhi¬
biting this gain or lofs for any particular circumllance or
the play ■, and he obferves, that at this play the leaft
difadvantage of the ponte, under the fame circumflances
of cards remaining in the flock, is when the card of the
ponte is but twice in it, the next greater when three
times, the next when once, and the greateft when four
times. He has alfo demonftrated, that the whole gain
per cent, of the banker, upon all the money that is ad¬
ventured at this game, is 2I. 19s. lod. See De Mmivre s
Doftrine of Chances, p. 77, &c. p. 105, &c.
PHAREZ, fon of Judah and Tamar (Gen. xxxviii.
27, 28, &c.). Tamar being juft ready to lie in, found
herfelf with child of twins. One of them appeared firft,
and putting his arm out, he immediately drew it back
again. The midwife tied a fcarlet thread upon his arm,
to diflinguifh him for the firft-born : but having with¬
drawn his hand, his brother got before him into the
world : whereupon he was called by his mother P/uire%7
i. e. one breaking forth ; as the other with the thread on
his hand was called Zarah. The Tons of Pharez were
Hezron and Hamul (Numb. xxvi. 20, 21.). I. Cab¬
inet, upon this article, explains the text as if Pharez,
and not Zarah, had put out his hand, and drew it in
again.
" PHARISEES, a famous fe£l of the Jews, who di-
flinguifhed themfelves by their zeal for the traditions of
the' elders, which they derived from the fame fountain
with the written word itfelf \ pretending that both were
delivered to Mofes from Mount Sinai, and were there¬
fore both of equal authority. From their rigorous ob-
fervance of thefe traditions, they looked upon them¬
felves as more holy than other men ; and therefore fe-
parated themfelves from thofe whom they thought Tin¬
ners or profane, fo as not to eat or drink with them \
and hence, from the Hebrew word pharic, which fig-
nifies “ to feparate”, they had the name of Phanfees or
Separati/ls.
This fe£l was one of the mod ancient and confider-
able among the Jews ; but its original is not very well
known (a) ; however, it was in great repute in the
time of our Saviour ; and muft have had its original at
the fame time with the traditions, and they grew up to-
I i 7. e-ether.
TO The Jefuit Serrarius places their firft rife about the time of Efdras: becaufe it was then that the Jews firft
Wan to have interpreters of their traditions. Maldonat, on the other hand, will not have this feel to have anfen
among the Jews till a little before the time of Chrift. Others, perhaps, with more probability, refer the origin of
the Pharifees to the time of the Maccabees. t ^ x .
Dr T iyhtfoot thinks, that Pharifaifm rofe up gradually, from a period which he does no. ailign, to the maturity
a feft It is certain, from the account given by Jofcphus, that in the time of John Hyrcanus, the high prieft
and prince of the Afmonean line, about 108 years before Chrift, the feci was not only formed, but made a confi-
derable figure • md that it had advanced to a high degree of popularity and power about 8o years before Chriii.
Fob Ant. lib. xiii. cap. 10. § 5* 6. cap. I ?. $ <. and cap. 16. § 1. According to Bafnage Hift. of the Jews,
book ii. cap. 0, § 2. one Ariftobulus, an Alexandrian Jew, and a Peripatetic philofopher, who flounihed about
1 2 c years before Chrift, and wrote fome allegorical commentaries on the feripture, was the author of thofe tradi¬
tions by an adherence to which the Pharifees were principally diftinguifhed from other feels.
Pharifee
P H A [ 25
j getlier, till at length they had gained ground fo far,
that the traditional law fwallowed up the written, and
thofe who were the propagators of it the whole bulk of
the Jewifh nation.
The extraordinary pretences of the Pharifees to right-
eoufnefs drew after them the common people, wdro held
them in the higheft efteem and veneration. Our Savi¬
our frequently, howTever, charges them with hypocrify,
and making the law of God oi no efTeff through their
traditions (Matth. ix. 2. xv. i—6. xxiii. 13—33. and
Luke xi. 39^—52.). Several of thefe traditions are par¬
ticularly mentioned in the gofpel ; but they had a vad:
number more, which may be feen in the Talmud, the
whole fubjeft whereof is to diftate and explain thofe
traditions which this fe£l: impofed to be believed and ob-
ferved.
1 he Pharifees, contrary to the opinion of the Sad-
ducees, held a refurre&ion from the dead, and the exift-
ence of angels and fpirits (Afts xxiii. 8.). But accord¬
ing to Jofephus, this refurrection of theirs ivas no more
than a Pythagorean refurre&ion, that is, of the foul only,
by its tranfmigration into another body, and being born
anew7 with it. From this refurreftion they excluded all
that were notorioufly wicked, being of opinion that the
louls of fuch perfons were tranfmitted into a date of ever-
lafting woe. As to leffer crimes, they held they were
puniihed in the bodies which the fouls of thofe who com¬
mitted them were next fent into.
Jofephus, however, either miftook the faith of his
countrymen, or, which is more probable, wilfully mif-
reprefented it, to render their opinions more refpeft-
ed by the Roman philofophers, whom he appears to
have on every occalion been defirous to pleafe. The
Pharifees had many pagan notions refpecling the foul ;
but Bifhop Bull, in his Harmonia ApoJIohca, has clearly
proved, that they held a refurreilion of the body, and
that they fuppofed a certain bone to remain uncor¬
rupted, to furnilh the matter of which the relurredfion
body was to be formed. They did not, however, be¬
lieve that all mankind were to be raifed from the dead.
A refurreftion was the privilege of the children of A-
braham alone, who wrere all to rife on Mount Zion 5
their incorruptible bones, wherever they might be bu¬
ried, being carried to that mountain belowT the furface
of the earth. The date of future felicity, in wrhich the
Pharifees believed, was very gro.fs: They imagined,
that men in the next world, as well as in the prefent,
w7ere to eat and drink, and enjoy the pleafures of love,
each being reunited to his former wife. Hence the
Sadducee, who believed in no refurre£Hon, and fuppo¬
fed our Saviour to teach it as a Pharifee, very drrewd-
ly urged the difficulty of difpodng of the w-oman wffio
had in this wTorld been the wufe of feven hufbands.
Had the refurreftion of Chridianity been the Phari-
faical refurreftion, this difficulty would have been in-
lurmountable ^ and accordingly we find the people, and
even fome of the Pharifees themfelves, druck with the
manner in which our Saviour removed it.
This fe£t feems to have had fome confufed notions,
probably derived from the Chaldeans and Perfians, re-
fpe&ing the pre exi(hence of fouls; and hence it was
that Chrid’s difciples afked him concerning the blind
man (John ix. 2.), ‘ Who did fin, this man or his .pa¬
rents, that he was born blind ?’ And when the difciples
told Chrid, that fome faid he was Elias, Jeremias, cr
2 ] P H A
one of the prophets (Mat. xvi. 14.), the meaning can Pharmaca
'1- ’ ' • - ||
Pharos.
only be, that they thought he was come into the world
with the foul of Elias, Jeremias, or fome other of the
old prophets, tranfmigrated into him. With the Ef-
fenes, they held abfolute prededination ; and with the
Sadducees free-will : but how they reconciled thefe
feemingly incompatible doidrines is nowhere fufficiently
explained. 'I he fe£t of the Pharifees was not exlin-
guifhed by the ruin of the Jewidi commonwealth. The
greated part of the modern Jews are dill of this feft ;
being as much devoted to traditions or the oral law as
their ancedors were. See the articles Cabbalists, Ca-
RAITES, ESSENES, SADDUCEES, &C.
PHARMACA, among the ancients, meant medi¬
cated or enchanted compofitions of herbs, minerals, &c.
fome of which, when taken inwardly, were fuppofed to
caufe blindnefs, madnefs, love, &c.: others infe&ed by
touch ; fuch was the garment fent by Medea to Creufa,
prepared fecundum artem: and others operated upon per¬
fons at a didance. Pharmaca foteria were employed as
antidotes againd thefe mifchievous compofitions : Thus
the herb mohj preferved Ulyffes from the magical influ¬
ence of Circe. The laurel, the rhamnus, the flea-bane,
the jafper-flone, were ufed for fimilar purpofes. See
Potter's Grac. Ant.
PH ARM AC I, were two perfons who were employed
in the ludration or purification of cities. Some fay
they were both men ; but others maintain, that a man to
reprefent the males, and a woman to reprefent the fe¬
males, performed this office. They performed facrifice,
and wore figs about their necks called thofe of
the man were blackilh, and thofe of the woman white.
Figs were an emblem of fertility, which they doubtlefs
prayed for on thefe folemn occafions.
PHARMACEUTICAL, any thing connedfled with
pharmacy, or the operations or proceiTes employed in the
preparation of medicines.
PHARMACOCHEMIA, an old term denoting
that part of the chemical art which treats of the pre¬
paration of medicines ; by way of diflindftion from that
chemidry which is wholly employed about the tranf-
mutation of metals by means of the philcfopher’s done ;
this being called fpagirico-chemia.
PHARMACOLOGY, is a treatife of medicines, or
the art of preparing them, judging of them, &c.
PHARMACOPOEIA (from <px^p.xx.6)i remedy, and
w<wsiv to tnake), means a difpenfatory, or a treatife de-
fcribing the preparations of the feveral kinds of medi¬
cines, with their ufes, manner of application, &c.
We have various pharmacopoeias, as thofe of Bau-
deron, Quercetan, Zwelfer, Charas, Bates, Salmon,
Lemery, Lewis, &c. But the Edinburgh, London,
and Dublin pharmacopoeias, are chiefly confulted and
followed in Britain in the prefent day.
PHARMACOPOLA, or Pharmacopeius, an apo¬
thecary, or a perfon who prepares and fells medicines ;
but this word is rarely ufed but in the way of ridicule.
It is compofed of <px^p,xx.ov, medicine, and woAs/v, to fell.
Hor. Sat. ii. lib. i. ver. 1.
PFIARMACUM, cpx^xxov, a medicine or medica¬
ment, either of a falutary or deleterious quality.
PHARMACY, the art of preparing, preferving, and
compounding medicines. See Materia Medica. See
alfo Prescriptions, Extemporaneous.
PHAROS, (Homer, Strabo, ^tc.), a fmail oblong
illand^.
Pharos
II
Pharfalia.
P H A [ 25
id and, adjoining to the continent of Egypt, over-againfl
Alexandria. On this ifland flood a cognominal light-
tower, of four fides, each fide a fladium in length j and
the tower fo high as to be feen 100 miles oft. Some af¬
firm, each of its four corners relied on a large fea-crab of
glafs or of hard tranfparent ftone of Ethiopia or Mem¬
phis. Others imagine the crabs were only added ex¬
ternally to the bafe by way of ornament, or as emble¬
matical of its fituation and ufe. The architeft was So-
flrates the Cnidian, as appears by an infcription on the
tower, under Ptolemy Philadelphus, who laid out 800
talents upon it. On account of the port of Alexandria,
the entrance to which was difficult and dangerous, the
Pharos was called the key of the Egyptian fed, or even
of Egypt itfelf (Lucan): and Pharos, from being a.pro-
per name, became an appellative to denote all light-
houfes.
Pharos, or Phare, a light-houfe j a pile raifed near
a port, where fire is kept burning in the night, to
guide and direfl vefiels near at hand. The pharos of
Alexandria, built fn the ifland of Pharos, at the mouth
of the Nile, was anciently very famous, infomuch as to
communicate its name to all the reft. This moft mag¬
nificent tower confifted of feveral ftories and galleries,
with a lantern at top, in which a light being conti¬
nually burning, might be feen for many leagues at fea,
and along the coaft. It was accounted one of the feven
wonders of the world. It was built by the famed archi-
te£l Softrates, a native of Cnidos, or, according to fome,
by Deiphanes, the father of Softrates 5 and coft Ptolemy
Philadelphus 800 talents. The feveral ftories were
adorned with columns, balluftrades, galleries of the fmeft
marble and workmanfhip 5 to which fome add, that the
architedl had contrived to fallen fome looking-glafles fo
artificially againft the higheft galleries, that one could
fee in them all the fhips that failed on the fea for a
great way. Inftead of which noble ftru£lure, one fees
now only a kind of irregular caftle, without ditches or
outworks of any ftrength, the whole being accommodat¬
ed to the inequality of the ground on which it Hands,
and which it feems is no higher than that which it
ihould command. Out of the midft of this clumfy
building rifes a tower, which ferves for a light-houfe,
but which hath nothing of the beauty and grandeur of
the old one. The Coloflus of Rhodes alfo ferved as a
pharos.
PHARPAR, or Pharphar, is one of the rivers of
Damafcus, or rather it is an arm of the Rarrady or Chry-
forrhoas, which waters the city of Damafcus and the
country about it (2 Kings v. 12.). “ Are not Abana
and Pharpar, rivers of Damafcus, better than all the
waters of Ifrael ?” The river of Damafcus has its foun¬
tain in the mountains of Libanus. At its approach to
the city it is divided into three arms, one of which
pafles through Damafcus. The other two ■water the
gardens round about, and then reuniting, they lofe
themfelves at four or five leagues from the city, to¬
wards the north. See Maundrell's Travels from Alep¬
po to Jerufalem; fee alfo the articles Abaxa and Da¬
mascus.
PHARSALIA, Pharsalium, Pharfalus, or Thar-
falos, in Ancient Geography, a town of the Phthiotis, a
dill rift of Theffaly, near Pherae and Lariffa, to which
la ft place Pompey fled from the plains of Pharfalus;
watered by the river Enipeus, which falls into the Api-
3 ] P H A
danus, and both together into the Peneus. Between PharCaha.
Pharfalus and Enipeus, Pompey drew up Iris men at the "y
fatal battle of Pharfalia.
In this battle, the advantage with rcfpeft to num¬
bers was greatly on the fide of Pompey. I hat general
himfelf was on the left with the two legions which Cae-
far had returned to him at the beginning of the war.
Scipio, Pompey’s father in-law, wjas in the centre, with
the legions he had brought from Syria, and the rein¬
forcements fent by feveral kings and ftates of Afia. 1 he
Cilician legion, and fome cohorts which had ferved in
Spain, wTere in the right, under the command of Afra-
nius. As Pompey’s right wing was covered by the Eni¬
peus, he ftrengthened the left with his {lingers, archers,
and the 7000 Roman horfe, on whom chiefly his party
founded their hopes of viftory. Ihe whole army wras
drawn up in three lines, with very little fpaces between
them. In conformity to this difpofition, Caeiar’s army
was drawn up in the following order : Ihe tenth le¬
gion, wdiich had on all occafions fignalized itfelt
above all the reft, was placed in the right wing, and
the ninth in the left \ but as the latter had been con-
fiderably weakened in the aftion at Dyrrhachium, the
eighth legion was polled io near as to be able to fup-
port and reinforce it upon occafion. I he reft of Cae-
far’s forces filled up the fpace between the two wings..
Marc Antony commanded the left wing, Sylla the
right, and Cneius Domitius Calvinus the main body.
As for Csefar, he polled himfelf in the right _ over-
againft Pompey, that he might have him always in his
fight.
Thus wras the whole plain covered, from Pharfalia to
the Enipeus, with two armies, dreffed and armed after
the fame manner, and bearing the fame enfigns, the Ro¬
man eagles. Pompey obferving how7 well the enemy
kept their ranks, expecting quietly the fignal of battle,
and on the contrary how impatient and unlleady his own
men were, running up and down in great diforder for
want of experience, he began to be afraid left his ranks
Ihould be broken upon the firft onfet *, and therefore
commanded the foot in the front to keep their ground,
and quietly wait for the enemy. The two armies, though
within reach of each other, kept a mournful filence ;
but at length the trumpets founded the charge, and Ca:-
far’s army advanced in good order to begin the attack,
being encouraged by the example of one Cams Cralti-
nus, a centurion, who at the head of 120 men, threw*
himfelf upon the enemy’s firft line with incredible fury.
This he did to acquit himfelf of a promife he had fo-
lemnly made to Csefar, who, meeting him as he was go¬
ing out of his tent in the morning, alked him, alter fome
difcourfe, What his opinion was touching the event of tie
battle ? To which he, ftretching out his hand, replied
aloud, Thine is the vitiory, Ccefar ; thou /halt glorioufy
conquer, and I myfelj this day will be the fibjecl of thy
praife either dead or alive. In purfuance of this promile
he broke out of his rank as foon as the trumpet found¬
ed ; and, at the head of his company, ran in upon the
enemy, and made a great {laughter of them. But while
he was Hill prefling forward, forcing his way. through
the firft line, one of Pompey’s men ran him in at the
mouth with fuch violence, that the point of his fword
came out at the hind part of his neck. Upon his death
Pompey’s foldiers took courage, and with great bravery
flood the enemy’s onfet. While the foot were thus
Iharply-
p H A [ 254 ] P H A
^ftarply engaged in the centre, Pompey’s hotfe in the honours to the body of Craftinus, who had begrai the PlarMk.
e t marched up confidently ; and having firft wi- battle 3 and ordered his allies to be depofited in a tomb ^
dened their ranks, with a defign to furround Cadar’s which he eredlcd to his memory. ()n Pompey’s fide5
right wmg, charged his cavalry, and forced them to the number of the dead amounted to 15,000 accord-*
g.ve ground. Hereupon Caviar ordered his horfe to re- ing to fome, and to 25,000 according to others. Cm-
treat a little, and give way to the fix cohorts, which he far took 24,000 prifoners, eight eagles, and x8o en-
had polled in the rear as a body of referve. Thefe, up- figns.
on a fignal given, coming up, charged the enemy’s horfe Pharsalia, an epic poem, compofed by Lucan on
with that relolution and good order which is peculiar to the civil war between Pompey and Cadar, and paiti-
men who have fpent all their lives in camps. They cularly on the viifory of the latter over the former
remembered their inftruefions, not llriking at the legs of which we have given an account in the preceding
or thighs 01 the enemy, but aiming only at their faces, article. It is a poem univerfally acknowledged to have
J his unexpected and new manner of fighting had the great beauties and great defeats 3 but we are the lefs
deured efieef. l or the young patricians, whom Cae- capable of eftimating its merit as a whole, that either
jar con temp tuoully calls the pretty young dancers, not time has deprived us of the lait books, or its author
being able to bear the thoughts ot having their faces has left it incomplete. “The fubjeft of the Pharfalia B fair's
cieiormed with fears, turned their backs, and, covering (fays an excellent critic) carries undoubtedly all the Lectl-ra
tneir laces with their hands, fled in the utmoil con- epic grandeur and dignity : neither does it want unity
luhon, leaving the foot at the mercy of the enemy, of objeft, viz. the triumph of Cmfar over the Roman
Caelar’s men did not purfue the fugitives 3 but char- liberty. In the choice of that fubjefl, he thinks, how-
gmg the foot of that wing, now naked and un- ever, that the author was not happy. The civil wars
guarded, furrounded them, and cut moil of them in were too recent to admit in the defeription of them the
Pieces. r r • . . embellifhments of fidlion and machinery. The fables
Pompey was io tranfported with rage, in feeing the of the gods mixed with the exploits of Csefer and Pom-
flower of his forces thus put to flight or cut in pie- pey, inflead of raifing, would have diminiftied, the, dig-
ces, that he lelt Ins army, and retired flowly towards nity of fuch well known fads.” Another obiedlion to
his camp, rooking more like a man diilrafled and be- the fubjefl, perhaps more forcible than this, arifes ffcui
fide himfelf than one who by his exploits had acquired the fuccefs of the war and the abilities of the generals,
the name of the. Great. Vv hen he had reached the camp, Lucan was a friend to liberty, and wiflied to raife the
ie retired to his tent without fpeaking a word to any 3 charafler of Pompey and Cato 3 but in fpite of his ut-
and continued there, like one did rafted and out of his molt efforts, they are always eclipfed by the fuperior ta-
ienles, till his whole army was defeated. Caefar no foon- lents and confequent fuccefs of Caefar. All his charac-
ei aw hiiTnelf mailer of the field than he marched to ters, however, are drawn with fpirit, and with uncom-
attack tlm enemy’s entrenchments, that Pompey might mon regard to truth 3 and fome of the fpeeches which
not have time to recolleft himfelf. . When Pompey was he puts into the mouths of his heroes are equal for mo-
mformed that his rival was advancing to attack his en- ral fublirnity to any thing that is to be found in all an-
trenchments, he then firft feemed to have recovered his tiejuity.
fenles, and cried out, IV/iat, into .my camp too! He “ There are in thePharfalia(continuesthecritical-
laid no more 3 but immediately laying afide the marks ready quoted) feveral very poetical and fpirited de-
ot his dignity, and putting on fuch a garment as might feriptions. But the author’s chief ftrength does not
bell .avour his flight, he Hole out at the decuman gate, lie either in narration or defeription. His narration
and took tl e road to Larifla, which city had hitherto is often dry and harfli 3 his deferiptions are often over-
laowr great attachment to him. In ^the mean time wrought, and employed too upon difagreeable obiefts.
Caelar began the attack on the enemy’s camp, which His principal merit confifls in his fentiments, which are
was vigoroufly. defended by the cohorts Pompey had generally noble and ftriking, and exprelfed in that glow-
ieit to guard it 3 but they were at length forced to ing and ardent manner which peculiarly dillinguilhes
vield. Crnfar was not a little furprifed, when, after him. Lucan is the moll philcfophical and the moll
having forced the entrenchments, he found the enemy’s public-fpirited poet of all antiquity. He was the ne-
rents and pavilions richly adorned with carpets and phew of the famous Seneca the philofopher 3 was himfelf *
hangings their couches ftrewed with flowers, their a Stoic 3 and the fpirit of that philofophy breathes
taoles ready Ipread, and fideboards fet out with abun- throughout his poem. We mull obferve, too, that he is
dance of plate, bowls, and glaffes, and fome of them the only ancient epic poet whom the fubjeft of his poem
even tided with wine. So great was the confidence of really and deeply interefied. Lucan recounted no fic-
. QAipey s party, that they made preparations before- tion. He was a Roman, and had felt all the direful effefts
hanu for pleafures to be enjoyed after the viftory, which of the Roman civil wars, and of that fevere defpotifm
they thought certain. In Pompey’s tent, Caefar found which fucceeded the lofs of liberty. His high and
» ie ox m which he. kept his letters: but, with a me- bold fpirit made him enter deeply into this fubieft
aeration and magnanimity worthy of .himfelf, he burnt and kindle, on many occafions, into the moft real
than ad, without reading one 3 faying., that he had warmth. Hence, he abounds in exclamations and
rat ler be ignorant ot crimes, than obliged to puniih apoftrophes, which are almofl always well-timed, and
the™' , , , fupported with a vivacity and fire that do him no fmall
I lie next day, when the dead were numbered, it honour.
appeared that Caefar had fca.rce loft 200 men ; among “ But it is the fate of this poet, that his beauties can
wnom was about 30 centurions, whom Csefar caufed never be mentioned, without their fuegefting his ble-
to be buried with great folemmty. He did particular mifnes alfo. As his principal excellency h a lively and
2 glowing
P H A [ 255 ] P H E
Pfnms glowing genius, which appears fometimes in his defcrip-
1! tions, and very often in his fentiraents, his great defed
Pba(k in both is want of moderation. He carries every thing
yan extreme. He know^s not wdiere to flop. From
an effort to aggrandize his objects, he becomes tumid and
unnatural : and it frequently happens, that where the
lecond line of one of his defcriptions is fublime, the
third, in which he meant to rife ftill higher, is per¬
fectly bombaft. Lucan lived in an age when the
fchools of the declaimers had begun to corrupt the
eloquence and tafte of Rome. He was not free from
the infection j and too often, inftead of fhowing the
genius of the poet, betrays the fpirit of the declaimer j
but he is, on the whole, an author of lively and original
genius.”
PHARUS, a genus of plants belonging to the mo-
noecia clafs } and in the natural method ranking under
the fourth order, Gramma. See Botany Index.
PHARYNX, fee Anatomy, N° 92.
PHASCUM, a genus of plants of the order of mufei,
belonging to the cryptogamia clafs. See Botany
Index.
PHASEOLUS, the Kidney-bean ; a genus of
plants, belonging to the diadelphia clafs. See Botany
Index.
PHASES, in AJlronomy, from the Greek word
Qouru, “ to appear j” the feveral appearances or quanti¬
ties of illumination of the moon, Venus, Mercury, and-
the other planets. See Astronomy.
FHASGA, or Pisgah, (Mofes), a mountain on the
other fide Jordan, joined to Abarim and Nebo, and run¬
ning fouth to the mouth of the Arnon: from which Mofes
had a view of the promiled land, and where he died,
having before appointed Jolhua his fucceilor. Wells
takes Pifgah and Nebo to be different names of one
and the fame mountain, a part or branch of the moun¬
tains Abarim, (Dent, xxxii. 49. compared with Dent,
vxxxiv. 1.). Or that the top of Nebo was peculiarly
called Pifea/i ; or fome other part of it, cut out in
Reps, as the primitive word denotes : and thus it is ren¬
dered by Aquila, by a Greek word lignifying cut out
(Jerome). There was alfo a city of this name, id.;
and the adjoining country was in like manner called
Pifgah, id.
PHASIANUS, a genus of birds belonging to the
order of gallinae. See Ornithology Index.
PHASIS, a river wdiich falls into the Euxine fea
about 700 miles from Conftantinople. “ From the
Decline and Iberian Caucafus (fays Gibbon), the moft lofty and
Fall of the craggy mountains of Afia, that river defeends wdth
Roman foeg oblique vehemence, that in a fhort fpace it is tra-
Em-pire. verfecl by 120 bridges. Nor does the Itream become
placid and navigable till it reaches the town of Sara-
pana, five days journey from the Cyrus, which flows
from the fame hills, but in a contrary diredlion, to
the Cafpian lake. The proximity of thefe rivers has
fuggeffed the praftice, or at leaft the idea, of waft¬
ing the precious merchandife of India down the Ox-
us, over the Cafpian, up the Cyrus, and with the cur¬
rent of the Phans into the Euxine and Mediterranean
leas. As it fucceffively colledts the ftreams of the plain
of Colchos, the Phafis moves with diminifhed fpeed,
though accumulated weight. At the mouth it is 60 fa¬
thoms deep, and half a league broad ; but a fmall woody
kiand is interpofed in the midfl of the channel: the
water, fo foon as it has depofited an earthy or metallic Fhafmata
fediment, floats on the furface of the waves, and is no
longer fufceptible of corruption. In a courfe of 100 . J' ;
miles, 40 of which are navigable for large veffels,
the Phafis divides the celebrated region of Colchcs or
Mingrelia, which, on three fides, is fortified by the
Iberian and Armenian mountains, and whole maritime
coalt extends about 200 miles, from the neighbourhood
of Trebizond to Diofcurias and the confines of Circaffia.
Both the foil and climate are relaxed by exceffive moif-
ture: 28 rivers, befides the Phafis and his dependent
ftreams, convey their waters to the fea •, and the hollow-
nefs of the ground appears to indicate the fubterraneous
channels between the Euxine and the Cafpian.”
PHASMATA, in Phy/iology, certain appearances
arifing from the various lhades ot colour in the clouds
by the light from the heavenly bodies, efpecially the fun
and moon. Thefe are infinitely diverfified by the dif¬
ferent figures and fituations of the clouds, and the an-
pulfes of the rays of light; and, together with the oc-
cafional flalhings and ftiootings of different meteors,
they have, no doubt, occafioned thofe prodigies of
armies fighting in the air, &c. of which w;e have
fuch frequent accounts in many wulters. See 2 Mac-
cab. xi. 8. Melanfth. Meteor. 2. SheL de Comet, ann.
1618.
Kircher and Schottus have erroneoufly attempted to-
explain the phenomenon from the refleftion of terreftiiai
objects made on opake and congealed clouds in the
middle region of the air, which, according to them,
have the effedt of a mirror. Thus, according to thofe
authors, the armies pretended by feveral hiflorians to
have been feen in the fkies, were no other than the
refledlion of the like armies placed on fome part of the
earth. See Hi/i. Acad. Roy. Scienc. ann. 1726, p. 40.5,
et fey.
PHEASANT. See PhasiAtus, Ornithology
Index.
PlIEASANTf-eye, or Bird's-eye. See Adonis, B0-1
TANY Index.
PHEBE, a deaconefs of the port of Corinth, call¬
ed Cenchrea. St Paul had a particular efteem for this
holy woman } and Theodoret thinks the apoftie lodged
at her houfe for fome time, while he continued in or
near Corinth. It is thought fhe brought to Rome
the epiftle he wuote to the Romans, wherein flie is
commended and recommended in lb advantageous a
manner. He fays (Rom. xvi. I, 2.), “ I commend un¬
to you Phebe our lifter, which is a fervant of the church
which is at Cenchrea : that ye receive her in the Lord,
as becometh faints, and that ye aflift her in wdiatfoever
bufinefs fhe hath need of you ; for Ihe hath been a fuc-
courer of many, and of myfelf alfo.” Some moderns
have advanced a notion, that Phebe w7as wife to St Paul j
but. none of the ancients have faid any thing like it. It
is thought, in quality of deaconefs, fhe was employed
by the church in fome miniftrations fuitable to her fex
and condition ; as to vifit and inftrudl the Chriftian wto-
men, to attend them in their licknefs, and diftribute alms
to them.
PHEGOR, or Peor, a deity worlhipped at a very
early period by the Midianites and Moabites, and pro¬
bably by all the other tribes which then inhabited Sy¬
ria. Much has been faid concerning the fundlions of
this god, and the rank which he held among the Pa-
ga»
P H E [2
Phellanilii-gati divinities (fee BAAL-Peor') j and many conjectures
have been formed concerning the origin of his name.
■Pheons. of thefe feem to have no better foundation than
—v—■ ' the fenfelefs dreams of the Jewiih rabbies. Phegor,
or Peor, is undoubtedly the fame with the Hebrew
word pechor, which fignifies aperuit, and probably re¬
fers to the prophetic influence always attributed to the
folar deity, by which he opened or difcovercd things to
come. Accordingly we find Phegor or Peor gene¬
rally joined to Baal, which was the Syrian and Chal¬
dean name of the fun after he became an objeft of
worfhip; hence Baal-PHEGOR muft have been the fun
worfhipped by fame particular rites, or under fome par¬
ticular character. What thefe were, a refolution of
Pechor into its component parts may perhaps inform
us. As this word, wherever it occurs in Scripture,
has fome relation to diftending or opening the mouth
wide, it is probably compounded of phah the mouth or
face, and ehar naked. In thofe countries we know
that the women wore veils; but it would appear, that
in celebrating the rites of this deity they were unveil¬
ed. It feems even not improbable, that on thefe oc-
cafions the fexes danced promifcuoufly without their
clothes j a praCHce which would naturally give birth to
the licentious amours mentioned in the 25th chapter of
the book of Numbers. If this be admitted, it will fol¬
low that Phegor was the fun prefiding over the myfleries
of Venus.
PHELLANDRIUM, water hemlock ; a genus of
plants belonging to the pentandria clafs. See Botany
Index.
PHENGIPES, among the ancients, the name of a
Bill s Hi/}, beautiful fpecies of alabafter. It is a rude irregular
/ very (battery and friable, but of a brightnefs fu-
perior to that of mod other marbles, and excelling
them all in tranfparence. The colour is an agreeable
pale, yellowifh white, or honey colour; the yellowifh
is more intenfe in fome places than in others, and
fometimes makes an obfcure refemblance of veins. It
is very weak and brittle in the mafs ; and when redu¬
ced to fmall pieces, may be eafily crumbled between
the fingers into loofe, but confiderably large angular
pieces, fome perfeft, others complex, irregular, or mu¬
tilated, and all approaching to a flat fliape. The an¬
cients were very fond of this fpecies in public build¬
ings ; and the temple of Fortune, built entirely of it
has long been celebrated. Its great beauty is its tranf¬
parence, from which alone this temple was perfectly
light when the doors were (hut, though it was built
without a window, and had no other light but what
was tranfmitted through the (lone of which the walls were
built. It was anciently found in Cappadocia, and is
Hill plentiful there: w’e have it alfo in Germany and
France, and in our own kingdom in Derbylhire, and
fome other counties. It takes an excellent polifli, and
is very fit for ornamental w7orks, where no great (Irength
is required.
PHENICE,a port of the ifland of Crete, to the wrefl
of the ifland. St Paul having anchored at Phenice,
when he was carried to Rome (Adis xxvii. 1 2.), advifed
the (hip’s crew7 to fpend the winter there, becaufe the
feafon was too far advanced.
PHENICIA. See Phoenicia.
PHEONS, in Heraldry, the barbed heads of darts,
arrow's, or other weapons.
. 4
56 1 THE
PHEOS, in Botany, a name which Theophralrus, Pfieos
Diofcondes, and others, give to a plant ufed by fullers II
in drefling their cloths, and of which there were tw7o fherec)’dea;
kinds, a (mailer called (imply pheos, and a larger call- y—
ed hippopheos. This plant is fometimes called phleos;
and is thus confounded with a kind of marfli cudweed,
or gnaphalium, called alfo by that name \ but it may al¬
ways be difcovered which of the twm plants an author
means, by obferving the fenfe in which the word is ufed,
and the ufe to W'hich the plant wras put. The ph/eos,
properly fo called, that is, the cudweed, was ufed to fluff'
beds and other fuch things, and to pack up with earthen
veflels to prevent their breaking} but the pheos, impro¬
perly called phleos, only about cloths: this was, however,
alfo called Jleebe and cnaphon.
PHERECRA1 ES, a Greek comic poet, wTas con¬
temporary w'ith Plato and Ariftophanes. After the
example of the ancient comedians, who never introdu¬
ced upon the theatre imaginary but living charadlers,
he afted his contemporaries. But he did not abufe the
liberty which at that time prevailed upon the ftage }
and laid it down as a rule to himfelf never to deftroy
the reputation of any perfon. Twenty-one comedies
are attributed to him, of which there now only remain
fome fragments collefted by Herteli.us and Grotius.
From thefe fragments, however, it is eafy to difcern,
that Pherecrates wrote the pureft Greek, and poffefled
that ingenious and delicate raillery which is called at¬
tic urbanity. He was author of a kind of verfe called,
from his own name, Pherecratick. The three lad feet
were in hexameter verfe, and the firft of thofe three
feet was always a fpondee. This verfe of Horace (for
example, ^uamvis pontica Pinas') is a Pherecratick verfe.
We find in Plutarch a fragment of this poet upon the
mulic of the Greeks, which has been critically exami¬
ned by M. Burette of the academy of infcriptions. See
the 15th volume of the colledlion publiflied by that
learned fociety.
PHERECYDES, a native of Scyros, flourifhed
about the year 560 before the Chriftian 'era, and was
difciple of Pittacus, one of the feven wife men of Greece
(fee Pittacus). He is faid to have been the firft of all
the philofophers who has written on natural fubjefls
and the efience of the gods. He was alfo the firft, it
is faid, who held the ridiculous opinion, “ that animals
are mere machines.” He was Pythagoras’s mafter, who
loved him as his own father. This grateful fcholar ha¬
ving heard that Pherecydes lay dangeroufly ill in the
ifland of Delos, immediately repaired thither, in order
to give every neceffary afliftance to the old man, and to
take care that no means (hould be left untried for the
recovery of his health. His great age, however, and the
violence of his difeafe, having rendered every prefcrip-
tion ineffedlual, his next care was to fee him decently
buried} and when he had paid the lad duty to his re¬
mains, and erefled a monument to his memory, he fet
out again for Italy. Other caufes have been afligned
for the death of Pherecydes : fome fay he was eaten up
by lice, and others that he fell headlong from the top of
Mount Corycius in his way to Delphos. He lived to
the age of 85 years, and was one of the firft profe writers
among the Greeks.
“ Marvellous circumftances have been related oF him, Enfield's
which only deferve to be mentioned, in order to (how Hi/iory of
that what has been deemed fupernatural by ignorant }'biloJophy.
fpeflators
PHI [ 257 ] PHI
Pfterecytles fpe&ators may be eafily conceived to have happened
-Phidias ^rom natural caufes. A {hip in full fail was at a diitance
1 ~ ^’ 1 approaching its harbour •, Pherecydes predicted that it
would never come into the haven, and it happened ac¬
cordingly 5 for a ftorm arofe which funk the veffel. Af¬
ter drinking water from a well, he predifted an earth¬
quake, which happened three days afterwards. It is eai'y
to fuppofe that thefe predictions might have been the re-
fult of a careful obfervation of thofe phenomena which
Commonly precede ftorms or earthquakes in a climate
where they frequently happen.
“ It is difficult to give in any degree an accurate ac¬
count of the doClrines of Pherecydes •, both becaufe he
delivered them, after the manner of the times, under
the concealment of fymbols j and becaufe very few me¬
moirs of this philofopher remain. It is molt probable
that he taught thofe opinions concerning the gods and
the origin of the world which the ancient Grecian the-
ogonifts borrowed from Egyptand of which the
reader will find accounts in different articles of this
work. See Egypt, Metaphysics, Mysteries, My¬
thology, and Polytheism.
PHERETIMA, was the wife of Battus king of
Gyrene, and the mother of Arcefilaus. After her fon’s
death, fhe recovered the kingdom by means of Amafis
king of Egypt, and to avenge the murder of Arce¬
filaus, fhe caufed all his affaffins to be crucified round
the walls of Gyrene, and fhe cut off the breafls of their
wives, and hung them up near the bodies of their
hufbands. It is faid that fhe was devoured alive by
worms a punifhment which, according to fome of the
ancients, was inflicted by Providence for her unparallel¬
ed cruelties.
PHIAL, a well-known veffel made of glafs, ufed for
various purpofes.
Leyden PHIAL, is a phial of glafs coated on both fides
with tin-foil for a confiderable way up the fides, of
great ufe in eleCtrical experiments. The difcovery that
eleftricity may be accumulated in an apparatus of this
kind, was originally made in the year 1745 by Mr Von
Kleift, dean of the cathedral in Comin. But this re¬
markable property was firft fatisfaCtorily obferved at
Leyden, with a bottle containing fome water which
ferved for the infide coating, and the accidental applica¬
tion of the hands on the outfide ferved for another coat¬
ing. Hence a bottle coated on both fides for the pur-
pofe of being charged with eleClricity, has received the
name of Leyden phial, or otherwife eleBric jar. See
Electricity,
PHIDIAS, the moft famous fculptor of antiquity,
Was an Athenian, and a contemporary of the celebra¬
ted Pericles, who flourifhed in the 83d Olympiad. This
wonderful artifl was not only confummate in the ufe
of his tools, but accomplifhed in thofe fciences and
branches of knowledge which belong to his profeffion,
as hiftory, poetry, fable, geometry, optics, &c. He
firfl taught the Greeks to imitate nature perfeftly in
this way; and all his works were received with admi-
ration. They were alfo incredibly numerous \ for it
was almoft peculiar to Phidias, that he united the great-
eft facility with the greateft perfection. His Nemefis
was ranked among his firft pieces.: it was carved out
of a block of marble, which was found in the camp of
the Perfians after they were defeated in the plains of
Vol. XVI. Part I.
Marathon. He made an excellent flatue of Minerva Phidias
for the Plateans; but the ftatue of this goddefs in her
magnificent temple at Athens, of which there are flill ^
fome ruined remains, was an aftonifhing production of i~v  
human art. Pericles, who had the care of this pom¬
pous edifice, gave orders to Phidias, whofe prodigious
talents he well knew, to make a ftatue of the goddefs j
and Phidias formed a figure of ivory and gold 39 feet
high. Writers never fpeak of this illuftrious monu¬
ment of fkill without raptures; yet what has render¬
ed the name of the artift immortal, proved at that time
his ruin. He had carved upon the fhield of the god¬
defs his own portrait and that of Pericles} and this
was, by thofe that envied them, made a crime in Phi¬
dias. He was alfo charged with embezzling part of
the materials which were defigned for the ftatue. Up¬
on this he withdrew to Elis, and revenged himfelf up¬
on the ungrateful Athenians, by making for the Elians
the Olympic Jupiter : a prodigy of art, and which was
afterwards ranked among the feven wonders of the
world. It was of ivory and gold ; 60 feet high, and
every way proportioned. “ The majefty of the work did
equal the majefty of the god (fays Quintilian), and its
beauty feems to have added luftre to the religion of
the country.” Phidias concluded his labours with this
mafterpiece : and the Elians, to do honour to his memo¬
ry, ereCted, and appropriated to his defcendants, an office,
which confifted in keeping clean this magnificent image.
PHIDlTIA, in Grecian antiquity, feaixs celebra¬
ted with great frugality *at Sparta. They were held
in the public places and in the open air. Rich and
poor aififted at them equally, and on the fame footing j
their defign being to keep up peace, friendfhip, good
underftanding, and equality among the citizens great
and fmall. It is faid that thofe who attended this
feaft brought each a bufhel of flour, eight meafures
of wine named chorus^ five pounds of cheefe, and two
pounds and a half of figs, with fome money.
PHILA, in Mythology, one of the attributes of Venus,
which diftinguiflies her as the mother of love, from <p;As<n
to love.
PHILADELPHIA, in antiquity, were games in-
ftituted at Sardis to celebrate the union of Caracalla
and Geta, the fons of Septimius Severus.
Philadelphia, the capital of the ftate of Penfyl-
vania in North America, fituated in W. Long. 75. 8.
N. Lat. 39. 57. It is one of the moft beautiful and
regular cities in the world, being of an oblong form,
fituated on the weft bank of the river Delaware, on an
extenfive plain, about 118 miles (fome fay more) from,
the fea. The length of the city eaft and weft, that is,
from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, upon the original
plan of Mr Penn, is about three miles, and the breadth,
north and fouth, rather lefs than one mile. Not two
fifths of the plot covered by the city charter is yet built.
The inhabitants, however, have not confined themfelves
within the original limits of the city, but have built:
north and fouth along the Delaware two miles in
length. The longeft ftreet is Second-ftreet, about 700
feet from Delaware river, and parallel to it. The cir¬
cumference of that part of the city which is built, if we
include Kenfington on the north and Southwark on the.
fouth, maybe about five miles. Market-ftreet is. 100.
feet wide, and runs the whole length of the city from
X k river:
PHI [2
if’Tiitailel- river to river. Near the middle, it is interfedleii at right
angles by Broad-ltreet, 113 feet wide, running nearly
^ north and fouth quite acrois the city.
Between Delaware river and Broad-ilreet are 14
itreets, nearly equidhtant, running parallel with Broad-
ltreet acrois the city) and between Broad-ftreet and
the Schuylkill, there are nine ftreets equidiftant from
each other. Parallel to Market-ltrcet are eight other
ilreets, running ealf and weft from liver to river, and
interfedting the crofs Itreets at right angles j all thefe
Itreets arc 50 leet wide, except Arch-ftreet, which is
65 feet wide. All the ftreets which run north and
Ibuth, except Broad-ltreet mentioned above, are 50
feet wide. There were four fquares of eight acres
each, one at each corner of the city, originally referved
for public and common ufes. And in the centre of the
city, where Broad itreet and Market itreet interfect each
other, is a fquare of ten acres, referved in like manner,
to be planted with rows of trees for public walks.
This city was founded in 1682 by the celebrated Wil-
, liam Penn, who in October i^oi granted a charter in¬
corporating the town’with city privileges. In J 749
the dwelling-houfes were computed, and found to be
2076) in 1794, they amounted to 9000. They are in
general handfomely built of brick) and contain 55,000
inhabitants, compofed of almolt all nations and reli¬
gions. Their places for religious worlhip are as fol¬
lows : The Friends or Quakers have five, the Prelby-
terians fix, the Epilcopalians three, the German Luthe¬
rans two, the German Calvinills one, the Catholioo
th rec, the Svvedilh Lutherans one, the Moravians one,
the Baptiffs one, the tlniverfal Baptills one, the Me¬
thod! Its two, the Jews one.
The other public buildings in the city, befides the
univerfity, academies,&c. are the following, viz. a ilate-
itouie and offices, a city court-houfe, a county court-
houie, a carpenter’s hall, a phiiofophical fociety’s hall,
a ddpenfary, an hofpital and offices, an alms-houfe, a
houfe of correction, a public factory of linen, cotton,
and woollen, a public obfervatory, three brick market
houfes, a filh-market, a public gaol.
In Philadelphia there are 304 fquares, and about 34
ftreets, many of which are very broad, and all of them
neat and elegant, lighted by 662 lamps of two branches
each, and confirming annually about 9000 gallons of
oil. Here is a library which owed its origin to Dr
Franklin, was incorporated in 1742, and now'contains
upwards of 12,000 volumes, befides a mufeum and a
valuable phiiofophical apparatus. There is a new
theatre in Chefnut-ftreet, which was finifhed in 1793.
The univerfity Hands on the weft fide of Fourth-ftreet,
find was incorporated in the year 1791, the funds of
which produce annually a revenue of about 2 ';6 ft. and
the Undents on an average amount to 5; 10, 25 of whom
are annually admitted to degrees. In the city and
fuburbs are 10 rope-walks, 13 breweries, 6 fugar-houfes,
7 hair-powder manufactories, 2 rum diftilleries, 15 ma¬
nufactories of earthen rvare, and the public mint for the
whole United States. In the year 1791, the value of
the exports amounted to 3,436,092 dollars, and in
1795, to 11,518,260. From Auguft 1792 to the
ume month in 1793? the births amounted to 2511, and
the deaths to 1497, which added to the population
rather more than a thoufand. There were 8060 deb- •
tors and criminals confined in the gaol from September
58 ] PHI
28th, 1780, to September 5. 1790, of which vaft num- Pkilatfel.
ber only twelve died a natural death ; than which no- phm.
thing can be a more honourable proof the great hu-
manity with which priloners are there treated.
The univerfity of Philadelphia was founded during
the wrar. Its funds were partly given by the ftate, and
partly taken from the old college of Philadelphia. A
medical fchool, which was founded in 1765, is attached
to the univerfity) and has profeffors in all the branches
of medicine, who prepare the ftudents (whofe number
yearly is 50 or 60) lor degrees in that fcience. Befides
the univerfity and medical fchool, there is the Proteifaht
Epifcopal academy, a very rlourilhing inftitution ; the
academy for young ladies 5 another for the Friends
or Quakers, and one for the Germans, befides five free
fchools.
In Market-ftreet, between Front and Fourth-ftreets,
is the principal market, built of brick, and is 1500
feet in length. This market, in refpeCt to the quan¬
tity, the variety, and neatruefs of the provifions, is not
equalled in America, and perhaps not exceeded in the
world.
The Philadelphians are not fo focial, nor perhaps fo
hofpitable, as the people in Bofton, Charleltown, and
New York. Various caufes have contributed to this
difterence : among wffiich the moft operative has been
the prevalence of party-fpirit, which has been and is
carried to greater lengths in this city than In any other
in America j yet no city can boaft of fo many ufeful
improvements in manufactures, in the mechanical arts,
in the art of healing, and particularly in the fcience of
humanity. In ihort, w hether we coniider the convenient
local fituation, the fize, the beauty, the variety and uti¬
lity of the improvements) in mechanics, in agriculture,
and manufactures, or the induitry, the enterprife, the
humanity, and the abilities, of the inhabitants of the
city\ of Philadelphia, it merits to be viewed as the capi¬
tal not only of the province, but of the tlouriihing em¬
pire of United America.
Several canals are let into the town, which add
much to the beauty and convenience of the place. Its
quay is 200 feet quare, to which (hips of 400 or i;co
tons may come up, and lay their broadfides dole to it )
with Avet and dry docks for building and repairing
fhips, befides magazines, rvarehoules, and all other
conveniences for exporting and importing merchan¬
dize. Scarce any thing can appear more beautiful
than the city and the adjacent country, which for fome
miles may be compared to a fine and flourifhing garden.
"Though all our readers muft unqueftionably have
heard of the malignant fever known by the name of
yelloAv fever, which fome years raged in Philadelphia,
it will not, we truft, be thought improper if we give a
fhort account of that dreadful malady in this place.
This account we {hall extract from a pamphlet written
by Mr Carey.
Of this fever, then, it is obferved, that, genferally
fpeaking, the mortality was not f© great among women
as among men, but that corpulent, high-fed, and
drunken men, common proftitutes, and fuch of the poor
as had been debilitated through the want of fufficient
nourifhment, and lived in dirty and confined habita¬
tions, became an eafy prey to it) whilft thofe who re-
fided in the fuburbs, enjoying the benefit of country air,
were little affefted by it. A fingular fadt is, that the
French
<
PHI l 2
PhilaM- Frencli refiding in Philadelphia were in a remarkable
^lua‘ , degree exempt from it; a circumftance which cannot
v be accounted for. The report which prevailed here of
the Africans having wholly efcaped the difeafe, proves
to be not altogether true, feveral of them having been
feized. The fever, however, was found to yield more
•readily to medicine in them than in white perfons.
We find the following account of the nature and
fymptoms of the difeafe, as defcribed by Dr Currie, in
the third edition of the pamphlet already mentioned.
“ The fymptoms wdiich charadterifed the firft ftage of
the fever were, in the greateft number of cafes, after
a chilly fit of foaie duration, a quick tenfe pulfehot
Ikin; pain in the head, back, and limbs; flulhed
countenance ; inflamed eye, moift tongue; oppreflion
and fenfe of forenefs at the ftomach, efpecially upon
preffure ; frequent fick qualms, and retchings to vomit,
without difcharging any thing, except the contents laft
taken into the ftomach; coftivenefs, &c. And when
ftools were procured, the firft generally fhowed a defect
of bile, or an obftrudtion to its entrance into the in-
teftines. But brifk purges generally altered this ap¬
pearance.
“ Thefe fymptoms generally continued with more or
lefs violence from one to three, four, or even five days j
and then gradually abating, left the patient free from
every complaint, except general debility. On the fe¬
brile fymptoms fuddenly fubfiding, they were immedi¬
ately fucceeded by a yellow tinge in the opaque cornea,
or whites of the eyes 5 an increafed oppreflion at the
praecordia, a conftant puking of every thing taken into
the ftomach, xvith much ftraining, accompanied with a
hoarfe hollow noife.
“ If thefe fymptoms were not foon relieved, a vomit¬
ing of matter refembling coffee-grounds in colour and
confiftence, commonly called the b/ack vomit, fometimes
accompanied with or fucceeded by hemorrhagies from
the nofe, fauces, gums, and other parts of the body 5 a
yellowilh purple colour, and putrefcent appearance of the
whole body, hiccup, agitations, deep and diftreffed figh-
ing, comatofe delirium, and finally death, are the con-
fequence. When the difeafe proved fatal, it was gene¬
rally, betw-een the fifth and eighth days.
“ This was the moft ufual progrefs of this formidablfe
difeafe through its feveral ftages. There were, howT-
.ever, very confiderable variations in the fymptoms as
well as in the duration of its different ftages, according
to the conftitution and temperament of the patient, the
ftate of the weather, the manner of treatment, &c.
“ In fome cafes, figns of putrefcency appeared at the
beginning or before the end of the third day. In thefe,
the black vomiting, -♦which was generally a mortal fymp-
tom, and univerfal yellownefs, appeared early. In
thefe cafes, alfo, a low delirium, and great proftration of
ftrength, were conftant fymptoms, and coma came on
very fpeedily.
“ In fome, the fymptoms inclined more to the ner¬
vous than the inflammatory type. In thefe, the jaun¬
dice colour of the eye and Ikin, and the black vomiting,
were more rare. But in the majority of cafes, particu¬
larly after the nights became fenfibly cooler, all the
fymptoms indicated violent irritation and inflammatory
diathefis. In thefe'cafes, the Ikin was always dry, and
the remiflions very obfcure.
“ The febrile fymptoms, however, as has been al-
59 1 PHI
ready obferved, either gave way on the third, fourth, Pliiladel-
or fifth day, and theft the patient recovered j or they
were foon after fucceeded by a different but much more “"V"—J
dangerous train of fymptoms, by debility, low pulfe,
cold ikin (which affumed a tawny colour, mixed wflth
purple), black vomiting, hemorrhagies, hiccup, anxiety,
reftleffnefs, coma, &c. Many who furvived the eighth
day, though apparently out of danger, died fuddenly in
confequence of a hemorrhagy.”
Purging the patient with calomel and jalap appears
to have proved the moft fuccefsful treatment; and the
repeated ufe of the lancet, in cafes where no fymptoms
of putridity exilted. Dr Griffiths, who had been feized
with the difeafe, “ was bled feven times in five days,
and afcribes his recovery principally to that operation.”
Dr Maefe alfo, “ in five days, loft 72 ounces of blood,
by which he was recovered when at the lowrcft ftage of
the diforder.” It was generally remarked that an ob-
ftinate coftivenefs took place at the commencement of
the difeafe ; and when this was removed, by purgatives,
within the firft twrelve hours, the patient feldom failed to
do wrell.
The wrork concludes with a lift of the coijimittee for
the relief of the fick, of which our author w^as a mem¬
ber : alfo the names of a large number of the inhabi¬
tants who were cut off, a feries of meteorological tables,
and a general account of burials during the prevalence
of this fatal complaint. From the latter we extraft the
following account :
“ Auguft
“ September
“ Oftober
“ November
“ Jews, returned in grofs - 3
“ Baptifts, do. - - 60
ft Methodifts, do. - 32
325
1442
I993
118
“ Free Quakers, do.
39
“ German part of St Mary’s congregation 30
Total 4042”
It is not difficult to conceive the general diftrefs
which fuch an evil muft have occafioned to perfons of
every rank-and defcription. Some of the molt ftriking
inftances our author has related in very affetting terms j
but no picture of human calamity perhaps ever exceeded
the following : “ A fervant girl belonging to a family
in this city, in which the fever had prevailed, w’as ap-
prehenfive of danger, and refolved to remove to a rela¬
tion’s houfe in the country. She wras, however, taken
fick on the road, and returned to town, where fhe could
find no perfon to receive her. One of the guardians of
the poor provided a cart, and took her to the alms-houfe,
into which fhe was refufed admittance. She was brought
back, and the guardian offered five dollars to procure
her a fingle night’s lodging, but in vain. And in fine,
after every effort made to provide her Ihelter, {he abfo-
lutely expired in the cart.”
We cannot difmifs the prefent article, though it has
already extended tt> a fufficient length, without giving
our readers an account of a very extraordinary people
who live within 56 miles of Philadelphia ; where there
is a little town or colony, particularly remarkable on
account of its origin and the manners of the people by
whom it is inhabited. It was founded by a Germany
K k 2 who,
PHI [ 260 ] PHI
I'iuladel- who, weary of the world, returned into the country
J’""1 tliat he might be more at liberty to give himfelf up to
contemplation. Curiolity brought feveral of his country¬
men to viiit his retreat 5 and by degrees his pious, Ample,
and peaceable manners, induced them to fettle near him;
when they all formed a little colony, which they called
Euphrates, in allulion to the Hebrews, who ufed to fing
pfalms on the borders of that river.
This little town forms a triangle, the outlides of
which are bordered with mulberry and apple trees plant¬
ed with great regularity ; and its inhabitants, wTe know
not for what- reafon, are called Dumplers. In the mid¬
dle of the town is a very large orchard, and between
the orchard and thofe ranges of trees are houfes built of
wood, three Itories high, where every Dumpier is left to
enjoy the pleafures of his meditation without difturb-
ance. Thefe contemplative men do not amount to
above 500 ; and the extent of their territory is about
250 acres, bounded by a river, a piece of itagnated wa¬
ter, and a mountain covered with trees.
The men and women live in feparate quarters of the
town, and never fee each other but at places ofworfhipj
for among the Dumplers there are no affemblies of any
kind but for public bufinefs. Their lives are fpent in
labour, prayer and ileep. Twice every day and night
they are called forth from their cells to attend divine
fervice. Like the Methodifts and Quakers, every in¬
dividual among them has the right of preaching when
he thinks himlelf infpired. The favourite fubjefts on
which they difeourfe in their alfemblies, are humility,
temperance, chaftity, and the other Chriftian virtues.
They never violate that day of repofe which all orders
of men, whether idle or luxurious, much delight in.
They admit a hell and a paradife 3 but reject the eter¬
nity of future punilhments. They abhor the do&rine of
original fin as an impious blafphemy 3 and, in general,
every tenet that is fevere to men appears to them injuri¬
ous to the Divinity. As they do not allow merit to
any but voluntary works, they adminifter baptifm only
to the adult 3 at the fame time, they think baptifm fo
effentially neceffary to falvation, that they imagine the
fouls of Chriftians in another world are employed in
converting thofe who have not died under the law' of
the Gofpel. In this ridiculous opinion v7e have known
Chriftians of other denominations, and who boafted a
higher antiquity, that agreed with them.
Still more difinterefted than the Quakers, they never
enter into any law-fuit. One may cheat, rob, and
abufe them, without being expofed to any retaliation,
or even to any complaint from them. On them reli¬
gion has the fame effeft that philofophy had upon the
Stoics : it makes them infenfible to every kind of in-
fult.
Nothing can be plainer than their drefs. In wdnter
it is a long white gown, from which there hangs a hood,
which ferves inftead of a hat, a coarfe ftiirt, thick flioes,
and very wide breeches. The wromen are drefled very
much like the men, except that they have no breeches.
Their common food confifts wholly of vegetables 3 not
becaufe it is unlawful to feat any other, but becaufe that
kind of abftinence is looked upon as more conformable
to the fpirit of Chriftianity, which has an averfion from
blood.
Each individual follows with cheerfulnefs the branch
of bufinefs allotted him 3 and the produce of all their
labours is depofited in a common flock, for the ufe of Pthladei-
the whole. This union of induftry has not only efta- P1-^-
blifhed agriculture, manufactures, and all the arts necef-
fary for the fupport of this liille fociety, but hath aifo
fupplied, for the purpoies of exchange, fuperfiuities pro¬
portioned to the degree of its population.
Though the two fexes live feparate at Euphrates, the
Dumplers do not on that account fooliftily renounce ma¬
trimony 3 but thofe who find themfelves difpofed to it,
leave the town, and form an eftablilhment in the coun¬
try, which is fupported at the public expence. They
repay this by the produce of their labours, which is all
thrown into the public treafury 3 and their children are
fent to be educated in Euphrates, which they confider
as their mother-country.—Without this wife piiviltge,
the Dumplers would be no better than monks 3 and in
procefs of time they would become either favages or li¬
bertines. They are at prefent an innocent, though per¬
haps deluded, race.
Philadelphia, an ancient town of Turkey in A-
fia, in Natolia. It is feated at the foot of Mount
Imolus, by the river Cogamus, from whence there is
an exceeding fine view over an extehfive plain. This
place was founded by Attalus Philadelphus, brother of
Eumenes.
It was very liable to earthquakes, which, perhaps,
arofe from its vicinity to the region called Catakekau-
mene *. So fevere were thofe earthquakes, that even the
city walls were not fecure 3 and fo frequent were they, *'ckn’iyirg'
that thefe experienced daily concuffions. The inhabi-l he
tants, therefore, who were not numerous, lived in perpe¬
tual apprehenfion, and their conftant employment was
in repairs. In fa61, fo great were their fears, that their
chief refidence was in the country, the foil of which
was very fertile. Such is Strabo’s account of this
place. In the year 1097, it was taken by affault by
John Ducas the Greek general. It was without diffi¬
culty reduced alfo in the year 1106, under the fame em¬
peror. The Turks marched from the Eaft with a de-
fign to plunder it and the maritime towns. The empe¬
ror Manuel, in 1175, retired for prote6Iion from the
Turks to this place. In 1300 it fell by lot to Kara-
man. In 1306 it was befieged by Alifaras, and confi-
derably haralfed 3 but was not taken. In 1391, this
place alone refufed to admit Eajazet 3 but it was at
length forced to capitulate for want of provifions. It
has been matter of furprife that this town was not total¬
ly abandoned 3 and yet it has furvived many cities lefs
liable to inconveniences, and is ftill an extenfive place,
though in its appearance it is poor and mean. Some
remnants of its walls are ftill Handing, but with large
gaps. The materials of the wall are fmall ftones ftrong-
ly cemented. It is thick, lofty, and has round tow'ers.
Near this place, between the mountains, there is a fpring
of a purgative quality 3 it is much efteemed, and many
people refort to it in the hot months. It taftes like ink,
is clear, but tinges the earth with the colour of ochre.
The famous wall which credulity has afferted to be made
of human bones, Hands beyond this and beyond the
town. See the next article.
When Dr Chandler was there, he tells us, “ The bi- # TraueU
{hop of Philadelphia was abfent 3 but the proto-papasG/wre.
or chief-prieft, his fubftitute, whom we rvent to vifit, re¬
ceived us at his palace, a title given to a very indiffer-
ent houfe or rather a cottage of clay. We found him
ignorant
PHI [26
pM!adel- ignorant of the Greek tongue, anti were lerccd^ to ■ ■ . ■
ph'ai courfe with him by an interpreter in the L ui'tdfh ian-
PhilaclceU guage. He had no idea that Philadelphia exirted be-
P caf,tvK fore Chridianity, but told us it had become a city in
——y——^ confequence of the many religious founoations. > ne
number of churches he reckoned at 24, moitly in rums,
and mere maffes of wall decorated with painted faints.
Only fix are in a better condition, and have their
priells. The epifcopal church is large, and ornament¬
ed with gilding, carving, and holy portraits. _ The
Greeks are about 300 families, and live in a friendly
intercourfe with the lurks, of whom they Ipeak well.
We were affured that the clergy and laity in gene-
•ral knew as little of Greek as the proto-papas ; and
yet the liturgies and offices of the church are read as
elfewhere, and have undergone no alteration on that ac-
count.
“ The Philadelphians are a.civil people. One of the
Greeks fent us a fmall earthen velfel full of choice wine.
Some families beneath the trees, by a rill ox water, in¬
vited us to alight, and partake of their refrefhments.
They fainted us when we met •, and the aga or govern-
.or, on hearing that we were Franks, bade us welcome
by a mefienger.
“ Philadelphia poffeffing waters excellent in dyeing,
and being lituated on one of the mod capital roads to
Smyrna, is much frequented, efpecially by Armenian
merchants. The Greeks dill call this place by its
ancient name, but the T urks call it AUahijur. 1 he
number of inhabitants is about "jooo or 8000 of
whom 2000 are fuppofed to be Chndians. It is about
40 miles E. S. E. of Smyrna. E. Long. 28. 15. N.
Lat. 38. 28.
PHILADELPHIA-Stones, a name which fome authors
have given to what is otherwife called Chriftian bones,,
found in the walls of that city. It is a vulgar error
that thefe walls are built of bones } and tne tradition
of the country is, that when the Turks took tne place,
they fortified it for themfelves, and built their walls of
the bones of the Chridians whom they had killed there.
Dr Smyth in one of his epidles, mentions this wall as
an indance of Turkifh barbarity. Phis idle opinion has
gained credit merely from a loofe and porous done or
the fparry kind, found in an old aqueduid, which is dill
in the wail. Sir Paul Rycaut brought home pieces of
thefe dones, which even he fuppofed to have been bones,
but they proved on examination to be various bodies,
chiefly vegetable, incrufled over and preierved in a
foar of the nature of that which forms incrudations
in Knarefhorough fpring, and other places with us.
Thefe bodies are often cemented together in conlider-
able numbers by this matter, and their true drape lod
in the congeries, till a diligent and judicious eye traces
them regularly.
PHILADELPHIAN Society, in ecclefiadical hidory, an
©bfcure and inconfiderable fociety of mydics. They
were formed about the end of the lad century by an
Enghdi female fanatic, whofe name was June Leoehey,
This woman, feduced by her vifions, prediftions, and
doflrines, feveral difciples, among whom were peifons
of learning. She believed that all diffenlions among
Chridians would ceafe, and the kingdom of tne Re-
, deemer become a fcene of charity and felicity, if Chri-
dians, difregarding the forms of do&rine or difcipline
of their feveral cemmunionSj would all join in commit-
i ] P H I
ting their fouls to the care of the internal guide, to be Piuladei-
indrufted, governed, and formed, by his divine irapulfe P^us
and fuggedions. But die went farther than this : die p.^ xn-u
even pretended a divine commiffion to proclaim the ap- v—- J
proach of this glorious communion of faints j and was
convinced that the fociety edablidied by herfelf was the
true kingdom of Chrid. One of her leading dodtrines
was, that of the final redoration of all intelligent beings
to perfection and happinefs.
PH1LADELPHUS, in Antiquity, was a title or fur-
name borne by feveral ancient kings; formed from the
Gree “ friend, lover,” and cu^sA^o;, “ brother j”
q. d. one who loves his brother or brethren. See
Ptolemy and Egypt.
Philadelphus, the Pipe-tree, or Mock-orange ; a
genus of plants belonging to the icofandria clafs. See
Botany Index.
The coronarius, white fyringa, or mock-orange, has
been long cultivated in the gardens of this country as a
flowering flirub j it is not wrell known in what-country
it is to be found native. It rifes feven or eight feet
high j fending up a great number of flender dalks from-
the root. Thefe have a grey bark, branch out from
their fides, and are garnithed with oval fpear-fliaped
leaves. This flirub by its flowers makes a fine figure in
May and June j for they are produced in cluders both
at the end and from the fides of the branches. They
are of a fine white colour, and exceedingly fragrant.
PH I LAIN I, were two brothers, citizens of Carthage,
who facrificed their lives for the good of their country.
At the time when the Carthaginians ruled over the
g reate A part of Africa, the Cyrenians were alfo a great
and wealthy people. The country in the middle betwixt
them was all Tandy, and of an uniform appearance.
There was neither river nor mountain to diflinguiffi
their limits ; a circumdance which engaged them in' a
terrible and tedious war with one another. After their
armies and fleets had been often routed and put to flight
on both fides, and they had weakened one another pret¬
ty much ; and fearing led, by and by, fome third people
ihould fall upon the conquered and conquerors together,
equally weakened, upon a ceffation of arms they made
an agreement, “ that upon a day appointed deputies
fliould fet out from their refpedlive homes, and the place
where they met one another fliould be accounted the
common boundary of both nations.” Accordingly, the
two brothers called Philseni, fent from Carthage, made
all difpatch to perform their journey. The Cyrenians
proceeded more (lowly. Thefe lad, perceiving them¬
felves a little behind, and becoming apprehenfive of pu-
niiliment at home for mifmanaging the affair, charged
the Carthaginians with fetting out before the time ;
made a mighty budle upon it; and, in Ihort, would
rather choofe any thing than go away outdone. But
whereas the Carthaginians defired any other terms, pro¬
vided only they were fair, the Cyrenians made this pro-
pofal to the Carthaginians, “ either to be buried alive in
the place which they claimed as the boundary to their
nation, or that they would advance forward to what
place they inclined upon the fame condition.” The
Philaeni accepting the offer, made a facrifice of them¬
felves and their lives to their country, and fowere buried
alive. The Carthaginians dedicated altars in that place
to the memory of the two brothers. Thefe altars, cal¬
led Ar? Phihcnonum, fervecl as a boundary to the em-
PHI t 202
?hilanthfo-plre of tlie Carthaginians, which extended from this mo-
nument to Hei'cuies’s Pillars, which is about 2000
v miles, or, according to the accurate obfervations of the
moderns, only 1420 geographical miles. It is Salluft
who gives this account in his hillory of the Jugurthine
' war.
PHILANTHROPY is compounded of two Greek
words which fignify the love of mankind. It is there¬
fore of nearly the fame import with benevolence (a) j
and differs from fnendjhip, as this latter afifeclion fubfifts
only between a few individuals, whilft philanthropy com¬
prehends the whole fpecies.
Whether man has an inftinftive propenfity to love his
fpecies, which makes him incapable of happinefs but in
the midft of fociety, and impels him to do all the good
that he can to others, feeling their felicity an addition
to his own, is a queftion that has been warmly debated
among philofophers ever lince metapliyfics was ftudied
as a fcience. With the opinions of the ancients we fliall
not, in this detached article, trouble our readers ; but it
would be unpardonable to pal’s without notice the dif¬
ferent theories which on fo interefting a fubjedl have
divided the moderns.
Plobbes, who believed, or pretended to believe, that
right refults from power, and that in fociety there is no
other llandard of juftice than the law of the land, or
the will of the fupreme magiftrate, built his opinions
upon a theory of human nature in which philanthropy
has no place. According to him, mankind, in the ori¬
ginal date’ of nature, wrere wholly fe/fijh. Each en¬
deavoured to feize, by fraud or force, whatever he
thought would contribute to his comfort j and as all had
nearly the fame wants, the inevitable confequence of
this felfiilinefs was univerfal war. We are taught in¬
deed by the fame philofopher, that, in a feries of ages,
mankind difeovered the miferies of this Irate of nature;
and therefore, upon the fame balls of univerfal felfilh-
nefs, formed focieties, over which they placed fupreme
governors for the purpofe of protecting the weak againft
the violence of the ftrong. He does not, however, ex¬
plain how men, whofe angry and felfilh paffions were
thus exevred to the utmoft againft each other, could en¬
ter upon this friendly treaty •, or, fuppofing it formed,
how the ignorant multitude wrere induced to pay obedi¬
ence to the more enlightened few. Clogged with this
and other infurmountable difficulties, his philofophy of
human nature foon fell into merited contempt ; but
about the origin of philanthropy thofe who united in
oppofition to him ftill thought veiy differently from one
another.
The elegant Shaftelbury, who had imbibed much of
the fpirit of Plato, endeavoured, like his mafter, to de¬
duce all the duties of man, and almoft all his aftions,
from a number of internal feelings or inftinfls which he
fuppofed to be interwoven with his conftitution by the
immediate hand of God. This fyftem appeared fo ho¬
nourable to human nature, and at the fame time was fo
eahly comprehended, that the noble lord bad foon ma¬
ny followers, and may indeed be confidered as the
1
V H T
founder of a fchool which has produced philofophers Phnaiithro-
rvhofe works do honour to the age and country in which PX-
they flpurilhed. Among thefe we muft reckon Bifhop * " '
Butler, Hutchifon, Lord Kames, Dr Beattie, and per¬
haps Dr Reid.
According to the fyftem of thefe writers, the whole
duty of man refults from an intuitive principle, to which
they have given the name of the moral fenfe ; and with
this fenfe they conceive philanthropy to be infeparably
united, or rather perhaps to make an eflential part of
it. (See Moral Philosophy.). If this theory be car¬
ried to its utmoft extent, as it has been by feme of
its patrons, it feems to follow, that peace and harmony
Ihould reign among favages •, and that a man who had
from his infancy grown up in folitude, would be delight¬
ed with the firft tight of a fellow-creature, and run to
him with eagernels as to a new fource of enjoyment.
This conclufion, however, is contrary to acknowledged
fafts. Savages are generally divided into fmall tribes
or hordes; and though the attachment of individuals to
their own tribe appears indeed to be abundantly ftrong,
'the tribes themfelves are frequently at war, and entertain
a conftant jealoufy of each other. Savages,too, are almoft
univerfaliy afraid of ftrangers; and the few folitary in¬
dividuals, who have been caught in parts where they
had run wild from their infancy, inftead of being delight¬
ed with the appearance of fellow-men, have either lied
from them with their utmoft fpeed, or been fixed to the
fpot in terror and aftonilhment. Thefe are no indica¬
tions of that inftinftive philanthropy for which feme
writers fo ftrenuoufiy plead. They have indeed induced
others to deny, that in human nature there is any in-
ftinctive principles at all ; and to endeavour to account
for our feveral propenfities by the influence of education
producing early and deep-rooted habits.
At the head of this fchool flood Locke and Hartley.
The former, employing himfelf almoft wholly on the in-
tellecftual powers of man, and combating the abfurd,
though then generally received, belief, that there are in
the human mind innate principles of fpeculative truth,
has touched but incidentally on our principles of aftion.
It feems, however, to be evident, that he did not confi-
der any one of thefe principles as innate 5 and his opi¬
nion was adopted by Hartley, who ftudied the fenfitive
part of human nature with greater induftry and fuccefs
than perhaps any writer who had preceded him in that
department of. fcience. This philofopher refufes all
kinds of inftinft to man, even the vo^yii of a mother to
her newT-born infant, and that which has been general¬
ly fuppofed innate—the propenfity of the infant to fuck
the breaft. It is therefore needlefs to fay that in his
theory of human nature innate philanthropy can have
no place.
The reader, however, muft not fuppofe that the the¬
ory of Hartley is the theory of Hobbes. Though he
admits no innate principles of action in the human mind,
he is far from dreaming that the original ftate of man
wTas a ftate of war and felfiftinefs, or that the acquifition
of philanthropic fentiments is not natural. He confiders
fuch
(a) We fay nearly of the fame import ; becaufe benevolence extends to every being that has life and fenfe,
and is of courfe fufceptible of pain and pleafure 3 whereas philanthropy cannot comprehend more than the hu¬
man race.
PHI [ 26
Plii’antluo fUch acquifillons as even necelfary and unavoidable, and
py- founds them on the great law of affociation, which we
 'have elfewhere endeavoured to explain. (See Meta¬
physics, Part I. chap. v.). Hartley was a Chriihan,
and appears to have been a man of great piety. Con¬
ceiving with Locke that men are born without any
ideas, or any principles either of knowledge or of ac¬
tion, but that they are fubject to the law of affociation
as much as to the imprefbons of fenfe, he feems to have
thought, that the important purpofe for which they are
fent mto this world is, that they may acquire habits of
piety and virtue, which, operating like initin&s, will fit
them for the purer fociety of a tuture itate. 1 hat this
theory is unfriendly to morals, no man who underflands
it will prefume to affirm, it appears, indeed, to be
more confiifent with the neceitity of a revelation from
God than that of Shaftefbury, which has fo many fol¬
lowers : but notwithftanding this, we cannot help think¬
ing that the excellent author has carried his antipathy
to inllindfs by much too far (tee Instinct), and that
the truth lies in the middle between him and his oppo-
nents. , i j-
Without fome inftin&s to influence before tae dawn
of reafon, it is not eafy to be conceived how children
could be induced to that exercife which is abfolutely ne-
ceffary to life and health ; nor does it appear with fut-
ficient evidence that the human race are deferted by
every infdnbl as loon as their rational powers are evol¬
ved. It feems to be a matter of fact which cannot be
controverted, that women have an initin&iye attachment
to their new-born, infants j but that tneie, when they
become capable of diitinguiihing objedls, are injhnchve-
hj attached to their parents, their brothers, and filters,
is a pofition which, though it may be true, feems inca¬
pable of proof. That they foon appear to be fo attach¬
ed, is a fact which we believe no man will deny : but
the attachment may be accounted for by the affociaung
principle operating upon that defire of nappinels vvhi^n
is neceflfarily formed as foon as happinefs is experienced.
(See Passion.). An infant becomes earlier attached
to its nurfe than to any other perfon *, becaufe, feeling
wants wdiicli ilie lupplies, the idea 01 eiijoj ruent be-
comes foon alfociated in its mind with the peiceptioii of
the wroman. If this woman be its naothei, a halt)' od-
ferver immediately attributes tins attachment to iultivivt
direftinp- the infant to love its parent but tiiac iincmdt
has here5no place, is evident from the well-known facts,
that a child is as fond of a tender nurfe, though no re¬
lation, as of the molt affectionate mother; and as re-
gardiefs of a mother who feldom fees it, or fees it with
indifference, as of any other perlon. ivay, we have
feen children of the fweeteft difpofitions as fond of the
maid with wffiom they flept, as of a very afiectionate
parent by whom they had been tenderly nurled : and
fure no man will fay that this could be inftindt g it was
evidently a new affociation of the idea of the maid with
the greateft happinefs which they enjoyed after the pe¬
riod of their fuckling was at an end.
It is much in the fame way that children acquire an
attachment to their brothers and fillers. Brothers and
fillers being' conftantly together, contricute to each
other’s amufement: hence arifes that plealure which
they have in each other’s company, and the uneafineis
which they feel when feparated. I his generates mu¬
tual love in their minds, which is ftrengthened by tne
perpetual injuncliwis o* their parents j fur ii' thsfc hays
3 ] phi
any virtue themfclves, they cannot fail to inculcate the
duty of loving each other on their tender offspring. , —
Benevolence, thus generated, foon extends to their daily
companions 3 and takes a wider and a wider range as
thefe companions are multiplied, and as children ^advance
towards the ftatb of manhood. New obje&s then pre-
fent themfelves to the mind. A. man icon difcov-eis,
that, as he is a member of a community, his happinefs
as an individual depends in a great mealure 0.1 the pio-
fperity of the whole. Hence arifes patrioiifvi, aTd that
pleafure which we all take in the eminence of our
countrymen. But the principle of benevolence flops
not here. He whofe mind is enlarged by a liberal
education, confiders all particular countries as provinces
of one great country extended over the whole globe j
and all mankind, of coune, as not only snaring the fame
nature with himfelf, but as being in reality his. fellovv-
citizens and brethren. The principles o/f religion, if
he be aftuated by them, muit aid thefe reflexions, and
make him vviffi the happineis of all who ftand in the
fame relation with himfelf to the Great Governor of
the world. This is philanthropy p and we fee how it
may fpring, by the great law 01 aflociation, fiom defirts
which, intheir original ftate, cannot be considered as,
other than felfiffi. It is a calm fentiment, which we be¬
lieve hardly ever rifes to the warmth of affection, and
certainly not to the heat of paffion.
Should any of our readers oe difpofed to controvert
this opinion, or to fancy it degrading to human nature,
we will not enter into controverfy with them 3 we only
beg leave to afk, whether they have ever rejoiced in the
good fortune of a ftranger or a foreigner, or regretted
his lois, with any portion of thoie feelings v.Inch they
have frequently experienced on hearing of the profperity
or the death of a friend or a neighbour ? VVe anlwer
candidly for ourfclves, that we feel no imexeit vihicli
can he called papioti or offctiioTi in tiie fortunes o* a na
tive of China $ and yet we ffiould be fonw to think that
our philanthropy is lefs than that of othe* men. A com¬
mon clown, vve are inclined to believe, leldom extends
his affeftion beyond his friends and neighbours j yind
though, from having often heard his country prailed,
and knowing that he belongs to his country, he would
probably be offended at the m :n wjm ffiould prefer
another to it *, yet if no misfortune befal himfelf,. or Ins
friends and neighbours, vve imagine tnat his grief loi
public calamities may be borne with patience. In his
mind no fuch afiociations have been foinied as compnfe
the good of a country, far lefs of all countries 5 and
therefore his philanthropy muff be confined to a very
limited range. We doubt not, however, hut that as op¬
portunity offers, and as eircumftances permit, fuch a man
is readv to feed the hungry and clothe the naked of all
countries \ not indeed from fentiments of affedfion either
innate or acquired, but from the obvious lehecjon lL -L
he is not exempted from thole calamities which have be¬
fallen them, and from a ftill higher principle—a-fenfe of
duty to that God who has made of one blood all nations
upon earth, and commanded them to be mutually ...d^ng
to each other.
PHILEMON, a Greek comic poet, was fon to Da¬
mon, and cotemporary, wuth Menander. Any advantage
he had over this poet, was owing lefs to his own merit
than to the intrigues of his friends. Plautus has imitat¬
ed his comedy du Marchand. He is reported to have
died laughing on feeing his &f$ eat figs. He was then ,
v - “ aeojiVv
Philemon
Jl
PluletiiF.
PHI [ 264
about 97 years of age. His fon PhileiAon tbe younger,
was alfo the author of 54 comedies, of which there are
ftill extant fome confiderable fragments collected by
Grotius. Thefe clearly prove that he was not a poet of
the firft rank. He douriihed about the year 274 before
our Saviour.
Philemon, was a rich citizen of Coloflie in Phrvgia.
He was converted to the Chriftian faith, with Appia
his wife, by Epaphras the difciple of St Paul } for
St Paul himfelf did not preach at Coloffae, Cololf. ii.
1. Perhaps vre fhould have known nothing of St Phi¬
lemon, had it not been on the account of his have O-
nefimus, who having robbed him, and run away from
him, came to Rome, where he-found St Paul, and was
very ferviceable to him. St Paul converted him, baptized
him, and lent him back to his mailer Philemon •, to whom
he wrote a letter Hill extant, and which palfes for a ma-
Herpiece of that kind of eloquence, natural, lively, Itrong,
and pathetic, that was peculiar to St Paul. Philemon
(1. 2.) had made a church of his houle, and all his do-
meftics, as well as himfelf, were of the houfehold of faith.
His charity, liberality, and compaffion, were a fure refuge
to all that were in diitrefs. The Apoltolical Conllitutions
fay, that St Paul made him bifhop of Cololhe •, but the
Menaea infinuate, that he went to Gaza in Palelline, of
■which he was the apoftle and firlt bilhop. From hence
he returned to Coloffae, where he fuffered martyrdom
with Appia his wife, in the time of Nero. They relate
feveral particulars of his martyrdom, and fay, that his
body remained at Cololfse, w-here it performed feveral
miracles.
PHIL ETAS, a Greek poet and grammarian, of the
ifland of Cos, flouriihed under Philip and Alexander the
Great, and was preceptor of Ptolemy Philadelphus. He
w^as the author of fome Elegies, Epigrams, and other
works, which have not come dovm to us. He is cele¬
brated in the poems of Ovid and Propertius, as one of
the bell poets of his age. Elian reports a very improb¬
able llory of him, namely, “that his body -was fo {lender
and feeble, that he was obliged to have fome lead in his
pockets, to prevent him from being carried avTay by the
wind.”
PHILETUS. St Paul, writing to Timothy (2 Tim.
ii. 16, 17, 18.) in the 65th year of Chrill, and a little
while before his own martyrdom, fpeaks thus : “ But
fhun profane and vain babblings, for they will increafe
unto more ungodlinefs. And their word wall eat as doth
a canker ; of whom is Hymenaeus and Philetus *, who
] PHI
upon which St James unbound him, and Philetus came PhUibeg,
to him. Hermogenes perceiving how ineffcdlual his art 1>hlllP-
was againft the faint, became himfelf a convert as well as ' * '
Philetus.
PHILIBEG, is a little plaid, called alfo hilt, and
is a fort of fhort petticoat reaching nearly to the knees^
concerning the truth have erred, faying, that the refur-
-reflion is pall already, and overthrow the faith of fome.”
We have nothing very certain cencerning Philetus j for
we make but fmall account of what is read in the falfe
Abdias, in the life of St James major, even fuppoling
this author had not put the name of Philetus inftead of
Phygellus. This is the fubllance of what is found in
Abdias. St James the fon of Zebedee, palling through
the fynagogues of Judea and Samaria, preached' every¬
where the faith of Jefus Chrill. Hermogenes and Phi¬
letus llrenuoully oppofed him, affirming, that Jefus Chrill
was not the Meffiah. Hermogenes was a notable magi¬
cian, and Philetus was his difciple, who being converted,
was delirous to bring his mailer to St James •, but Her¬
mogenes bound him up fo by his magic art, that he could
.not come at the apollle. Philetus found means to make
St James acquainted with what had happened to him 3
2
worn by the Scotch Highlanders. It is a modern fub-1
ftitute for the lowrer part of the plaid, being found to
be lefs cumberfome, efpecially in time of aftion, when
the Highlanders ufed to tuck their brechdan into their
girdle. Almoll all of them have a great pouch of bad¬
ger and other Ikins, with talfels dangling before, in which
they keep their tobacco and money.
PHILIP, foller-brother of Antiochus Epiphanes
(1 Macc. vi. 14, & 55. 2 Macc. ix. 29.), was a Phry¬
gian by birth, and very much in Antiochus’s favour.
This prince-made him governor of Jerufalem (2 Macc.
viii. 8. v. 22.) where he committed many outrages upon
the Jews, to force them, to forfake their religion. See¬
ing that Apollonius and Seron wTere defeated by Judas
Maccabseus, he fent for new fuccours to Ptolemy gover¬
nor of Coelo-Syiia, who fent him Gorgias and Nicanor
with a powerful army. Some time after, Antiochus
going beyond the Euphrates, to extort money from the
people, Philip went along with him 3 and Antiochus
finding himfelf near his end (1 Macc. vi. 14.) made him
regent of the kingdom, put his diadem into his hands,
his royal cloak, and his ring, that he might render them
to his fon the young Antiochus Eupator. But Lyfias
having taken pofieffion of the government in the name
of young Eupator, who wras but a child, Philip not be¬
ing able to cope with him, durlt not return into Syria :
but he wrent into Egypt, carrying the body of Epipha¬
nes along with him, there to implore affillance from
Ptolemy Philometor againlt Lyfias the ufurper of the
government of Syria. 'The year following, while Lyfias
was bufy in the wrar carrying on againlt the Jews, Phi¬
lip got into Syria, and took pofleffion of Antioch : but
Lyfias returning into the country, with great diligence,
retook Antioch, and put Philip to death, who was taken
in the city.
Philip the apollle wras a native of Bethfaiua in Gali¬
lee. Jefus Chrill having feen him, faid to him, “ Fol¬
low' me,” John i. 43, 44, &x. Philip followed him 3
and foon after finding Nathanael, Philip faid to him,
“ We have found the Melfish, of wdiom Mofes and .the
prophets have fpoken, jefus of Nazareth, the fon of Jo-
feph.” Nathanael alked him, “ Can any thing good
come out of Nazareth ? To which Philip replied, “ Come
and fee.” Then he brought Nathanael to Jefus, and they
w'ent with him to the marriage of Cana in Galilee. St
Philip was called at the very beginning of our Saviour’s
miffion ; and when Jefus Chrill was about to feed the
i;coo that follow-ed him (Luke vi. 13. Mat. x. 2. John
vi. t—7.), he alked St Philip, only to prove him, whence
bread might be bought for fuch a multitude of people ?
Philip anfwered, that 200 penny-worth of bread would
not be fufficient for every one to talte a little. Some
Gentiles, having a curiofity to fee Jefus Chrill, a little
before his palfion, they addveiTed themfelves to St Philip
(John xii. 21, 22.), who mentioned it to St Andrew',
and thefe two to Chrill. At the fall fupper, Philip de-
fired our Saviour, that he w-ould be pleafed to Ihow them
the Father, being all that they defired (John xiv. 8—10.)
But Jefus told them, that feeing the Son they faw' the
Father
PHI
[ 265 ]
PHI
Philip. Father alfo. This is all we find concerning Philip in
—v——J the gofpel.
The upper Afia fell to this apoftle’s lot, where he
took great pains in planting the gofpel, and by his
preaching and miracles made many converts. In the
latter part of his life, he came to Hierapolis in Phry¬
gia, a city very much addicted to idolatry, and particu¬
larly to the worthip of a ferpent of a prodigious bignefs.
St Philip by his prayers procured the death, or at leaft
the difappearing, of this monfter, and convinced its wor-
Ihippers of the abfurdity of paying divine honours to fuch
odious creatures. But the magiitrates, enraged at Phi¬
lip’s fuccefs, imprifoned him, and ordered him to be fe-
verely fcourged, and then put to death, which lome fay
was by crucifixion •, others, by hanging him up againft a
pillar. §t Philip is generally reckoned among the mar¬
ried apoltles •, and it is faid he had three daughters, two
whereof preferved their virginity, and died at Hierapo-
hs ; the third, having led a very fpiritual life, died at
Ehpefus. He left behind him no writings. The golpel
under his name was forged by the Gnoitics, to counte¬
nance their bad principles and wTorfe practices. The
Chriilian church obferves the feftival of this laint, toge¬
ther with that of St James, on the firft day of May.
Eufeb. lib. iii. c. 30.
Philip, the fecond of the feven deacons, was chofen
by the apoitles after our Saviour’s relurredlion. (Adis vi.
5.). This deacon, they fay, was of Caefarea in Paleiline.
It is certain that his daughters lived in this city (Acts
xxi. 8, 9.). After the death of St Stephen, all the
Chrillians, excepting the apoftles, having left Jerufalem,
and being difperfed in feveral places, St Philip went to
preach at Samaria (zi/. viii. 1, 2, 8cc.), where he per¬
formed feveral miracles, and converted many perfons.
Pie baptized them ; but being only a deacon, he could
not confer on them the Holy Gholt. Wherefore hav¬
ing made known to the apoiiles at Jerufalem, that Sa¬
maria had received the word of God, Peter and John
came thither, and the Samaritans that were converted
received the Ploly Ghoft. St Philip was probably at
Samaria wdien the angel of the Lord ordered him to go
to the fouth part of the country, in the road that leads
from Jerufalem to old Gaza. Philip obeyed, and there
met with an Ethiopian eunuch belonging to (gueen Can¬
dace, vEo had the care of her revenues, and had been at
Jerufalem to wmrlhip God there (id. viii. 26, 27, &c.).
He wras then returning into his own country, and was
reading the prophet Ifaiah as he w’ent along in his cha¬
riot. Philip, hearing the eunuch reading the prophet
Ifaiah, faid to him, Do you underiland what you read ?
The eunuch replied, How fhould I underftand, except
fomebody explain it to me ? He defired Philip therefore
to come and fit dowm by him in the chariot. The paf-
fage the eunuch was reading is this : “ He was led as a
Iheep to the flaughter, and like a lamb dumb before his
fhearer, fo he opened not his mouth.” The eunuch then
fays to Philip, Pray, whom does the prophet fpeak of
in this place ? Is it of himfelf, or of fome other ? Then
Philip began to inflrubl him concerning Jefus Chriil.
And having gone on together, they came to a fountain •,
when the eunuch faid to Philip, Here is water, what
hinders me from being baptized ? Philip told him that
he might be fo, if he believed with all his heart. He
replied, I believe that Jefus Chriib is the fon of God. He
then ordered the chariot to flop, and thev both alighted
VOL. XVI. Part I.
and Vent down into the w’ater, where Philip baptized Hufp
the c*nuch. Being come out of the water, the Spirit of' v
the Lord took away Philip, and the eunuch fawT no more
of him. But Philip was found again at Azotus, and he
preached the gofpel in all the cities he palled through,
till he arrived at Csefarea in Paleftine. After this, the
fcripture does not inform us of any particulars relating
to Philip. The modern Greeks fay that he went to
Tralles in Afia, where he founded a church, cl which
he was the apoftle and bilhop ; and where he relied in
peace, after performing many miracles, ihe Latins,
on the contrary, fay that he died at Caefarea, and that
three of his daughters were there buried with him.
It is thought, that the eunuch converted by St Phi¬
lip was the full apoille of the Ethippians ^ and that the
Abylfmes boaft of having received the Chriftian faith
from him.
Philip II. was the fourth fon of Amyntas, king oiLempri-
Macedonia. He was fent to Thebes as an hollage byere^ s fobk-
his father, where he learnt the art of war under Epa-
minondas, and iludied with the greateft care the man¬
ners and the purfuits of the Greeks. He difcovered, from
his earliell years, that quicknefs of genius and greatnels
of courage which afterwards procured him fo great a
name and fuch powerful enemies. He was recalled to
Macedonia} and at the death of his brother Perdiccashe
ai'cended the throne as guardian and protedlor of the
youthful years of his nephew7. His ambition, however,
loon difcovered ilfelf, and he made himfelf independent
about the year 360 before Chriil. The valour ot a pru¬
dent general, and the policy of an experienced llatef-
man, feemed requifiie to enfure his power. The neigh
bouring nations, ridiculing the youth and inexperience
of the new king of Macedonia, appeared in arms •, but
Philip loon convinced them of their error. Unable to
meet them as yet in the field of battle, he lufpended
their fury by prefents, and foon turned his arms againft
Amphipolis, a colony tributary to the Athenians. Arx-
phipolis was conquered, and added to the kingdom of
Macedonia 5 and Philip meditated no lels than the de-
llrudlion of a republic which had rendered itlelf fo for¬
midable to the reft of Greece, and had even claimed
fubmiflion from the princes of Macedonia. His defigns,
however, were as yet immature ■, and before he could
make Athens an objedl of conqueft, the Thracians and
the Illyrians demanded his attention. He made himfell
mailer of a Thracian colony, to which he gave the name
of Philippi, and from which he received the greateft ad¬
vantages on account of the gold mines in the neigh¬
bourhood. Thefe made it a very important capture.
He fettled in it a number of workmen, and was the firft:
who caufed gold to be coined in his own name. He em¬
ployed his wrealth in procuring fpies and partifans in all
the great cities of Greece, and in making conquefts
without the aid of arms. It wTas at the fiege of Methone
in Thrace that Philip had the misfortune to receive a
wound in his right eye from the ftroke of an arrow. In
the midft of his political profperity, Philip did not ne-
gle6l the honour ef ids family. He married Olympias
the daughter of Neoptolemus, king of the Molcfli} and
when, fome time after, he became father of Alexander,
the monarch, confcious of the ineftimable advantages
which arife from the lefions, the example, and conver-
fation of a learned and virtuous preceptor, wrote a let¬
ter with Lis own hand to the philofopher Ariftotle, and
L 1 hegged
PHI [ 266 ] PHI
begged bim to retire from bis ufual purfuits, and to de¬
dicate his whole time to the inftruddion of the young
prince. Every thing feemed now to confpire to his
aggrandizement } and hiftorians have obferved that Phi¬
lip received in one day the intelligence of three things
which could gratify the mod unbounded ambition, and
flatter the hopes of the molt afpiring monarch : the
birth of a fon, an honourable crown at the Olympic
games, and a viftory over the barbarians of Illyricum.
Put all thefe rather increafed than fatiated his ambi¬
tion : he declared his inimical fentiments againft the
power of Athens, and the indepandence of all Greece,
by laying liege to Olynthus, a place which, on ac¬
count of its lituation and confequence, would prove
molt injurious to the interefts of the Athenians, and
molt advantageous to the intrigues and military ope¬
rations of every Macedonian prince. The Athenians
roufed by the eloquence of Demolthenes, fent 17 vef-
fels and 2000 men to the affiftance of Olynthus j but
the money of Philip prevailed over all their efforts.
The greatelt part of the citizens fuffered themfelves
to be bribed by the Macedonian gold, and Olynthus
furrendered to the enemy, and was inftantly reduced
to ruins. Philip foon after defeated the Athenians,
and made a great number of them prifoners, whom he
difmiffed without ranfom. Of this victory, the fruit
of that excellent difcipline which he had eltablilhed
in his army, the Macedonian phalanx had the princi¬
pal honour. This was a body of infantry heavily arm¬
ed, conlilting commonly of 16,000 men, w’ho had each
of them a Ihield lix feet high and a pike 21 feet long.
(See Phalanx). The fuccefs of his arms, and efpe-
cially his generality after victory, made his alliance
and a peace a delirable objeft to the people of Athens •,
and as both parties were inclined to this meafure, it
was concluded wuthout delay. His fucceffes wTere as
great in every part of Greece: he was declared head
of the Amphidtyonic council, and was entrufted with
the care of the facred temple of Apollo at Delphi. If
he was recalled to Macedonia, it was only to add frelh
laurels to his crown, by victories over his enemies in
Illyricum and Theffaly. P>y affuming the malk of
a moderator and peace maker, he gained confidence ;
and in attempting to protedt the Peloponnelians againft
the incroaching power of Sparta, he rendered his
caufe popular *, and by ridiculing the infults that were
oft’ered to his perfon as he paffed through Corinth, he
difplayed to the world his moderation and philofophic
virtues. In his attempts to make himfelf mafter of
Euboea, Philip wTas unfuccefsful 5 and Phocion, who
defpifed his gold as well as his meannefs, obliged him
to evacuate an ifland wdrofe inhabitants w7ere as infen-
fible to the charms of money as they were unmoved
at the horrors of war, and the bold efforts of a vi¬
gilant enemy. From Euboea he turned his arms againft
the Scythians *, but the advantages he obtained over
this indigent nation were inconfiderable, and he again
made Greece an objedt of plunder and rapine. He
advanced far in Bceotia, and a general engagement w7as
fought at Chaeronea. The fight was long and bloody,
but Philip obtained the vidtory. His behaviour after
the battle refledts great difgrace upon him as a man and
as a monarch. In the hour of feftivity, and during the
entertainment which he had given to celebrate the tro¬
phies he had won, Philip fallied from his camp, and
with the inhumanity of a brute, he infulted the bodies Philip-
of the flam, and exulted over the calamities of the pri-v~“
foners of war. His infolence, however, was checked,
when Demades, one of the Athenian captives, reminded
him of his meannefs, by exclaiming, “ Why do you, O
king, act the part of a Therfites, when you can repre-
fent with fo much dignity the elevated charadter of an
Agamemnon ?” The reproof was felt; Demades re¬
ceived his liberty j and Philip learned how to gain po¬
pularity even among his fallen enemies; by relieving
their wants and eafing their diftreffes. At the battle of
Chseronea the independence of Greece was extinguilhed;
and Philip, unable to find new enemies in Europe, form¬
ed new enterprifes, and meditated new conquefts. He
was nominated general of the Greeks againft the Per-
fians, and was called upon as well from inclination as
duty to revenge thofe injuries which Greece had fuffer¬
ed from the invafions of Darius and of Xerxes. But he
was flopped in the midft of his warlike preparations,
being ftabbed by Paufanias as he entered the theatre
at the celebration of the nuptials of his daughter Cleo¬
patra. This murder has given rife to many refledtions
upon the caufes which produced it j and many who
confider the recent repudiation of Olympias and the
refentment of Alexander, are apt to inveftigate the
caufes of his death in the bofom of his family. The
ridiculous honours which Olympias paid to her huf-
band’s murderer ftrengthened the fufpicion j yet Alex¬
ander declared that he invaded the kingdom of Perfia
to revenge his father’s death upon the Perfian fatraps
and princes, by whofe immediate intrigues the affaflina-
tion had been committed. The charadter of Philip is
that of a fagacious, artful, prudent, and intriguing
monarch : he was brave in the field of battle, eloquent
and diffimulating at home, and he poffeffed the wonder¬
ful art of changing his condudl according to the difpofi-
tion and caprice of mankind, without ever altering his
purpofe, or lofing fight of his ambitious aims. He pof¬
feffed much perfeverance, and in the execution of his
plans he was always vigorous. He had that eloquence
which is infpired by ftrong paflions. The hand of an
affaflin prevented him from atchieving the boldeft and
the moil; extenfive of his undertakings 5 and he might
have acquired as many laurels, and conquered as many
nations, as his fon Alexander did in the fucceeding
reign ; and the kingdom of Perfia might have been
added to the Macedonian empire, perhaps with greater
moderation, with more glory, and wuth more lafting
advantages. The private charadter of Philip lies open
to cenfure, and raifes indignation. The admirer of his
virtues is difgufted to find him among the molt abandon¬
ed proftitutes, and difgracing himfelf by the molt unna¬
tural crimes and lafeivious indulgencies which can make
even the molt debauched and the moft profligate to
blulh. He was murdered in the 47th year of his age,
and the 24th of his reign, about 336 years before the
Chriftian era. His reign is become uncommonly in-
terefting, and his adminiftration a matter of inftrudtion.
He is the firft monarch whofe life and adtions are de-
feribed with peculiar accuracy and hiftorical faithful-
nefs. Philip was the father of Alexander the Great and
of Cleopatra, by Olympias 5 he had alfo by Audaca an
Illyrian, Cyna, who married Amyntas the fon of Per-
diccas, Philip’s elder brother 5 by Nicafipolis a Theffa-
lian, Nicaea, who married Caffander; by Philaena a
Lariffsean
P H I
[ 267 ]
P H I
Philip. Lariffeean dancer, Aridarus, who reigned feme time af-
   1 ter Alexander’s death •, by Cleopatra, the niece of At¬
tains, Caranus and Europa, who were both murdered
by Olympias ; and Ptolemy the firil king of Egypt, by
Arfinoe, who in the firft month of her pregnancy was
married to Lagus. Of the many memorable aftions
and fayings reported by Plutarch of this prince, the fol¬
lowing are the moll remarkable. Being prefent at the
fale of fome captives, in an indecent pofture, one of
them informed him of it j “ Set this man at liberty (lays
Philip), I did not know that he was my friend.” Being
folicited to favour a lord of his court, who was like to
lofe his character by a juft but fevere fentence, Philip
refufed to hearken to the felicitation, and added, “ I
had rather that he be difgraced than myfelf.” A poor
woman was importuning him to do her jufbee 5 and as
he fent her away from day to day, under the pretence
that he had no time to attend to her petition, Ihe faid
to him with fome warmth, “ Ceafe then to be a king.”
Philip felt all the force of this reproof, and immediately
gave her fatisfadlion.—Another woman came to alk
juftice of him as he was going out from a great enter¬
tainment, and was condemned. “ I appeal (exclaimed
Ihe) !” “ And to whom do you appeal (faid the king
to her) ?” “ To Philip falling.” This anfwer open¬
ed the eyes of the monarch, who retraced his fen¬
tence. If he poffeffed any virtue, it was principally
that of fullering injuries with patience. Democharus,
to whom the Greeks gave the furname of Parrhejiaftes,
on account of his exceftive petulance of tongue, was one
of the deputies whom the Athenians fent to this mo¬
narch. Philip, at the conclufion of the audience, beg¬
ged the ambaffadors to tell him, “ if he could be of any
fervice to the Athenians ;” to which Democharus gave
an infolent return, wdiich he forgave. Having learned
that fome Athenian ambalfadors charged him, in full af-
fembly, with atrocious calumnies : “ I am under great
obligations (faid he) to thofe gentlemen, for I lhall
henceforwards be fo circumfpe£f in my words and
actions, that I lhall convidl them of falfehood.” One
faying of Philip, which does him lefs honour than thofe
we have before-mentioned, wras, “ Let us amufe child¬
ren with playthings, and men with oaths.” This abo¬
minable maxim, which was the foul and fpring of his
politics, gave rife to the obfervation, “ That he was in
full length, what Louis XL afterwards was in minia¬
ture.” It is well known that Philip had a perfon about
him, who called out at times, “ Philip, remember that
thou art mortalbut whether we Ihould place this to
the account of his pride or his humility, it is difficult to
fay.
Ibid. Philip V. was king of Macedonia, and fon of De¬
metrius. His infancy, at the death of his father, was
protedled by Antigonus, one of his friends, who afeen-
ded the throne, and reigned for 12 years, with the title
of Independent monarch. When Antigonus died, Phi¬
lip recovered his father’s throne, though only 1 1; years
of age, and he early diftinguiffied himfelf by his bold-
nefs and his ambitious views. He came to the thi-one
in the year 220 before our Saviour, and the beginning
of his reign was rendered glorious by the conquefts of
Aratus; a general who rcas as eminent for his love of
juftice as his Ikill in war. But fo virtuous a charafter
could hardly fail to be difagreeable to a prince who
wanted to indulge himfelf in every fpecies ox diffipation
and vice : and indeed his cruelty to him loon diiplayed
his charadler in its true light 5 for to the gratification
of every vice, and every extravagant propeniity, he had
the meannefs to facrifice this faithful and virtuous Athe¬
nian. Not fatisfied with the kingdom of Macedonia,
Philip afpired to become the friend of Hannibal, and
wdffied to ftiare with him the 1 polls which the diitreffes
and continual lofs of the Homans ieemed foon to pro-
mife. But his expedlations were fruftrated } the Ro¬
mans difeovered his intrigues \ and though weakened by
the valour and artifice of the Carthaginian, yet they
were foon enabled to meet him in the field ol batrle.
The conful Laevinus entered without delay his territo¬
ries of Macedonia ; and after he had obtained a vidlory
over him near Apollonia, and reduced his fleet to allies,
he compelled him to fue for peace. This peaceful dif- '
pofition was not permanent \ and when the Romans dif¬
eovered that he had affifted their formidable enemy Han¬
nibal with men and money, they appointed L. £). Iia-
minius to punilh his perfidy, and the violation of the treaty.
The Roman conful, with his ufual expedition, invaded
Macedonia j and in a general engagement, which was
fought near Cynocephale, the hoftile army was totally
defeated, and the monarch faved his life with difficulty
by flying from the field of battle. Deftituie ol refour-
ces, without friends either at home or abroad, Philip
was obliged to fubmit to the mercy of the conqueror,
and to demand peace by his ambalfadors. It was grant¬
ed with difficulty; the terms were humiliating *, but
the poverty of Philip obliged him to accept the condi¬
tions, however difavantageous and degrading to his dig¬
nity. In the midft of thefe public calamities, the peace
of his family was difturbed ; and Perfes, the eldeft of his
fons by a concubine, raifed feditions againft his brother
Demetrius, whofe condefcenfion and humanity had gain¬
ed popularity among the Macedonians, and who from
his refidence at Rome, as an hoftage, had gained the
good graces of the fenate, and by the modefty and in¬
nocence of his manners had obtained forgivenefs from
that venerable body for the hoftilities of his father.
Philip liftened with too much avidity to the falfe accu-
fations of Perfes ; and when he heard it alferted that
Demetrius wilhed to rob him of his crown*, he no long¬
er hefitated to puniffi with death fo unworthy and fo
ungrateful a fon. No fooner was Demetrius facrificed
to credulity, than Philip became convinced of his cruel¬
ty and rafhnefs •, and to puniffi the perfidy of Perfes, he
attempted to make Antigonus, another fon, his fuccef-
for on the Macedonian throne. But he was prevented
from executing his purpofe by death, in the 42d year of
his reign, 178 years before the Chriftian era. The af-
faffinof Demetrius fucceeded his father, and with the fame
ambition, with the fame raflmefs and oppreffion, renew¬
ed the war againft the Romans, till his empire was de-
ftroyed, and Macedonia became a Roman province.
Philip has been compared with his great anceftor of the
fame name ; but though they pofleiTed the fame virtues,
the fame ambition, and were tainted with the fame vi¬
ces, yet the father of Alexander wTas more fagacious
and more intriguing, and the fon of Demetrius wras
more fufpicious, more cruel, and more implacable ; and,
according to the pretended prophecy of one of the
Sybils, Macedonia was indebted to one Philip for her
L 1 2 nfis
Philip.
Piiilip.
Ibid.
Ibid.
P H 1 [ 268 ]
I'iie ai\d confequence among nation?, and under another ufurpation.
Philip the lamented the lofs oi lier power, her empire,
and her dignity.
Philip, M. Julim, a Roman emperor, of an obfcure
family in Arabia, from whence he was furnamed Ara-
hian. From the lowed: rank in the army he gradually
role to the higheft offices 3 and when he rvas made gene¬
ral of the pretorian guards, he affaffinated Gordian, to
make himfelf emperor. To fecure himfelf on the impe¬
rial throne, he left Mefopotamia a prey to the continual
invafions of the Perfians, and hurried to Rome, where
his eledion was univerfally approved by the ferrate and
the Roman people. Philip rendered his caufe popular
by his liberality and profuiion 3 and it added much to
his fplendour and dignity, that the Romans during his
reign commemorated the foundation of their city 3 a fo-
iemnity which was obferved but once every 100 years,
and which was celebrated with more pomp and more
magnificence than under the preceding reigns. The
people were entertained with games and fpeftacles 3 the
theatre of Pompeywas lucceffively crowded during three
bays and three nights ; and 2000 gladiators bled in the
circus at once, for the amufement and pleafure of a ga-
zing populace. His ufurpation, howrever, was fhort.
Philip was defeated by Decius, who had proclaimed
himfelf emperor in Pannonia 3 and he was alfaflinated
by his own foldiers near Verona, in the 45th year of
his age, and the 5th of his reign. His fon, who bore
the fame name, and who had fhared with him the im¬
perial dignity, was alfo maffacred in the arms of his
znother. Young Philip was then in the 1 2th year of
his age, and the Romans lamented in him the lofs of
rifing talents, of natural humanity, and endearing vir¬
tues.
Philip, a native of Acamania, phyfician to Alexan¬
der the Great. When that monarch had been luddenly
taken ill, after bathing in the Cydnus, Philip under¬
took to remove the complaint, when the reft of the
phyficians believed that all medical afliftance would be
jneffedfual. But as he wras preparing his medicine,
Alexander received a letter from Parmenio, in which
he was advifed to beware of his phyfician Philip, as he
had confpired againlt his life. The monarch was alarm¬
ed 3 and when Philip prefented him the medicine, he
gave him Parmenio’s letter to perufe, and began to
drink the potion. The ferenity and compofure of Phi¬
lipp countenance, as he read the letter, removed every
fufpicion from Alexander’s breaft, and he purfued the
directions of his phylician, and in a few days reco¬
vered.
There were, befides, a vaft number of perfons of this
name in antiquity, and many of thfem were very emi¬
nent.
Philip I. king of France, fucceeded his father Henry
I. in 1060, when but eight years of age, under the re¬
gency and guardianfhip of Baudouin V. count of Flan¬
ders, who difcharged his trull with zeal and fidelity.
He defeated the Gafcons wTho w'ere inclined to revolt,
and died, leaving his pupil j 5 years of age. This young
prince made war in Flanders againft Robert, Baudouin’s
younger fon, who had invaded Flanders, which belong¬
ed to the children of his elder brother. Philip marched
lagainft him with a numerous army, which was cut to
pieces near Mount Caflel. Peace was the confequence
of fhe victory, and the conqueror quietly enjoyed his
P H I
Philip, after the fatigues of the war, by
way of relaxation gave himfelf up entirely to pleafure '
and diffipation. Tired of his wife Bertha, and fond of
Bertrade, fpoufe of Foulques count of Anjou, he carried
her off from her hufband. Having, in 1093, kgaRy
annulled his own marriage, under the pretext of barren-
nefs, and Bertrade’s marriage with the count of Anjou
having been fet afide under the lame pretext, Philip and
ftie were afterwards folemnly married by the bifiiop of
Beauvais. This union was declared void by Pope Ur¬
ban II. a Frenchman by birth, who pronounced the len¬
ience in the king’s own dominions, to which he had
come for an afylum. Philip, fearing that the anathe¬
mas of the Roman pontiff might be the means of exciting
his fubjects to rebellion, fent deputies to the pope, who
obtained a delay, during which time he was permitted
to. ufe the crown. To know what is meant by this per-
miifion, it is neceffary to recoiled, that at that period
kings appeared on public folemnities in royal habit,
with the crown on their heads, which they received
from the hand of a bilhop. This delay was not of long
duration. Philip was excommunicated anew in a coun¬
cil held at PoiCriers in 1100 3 but in the year 1104,
Lambert bilhop of Arras, legate of Pope Pafcal II. at
laft: brought him his abfolution to Paris, after having
made him promife never to fee Bertrade more ; a pro-
mife which he did not keep. It would appear that the
pope afterwards approved their marriage 3 for Suger in¬
forms us, that their Ions were declared capable of fuc-
ceeding to the crown. Philip died at Melun the 29th
of July 1108., aged 57 years, after having witneffed the
firft crufade, in which he declined taking any part. His
reign, which comprehends a period of 48 years, was the
longeft ol any of his predeceffors, excepting that of Clo-
tarius, and of all who came after him except thofe of
Louis XIV. and Louis XV. It was diftinguilhed by
feveral great events: but Philip, though brave in battle,
and wife in counfels, was no very excellent charatfer.
He appeared fo much the more contemptible to his fub-
jedls, as that age abounded with heroes. Philip is not
the firft ol the French monarchs (as is commonly re¬
ported), who, in order to give the greater authority to
his charters, caufed them to be fubfcribed by the officers
of the crown 3 for Henry I. had fometimes done the
fame before him.
Philip II. lurnamed Augujlus, the conqueror and
given of God, fon of Louis VII. (called the younger),
king of France, and of Alix, his third wife, daughter
of Thibault, count of Champagne, was born the 22d of
Auguft 1165. He came to the crown, after his father’s
death in 1180, at the age of 15 years. His youth was
not fpent like that of the generality of other princes 3
for, by avoiding the rock of pleafure on which fo many
are apt to fplit, his courage thereby became the more
lively and intrepid. The king of England feemed wil¬
ling to take advantage of his minority, and to feize upon
a part of his dominions. But Philip marched againft
him, and compelled him, fword in hand, to confirm the
ancient treaties between the two kingdoms. As foon as
the war was ended, he made his people enjoy the blef-
fings of peace. He gave a check to the opprelfions of
the great lords, banilhed the comedians, punilhed blaf-
phemies, caufed the ftreets and public places of Paris to
be paved, and annexed to that capital a part of the adja¬
cent villages. Jt was enclofed by walls with towers 3
and
Philip.
PHI [ 269 ] PHI
Philip* and the inhabitants of other cities were equally proud
T"—' to fortify and embellifh theirs. The Jews having for
a long time praftifed the moft fhameful frauds in France,
Philip expelled them from his kingdom, and declared
his fubje&s quit with them ; an a ft ion unjuft, contrary
to the laws of nature, and confequently to religion.
The tranquillity of France was fomewhat difturbed by
a difference with the count of Flanders, which was how¬
ever happily terminated in 1184. Some time after he
declared war againft Henry II. king of England, and
took from him the towns of Iffoudun, Tours, Mans and
other places. The epidemical madnefs of the crufades
then agitated all Europe j and Philip, as well as other
princes, caught the infeftion. He embarked in the
year 1190, with Richard I. king of England, for the
relief of the Chriftians in Paleftine, who were oppreffed
by Saladin. Thofe two monarchs fat down before
Acre, which is the ancient Ptolemais 5 as did almoft all
the Chriftians of the eaft, while Saladin was engaged in
a civil war on the banks of the Euphrates. When the
two European monarchs had joined their forces to thofe
of the Afiatic Chriftians, they counted above 300,000
fighting men. Acre furrendered the 13th of July 1191;
but the unhappy difagreement which took place between
Philip and Richard, rivals of glory and of intereft, did
more mifchief than could be compenfated by the fuccefs-
ful exertions of thofe 300,000 men. Philip, tired of
thefe divifions, and difpleafed with the behaviour of Ri¬
chard his vaffal, returned to his own country, which,
perhaps, he Ihould never have left, or at leaft have feen
again with more glory. Befides, he was attacked (fay
hiftorians) with a languifhing diforder, the effefts of
which were attributed to poifon ; but which might have
been occafioned merely by the fcorching heat of a cli¬
mate fo different from that of France. He loft his hair,
his beard, and his nails; nay, his very flelh came off.
The phyficians urged him to return home ; and he foon
determined to follow their advice. The year after, he
obliged Baudouin VIII. count of Flanders to leave him
the county of Artois. He next turned his arms againft
Richard king of England, from whom he took Evreux
and Vexin 5 though he had promifed upon the holy gof-
pels never to take any advantage of his rival during his
abfence ; fo that the confequences of this war were very
unfortunate. The French monarch, repulfed from
Rouen with lofs, made a truce for fix months ; during
which time he married Ingelburge, princefs of Denmark,
whofe beauty could only be equalled by her virtue. The
divorcing of this lady, whom he quitted in order to
marry Agnes daughter of the duke of Merania, em¬
broiled him with the court of Rome. The pope iffued
a fentence of excommunication againft him •, but it was
taken off upon his promifing to take back his former
wife. John Sans-terre fucceeded to the crown of Eng¬
land in 1199, to the prejudice of his nephew Arthur,
to whom of right it belonged. The nephew, fupported
by Philip, took up arms againft the uncle, but was de¬
feated in Poiftou, where he was taken prifoner, and af¬
terwards murdered. The murderer being fummoned
before the court of the peers of France, not having
appeared, was declared guilty of his nephew’s death,
and condemned to lofe his life in 1203. lan(ls,
fituated in France, were forfeited to the crown. Phi¬
lip fbon fet about gathering the fruit of his vaffal’s
crime. He feized upon Normandy, then carried his
vidtorious arms into Maine, Anjou, Touraine, Poidtou, Philip,
and brought thofe provinces, as they anciently were, “*
under the immediate authority of his crown. The Eng-
Ihh had no other part left them in France but the pro¬
vince of Guienne. To crown his good fortune, John his
enemy was embroiled with the court of Rome, which
had lately excommunicated him. The ecclefiaftical
thunder was very favourable for Philip. Innocent II.
put into his hands, and transferred to him, a perpetual
right to the kingdom of England. This king of France,
when formerly excommunicated by the pope, had de¬
clared his cenfures void and abufive j he thought very
differently, however, when he found himfelf the execu¬
tor of a bull inverting him with the Englilh crown. To
give the greater force to the fentence pronounced by his
holinefs, he employed a whole year in building 1700
(hips, and in preparing the fineft army that was ever
feen in France. Europe was in expedlation of a^deci-
five battle between the two kings, when the pope laugh¬
ed at both, and artfully took to himfelf what he had
beftowed upon Philip. A legate of the holy fee per-
fuaded John Sans-terre to give his crown to the court of
Rome, which received it with enthufiafm. Then Philip
was exprefsiy forbid by the pope to make any attempt
upon England, now' become a fee of the Roman church,
or againft John who was under her proteftion. Mean¬
while, the great preparations which Philip had made,
alarmed all Europe; Germany, England, and the Low-
Countries were united againft him in the fame manner
as we have feen them united againft Louis XIV. Fer-
rand, count of Flanders, joined the emperor Otho IV.
He W'as Philip’s vaffal; which wTas the ftrongeft reafon
for declaring againft him. The French king was no¬
wife difconcerted; his fortune and his courage dif-
fipated all his enemies. His valour wras particularly
confpicuous at the battle of Bouvines, which w'as
fought on the 27th of July 1214, and lafted from
noon till night. Before the engagement, he knew
well that fome of his nobles followed him with re-
ludlance. He affembled them together-, and placing
himfelf in the midft of them, he took a large golden
cup, which he filled with wine, and into which he
put feveral dices of bread. He ate one of them him¬
felf, and offering the cup to the reft, he faid, “ My
companions, let thofe who would live and die W’ith
me follow my example.” The cup was emptied in a
moment, and thofe who were the leaft attached to
him fought with all the bravery that could be expell¬
ed from his warmeft friends. It is alfo reported, that
after ftiow-ing the army the crown that w7as worn by
fovereigns upon thefe occafions, he faid, “ If any
one thought himfelf more worthy .than he was to wear
it, he had only to explain himfelf 5 that he ftiould be
content it were the prize of that man who ftiould dif-
play the greateft valour in battle.” The enemy had
an army of 150,000 fighting men j that of Philip .was
not half fo numerous^ but it was compofed of the
dower of his nobility. The king run great hazard of
his life 5 for he was thrown down under the horfes feet,
and wounded in the neck. It is faid 30,000 Germans
were killed ; but the number is probably much exag¬
gerated. The counts of Flanders-and Boulogne were
led to Paris with irons upon their feet and hands 5 a
barbarous cuftom which prevailed at that time. The
French king made no conqueft on the Jide of Germany
aftey 
PHI [27
Philip, after this ever memorable aftioh 5 but it gained him an
additional power over his vaffals. Philip, conqueror of
Germany, and poffelfor of almoit all the Englith domi¬
nions in France, was invited to the crown of England
by the fubjects of King John, who were grown weary
of his tyranny. The king of France, upon this occa-
lion, conduced himfelf like an able politician. He
perfuaded the Englilh to alk his fon Louis for their
king ; but as he wilhed at the fame time to manage the
pope, and not lofe the crown of England, he chofe to
aflift the prince his fon, without appearing to aft him¬
felf. Louis made a defcent upon England, was crown¬
ed at London, and excommunicated at Rome in 1216 j
but that excommunication made no change upon
John’s fituation, who died of grief. His death extin-
guilhed the refentment of the Englifh, who having de¬
clared themfelves for his fon Henry III. forced Louis
to leave England. Philip-Auguftus died a little time
after, at Mantes, the 14th of July 1223, aged 59, after
a reign of 43 years. Of all the kings of the 3d race,
he made the greateft acceffion to the crown-lands, and
tranfmitted the greatell power to his fucceflbrs. He re¬
united to his dominions Normandy, Anjou, Maine, Tou-
raine, Poitou, &c. After having fubdued John Sans-
terre, he humbled the great lords, and by the overthrow
of foreign and domeltic enemies, took away the counter-
poife which balanced his authority in the kingdom. Fie
was more than a conqueror; he was a great king and
an excellent politician j fond of fplendor on public
occafions, but frugal in private life j exaft in the ad-
miniftration of juftice} fkilful in employing alternately
flattery and threatenings, rewards and punilhments;
he was zealous in the defence of religion, and always
difpofed to defend the church ; but he knew well how
to procure from her fuccours for fupplying the exigen¬
cies of the ftate. The lords of Coucy, Rhetel, Ro-
fey, and feveral others, feized upon the property of
the clergy. A great many of the prelates applied for
proteftion to the king, who promifed them his good
offices with the depredators. Rut, notwithftanding
his recommendations, the pillages continued. The
bifhops redoubled their complaints, and intreated Phi¬
lip to march againfl: their enemies. “ With all my
heart (faid he) j but in order to fight them, it is necef-
fary to have troops, and troops cannot be raifed without
money.” The clergy underftood his meaning; they
furnifhed fubfidies, and the pillages ceafed. The en-
terprifes of Philip-Auguftus were almoft always fuc-
cefsful; becaufe he formed his projefts with delibera¬
tion, and executed them without delay. He began by
rendering the French happy, and in the end rendered
them formidable; though he was more inclined to
anger than to gentlenefs, to punifh than to pardon, he
was regretted by his fubjefts as a powerful genius and
as the father of his country. It was in his reign that
the marflial of France was feen, for the firft time, at
the head of the army. It was then, alfo, that families
began to have fixed and hereditary furnames 5 the lords
took them from the lands which they poffefled ; men
of letters from the place of their birth •, the converted
Jews and rich merchants from that of their refidence.
Two very cruel evils, viz. leprofy and ufury were pre¬
valent at that time 5 the one infefted the body, the
other proved the ruin of the fortunes of families. The
■number of lepers was fo great, that the fmalleft villages
k 4
op PHI
were obliged to have an hofpital for the cure of that di- Philip,
flemper. It is remarkable, that when Philip was on the ■
point of engaging Richard, the Englifh, who were lying
in ambulh near the Loire, run away with his equipage,
in which he caufed to be carried all the deeds or writ¬
ings refpefting the rights of the crown ; a cuftom
which is ufed at this day by the grand feignior. Philip
caufed copies of his charters to be collefted wherever
they could be found 5 but after all his endeavours, fome
of them were never recovered. The furname of Auguf-
tus was given to Philip by his cotemporaries. Mezeral
is miftaken, when he afferts that Paulus Emilius was
the firit w ho rendered the name of conqueror by that of
Auguftus 5 a learned critic has proved the contrary by
undoubted authorities.
Philip of Valois, firft king of France of the collate¬
ral branch of the Valois, was fon to Charles count of
Valois, brother of Philip the Fair. Pie mounted the
throne in 1328, on the death of his coufin Charles the
Fair, after having held for fome time the regency of the
kingdom. France w^as much divided in the beginning
of his reign, by difputes about the fucceflion to the
crown. Edw'ard III. king of England laid claim to it
as grandfon of Philip the Fair, by his mother 5 but Phi¬
lip of Valois took polTeftion of it as firft prince of the
blood. The people gave him, upon his acceflion to the
throne, the title of fortunate ; to which might have been
added, for fome time, thofe of victorious and juft. He
marched to the relief of his vaffal the count of Flanders,
whofe fubjefts, on account of bad ufage, had taken up
arms againft him. He engaged the rebels at Caffel,
performed prodigies of valour, and gained a fignal vic¬
tory, the 24th of Auguft 1328. Having made all
quiet, he wyent home, after faying to the count of Flan¬
ders, “ Be more prudent and more humane, and you
will have fewer difloyal fubjefts.” The victorious Phi¬
lip devoted the time of peace to the internal regulations
of his kingdom. The financiers were called to an ac¬
count, and fome of them condemned to death 5 among
others Peter Remi, general of the finances, who left be¬
hind him near 20 millions. He afterwards enafted the
law refpefting freeholds, impofing a tax upon churches,
and commoners wdio had acquired the lands of the nobi¬
lity. Then, alfo, began to be introduced the form of
appel comine d'abus, the principles of which are more
ancient than the name. The year 1329 wras diftinguifh-
ed by a folemn homage paid to Philip, by Edward king
of England, for the duchy of Guienne, upon his knees,
and wdth his head uncovered. The interior peace of
the kingdom was difturbed by difputes about the diftinc-
tion of the church and ftate. An aflembly was fum-
moned for hearing the two parties, in the prefence of
the king : and in this affembly Peter de Cugnieres, his
majefty’s advocate, defended the fecular jurifdiftion with
great ability as a man w'ell-informed, and an enlighten¬
ed philofopher. Bertrand bifliop of Autun, and Roger
archbilhop of Sens, pled the caufe of the clergy with
lefs ingenuity and judgement. This did not, however,
prevent the king from (bowing them favours, though
the controverfy itfelf laid the foundation of all the dif¬
putes which were afterwards agitated about the autho¬
rity of the tw7o powers •, difputes wdiich contributed not
a little to confine the ecclefiaftical jurifdiftion within
narrower limits. While Philip was employing himfelf
in fome ufefnl regulations, he was unhappily interrupted
by
f
PHI [ 271 ] PHI
Philip, by Edward III. declaring war againft France. This
■~~v 1 1 prince immediately recovered there parts of Gmenne of
which Philip was in poffeffion. The Flemilh having
again revolted from France in fpite of oaths and treaties,
joined the ftandard of Edward ; and required that he
would aflume the title of king of France, in confequence
of his pretenfions to the crown j becaufe then, agree¬
ably to the letter of their treaty, they only followed the
king of France. From this period is dated the union of
the flower-de-luce and leopards in the arms of England.
Edward, in order to juftify the change of his arms,
caufed the following manifefto to be publifhed in the
verfe of the times.
Rex fum regnorum, bina rationc, duorum :
Anglorum in regno fum rex ego jure paterno ;
Matris jure quidem Francorum nuncupor idem :
Hinc ejl armorum variatio faBa meorum.
In the way of a parody to thefe lines, Philip made
the following reply :
Prcedo regnorum qui diceris effe duorum,
Francorum regno privabens, atque paterno,
Succedunt mares huic regno, non muheres :
Hinc ef armorum variatio fulta tuorum.
In the mean time Philip put himfelf in a pofture of
defence. His arms were at firft attended with fome fuc-
cefs •, but thofe advantages were far from compenfating
the lofs of the battle of Eclufe,' in which the French
v fleet, confiding of 120 large fhips, and manned by
40,000 feamen, was beat by that of England in the
year 1340. This defeat is to be attributed, in part, to
the little attention which had been paid to the navy of
France, notwithflanding her favourable fituation, by be¬
ing wafhed by two feas. She was obliged to make ufe
of foreign fhips, which obeyed but flowly, and even
with fome reluftance. This w'ar, which had been al¬
ternately difcontinued and renewed, began again with
more heat than ever in 1345. The two armies having
come to an engagement the 26th of Augufl 1346, near
Creffy, a village in the county of Ponthieu, the Englifh
there gained a fignal viftory. Edward had only 40,000
men, while Philip had nearly twice that number ; but
the army of the former was inured to war, and that of
the latter was ill-difciplined and overcome with fatiguing
marches. France loft from 25,000 to 30,000 men ; of
which numbers were John king of Bohemia (who,
though blind, fought gallantly), and about 1500 gen¬
tlemen, the flower of the JTench nobility. The lofs of
Calais, and feveral other places, was the fad fruit of this
defeat. Some time before Edward had challenged Phi¬
lip of Valois to a fmgle combat 5 which he refufed, not
on the fcore of cowardice, but from the idea that it was
improper for a fovereign prince to accept a challenge
from a king who was his vaffal. At length, in 1347, a
truce for fix months was concluded between France and
England, and afterwards prolonged at different times.
Philip died a fhort time after, the 23d of Auguft 1350,
aged 57 years, and far from bearing on his monument
the title of Fortunate. He had, however, reunited Dau-
phiny to France. Humbert, the laft prince of that
country, having loft all his children, and wearied with
the wars which he had held out again ft Savoy, turned
a Dominican, and gave his province to Philip, in 1349,
on condition that the eldeft fon of the kings of France
fhould bear the title of Dauphin. Philip likewife added Philip-
to his domain Roufillon and a part of Cerdague, by lend-1-'V~
ing fome money to the king of Majorca, who gave
him thofe provinces as a fecurity 5 provinces which
Charles VIII. afterwards reftored without any reim-
burfement. It is furprifing that in fo unfortunate a
reign he ftiould have been able to purchafe thofe pro¬
vinces after having paid a great deal for Dauphiny 5 but
the duty on fait, the rife on the other taxes, and efpe-
cially the frauds committed in the coinage of money,
are fuppofed to have enabled him to make thofe acquifi-
tions. The fidftitious and ideal value of the coin was not
only railed, but a great deal of bad money was iffued
from the mint. The officers of the mint were fworn
upon the gofpels to keep the fecret: but how could Phi¬
lip flatter himfelf that fo grofs a fraud would not be dif-
covered ?
Philip II. fon of Charles V. and of Ifabella of Por¬
tugal, who was born at Valladolid on the 21ft of May
1527, became king of Naples and Sicily by his father’s
abdication in 1554. He afeended the throne of Spain
on the 17th of January 1556 by the fame means. Charles
had made a truce with the French, but his fon broke it •,
and having formed an alliance with England, poured in¬
to Picardy an army of 40,000 men. The French were
cut to pieces at the battle of St Quintin, which was
fought on the 20th of Auguft; 1557. That town was
taken by affault, and the day on which the breach was
mounted Philip appeared armed cap-a-pee in order to
animate the foldiers. It was the firft and laft time that
he was obferved to wear this military drefs. It is well
known, indeed, that his terror was lb great during the
attion that he made two vows ; one, that he Ihould ne¬
ver again be prefent in a battle 5 and the other, to build
a magnificent monaftery dedicated to St Lawrence, to
whom he attributed the fuccefs of his arms, which he
executed at Efcurial, a village about feven leagues from
Madrid. After the engagement, his general, the duke
of Savoy, wanted to kit's his hand 5 but Philip prevent¬
ed him, faying, “ It is rather my duty to kifs your’s,
who have the merit of fo glorious a vidftoryand im¬
mediately prefented him with the colours taken during
the abfion. The taking of Catelet, Ham, and Noyon,
were the only advantages which were derived from a bat¬
tle which might have proved the ruin of France. When
Charles V. was informed of this victory, it is faid he
alked the perfon who brought him the intelligence, “ if
his fon was at Paris ?” and being anfwered in the nega¬
tive, he went awav without uttering a Angle word. The
duke of Guife having had time to affemble an army, re¬
paired the difgrace of his country by the taking of Ca¬
lais and Thionville. While he was animating the
French, Philip gained a pretty confiderable battle againft
Marlhal de Thermes near Gravelines. His army was,,
on this occafion, commanded by Count Egmont, whom
he afterwards caufed to be beheaded. The conqueror
made no better ufe of the viflory of Gravelines than he
had done of that of St Ouintin •, but he reaped confider¬
able advantage from the glorious peace of Cateau-Cam-
brefis, the mafterpiece of his politics. By that treaty,
concluded the 13th of April 1559, he gained poffeffion
of the ftrong places of Thionville, Marienbourg, Mont-
medi, Hefdin, and the county of Charollois. This war,,,
fo terrible, and attended with fo much cruelty, was ter¬
minated, like many others, by a marriage. Philip took
PHI [ 2‘
'Philip, for lus third wife Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II. who
,v had been promifed to Don Carlos.
After thefe glorious atchievements, Philip returned in
triumph to Spain, without having drawn a-fword. His
firfl care, upon his arrival at Valladolid, was to demand
of the grand inquihtor the fpeftacle of an auto-da-fe.
This was immediately granted him ; 40 wretches, fome
of whom we re prieils or monks, were th-angled and
burnt, and one of them was burnt alive. Don Carlos
de Seza, one of thofe unfortunate victims, ventured to
draw near to the king, and faid to him, “ How, Sir,
can you fuffer fo many wretches to be committed to the
flames ? Can you be witnefs of fuch barbarity without
weeping r” To this Philip coolly replied, “ If my own
fon were iiifpeffed of herefy, I would myfelf give him
up to the feverity of the inquifition. Such is the horror
which I feel when I think of you and your companions,
that if an executioner were wanting, I would fupply his
place myfe^t.', On other occafions he conduced himfelf
agreeably to the fpirit which had di&ated this anfwer.
In a valley of Piedmont, bordering on the country of
the Milanefe, there were fome heretics ; and the gover¬
nor of Milan had orders to put them all to death by
the gibbet. The new opinions having found their
way into fome of the didriefs of Calabria, he gave or¬
ders that the innovators fhould be put to the fword,
with the refervation of 60 of them, of whom 30 were
afterwards firangled, and the reft committed to the
flames.
This fpirit of cruelly, and fnamefulabufeof his power,
had the e'fedl to weaken that power itfelf. The Fle-
mifh, no longer able to bear fo hard a yoke, revolted.
The revolution began with the fine and large provinces
of the continent j but the maritime provinces only ob¬
tained their liberty. In 11579 they formed themfelves
into a republic, under the title of the United Provinces.
Philip lent the duke of Alba to reduce them *, but the
cruelty of that general only ferved to exafperate the fpi¬
rit of the rebels. Never did either party fight with
more courage, or with more fury. The Spaniards, at
the fiege of Haerlem, having, thrown into the town the
head of a Dutch officer who had been killed in a fkir-
mifh, the inhabitants threw to them the heads of eleven
Spaniards, with this infeription : “ Ten heads for the
payment of the tenth penny, and the eleventh for inte-
reft.” Haerlem having furrendered at diferetion, the
conquerors caufed all the magiftvates, all the pallors,
and above 1500 citizens, to be hanged.
The duke of Alba, being at length recalled, the
grand commander of the Requefnes was lent in his place,
and after his death Don John of Auftria \ but neither of
thofe generals could reftore tranquillity in the Low
Countries. To this fon of Charles V. fucceeded a grand-
fon no lefs illuftrious, namely, Alexander Farnefe duke
of Parma, the greateft-man of his time •, but he could
neither preveut the independence of the United Pro¬
vinces, nor the progrefs of that republic which arofe un¬
der his own eye. It was then that Philip, always at his
cafe in Spain, inftead of coming to reduce the rebels in
Flanders, proferibed the prince of Orange, and fet
2 c,ooo crowns upon his head. William, fuperior to
Philip, difdained to make ufe of that kind of vengeance,
and trufted to his fvvord for his prefervation.
In the mean time the king of Spain fucceeded .to the
crown ©f Portugal, to which he had a right by his mo-
3
2 ] PHI
ther liabella. This kingdom was fubje£led to him by Plu%.
the duke of Alba, in the fpace of three weeks, in the y—-
year 1580. Antony, prior of Crato, being proclaimed
king by the populace of Lifbon, had the refolution to
come to an engagement j but he was vanquifhed, pur-
fued, and obliged to fly for his life.
A cowardly affaffin, Balthazar Gerard, by a piftol-
fhot killed the prince of Orange, and thereby delivered
Philip from his moft implacable enemy. Philip was
charged with this crime, it is believed without reafon \
though, when the news was communicated to him, he
was imprudent enough to exclaim, “ If this blow had
been given two years ago, the Catholic religion and I
would have gained a great deal by it.”
This murder had not the effeft to reftore to Philip the
Seven United Provinces. That republic, already power¬
ful by fea, affifted England againft him. Philip having
refolved to diftrefs Elizabeth, fitted out, in 1588, a
fleet called the Invincible. It confifted of 150 large
fhips, on which were counted 2650 pieces of cannon,
8ood feamen, 20,020 foldiers, and all the flower of the
Spanilh nobility. This fleet, commanded by the duke
of Medina Sidonia, failed from Lifbon when the feafon
was too far advanced ; and being overtaken by a violent
ftorm, a great part of it was dilperfed. Twelve fhips,
driven upon the coaft of England, were captured by
the Englifh fleet, which confifted of 100 fhips; 50
were wrecked on the coafts of France, Scotland, Ire¬
land, Holland, and Denmark. Such was the fuccefs of
the Invincible. See Armada.
This enterprife, which coft Spain 40 millions of du¬
cats, 20,000 men, and 100 fhips, was produftive only
of diigrace. Philip fupported this misfortune with a he¬
roic refolution. When one of his courtiers told him,
with an air of confternation, what had happened, he
coolly replied, “ I fent to fight the Englifh, and not the
winds. God’s will be done.” The day after Philip or¬
dered the bifhops to return thanks to God for having
prtferved fome remains of his fleet •, and he wrote thus
to tlie pope : “ Holy father, as long as I remain matter
of the fountain head, I fhall not much regard the lofs of
a rivulet. I will thank the Supreme Difpofer of em¬
pires, who has given me the power of eafily repairing a
difafler which my enemies muft attribute folely to the
dements which have fought for them.”
At the fame time that Philip attacked England, he
was encouraging in France the Holy League j the ob¬
ject of which was to overturn the throne and divide the
Hate. The leaguers conferred upon him the title of
ProteBor of their aflociation ■, which he eagerly accept¬
ed, from a periuaiion that their exertions would foon
condulft him, or one of his family, to the throne of
France. Pie thought himfelf fo fure of his prey, that
when fpeaking of the principal cities in France, he ufed
to fay, “ My fine city of Paris, my fine city of Orleans,”
in the fame manner as he would have fpoken of Madrid
and Seville. What was the refult of all thofe intrigues r*
Henry IV. embraced the Catholic religion, and by his
abjuration of Proteftantifm made his rival lofe France in
a quarter of an hour.
Philip, at length, worn out by the debaucheries of
his youth, and by the toils of government, drew near
his laft hour. A flow fever, the moft painful gout, and
a complication of other diiorders, could not difengage
him from bufmefs, or draw from him the leaft com¬
plaint.
PHI [ 273 ] PHI
Philip- plaint. “ Wliat!” faid he to the phyficians who hefi-
*■—v—' tated about letting blood of him j “ What! are you
afraid of drawing a few drops of blood from the veins of
a king who has made whole rivers of it flow from here¬
tics i1” At laft, exhaufted by a complication of diftem-
pers, which he bore with a heroic patience, and being
eaten up of lice, he expired the 13th of September
I59^> age(l 72 years, after a reign of 43 years and
eight months. During the laft 50 days of his illnefs he
{bowed a great fenfe of religion, and had his eyes almoft
always fixed towards heaven.
Watforis No charadter was ever drawn by different hiftorians
Philip II. in more oppofite colours than that of Philip ; and yet,
confidering the length and activity of his reign, there is
none which it fhould feem would be more ealy to afcer-
tain. From the facts recorded in hiftory, we cannot
doubt that he poffeffed, in an eminent degree, penetra¬
tion, vigilance, and a capacity for government. His
eyes were continually open upon every part of his ex ten-
five dominions. He entered into every branch of admi-
niftration j watched over the conduft of his minifters
with unwearied attention j and in his choice both of
them and of his generals, difcovered a confiderable ftiare
of fagacity. He had at all times a compofed and fettled
countenance, and never appeared to be either elated or
depreffed. His temper was the moft imperious, and his
looks and demeanor were haughty and fevere j yet among
his Spanilh fubje£ts he was of eafy accefs ; liftened pa¬
tiently to their reprefentations and complaints j and
where his ambition and bigotry did not interfere, was
generally willing to redrefs their grievances. When we
have faid thus much in his praife, we have faid all that
truth requires or truth permits. It is indeed impoffible
to fuppofe that he was infincere in his zeal for religion.
But as his religion was of the moft corrupt kind, it fer-
ved to increafe the natural depravity of his difpofition j
and not only allowed, but even prompted, him to com¬
mit the moft odious and (hocking crimes. Although a
prince in the bigotted age of Philip might be perfuaded
that the intereft of religion would be advanced by falfe-
hood and perfecution j yet it might be expefled, that,
in a virtuous prince, the fentiments of honour and hu¬
manity would on fome occafions triumph over the dic¬
tates of fuperftition : but of this triumph there occurs
not a Angle inftance in the reign of Philip •, who with¬
out hefitation violated his moft facred obligations as often
as religion afforded him a pretence, and under that pre¬
tence exercifed for many years the moft unrelenting
cruelty without relu&ance or remorfe. His ambition,
which was exorbitant 5 his refentment, which was im¬
placable ; his arbitrary temper, which would fubmit to
no controul—concurred with his bigotted zeal for the
Catholic religion, and carried the fanguinary fpirit,
which that religion was calculated to infpire, to a great¬
er height in Philip than it ever attained in any other
prince of that or of any former or fucceeding age.
Though of a fmall fize, he had an agreeable perfon.
His countenance was grave, his air tranquil, and one
could not difcover from his looks either joy in prof-
perity or chagrin in adverfity. The wars againft Hol¬
land, France, and England, coft Philip 564 millions of
ducats ; but America furnifhed him with more than
the half of that fum. His revenues, after the junc¬
tion of Portugal, are faid to have amounted to 25 mil¬
lions of ducats, of which he only laid out 100,coo for
Vol. XVI. Part I.
the fupport of his own houfehold. Philip was very Phd‘p._
jealous of outward refpeft j he was unwilling that any , ' ^‘PP1
ftiould fpeak to him but upon their knees. The duke
of Alba having one day entered this prince’s cabinet
without being introduced, he received the following
harfh falutation, accompanied with a ftormy counte¬
nance : “ An impudence like this of yours would de-
ferve the hatchet.” If he thought only how to make
himfelf be feared, he fucceeded in doing fo •, for few
princes have been more dreaded, more abhorred, or
have caufed more blood to flow, than Philip II. of
Spain. He had fucceflively, if not all at once, war
to maintain againft Turkey, France, England, Hol¬
land, and almoft all the Proteftants of the empire, with¬
out having a fingle ally, not even the branch of his
own houfe in Germany. Notwithftanding fo many
millions employed againft the enemies of Spain, Philip
found in his economy and his refources wherewith to
build 30 citadels, 64 fortified places, 9 fea ports, 25
arfenals, and as many palaces, without including the
Efcurial. His debts amounted to 140 millions of du¬
cats, of which, after having paid feven- millions of in¬
tereft, the greateft part was due to the Genoeie. More¬
over, he had fold or alienated a capital ftock of 100 *'
millions of ducats in Italy. He made a law, fixing the
majority of the kings of Spain at 14 years of age. He
affected to be more than commonly devout j he ate
often at the refeftory with the monks; he never enter¬
ed their churches without kifling all the relics j he
caufed knead his bread with the water of a fountain
which was thought to poffefs a miraculous virtue j he
boafted of never having danced, and of never wearing
breeches after the Grecian fafhion. Grave and folemn
in all his aflions, he drove from his prefence a woman
who had fmiled while he was blowing his nofe. One
great event of his domeftic life is the death of his fon
Don Carlos. The manner of this prince’s death is not
certainly knowm. His body, which lies in the monu¬
ment of the Efcurial, is there feparated from his head ;
but it is pretended that the head is feparated only be-
caufe the leaden coffin which contains the body is too
fmall. The particulars of his crime are as little known
as the manner in which it was committed. There is no
evidence, nor is there any probability, that Philip wTould
have caufed him to be condemned by the inquifition.
All that wre know of the matter is, that in 1568 his fa¬
ther, having difcovered that he had fome correfpondence
with the Hollanders his enemies, arrefted him himfelf in
his ovm room. He wrote at the fame time to Pope
Pius V. in order to give him an account of his fon’s
imprifonment; and in his letter to this pontiff, the 20th
of January 1568, he fays, “ that from his earlieft years
the ftrength of a wicked nature has ftifled in Don Carlos
every paternal inftru&ion.” It was Philip II. who
caufed to be printed at Anvers, between 1569 and
1572, in 8 vols folio, the fine Polyglot Bible, which
bears his name ; and it was he who fubje&ed the iflands
afterwards called the Philippines. He married fuccef-
fively, ift, Mary daughter of John III. king of Portu¬
gal j 2dly, Mary daughter of Henry VIII. and queen
of England \ jdly, Elizabeth of France, daughter of
Henry II. j 4thly, Anne, daughter of the emperor Maxi¬
milian II. Don Carlos was the fon of his firft wife,
and Philip III. of the laft.
PHILIPPI, in Ancient Geography^ a town of Mace-
M m donia,
PHI [2
donia, in the territory of the Edones, on the confines of
Thrace (Pliny, Ptolemy), filuated on the fide of a ileep
eminence anciently called Datum, and Drenides (Ap-
pian), though Strabo feems to dillinguilh them. This
town was famous on feveral accounts; not only as ta¬
king its name from the celebrated Philip of Macedon,
father to Alexander the Great, who confidercd it as a
fit place for carrying on the war againft the Thracians,
but alfo on account of two battles fought in its neigh¬
bourhood between Auguftus and the republican party.
In the firfl of thefe battles, Brutus and CaiTms had the
command of the republican army 5 while O&avianus,
afterwards Auguftus, and Mark Antony, had the com¬
mand of their adverfaries. The army of Brutus and
Caftius confifted of 19 legions and 20,000 horfe 5 the
imperial forces of an equal number of legions, but
more complete, and 13,000 horfe j lb that the numbers
on both fides were pretty equal. The troops of Brutus
were very richly dreited, moil of them having their ar¬
mour adorned with gold and fftver \ for Brutus, though
very frugal in other refpedls, was thus extravagant with
refpect to his men, thinking that the riches that they
had about them would make them exert themfelves the
more, to prevent thefe from falling into the enemy’s
hands. Both the republican generals appear to have
been inferior in fkill to Mark Antony ; for as to Ocla-
vianus, he is allowed never to have conquered but by
the valour of others. A little before the firft engage¬
ment, Oftavianus, who had been indifpofed, was carried
out of the camp, at the pvrfuafion of Artorius his phy-
fician, who had dreamed that he faw a vifion direding
him to be removed. Brutus’s men, who oppofed tbe
wing commanded by Odavianus, charged without
orders, which caufed great confufion. However, they
were fuccefsful; for part of them, taking a compafs
about, fell upon the enemy’s rear: after which they
took and plundered the camp, making a great (laughter
of fuch as were in it, find among the reft putting 2cco
Lacedemonians to the fword who w'ere newly come to
the afliftance of Odavianus. The emperor himfelf v'as
fought for, but in vain, having been conveyed away fi r
the reafon above mentioned ; and as the foldiers pierced
the litter in which he wTas ufually carried, it was thence
reported that he had been killed. This threw that
whole part of the army into fuch confternation that when
Brutus attacked them in front, they w’ere moft com¬
pletely routed; three whole legions being cut in pieces,
and a prodigious (laughter made among the fugitives.
But by the imprudence of the general in purfuing too
far, the wing of the republican army commanded by Caf-
fius was left naked and feparated from the reft of the
army; on which they wTere attacked at once in front
and in flank, and thus they were defeated and their
camp taken, while Brutus imagined that he had gain¬
ed a complete viblory. Caflius himfelf retired to an
eminence at a fmall diftance from Philippi; whence
he fent one of his greateft intimates to procure intelli¬
gence concerning the fate of Brutus. That general
was on his way, and already in view, W'hen the mef-
fenger fet out. He foon met his friends j but they
furrounding him to inquire the news, Caffius, who be¬
held what pafifed, imagined that he was taken prifoner
by the enemy, retired to his tent, and in defpair caufed
one of his freedmen cut off his head. Thus far at lead
is certain, that he went into the tent w ith that freed-
74 1 PHI
man, and that his head was found feparated from his Philippi,
body when Brutus entered. However, the ireedman Philippics,
was never afterwards-feen. r—-1
The fecond engagement wras pretty fimilar to the
firft. Brutus again oppofed Odtavianus, and met with
the fame fuccels; but in the mean time Antony, to
whom he ought undoubtedly to have oppofed inmick,
having to do only with the lieutenants oi Caitius, gam¬
ed a complete vidlory over them. What was worft,
the fugitives, inftead of leaving the field of battle al¬
lege l her, (led for protection to Brutus’s army ; where
crowding in amoT>g the ranks, they carried defpair
and confufion wherever they went, lo that a total de¬
feat enfued, and the republican army was almoft entire¬
ly cut in pieces. After the battle, Brutus put an end
to his own life, as is related more fully under the article
Rome.
The city of Philippi is likewife remarkable on ac¬
count of an epiftle written by St Paul to the church hi
that place. It was a Roman colony (Luke, Pliny,
Coin, Infcripiion). It is alib remarkable for being the
birth-place of Adrafius, the Peripatetic philolopher,
and difciple of Ariftotle.—The town is (fill in being,
and is an arch biff op’s fee ; but greatly decayed and bad¬
ly peopled. However, there is an old amphitheatre,
and feveral other monuments of its ancient grandeur.
E. Long. 44. 55. N. Lat. 41. o.
PHILIPPICS, fyihiTTKiKM Aoy«;,in literature, is a name
which is given to the orations of Demofthenes againft
Philip king of Macedon. The Philippics are reckoned
the mafter-pieces of that great orator : Longinus quotes
many inftances of the fubiime from them; and points
out a thoufand latent beauties. Indeed that pathetic
in which Demofthenes excelled,-the frequent interroga¬
tions and apoftrephes wherewith he attacked the indol¬
ence of the Athenians, where could they be better em¬
ployed ? Whatever delicacy there be in the oration
againft Leptines, the Philippics have the advantage over
it, wrere it only on account of the fubjedf, which gives
Demofthenes fo fair a field to difplay his chief talent,
we mean, with Longinus, that of moving and aftqnifh-
in£*. . v
Dionyfius Halicarnaffeus ranks the oration on the
Halonefe among the Philippics, and places it the eighth
in order : but though his authority be great, yet that
force and majefty wherein Cicero charatferizes the Phi¬
lippics of Demofthenes, feern to exclude the oration
on the Halonefe out of the number •, and authorize the
almoft univerfal opinion of the learned, who rejedl it
as fpurious. Libanius, Photius, and others, but above all
the languidnefs of the ftyle, and the lewnefs of the ex-
preflions, which reign throughout the w'hole, father it on
Hegefippus.
Philippic is likewife applied to the fourteen ora¬
tions of Cicero againft Mark Antony. Cicero him¬
felf gave them this title in his epiftles to Brutus 5 and
pofterity have found it fo juft, that it has been conti¬
nued to our times. Juvenal, Sat. x. calls the fecond
the divide P/ii/ip/>ic, and witneffes it to be of great
fame, confpicua; divina Philippica fames. That orator’s
intitling his laft and moft valued orations after the Phi¬
lippics of Demofthenes (hews the high opinion he had
of them. Cicero’s Philippics coft him his life ; Mark
Antony having been fo irritated with them, that when
he arrived at the triumvirate, he procured Cicero’s mur¬
der,
P H I
Philippine der, cut off his head, and ftuck it up in the very place.
Wands- whence the orator had delivered the Philippics.
'“"''v ' PHILIPPINE islands, are certain iflands of Affa,
which lie between 114 and 126 degrees of eait longi¬
tude, and between 6 and 20 degrees of north latitude j
Beatfori's about 300 miles fouth-eaft of China. They are Hid to
MU. Mem. he about 1200 in number, of which there are 400 very
confiderable. They form a principal divifion of that
immenfc Indian Archipelago, which confifts of fo many
thoufand itlands, fome of which are the largeft, and
many of them the richeft, in the world. The Philip¬
pines form the northernmofc clufter of thefe iilands, and
were difcovered in the year 1521 by the famous naviga¬
tor Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguefe gentleman, who
had fefved his native country both in the wars of Africa
and in the Eait Indies 5 particularly under Albuquerque,
the famous Portuguefe general, who reduced Goa and
Malacca to the obedience of that crown. Magellan
having had a confiderable fnare in thofe actions, and
finding himfelf neglefted by the government of Portu¬
gal, and even denied, as it is faid, the fmail advance of
a ducat a month in his pay, left the court of Portugal
in difguft, and offered his fervices to Charles V. then
emperor of Germany and king of Spain, whom he con¬
vinced of the probability of difeovering a way to the
Spice iflands, in the Eaft Indies, by the weft: where¬
upon the command of five fmail Ihips being given him,
he fet fail from Seville, on the icth-of Auguft 15x9,
and Handing over to the coaft of South America, pro¬
ceeded fouthward to 52°, where he fortunately hit up¬
on a ftrait, fince called the Strait of MAGELLAN, which
carried him into the Pacific ocean or South fca ; and
then fleering northxvard, repaffed the equator: after
which, he ftretched away to the weft, acrofs that vaft
ocean, till he arrived at Guam, one of the Ladrones,
on the 1 oth of March 1521 5 and foon after failed to
the weftward, and difcovered the Philippines, which
he did on St Lazarus’s day *, and, in honour of that
faint, he called them the Archipelago of St Lazarus.
He took poffeffion of them in the name of the king
of Spain, but happened to be killed in a Ikirmifh
be had with the natives of one of them. His people,
however, arrived afterwards at the .Moluccas, or Clove
iflands, where they left a colony, and returned to
Spain by the way of the Cape of Good Hope ; being
,the firft perfons that ever failed round the globe.—But
there was no attempt made by the Spaniards to fubdue
or plant the Philippine iilands until the year 1564, in
the reign of Philip II. fon of Charles V. when Don
Louis de Velafco, viceroy of Mexico, feht Michael
Lopez Delagafpes thither with a fleet, and a force fuf-
fleient to make a conqueft of thefe iflands, which he
named the Philippines, in honour of Philip II. then up¬
on the throne of Spain *, and they have remained under
the dominion of that crown till taken by Sir William
Draper. The Philippines are fcarce inferior to any
other iflands of Afia in all the natural produftions of
that happy climate •, and they are by far the beft fitua-
ted for an extenfive and advantageous commerce. By
their pofition, they form the centre of intercourfe with
China, Japan, and the Spice iflands; and whilft they
are under the dominion of Spain, they conneft the Afi-
atic and American commerce, and become a general
magazine for the rich manufactures of the one and for
tire treafures of the other. Befides, they are well fitua-
P H I
ted for a fupply of European goods, both from the fide Philippine
of Acapulco and by the way of the Cape of Coed Hope., L-a^;"
In fatt, they formerly enjoyed a traffic in fome degree
proportioned to the peculiar felicity of their fituation ;
but the Spanifh dominion is too vaft and unconnefted
to be improved to the beft advantage.—The fpirit of
commerce is not powerful in that people. 1 he trade ol
the Philippines is thought to have declined •, its great
branch is now reduced to two ffiips, which annually
pafs between thefe iflands and Acapulco in America,
and to a Angle port of Manilla in the ifland of Luconia.
Indeed the Spaniards appear by no means to be ac¬
tuated by the fpirit of induftry ; for, fo far from im¬
proving the fine fituation of thefe iflands to the ut-
moft, it happens, on the contrary, that the trade is
hurtful to the mother-country 5 for (to confine ourfelves
to Manilla, with which they have moft to do), inftead of
taking Spaniffi manufaftures, they trade wdth the Chi-
nefe for fpices, filks, ftockings, Indian fluffs, callicoes,
chintz, and many other articles } and with the Japanefe
for cabinets, and all forts of lacquered ware ; for all
which they pay in gold or filver. All thefe commodi¬
ties, together with what the iflands produce, and great
quantities of wrought plate by the Chinefe artifans, are
colledfted at Manilla, and tranfported annually in two
{hips to Acapulco in Mexico. Each of thefe (hips is
efteemed worth 6oo,oool. fterling •, and in the war
wflflch began in 1739, and which was not diftinguiflied
by fuch a feries of wonderful fucceffes as that which
ended in 1763, the taking of one of the galleons which
carry on the trade between Manilla and America, tvas
confidered as one of the moft brilliant advantages which
we gained. This trade is not laid open to all the inha¬
bitants of Manilla, but is confined by very particular reT
gulations, fomewhat analogous to thofe by which the
trade of the regifter fhips from Cadiz to the Weft Indies
is reftrained. The fhips employed are all king’s {hips,
commiffioned and paid by him •, and the tonnage is di¬
vided into a certain number of bales, all of the fame
fize. Thefe are divided among the convents at Manil¬
la, but before the fuppieflion of the Jefuits principally
among them, as a donation to fupport their millions, for
the propagation of the Roman Catholic faith. Moft of
the religious are concerned in this trade, and fell to the
merchants at a great price what room in the ffiip they
are not to occupy. This trade is by a royal edict limit¬
ed to a certain value, but it always exceeds it, each ihip
being generally worth 3,000,000 of dollars. The re¬
turns made from America are in filver, cochineal, fweet-
meats, together with fome European millinery ware for
the women, and fome ftrong Spaniffi wflne. It is obvi¬
ous, that the greateft part of the treafure remitted does
not remain at Manilla, but is difperfed over India for
goods. Many ftrong remonftrances againft this Indian
trade to Mexico have been made to the court of Spain,
wflrerein they urge, that the filk manufactories ofVa-
lentia and other parts of Spain, the linens from Cadiz,
and their other manufactories, are hurt in their fale in
Mexico and Peru, by the Chinefe being able to afford
them goods of the fame fort cheaper than they arte able ;
that were this trade laid open, the wffiole treafure of the
New World would centre in Spain, or wfith European
merchants ; but now7 it enriches only fome religious or¬
ders and a few private perfons. Wife as thefe argu¬
ments are, the Jefuits and priefts, verfant in intrigue,
r M m 2 a id
f 275 1
PHI [ 276 ] PHI
and the moft felfifh fet of men on earth, had intereft
enough at court to flop the effeft.
At Cavite in this bay are a fort, a town, and a fine
dock-yard, where thefe large galleons are built and re¬
paired, and where they load and unload, together with
all the other large (hips that trade to this bay.
The principal of the Philippine ifiands are Luconia
or Manilla, Tandago or Samar, Mafbate, Mindora,
Luban, Paragoa, Panay, Leyte, Bohel, Sibu, Sogbu,
Negros, St John, Xolo, and Mindanao. In moft of
thefe, the Spaniih power prevails, and all are under
the governor of Luconia ; but there are fome in which
that nation has little authority, or even influence, fuch
as Mindanao.
The inhabitants of thefe iflands confift of Chinefe,
Ethiopians, Malays, Spaniards, Portuguefe, Pintados or
Painted People, and Meftees, a mixture of all thefe.
Their perfons and habits refemble thofe of the feveral
nations whence they derive their original *, only, it is
obfervable, that the features of the blacks of thefe iflands
are as agreeable as thofe of the white people. There is
not a foil in the world that produces greater plenty of
all things for life ; as appears by the multitude of inha¬
bitants to be found in the ■woods and mountains, who
fubfift almoft entirely by the fruits of the earth, and the
venifon they take. Nor can any country appear more
beautiful; for there is a perpetual verdure, and buds,
bloflbms, and fruit, are found upon the trees all the
year round, as well on the mountains as in the cultivated
gardens. Vaft quantities of gold are walhed down
from the hills by the rains, and found mixed with the
fand of their rivers. There are alfo mines of other me¬
tals, and excellent loadftones found here •, and fuch
numbers of wild buffaloes, that a good huntfman on
horfeback, armed with a fpear, may kill 10 or 20 in a
clay. The Spaniards take them for their hides, which
they fell to the Chinefe ; and their carcafes ferve the
mountaineers for food. Their woods alfo abound with
deer, wild hogs, and goats. Of the laft, there is fuch
plenty in one of thefe iflands, that the Spaniards gave it
the name cf Cabras. Horfes and cows have been like-
wife imported into thefe iflands, from New Spain, China,
and Japan, which have multiplied confiderably ; but the
fheep that were brought over came to nothing. The
trees produce a great variety of gums \ one kind, which
is the commoneft, by the Spaniards called brea, is ufed
inftead of pitch \ of the others fome are medicinal,
others odoriferous.
In thofe iflands are monkeys and baboons of fuch a
fize, as to defend themfelves if attacked by men.
When they can find no fruit in the mountains, they
go down to the fea to catch crabs and oyfters •, and
that the oyfters may not clofe and catch their paws,
they firft put in a ftone to prevent their {hutting
clofe : they take crabs by putting their tail in the
holes where they lie, and when the crab lays hold of
it, they draw him out. There are alfo great numbers
of civet-cats in fome of the iflands. The bird called
tavan, is a black fea-fowl, fomething lefs than a hen,
and has a long neck •, it lays its eggs in the fand by the
fea-fide, 40 or in a trench, and then covers them,
and they are hatched by the heat of the fun. They
have likewife the bird fali$an, which builds her neft on
the fides of jocks. This is a fpecies of fwallow the nefts
of which are fo much efteemed in the eaft, being a kind Philippine
of jelly that diffolves in warm water. Iflands
The Spaniards have introduced feveral of the Ame-
rican fruits, which thrive here as well as in America j 1
the cocoa or chocolate-nut particularly, which increa-
fes fo that they have no occafion now to import it from
Mexico. Here is alfo the Fa UN TAIN-1 reey from which
the natives draw water j and there is likewife a kind of
cane, by the Spaniards called uaxuco, which, if cut,
yields fair water enough for a draught, of which there
is plenty in t|ie mountains, where water is moft want¬
ed.
Thefe iflands being hot and moift, produce abundance
of venomous creatures, as the foil does poifonous herbs
and flowers, which do not kill thofe who touch or tafte
them, but fo infeft the air, that many people die in the
time of their bloffoming.
The orange, lemon, and feveral other trees, bear
twice a-year. A fprig, when planted, becomes a tree
and bears fruit in a year’s time 5 fo that without any
hyperbole it may be affirmed, that a more luxuriant
verdant foil can fcarcely be conceived. The woods are
filled with old, large, and lofty trees, and fuch as yield
more fuftenance to man than is to be found in almoft
any other part of the world. Thefe iflands, however,
befides their other inconveniences, of which they have
many, are very fubjeff to earthquakes, which often
prove very fatal. See Manilla.
Philippines, a religious fociety of young women at
Rome, fo called from their taking St Philip de Neri
for their proteftor. The fociety confifts of 100 poor
girls, who are brought up till they are of age to be
married, or become nuns, under the direction of fome
religious women, who teach them to read, write, and
work, and inftruft them in the duties of Chriftianity.
They wear a white veil, and a black crofs on their
breafts. See Macedonia.
PHILIPPISTS, a feft or party among the Luthe¬
rans 5 the followers of Philip Melan<fthon. He had
ftrenuoufly oppofed the Ubiquifts, who arofe in his
time ; and the difpute growing ftill hotter after his
death, the univerfity of Wirtemberg, who efpoufed Me-
lan&hon’s opinion, were called by the Flacians, who at¬
tacked it, Philippi/is..
PHILIPS, Fabian, wras author of feveral books re¬
lating to ancient cuftoms and privileges in England.
He wras born at Preftbury in Gloucefterfliire, Sep¬
tember 28. 1601. When very young, he fpent fome
time in one of the Inns of Chancery ; and went from
thence to the Middle-Temple, where he became learned
in the law\ In the civil wars, he wras a bold affertor of
the king’s prerogative j and was fo ftrongly attached to
Charles I. that, tw-o days before that monarch was be¬
headed, he wnote a proteftation againft the intended
murder, and caufed it to be printed, and affixed to polls
in all public places. He likewife publilhed, in 1649,
4to, a pamphlet entitled, “ Veritas InconcuJJa ; or King
Charles I. no Man of Blood, but a Martyr for his
People which was reprinted in 1660, 8vo. In 1663,.
when the courts of juftice at Weftminfter, efpecially the
chancery, were voted down by Oliver’s parliament, he
publifhed, “ Confiderations againft the diffolving and
taking them away for which he received the thanks
of parliament. He was for fome time filazer for Lon-
PHI
[ 277 ]
PHI
Philip*, don, Middlefa, Cambridgefliire, and Himtmgdonlhire;
—V ' and fpent much money in learchmg records, and writing
in favour of the royal prerogative. The only advan-
tage he received for this attachment to the royal cauie
was, the place of one of the commiflioners for regulat¬
ing the law, worth 200I. per annum, which only lafted
two years. After the reftoration of Charles II. when
the bill for taking away the tenures was depending in
parliament, he wrote and publiihed a book to fliow the
neceffity of preferving them, entitled, “ Tenenda non
tollenda; or, the Neceflity of preferving Tenures in ca-
pite, and by Knigbt’s-fervice, which, according to their
firft inftitution, were, and are yet, a great part of the>-
luspopuli, &c. 1660,” 4to. In 1663 he publiihed,
“ The Antiquity, Legality, Reafon, Duty, and Necef¬
fity of Pre-emption and Pourveyance for the King,”
4to; and afterwards many other pieces upon fubjeds
of a fimilar kind. He aflifted Dr Rates in his “ Elen-
chus Motuum; efpecially in fearching the records and
offices for that work. He died, November 17th, 1690,
in his 89th year. He was a man well acquainted with
records and antiquities } but his manner of writing is
neither clofe nor well digefted. He publiihed a politi¬
cal pamphlet in 1681, entitled “ ^Jnfa Major et Minor;
fhowing that there is no fuch Fear, as is faditioufly pie-
tended, of Popery and arbitrary Power.”
Philips, Ambrofe, an Englifh poet, was defcended
from a very ancient and confiderable family of that
name in Leicefterfhire. He received his education at
St John’s college, Cambridge ; during his Hay at which
univerfity, he wrote his paftorals, which acquired him
at that time fo high a reputation. His next perform¬
ance was, The Life of Archbilhop W illiams, written,
according to Mr Cibber, to make known his political
* principles, which in the courfe of it he had a free op¬
portunity of doing, as the archbifhop, who is the hero
of his work, was a ftrong opponent to the high-church
meafures.
When he quitted the univerfity, and came to Lon¬
don, he became a conflant attendant at, and one of
the wits of, Button’s coffee-houfe, where he obtained
the friend flii p and intimacy of many of the celebrated
geniufes of that age, more particularly of Sir Richard
Steele, who, in the firft volume of his I atler, has in-
ferted a little poem of Mr Philips’s, which he calls a
Winter Piece, dated from Copenhagen, and addreffed to
the earl of Dorfet, on which he beftows the higheft en¬
comiums •, and, indeed, fo much juflice is there in thefe
his commendations, that even Mr Pope himfelf, wrho
had a fixed averfion for the author, while he affefted to
defpife his other works, ufed always to except this from
the number.
The firft diflike Mr Pope conceived againft Mr Phi¬
lips, proceeded from that jealoufy of fame which was
fo confpicuous in the charafter of that great poet j for
Sir Richard Steele had taken fo ftrong a liking to the
paftorals of the latter, as to have formed a defign for
a critical comparifon of them with thofe of Pope, in the
conclufion of which the preference was to have been
given to Philips. This defign, however, coming to Mr
Pope’s knowledge, that gentleman, who could not bear
a rival near the throne, determined to ward off this
flroke by a ftratagem of the moft artful kind; which
was no other than taking the fame talk on himfelf 5 and,
hr a paper in the Guardian, by drawing the like com-
parifon, and giving a like preference, but on principles
of criticifm apparently fallacious, to point out the ab-
furdity of fuch a judgment. However, notwithflanding
the ridicule that was drawn on him in confequence of
his Handing as it were in competition with fo powerful
an antagonift, it is allowed, that there are, in fome parts
of Philips’s paftorals, certain ftrokes of nature, and a
degree of fimplicity, that are much bettpr luited to the
purpofes of paftoral, than the more correftly turned pe¬
riods of Mr Pope’s verfification. Mr Philips and Mr
Pope being of different political principles, was another
caufe of enmity between them } which arofe at length
to fo great a height, that the former, finding his antago¬
nift too hard for him at the weapon of wit, had even
determined on making ufe of a rougher kind of argu¬
ment } for which purpofe he even went fo far as to hang
up a rod at Button’s for the chaftifement of his adver-
fary whenever he fhould come thither j which, however,
Mr Pope declining to do, avoided the argumentum ba-
cuhnam, in which he would, no doubt, have found him¬
felf on the weakeft fide of the queftion. Our author
alfo wrote feveral dramatical pieces 5 The Briton, Di-
ftreffed Mother, and Humphrey Duke of Gloucefter
all of which met with fuccefs, and one of them is at
this time a ftandard of entertainment at the theatres,,
being generally repeated feveral times in every feaion-
Mr Philips’s circumftances were in general, through his
life, not only eafy, but rather affluent, in confequence of
his being connefted, by his political principles, with
perfons of great rank and confequence. He was con¬
cerned with Dr Hugh Boulter, afterwards archbiftrop
of Armagh, the right honourable Richard Weft,. Efq.
lord chancellor of Ireland, the reverend Mr Gilbert
Burnet, and the reverend Mr Henry Stevens, in writing
a feries of papers called the Free Thinker, which were
all publilhed together by Mr Philips, in three volumes
in 12mo.
In the latter part of Queen Anne’s reign, he was
fecretary to the Hanover club, who were a fet of noble¬
men and gentlemen who had formed an allociation in¬
honour of that fuccefflon, and for the fupport of its in-
terefts, and who ufed particularly to diftinguilh in their
toafts fuch of the fair fex as were moft zealoufly attach¬
ed to the illuftrious Houfe of Brunfwic. Mr Philip’s
ftation in this club, together with the zeal fhown in his
writings, recommended him to the notice and favour of
the new government. He was, foon after the accefflon,
of King George I. put into the commifflon of the peace,
and appointed one of the commiffloners of the lottery.
And, on his friend Dr Boulter’s being made primate of
Ireland, he accompanied that prelate acrofs St George’s
Channel, where he had confiderable preferments bellow¬
ed on him, and was elefted a member of the Houfe of
Commons there, as reprefentative for the county of Ar¬
magh. At length, having purchafed an annuity for
life of 400I. per annum, he came over to England
fome time in the year 17485 but having a very bad
ftate of health, and being moreover of an advanced
age, he died foon after, at his lodgings near Vauxhall,
in Surry.
“ Of his perfonal chara&er (fays Dr Johnfon) all I
have heard is, that he was eminent for bravery, and Ikill
in the fword, and that in converfation he was folemn
and pompous.” He is fomewhere called Quaker Phi¬
lips, but, however, appears to have been a man of inte¬
grity.*:
Philip*.
*
vfe.
PHI ' [2
ips. , grity \ for llie late Paul Whitehead relates, that when
Mr Addifon was fecretary of Hate, Philips applied to
him for fome preferment, but was coolly anfwered,
“ that it was thought that he was already provided for,
by being made a juftice for Weftminfter.” To this ob-
lervation our author, with fome indignation, replied,
“ Though poetry was a trade he could not live by, yet
he fcomed to owe fubfiftence to another which he ought
not to live by.”
d. he following anecdote is told of our author by Dr
Johnfon : “ At a coffee-houfe, he (Philips) wras dicour-
fing upon pictures, and pitying the painters, who, in
their hillorical pieces, always draw' the fame fort of
yfy.” “ They ihould travel (faid he), and then they
would fee that there is a different Jky in every country,
in England, France, Italy, and fo forth.” “ Your re¬
mark is juft (faid a grave gentleman who fat by), I
have been a traveller, and can teftify what you obferve
is true ; but the greateft variety of Jkies that I found
was in Poland.” “ In Poland, Sir ? (fays Philips).”
“ Yes, in Poland ; for there is Sobie/#y, and Sabrun-
Jh,, and Jablon/£y, and Podebra/£y, and many more
Jkiesy
Philips, Catharine, a very ingenious lady, the daugh¬
ter of Mr John Fowler merchant, was born at London
in January 1631, and educated at a fchool at Hackney.
She married James Philips of the priory of Cardigan,
Efq. and wrent wuth the vifcountefs of Dungannon into
Ireland, where fhe trandated Corneille’s tragedy of Pom-
pey into Englifh, which wms feveral times atfted there
with great applaufe.
She tranflated alfo the four firft affs of Horace, ano¬
ther tragedy of Corneille, the fifth being done by Sir
John Denham. This excellent and amiable lady, for
fuch it feems fhe was, died of the fmall-pox in London,
the 22d of June 1664, much and juftly regretted j “ ha¬
ying not left (fays Langbaine) any of her fex her equal
in poetry.—She not only equalled (adds he) all that is
reported of the poetdfes of antiquity, the Lefbian
Sappho and the Roman Sulpitia, hut juftly found her
admirers among the greateft poets of our age.” Cow¬
ley wrote an ode upon her death. Dr Jeremy Taylor
had addreffed to her his “ Meafures and Offices of
Friendfhip :” the fecond edition of which was printed
in 1657, I2mo. She affumed the name of Orinda. In
1667, were printed, in folio, “ Poems by the moft de-
fervedly admired Mrs Catharine Philips, the matchlefs
Orinda. To which is added, Monfieur Corneille’s Pom-
pey and Horace, tragedies. With feveral other tranfla-'
tions from the French and her picture before them,
engraven by Faithorne. There was likewife another
edrtion in 1678, folio } in the preface of which we are
told, that 41 flie wwote her familiar letters with great fa¬
cility, in a very fair hand, and perfedt orthography ; and
if they were collected with thofe excellent difcourfes
the wnote on feveral fubjedts, they would make a volume
much larger than that of her poems.” In 1705, a
fmall volume of her letters to Sir Charles Cottrel was
printed, under the title of “ Letters from Orinda to Po-
liarchus.” I he editor of thefe letters tells us, that
“ they were the effect of an happy intimacy betwreen
herfelf and the late famous Poliarchus, and are an
admirable pattern for the pleafing correfpondence of a
virtuous friendfhip. i hey will fufficiently in ft rued, us,
how an intercourfe of writing - between perfons of
2
78 ] PHI
different fexes ought to be managed with delight and
innocence; and teach the world not to load fuch a
commerce with cenfure and detradtion, when it is re¬
moved at flich a diftance from even the appearance of
guilt.”
Philips, John, an eminent Englifh poet, was bom in
1676. He was educated at Winchefter and Oxford,
where he became acquainted with Milton, whom he flu-
died with great application, and traced in all his fuccef’s-
ful tranflations from the ancients. The firft poem which
diftinguifhed our author, was his Splendid Shilling,
which is in the Taller fly led the “ fineft burlefque poem
in the Englifh language.” His next was entitled Blen¬
heim, which he wrote at the requeft of the earl of Ox¬
ford, and Mr Henry St Johp, afterwards Lord Boling-
broke, on the vidtory obtained there by the duke of
Marlborough in 1704. It was publifhed in 1705; and
the year after he finifhed another poem upon cyder, the
firft book of which had been written at Oxford. It is
on the model of Virgil’s Georgies, and is a very excel¬
lent piece. We have no more of Mr Philips but a
Latin ode to Henry St John, Eiq. which is efteemed a
mafterpiece. He w7as contriving greater things ; but
illnefs coming on, he was obliged to drop every thing
but the care of his health. This care, however, did not
fave him : for, after lingering a long time, he died at’
Hereford, Feb. 15. 1708, of a confumption and afthnia,
before he had reached his 33d year. He was interred
in the cathedral of that city with an infeription over
bis grave ; and had a monument eredted to his memory
in Weftminfter-abbey by Sir Simon Harcourt, after¬
wards lord-chancellor, with an epitaph upon it written
by Dr Atterbury, though commonly aferibed to Dr
Freind. He was one of thofe few poets whole mufe
and manners rvere equally excellent and amiable ; and
both were fo in a very eminent degree.
Dr Johnfon obferves, that “ Philips has been always
praifed, without contradidfion, as a man modeft, blame-
lefs, and pious 5 who bore a narrow fortune without dif-
content, and tedious and painful maladies' without im¬
patience ; beloved by thofe that knew him, but not am-
bilious to be known. He was probably not formed for
a wide circle. His convexfation is commended for its
innocent gaiety, which feems to have flowed only among
his intimates \ for I have been told, that he was in com¬
pany filent and barren, and employed only upon the
pleafures of his pipe. His addition to tobacco is men¬
tioned by one of his biographers, who remarks, that in
all his writings exdept Blenheim he has found an oppor¬
tunity of celebrating the fragrant fume. In common
life, he was probably one of thofe who pleafe by not of¬
fending, and whofe perfen was loved, becaufe his wri¬
tings were admired. He died honoured and lamented,
before any part of his reputation had withered, and be¬
fore his patron St John had difgraced him. His works
are few. i he Splendid Shilling has the uncommon
merit of an original defign, unlefs it may be thought
precluded by the ancient Centos. To degrade the found¬
ing works and ftately conftruftion of Milton, by an ap¬
plication to the loweft and moft trivial things, gratifies
the mind with a momentary triumph over that grandeur
which hitherto held its captives in admiration ; the
words and things are prefented with a new appearance,
and novelty is always grateful where it gives no pain.
But the merit of fuch performances begins and ends
■with
PHI [ 27
Philip?, witli the firft; author. He that fhould again adapt Mil-
P'hiiipiburg ton’s phrafe to the grofs incidents of common lite, and
even adapt it with more art, which would he onfi-
cult, mult yet expedt but a fmail part^ of the praife
which Philips has obtained; he can only hope to be
confidered as the repeater ot a jeft.
“ There is a Latin ode written to his patron St
John, in return for a prefent of wine and tobacco,
which cannot be paffed without notice. It is gay and
elegant, and exhibits feveral artful accommodations of
clailic expreffions to new purppfes. It feems better
turned than the odes of Liannes. To the poem on
cyder, written in imitation of the Georgies,. may be
given tins peculiar praife, that it is grounded in truth ;
that the precepts which it contains are exadf and juft ;
and that it is therefore at once a book of entertainment
and of fcience. This I wTas told by Miller, the great
gardener and botanift, whofe expreffion was, that ‘ there
were many books written on the fame fubjedt in prefe,
which do not contain fo much trutn as that poem.1 In
the difpofition of his matter, fo as to interfperfe pre¬
cept, relating to the culture of trees, with fentiments
more generally pleanng, and in eafy and graceful tranfi-
tions from one fubjedt to another, he has very diligent¬
ly imitated his mailer ; but he unhappily pleaied him-
felf with blank verfe, and fuppofed that the numbers of
Milton, which imprefs the mind with veneration, com¬
bined as they are with fubjedls of inconceivable gran¬
deur, could be fullained by images which at moft can
rife only to elegance. Contending angels may lhake.
the regions of heaven in blank verfe; but the flow of
equal meafures, and the embelliihment of rhime, mull
recommend to our attention the art of engrafting, and
decide the merit of the redftreak and pearmain. What
iludy could confer, Philips had obtained; but natural
deficiency cannot be fupplied. He feems not born to
greatnefs and elevation. He is never lofty, nor does he
often furprife with unexpedted excellence : but perhaps
to his laft poem may be applied what Tully faid of the
work of Lucretius, that ‘ it is written with much art,
though with few blazes of genius.”
It deferves to be remarked, that there were two poets
of both the names of our author, and who flounfhed in
his time. One of them was Milton’s nephew7, and
wrote feveral things, particularly fome memoirs of his
uncle, and part of Virgil Travellied. The other was
the author of two political farces, wdiich were both
printed in 1716 ; 1. The Earl of Mart married, with
the Humours of Jocky the Llighlander. 2. The Pre¬
tender’s Flight; or a Mock Coronation, with the Hu¬
mours of the facetious Llarry St John.
PHILIPSBURG, is an imperial town of Germany,
in the circle of the Upper Rhine. It is very ftrong,
and looked upon as one of the bulwarks of the empire.
It is feated in a morafs, and fortified with feven baftions,
and feveral advanced works. The town belongs to the
bifhop of Spire, but all the works and the fortifications
to the empire. It has been feveral times taken and re¬
taken, particularly by the French in 1734, when the
duke of Berwick was killed at the liege; but it was
rendered back the year following, in confequence of the
treaty of Vienna, It is feated on the river Rhine, over
which there is a bridge feven miles fouth of Spire, 22
fouth-eafl; of Worms, and 40 north-eaft of Stndburg.
E. Long. 8. 3.3. N. Lat. 49. 12.
9 ] PHI
PHILI5T/EA, in Ancient Geography, the country I
of the Philiftines (Bible); w7hich lay along the Medi- p
terranean, from Joppa to the boundary of Egypt, and
extending to inland places not far from the coaft. Pa-
Lejiini, the people; Palajlina, the country (Jofephus) :
Afterwards applied to the whole of the Holy Land and
its inhabitants. Phi/ijfcei, the people (Septuagint) ;
Phili/iini (Vulgate) ; the Caphtorim and Philifiim, ori¬
ginally from Egypt, and defeendants of Cham (Mofes).
Expelled and dellroyed the Plivites the ancient inhabi¬
tants, and occupied their country ; that is, the region
which retained the name of Philijlim, in which that of
Caphtorim was fwid lowed up.
PHILISTINES, were the ancient inhabitants of
Paleftine, well known in faeved hiflory. Thefe people
are fomeumes called in Scripture Cherethitcs and Caph-
torims. The earlier part of their hiftory* is, like that of
moft other nations, very obfeure and uncertain. The
authors of the Univerfal Hiftory tell us, that they were
defeended from the Cafluhim partly, and partly from
the Caphtorim, both from the loins of Mizraim the fon
of Ham, the fon of Noah. Mofes tells us (Deut. xi.
23.), that they drove out the Avim or Avites even to
Azzah or Gazah, where they fettled ; but when this
happened cannot be determined. On the whole, how¬
ever, our learned authors are clearly of opinion, that the
Cafluhim and Caphtorim, from whom the Philiftines are
defeended, came originally from Egypt, and called the
country which they had conquered by their own name
(See Palestine). Many interpreters, however, think,
that Caphtor was but another name for Cappadocia,
which they imagine to have been the original countiy
of the Philiftines. But Father Calmet, in a particular
diftertation prefixed to the firft book of Samuel, en¬
deavours to ftiow that they were originally of the
ifle of Crete. The reafons which led him to think
that Caphtor is the ifle of Crete are as follow7 : The
Philiftines were ftrangers in Paleftine, as appears in
various parts of Scripture ; fuch as Gen. x. 14.
Deut. ii. 23. Jer. xlvii. 4. and Amos ix. 7. whence
the Septuagint alwTays tranflate this name Strangers.
Their proper name was Cherethims, for Ezekiel
(xxv. 16.), fpeaking againft the Philiftines, has thefe
words, “ I will flretch out mine hand upon the Phi¬
liftines, and I will cut off the Cherethims, and de-
ftroy the remnant of the fea coaft.” Zephaniah (ii. 5.),
inveighing againft the fame people, fays, “ Wo unto
the inhabitants of the fea-coafts, the nation of the Che-
rethites.” And Samuel (Book I. xxx. 14.) fays, that
the Amalekites made an irruption into the country of
the Cherethites, that is to fay, of the Philiftines, as the
fequel of the difeourfe proves. And afterwards the
kings of Judah had foreign guards called the Cherethites -
and Pelethites, who were of the number of the Phili¬
ftines (2 Sam. xv. 18.) The Septuagint, under the
name Cherethites, underftood the Cretans; and by Che-
rith they underftood Crete. Befides the Scripture fays,
that the Philiftines came from the ifle of Caphtor.
Now we fee no ifland in the Mediterranean wherein the
marks whereby the Scripture deferibes Caphtor and
Cherethim agree better than in the ifle of Crete. The
name Cretim or Cherethim is the fame with that of Cre-
tenfes. The Cretans are one of the moft ancient and
celebrated people which inhabited the iflands of the
Mediterranean. They pretended to have been pro¬
duced
PHI [ 280 ] PHI
, Vhi'.iftines. Jucej originally out of their on n foil. This ifland was They are conilantly mentioned in Scripture as (hangers; Wiilidines.
well peopled in the time of the Trojan war. Homer and, though poflelfed of a very confiderable part of the * ■"■ 7" “■l
calls it the illand with a hundred cities. The city of Land of Promife, yet God would never fuffer them to
Gaza in Paleltine went by the name of Mtnoa QSteph. be driven out, they being Egyptians by defcent, and not
By%ant. in Gaza), becaufe Minos king of Crete coming original natives, whofe land only was promifed to Abra-
xnto that country, called this ancient city by his own ham and his feed. Their arrogance and ambition were
narne* great; and fo irreconcileable was their enmity (a) to
Herodotus acknowledges that the Cretans were orlgi- the Ifraelites, that one would be almoft tempted to
nally all barbarians, and did not come from Greece, think they were created on purpofe to be a thorn in
Homer fays, that a different language was fpoken in their fides ; for though the hand of God was evidently
the ifle of Crete , that there were Greeks there, true againft them feveral times, and particularly when they
or ancient Cretans, Pelafgians, &c. The ancient Cre- detained the ark, yet they hardened their hearts, and
tans are the fame as the Cherethites, the Pelafgians as clofed their eyes againft convi£tion. They feem to have
the Philiftines or Pelethites of the Scripture : their entertained a very fond veneration for their deities, in
language was tlm fame with that of the Canaanites or which they perfifted, though they were eye witneffes of
Phoenicians, that is, Hebrew : they were defcended, as the Ih'ame and ignominy which b^fel them in the pre¬
well as Canaan, from Ham, by Mizraim (Gen. x. 6, 13, fence of the captive ark ; nay, they were fo biaffed in
14.). The manners, arms, religion, and gods of the their favour, as to imagine that their gods might prevail
Cretans and Philiftines were the lame. The arms of the againft Him who had in fo glaring a manner put them
one and the other were bows and arrows. Dagon the to lhame and difgrace. They were much engaged in
god of the Philiftines was the fame as the Di&ynna of trade ; which, confidering their fituation, they may have
the Cretans. N exercifed from the beginning 5 but, by the acceflion of
Whether thefe arguments are convincing, it is not for the fugitive Edomites in David’s time, they rofe to fo
us to determine 5 but Wells does not think they are, as great a reputation as merchants, that the Greeks, it
he is of the fame opinion with the authors of the Uni- feems, preferred them to all other nations in that refpedt,
verfal Hiftory, who fay, that Coptus, the name of an old and from them called all the country bordering on theirs
city of Egypt, is a corruption of the ancient Caphtor. Palejline. Their language was not fo different from
It is not, however, of great importance to determine that fpoken by the Hebrew's as to caufe any difficulty
whether they came from Crete, from Cappadocia, or for them to converfe together, as will be perceived by
from Egypt : they had certainly been a confiderable their intercourfe with Abraham and Ifaac ; fo that, in
time in the land of Canaan, when Abraham arrived all this region, the feveral nations Ipoke one and the
there in the year of the wTorld 2083. they were then fame tongue, perhaps with fome variation of dialefl.
a very powerful people, were governed by kings, and They had doubtlefs the arts and fciences in common
in poffeffion of feveral confiderable cities. The race of with the moft learned and ingenious among their con-
kings then in ppwer were honoured with the title of temporaries, and perhaps fome of them in greater per-
Abimelech. This face, however, was but of ffiort du- fe&ion. They had giants among them $ but whether
ration j for their monarchy became an ariftocracy of five they were originally of the breed of the Anakims, who
lords, who were, as far as we can difcover, partly inde- retired hither when they were expelled from Hebron, or
pendent of each other, though they a<fted in concert for were fprung from accidental births, is not eafily deter-
the common caufe. This form of government was again mined. We muft not forget, that the invention of the
fucceeded by another race of kings, diftinguiffied by the bow and arrow is afcribed to this people,
title oi AcJiifh, though they alfo bore that of Abimeleck. “ Their religion was different at different times 5 un-
The kings were always under great limitations. The der their firft race of kings, they ufed the fame rites with
Philiftines appear to have been a very warlike people, the Hebrews. Abimelech, in the fin he had like to
induftrious, and lovers of freedom $ they did notcircum- have committed with Sarah, through Abraham’s timi-
v°g ''Pj cife> and in the early periods of their hiftory held adul- dity, was favoured with a divine admonition from God,
40 ’ c‘ tery in the greateft abhorrence. “ Their charafter (fay and, by his fpeech and behaviour at that time, it feems
the authors of the Univerfal Hiftory) muft be confider- as if he had been ufed to converfe with the Deity. In
ed at different periods; for we may fay they were not after-times, they fell into endlefs fuperftitiom, and dif-
always the fame people. In the days of Abraham and ferent kinds of idolatry ; each of the principal or five ci-
Ifaac, they were without all doubt a righteous and hof- ties feemed to have an idol of its own. Marna, Marnas,
pitable nation: but afterwards a revolution in govern- or Marnaffi, was worffiipped at Gaza, and is faid to
ment, religion, and morals, may have enfued. From have migrated into Crete, and to have become the Cre-
thenceforward they became like other idolatrous nations j tan Jupiter. Dagon was worlhipped at Azotus ; he
the fame enormities crept in and prevailed among them, feems to have been the greateft, the moft ancient, and
moft
(a) C{ From a paffage in Chronicles, it is gueffed to have been of very ancient date •, where it is faid, that ‘ the
men of Gath flew the children of Ephraim, who would have taken their cattle from them.’ This incident is no¬
where elfe to be found j and there are various notions concerning the fenfe in which we muft take this paffage.
As to the time of the tranfadlion, moft people allow it to have been while the children of Ifrael were fojourners in
-Egypt’ It plainly appears, by the next verfe, that Ephraim himfelf was living at that period. The Targum fup-
pofes his children mifcomputed the time they were to fejrve in Egypt, and began too early an attempt upon their
JPromifed Land.”
4
PHI
Phili (lines, i^oft favCunte god they had; to which may be added,
V—' that he perhaps fubfifted the longeft of any that did not
ftraggle out of the country. To him they afcribed the
invention of bread-corn, or of agriculture, as his name
imports. We cannot enter into the common notion of
his being reprefented as a monfter, half man half filh j
nor confequently into another, filmoft as common, that
he is the -fame with the Syrian goddefs Derceto, who,
we are told, was reprefented under fome fuch mixed
form. Our opinion is, that this idol was in Ihape whol¬
ly like a man *, for we read of his head, his hands, and
his feet. He flood in a temple at Azotus, and had
priefts of his own who paid him a very conftant attend¬
ance. Next to Dagon was Baalzebub the god of Ek-
ron. In the text of the New Teftament he is called
Beelzebub, and the prince of devils. His name is ren¬
dered lord of flies ; which by fome is held to be a mock
appellation bellowed on him by the Jews ; but others
think him fo ftyled by his worlhippers, as Hercules A-
pomyios, and others, were, from his driving thofe in-
fedfs away ; and urge, that Ahaziah, in his licknefs,
would fcarcely have applied to him, if his name had
carried in it any reproach. But it muft be remembered,
it is the facred hiftorian that makes ufe of that contemp¬
tuous term in derifion } whereas the idolatrous monarch,
w ho was one of his votaries, might call him by his com¬
mon name, fuppofed to have been Baal-zebaoth, ‘ the
lord of armies,’ or Baal-JhaMifn, ‘ lord of heaven,’ or
fome other bordering on Baal-zebub. How, or under
what form he was reprefented is uncertain : fome place
him on a throne, and attire him like a king j others
paint him as a fly. Not to dwell on this obfcurity, it
appears that he became an oracle of the higheft repute
for omnifcience and veracity $ that he had priefts of his
own $ and that he, in the middle times at leaft, w as
much fought after by thofe who were anxious about fu¬
turity. Derceto wre take certainly to have been the
goddefs of Afcalon j but wre are fupported by profane
authority, without the leaft countenance from Scripture.
Gath is feemingly the only city of all the five unprovid¬
ed with a deity j wherefore, as the Scripture declares,
that Aflitaroth, or Aftarte, was wrorfhipped by this peo¬
ple, we are ready to place her at Gath, and the rather,
as this of all their cities may have had moft communica¬
tion with Sidon. To fpeak in general concerning their
religious rites and ceremonies, which is all we can do,
they feem to have ereffed very large and fpacious tem¬
ples, or very wide halls, for the celebration of their fo-
Jemn feafons and feftivals (for fuch they furely had) ;
their religious offices w’ere attended wTith much pomp,
and a great concourfe from all parts ; and they prefent-
ed their gods with the chief part of their fpoil, and car¬
ried them about with them when they wrent to war. We
do not find in Scripture that they facrificed their chil¬
dren •, and yet the Curetes (b) are faid to be their de-
fcendants.”
With refpect to the hiftory of this extraordinary peo¬
ple, we find from the above extract, that they were not
Vol. XVI. Part I.
P H I
comprehended in the number of nations devoted to ex- Pi
termination, and whofe territory the Lord had abandon¬
ed to the Hebrews $ nor wrere they of the curfed feed of
Canaan. However, Jofliua did not forbear to give their
lands to the Hebrews, and to fet upon them by com¬
mand from the Lord, becaufe they poffefied a country
wffiich was promifed to the people of God (Jofli. xv. 41;
—47. and xiii. 2, 3.). But thefe conquefts of Jofliua
muft have been ill maintained, fince under the Judges,
under Saul, and at the beginning of the reign of David,
the Philiftines oppreffed the Ifraelites. True it is,
Shamgar, Samfon, Samuel, and Saul, made head againft
them, but did not reduce their powder •, and they conti¬
nued independent down to the reign of David, who fub-
jedled them to his government.
They continued in fubjettion to the kings of Judalr
down to the reign of Jehoram, fon of Jehoffiaphat j that
is, for about 246 years. However, Jehoram made war
againft them, and probably reduced them to his obedi¬
ence again *, becaufe it is obferved in Scripture, that they
revolted again from Uzziah j and that this prince kept
them to their duty during the time of his reign (2 Chron.
xxi. 16. and xxvi. 6, 7.). During the unfortunate reign
of Ahaz, the Philiftines made great havoc in the terri¬
tories of Judah ; but his fon and fucceffor Hezekiah fub-
dued them (2 Chron. xxviii. 18. and 2 Kings xviii. 8.).
Laftly, they regained their full liberty under the latter
kings of Judah ^ and we may fee by the menaces de¬
nounced againft them by the prophets Ifaiah, Amos,
Zephaniah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, that they brought
a thoufand hardlhips and calamities upon the children of
Ifrael: for which cruelties God threatened to punifli
them. Efarhaddon befieged Affidod or Azoth, and
took it (Ifa. xx. 1.). And according to Herodotus,
Pfammeticus king of Egypt took the fame city, after a
liege of 29 years. There is great probability, that Ne¬
buchadnezzar, when he fubdued the Ammonites, Moab¬
ites, Egyptians, and other nations bordering upon the
Jews, reduced alfo the Philiftines. After this, they fell
under the dominion of the Perfians ■, then under that of
Alexander the Great, who deftroyed the city of Gaza,
the only city of Phoenicia that durft oppofe him. After
the perfecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Afmonae-
ans fubjefled under their obedience feveral cities of the
Philiftines ; and Tryphon gave to Jonathan Maccabseus
the government of the whole coaft of the Mediterranean,
from Tyre as far as Egypt, which included all the
country of the Philiftines.
PHILLYREA, mock-privet •, a genus of plants
belonging to the diandria clafs. See Botany Index.
PHILO, an ancient Greek writer, was of a noble
family among the Jews, and flouriffied at Alexandria du¬
ring the reign of Caligula. He was the chief of an em-
baffy fent to Rome about the year 42, to plead the caufe
of the Jews againft Apion, who was fent by the Alexan¬
drians to charge them with neglefling the honours due
to Caefar. Caligula, however, would not allow him to
fpeak, and behaved to him in fuch a manner that Philo
N n was
[ 281 ]
(b) “ The Curetes facrificed their children to Saturn 5 and from the fimilitude this name bears to Cherethites or
Philiftines, it has been advanced that they are the fame people } but as we have no warrant for faying the Phili¬
ftines praftifed fo barbarous and unnatural a cuftom, we may venture to pronounce, that they learned it not from
them, but borrowed it elfewhere.”
PHI [ 282 ] PHI
was in confiderable danger e>f loiing bis life. Others
again tell us that he was heard ; but that his demands
were refufed. He afterwards went to Rome in the reign
of Claudius 5 and there, Eufebius and Jerome inform us,
lie became acquainted with St Peter, with whom he
was on terms of fricndfhip. Photius adds, that he be¬
came a Chriilian, and afterwards, from fome motive of
relentment, renounced it. Great part of this, however,
is uncertain, for few believe that St Peter was at Home
lb early as the reign of Claudius, if he ever was there
at all.
Philo was educated at Alexandria, and made very
great pregrefs in eloquence and philofophy. After the
fafhion of the time, he cultivated, like many of his na¬
tion and faith, the philofophy of Plato, w'hofe principles
he fo thoroughly imbibed, and whofe manner he fo well
imitated, that it becajne a common faying, “ Aut Plato
philonizat, aut Philo platonizat.” Jbiephus fays, he
was a man'“ eminent on all accounts:” and Euiebius
deferibes him, “ copious in fpeech, rich in fentiments,
and fublime in the knowledge of holy writ.” He was,
however, fo much immerfed in philofophy, particularly
the Platonic, that he neglefted the Hebrew language,
and the rites and cuftoms of his own people. Scaliger
fays, that Philo “ knew no more of Hebrew and Syriac
than a Gaul or a Scythian.” Grotius is of opinion,
that “ he is not fully to be depended on, in what relates
to the manners of the Hebrews :” and Cudworth goes
further ; for “ though a Jew by nation (fays he), he was
yet very ignorant of Jewiih cuftoms.” FabriciUs thinks
differently 5 for though he allows fome inadvertencies
and errors of Philo with regard to thefe matters, yet he
does not fee a fufRcient foundation on which to charge
fo illuftrious a doftor of the law with ignorance. He
allows, however, that Philo’s paffion for philofophy had
made him more than half a Pagan 5 for it led him to in¬
terpret the whole law and the prophets upon Platonic
ideas; and to admit nothing as truly interpreted which
was not agreeable to the principles of the academy. Be-
lides, this led him farther; he turned every thing into
allegory, and deduced the darkeft meanings from the
plaineft words. This moft pernicious praftice Origen,
it is known, imitated, and expofed himfelf by it to the
feoffs of Celfus and of Porphyry. Philo’s writings
abound with high and myftical, new and fubtile, far¬
fetched and abftraffed, notions 5 and indeed the doc¬
trines of Plato and Mofes are fo promifcuoufly blended,
that it is not an eafy matter to afftgn to each his princi¬
ples. There are certainly, however, in his works many
excellent things. Though he is continually Platonifing
and allegorifing the Scriptures, he abounds with fine
fentiments and lelfons of morality; and his morals are
rather the morals of a Chriftian than of a Jew. Hifto-
ry, together with his owm writings, give us every reafon
to believe that he was a man of great prudence, cori-
ftancy, and virtue.
Elis works were firft publifhed in Greek by Turnebus
at Paris 1552. A Latin tranflation made by Gelenius
•was afterwards added, and printed feveral times with it.
The Paris edition of 1640 in folio was the belt for a
whole century ; which made Cotelerius fay, that “ Phi- PhiIoc!e»
lo was an author that deferved to have a better text and II
a better verfion.” In 1742, a handfome edition of his , P1 ll»laus-i
work was publifhed at London by Dr Mangey, in two
volumes folio ; which is certainly preferable if it were
only for the paper and print, but it is not fo good a otie
as Philo deferves.
Many of our readers may be defirous of further details
refpefting this celebrated man ; we refer fuch therefore
to Jofephus'ls Antiquit)i'?, Eufebius'ls Ecc/ejiajiical Hiflorq,
St Jerome’s work De Scriptoribus Ecc/ejiaJlicis, Fabri-
cius Bib/. G'ra-c. Cave Hi/I. Liter, and vol. ii. of Monu¬
ments of the Greek Church.
PHILOCLES, an admiral of the Athenian fleet du¬
ring the Peloponnefian war. . He - recommended to his
countrymen to cut off the right hand of fuch of the ene¬
mies as were taken, that they might be rendered unfit
for fervice. His plan was adopted by all the ten admi¬
rals except one 5 but their expedlations were fruftrated,
and inftead of being conquerors they were totally de¬
feated at Atgofpotamos by Lyfander, and Philocles was
put to death with the reft of his colleagues.
PHILOCTETES, in fabulous hiftory, the fon of
Paean, was the faithful companion of Hercules 5 who at
his death obliged him to fwear not to difeover the place
wdiere his afhes wrere interred, and prefented him with
his arrows dipped in the Hydra’s blood. The Greeks
at the liege of Troy being informed by an oracle that
they could never take that city without thole fatal .ar¬
rows, w^ent to Phikxftetes, and infifted upon his difeo-
vering where he had left his friend} when Philocletes,
to evade the guilt of perjury, let them know where Her¬
cules was intombed, by flamping upon the place : but.
he w^as punifhed for the violation of his oath, by drop¬
ping an arrow upon that foot 5 which, after giving him
great agony, was at length cured by Machaon. He w7as
afterwards taken by Ulyffes to the liege of Troy, where
he killed Paris with one of his arrows.
PHILOLAUS, of Crotona, w?as a celebrated philo-
fopher of antiquity, of the fchool of Pythagoras, to w hom
that philofopher’s Golden Verfes have been aferibed. Lie
made the heavens his principal object of contemplation ;
and has been idly (a) fuppofed to have been the author
of that true fyftem of the wrorld wdiich Copernicus after¬
wards revived. This made Bullialdus place the name of
Philolaus at the head of tw7o works, written to illuftrate
and confirm that fyftem.
“ He wTas (fays Dr Enfield) a difciple of Archytas, Hijl. of
and flourifhed in the time of Plato. It was from him Philofophy.
that Plato purchafed the written records of the Pythago¬
rean fyftem, contrary to an exprefs oath taken by the
fociety of Pythagoreans, pledging themfelves to keep fe-
cret the myfteries of their fe£t. It is probable, that
among thefe books wrere the writings of Timaeus, upon
which Plato formed the dialogue which bore his name.
Plutarch relates, that Philolaus wyas one of the perfons
who efcaped from the houfe which was burned by Cy-
lon, during the life of Pythagoras *, but this account
cannot be correct. Philolaus wyas contemporary with
Plato, and therefore certainly not wuth Pythagoras. In-
> terfering
(a) We fay idly, becaufe there is undoubted evidence that Pythagoras learned that fyftem in Egypt. See Phi-
LOSOPHY.
PHI [28
Philo!ans. terfering in affairs of ftate, he fell a facrince to political
l”—-v j ealoufy.
“ Philolaus treated the doftrine of nature with great
fubtlety, but at the fame time with great obfcurity 5 re¬
ferring every thing that exifts to mathematical principles.
He taught, that reafon, improved by mathematical
learning, is alone capable of judging concerning the na¬
ture of things 'y that the whole world conliits of infinite
and finite 5 that number fubfifts by itfelf, and is the
chain which by its power fuftains the eternal frame of
things 5 that the Monad is not the foie principle of all
tilings, but that the Binary is neceffary to furnilh mate¬
rials from which all fubfequent numbers may be produ¬
ced ; that the world is one whole, which has a fiery
3 ] P H I
centre, about which the ten celeftial fpheres revolve, Philolaus.
heaven, the fun, the planets, the earth, and the moon ;' v~—;
that the fun has a vitreous furface, whence the fire dif-
fufed through the wmrld is refiefted, rendering the mir¬
ror from which it is refle&ed vifible j that all things are
preferved in harmony by the law of neceffity ; and that
the world is liable to deftruftion both by fire and by
water. From this fummary of the doctrine of Philo¬
laus it appears probable, that, following Timaeus, whole
writings he poffeffed, he fo far departed from the Pytha¬
gorean fyltem as to conceive two independent principles
in nature, God and Matter, and that it was from the
fame fource that Plato derived his do£trine upon this
fubjedt.”
PHILOLOGY.
BeSnPdon. T3HIL0L0GY is compounded of the two Greek
words and huyos, and imports “ the defire of
inveftigating the properties and affeflions of xvards?'
The fages of Greece were, in the moll ancient times,
denominated 2<4>e<, that is, wife men. Pythagoras re¬
nounced this pompous appellation, and affumed the more
humble title of (piXotrocpos, that is, a lover of wife men.
The learned Greeks were afterwards called philofo-
pkers ; and in procefs of time, in imitation of this epi¬
thet, the -word philologer was adopted, to import “ a
man deeply verfed in languages, etymology, antiquities,
&c.” Hence the term philology, which denotes the fci-
ence that we propofe briefly to difcufs in the following
article.
Though philology, in its original import, denoted on¬
ly the ftudy of words and language, it gradually acqui¬
red a much more extenfive, and at the fame time a much
Objects andmore u^uh as Well as more exalted, fignification. It
ufes of phi comprehended the ftudy of grammar, criticifm, etymo-
loiogy. logy, the interpretation of ancient authors, antiquities \
andj in a word, every thing relating to ancient manners,
laves, religion, government, language, &c. In this en¬
larged fenfe of the word, philology becomes a fcience of
the greateft utility *, opens a wide field of intelleftual in-
veftigation •, and indeed calls for a more intenfe exertion
of induftry, and multifarious erudition, than moft of
thofe departments of literature which cuftom hath digni¬
fied with more high-founding names. It is indeed appa¬
rent, that, without the aid of philological ftudies, it is
impoffible, upon many occafions, to develope the origin
of nations; to trace their primary frame and conftitu-
tion ; to difcover their manners, cuftoms, laws, religion,
government, language, progress in arts and arms ; or to
learn by what men and what meafures the moft celebra¬
ted ftates%of antiquity rofe into grandeur and confidera-
tion. The ftudy ofhiftory, fo eminently ufeful to the
legiflator, the divine, the military man, the lawyer, the
philofopher, and the private gentleman who withes to
employ his learned leifure in a manner honourable and
improving to himfelf, and ufeful to his country, will
contribute very little towards enlightening the mind
without the aid of philological refearches. For thefe
reafons we fliall endeavour to explain the various
branches of that ufeful fcience as fully and as intelli¬
gibly as the nature of the prefent undertaking will per- v •. ' *
mit. * t 3
Moft of the .branches of philology have been already Object of
canvafled under the various heads of Criticism, ETY-thb ardcie*
mology, Grammar, Language, &c. There ftill
remains one part, which has been either {lightly touched
upon, or totally omitted, under the foregoing topics:
we mean, the nature and complexion of moft of the ori¬
ental tongues ; as alfo fome of the radical dialefts of the
languages of the weft. As we would willingly gratify
our readers of every defcription to the utmoft >of our
power, we ftiall endeavour in this place to confmunicate
to them as much information upon that fubjefl as the
extent of our reading, and the limits prefcribed one
Angle article, wall permit.
Before we enter upon this fubjeft, we muft obferve,
that it is not our intention to fill our pages with a te¬
dious, uninterefting, catalogue of barbarous languages,
fpoken by favage and inconfiderable tribes, of which lit¬
tle, or perhaps nothing, more is known than barely
their names. Such an enumeration would fwell the ar¬
ticle without communicating one fingle new idea to the
reader’s antecedent ftoek. We Ihall therefore confine
our inquiries to fuch languages as have been ufed by
confiderable ftates and focieties, and which of confe-
quence have acquired a high degree of celebrity in the
regions of the eaft.
What was the antediluvian language, or whether it Variety of
was divided into a variety of dialefts as at this day, can dialers be-
only be determined by the rules of analogy; and thefefore the
will lead us to believe, that whatever might have been^e^ll*c‘
the primitive language of mankind, if human nature wTas
then conftituted as it is at prefent, a great variety of dia¬
lers muft of neceflity have fprung up in the fpace of
near 2000 years. If we adopt the Mofaic account of
the antediluvian events, we muft admit that the de-
feendants of Cain for fome ages lived feparated from
thofe of Seth. Their manner of life, their religious ce¬
remonies, their laws, their form of government, xvere
probably different, and thefe circumftances wTould of
cdurfe produce a variety in their language. The pofte-
rity of Cain were an inventive race. They found out
the art of metallurgy, mufic, and fome think of weav¬
ing ; and in all probability many other articles condu-
N n 2 cive
284
PHILOLOGY.
Hiftory of
S
efpecially
among tlie
children of
Cain.
* Nat. Hijl
lib. vii.
cap s6.
6
Origin of
writing.
cive to tV^e eafe and accommodation of life were the pro¬
duce of their ingenuity. A people of this charafter mull
have paid no fmall regard to their words and modes of
expreffion. Wherever mufic is cultivated, language will
naturally be improved and refined. When new inven¬
tions are introduced, a new race of words and phrafes of
neceffity fpring up, correfponding to the recent dock of
ideas to, be intimated. Befides, among an inventive
race of people, new vocables would be continually fa¬
bricated, in order to fupply the deficiencies of the pri¬
mitive language, which was probably fcanty in words,
and its phraleology unpolhhed. The Cainites, then,
among their other improvements, cannot well be fuppo-
fed to have negle£fed the cultivation of language.
Many conjedlures have been hazarded both by an¬
cient and modern authors with refpeft to the origin of
writing •, an art nearly connected with that of fpeaking.
According to Pliny *, “ the Aflyrian letters had al¬
ways exifted •, fome imagined that letters had been in¬
vented by the Egyptian Mercury *, others afcribed the
honour of the invention to the Syrians.” The truth
feems to be, that letters were an antediluvian invention,
preferved among the Chaldeans or Aflyrians, who were
the immediate defcendants of Noah' and inhabited thofe
very regions in the neighbourhood of which the ark
relied, and where that patriarch afterwards fixed his re-
fidence. This circumltance, we think, affords a ftrong
prefumption that the ufe of letters was known before
the deluge, and tranfmittcd to the Affyrians and Chal¬
deans by Noah their progenitor, or at leaft by their im¬
mediate ancefiors of his family. If, then, the art of
writing was an antediluvian invention, we think that
in all probability it originated among the pofterity of
Cain.
The defcendants of Seth, according to the oriental
tradition, were chiefly additled to agriculture and tend¬
ing of cattle. They devoted a great part of their time
to the exercifes of piety and devotion. From this cir-
cumftance they came to be diftinguifhed by the title of
the (a) fons of God. According to this defcription, the
Sethites were a Ample (b), unimproved race of people
till they mingled with the race of Cain j after which pe¬
riod they at once adopted the improvements and the
vices of that wicked family.
It is not, however, probable, that all the defcendants
of Seth, without exception, mingled with the Ca nites.
That family of which Noah was defcended had not in¬
corporated with the race of Cain : it was, according to
the facred hiftorian, lineally defcended from Seth, and
had preferved the worfhip of the true God, when, it is
probable, the greateft part of mankind had apoftatifed
and become idolaters (c). Along with the true reli- Language,
gion, the progenitors of Noah had preferved that fimpli- " ' v-' ■*
city of manners and equability of charadter which had
diftinguifhed their remote anceftors. Agriculture and
rearing cattle had been their favourite occupations. Ac¬
cordingly we find, that the patriarch Noah, immediate¬
ly “ after the deluge,” became a hufbandman, and
“ planted a vineyard.” The chofen patriarchs, who
doubtlefs imitated their pious anceftors, were ihepherds,
and employed in rearing and tending cattle. Indeed
there are ftrong prefumptions that the Chaldeans, Affy¬
rians, Syrians, Canaanites, and Arabians, in the earliett
ages followed the fame profeflion.
From this deduction, we imagine it is at leaft: pro¬
bable, that the anceftors of Noah perfifted in the obfer-
vance of the fame fimplicity of manners which had been
handed dawn from Adam to Seth, and from him to E-
noch, Methufelah, Lamech, and from this laft to Noah.
According both to fcripture and tradition, innovations
were the province of the Cainites, while the defcendants
of Seth adhered to the primitive and truly patriarchal
inftitutions. _ ^
If thefe premifes are allowed the merit of probability, rhe origi-
we may juftly infer that the language of Noah, what-nallan-
ever it was, differed very little from that of Adam (d) j?uage Pre-
and that if it is poflible to afcertain the language of the1,^™^^
former, that of the latter will of courfe be difcovered.froin whicf!
We {hall then proceed to throw together a few obferva-Noah
tions relating to the language of Noah, and leave ourftjrung»
readers to judge for themfelves. We believe it will be
fuperfluous to fugged:, that our intention in the courfe of
this dedu£Hon, is, if poflible, to trace the origin and an¬
tiquity of the Hebrew tongue 5 and to try to difcover
whether that language, or any of its filler dialefils, may
claim the honour of being the original language of man¬
kind.
Whatever may have been the dialecl of Noah and his
family, that fame dialeft, according to the Mofaic ac¬
count, mull have obtained, without any alteration, till
the era of the building of the tower of Babel.—Upon
this occafion a dreadful convulfion took place : the lan¬
guage of mankind was confounded, and men were fcat-
tered abroad upon the face of all the earth. 8
How far this cataftrophe (e) extended, is not'the bu-Cmifiifion
finefs of the prefent inquiry to determine. One thing ^ ^
is certain beyond all controverfy, namely, that the lan- Babej>
guages of all the nations which fettled near the centre of
population were but flightly affefted by its influence.
A very judicious writer has obferved *, that 3000 years :4 Strabo
after, the inhabitants of thofe countries exhibited a very
ftrong refemblance of cognation, “ in their language^
manner
(a) From this paffage (Gen. chap. vi. verfe 2.) mifunderftood, originated the ablurd idea of the connexion be¬
tween angels and mortal women. See Jofeph. Antiq. Jud. lib. i. cap. 4. See Eifeb. Chron. lib. i. All the fathers
of the church, almoft without exception, adopted this foolifh notion. See alfo Philo-Jud. p. 198. edit. Turn.
Paris 1552. *
(b) The orientals, however, affirm, that Seth, whom they call Edris, was the inventor of aftronomy.
(c) We think it highlv probable that idolatry was eftablilhed before the flood j becaufe it prevailed almoft im¬
mediately after that cataftrophe. See Polytheism.
(d) For the firft language communicated to Adam, fee the article on Language 5 alfo Schenclford',s ConneB.
vol. i. lib. ii. p. III. etfeq.
(e) Jofeohus and the fathers of the church tell us, that the number of languages produced by the confufion of
tongues was 72 3 but this is a mere rabbinical legend.
PHILO
Hulary of manner of living, and the lineaments of their bodies.
5     At the fame time he obferves, that the refemblance .in
all thofe particulars was moft remarkable among the in- %
habitants of Mefopotamia.” This obfervation, with re-
fpect to language, will, we doubt not, be vouched by
every one of our readers who has acquired even a fuper-
£cial knowledge of the languages current in thofe quar¬
ters at a very early period.
It appears, then, that the languages of the Armeni¬
ans, Syrians, Aifyrians, Arabians, and probably of the
Chanaanim, did not fuffer materially by the confufion of
tongues. This obfervation may, we imagine, be ex¬
tended to many of the dialefts (f) fpoken by the people
who fettled in thofe countries not far diftant from the re¬
gion where the facred hiftorian has fixed the original
feat of mankind after the deluge. The inference then
is, that if Noah and his family fpoke the original lan¬
guage of Adam, as they moft probably did, the judge¬
ment which effected the confufion of tongues did not pro¬
duce any confiderable alteration in the language of fuch
of the defendants of Noah as fettled near the region
where that patriarch had fixed his refidence after he
9 quitted the ark.
Only a part But fuppofing the changes of language produced by
of mankind cataftrophe at the building of the tower as confider-
biuidu/ ^ a^e as ^as ever bsen imagined, it does not, after all, ap-
the tower, Pear certain, that all mankind, without exception, were
engaged in this impious projeft. If this affertion Ihould
be well founded, the confequence will be, that there
was a chofen race who did not engage in that enter-
prife. . If there was fuch a family, fociety, or body of
men, it will follow, that this family, fociety, &c. re¬
tained the language of its great anceftor without change
or variation. That fuch a family did actually exift, is
highly probable, for the following reafons.
i. We think there is reafon to believe that Ham,
upon the heavy curfe denounced upon him by his fa-
* Gen. ther *, retired from his brethren, and fixed his refidence
ix. 25. elfewhere. Accordingly we find his defendants fat-
tered far and wide, at a very great diftance from the
Gordyaean mountains, where the ark is generally fup-
pofed to have refted immediately after the flood. Some
of them we find in Chaldsea, others in Arabia Felix,
ethers in Ethiopia (g), others in Canaan, and others in
Egypt 5 and, finally, multitudes fcattered over all the
coaft of Africa. Between thefe countries were planted
many colonies of Shemites, in Elam, Affyria, Syria,
Arabia, &c. We find, at the fame time, the defend¬
ants of Shem and Japhet fettled, in a great degree, con¬
tiguous to each other. This difperfion of the Hamites,
irregular as it is, can farce, we think, have-been acci-
LOG Y.
dental j it muft have been owing to fume uncommon Language-
caufe, and none ferns more probable than that afiigned v
above. If, then, the defendants of Ham feparated
early, and took different routes, as from their pofterior
fituitions it appears they did, they could not all be pre-
fent at the building of the tower. 10
2. It is not probable that the defendants of Shem and thofe
were engaged in this undertaking, fince we find that ^
they were not fcattered abroad upon the face of 0f shem.
earth. The children of Shem were-f- Elam, Athur, ^ chap. x»
Arphaxad, Lud, and Aram. Elam fettled near theverfeaz.
mouth of the river Tigris, in the country which., by
the Gentile writers, was called Elymais. Above him,
on the fame river, lay the demelhe of Alhur, on. the
weftern fide. In like manner, upon the fame river,
above him, was fituated Aram, who poffeffed the coun¬
try of Aramea ; and oppofite to him was Arphaxad, or
Arbaces, or Arbaches, and his country was denominat¬
ed Arphachites. Lud, as fome think, fettled in Lydia,
among the fons of Japhet •, but this opinion ferns to be
without foundation (h). Here, then, there is a difper¬
fion, but fuch as muff have originated from the nature
of the thing. The four, or rather the five brothers, all
fettled contiguous, without being fcattered abroad upon
the face of the whole earth. Befides, there was no. con¬
fufion of language among thefe tribes : they continued
to ufe one and the fame lip through many fucceeding
generations. # 11
From thefe circumftances it appears that the pofterity The lan-
of Shem were not involved in the guilt of the builders ^
of the tower, and of confequence did not undergo their fervetj
punifhment. If then the language of the Shemites was the family
not confounded upon the ereftion of the tower, the pre- of Shesa.
fumption is, that they retained the language of Noah,
which, in all probability, was that of Adam. Some
dialeflical differences would in procefs of time creep in,
but the radical fabric of the language would remain un¬
altered.
3. The pofterity of Shem appear in general to have
cultivated the paftoral life. They imitated the ftyle of
living adopted by the antediluvian pofterity of Seth.
No fooner had Noah defeended from the ark, than he
became Ifh ha Adamah, a man of the earth •, that is, a
hufbandman, and planted a vineyard. We find that
fome ages after, Laban the Syrian had flocks and herds $
and that the chief wealth of the patriarch Abraham and
his children confifted in their flocks and herds. Even
his Gentile defeendants, the Lhmaelites and Midianites,
feem to have followed the fame occupation. But people
of this profeflion are feldom given to changes : their
wants are few, and of confequence they are under few
or
(F) The languages of the Medes, Perfians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians, very much refembled each other in their
original complexion 5 and all had a ftrong affinity to the Hebrew, Chaldean, Syriac, &c. See Walton’s Proleg.;
Gale’s Court of the Gent. vol. i. lib. i. ch. 11. p. 70. et feq.; Boch. Phalec and Chanaan,pajf. lo thefe we may
add the Greek language, as will appear more fully below. . . ...
(g) Jofepbus informs us, that all the nations of Afia called tne Ethiopians Gujhwi, lib. i. cap.
(h) The ancient name of Lydia was Mceonia. See Strabo Cafaub. lib. xiii. p.. 586. chap. 7* Rhod. 577* ^
Lvdians were celebrated for inventing games ; on which account they were nicknamed by the ALolian Greeks
Lydior Ludi, from the Hebrew word lut%, ludere. Hindere, deridere. We find (Ezek. chap, xxvii. ver. 10.)
the men of Elam and the men of Lud joined in the defence of Tyre 5 which leems to. intimate, that tho.
Elamites and Ludini were neighbours. If this was actually the cafe, then Lud fettled in the fame quarter
sfith his brothers,.
285 PHILOLOGY.
Hiftory of or no temptations to deviate from the beaten track.
1 This circumftance renders it probable, that the language
of Noah, the fame with that of Adam, was preferved
I2 with little variation among the defcendants of Arphaxad
iownto down to Abraham.
Abraham. We have obferved above, that Ham, upon the curfe
denounced againft him by his father, very probably left
the fociety of his other brothers, and emigrated elfe-
where, as Cain had done in the antediluvian world.
There is a tradition ftill ourrent in the Eaft, and which
was adopted by many of the Chriftian fathers (i), that
Noah, in the 930th year of his life, by divine appoint¬
ment, did, in the moft formal manner, divide the whole
terraqueous globe among his three fons, obliging them
to take an oath that they would Hand by the decifion.
Upon this happened a migration at the birth of Peleg,
that is, about three centuries after the flood. It is af¬
firmed that Nimrod the arch-rebel difregarded this par¬
tition, and encroached upon the territory of Afhur,
which occafioned the firft war after the flood.
The Greeks had acquired fome idea of this partition,
%Callimach. which they fuppofed to have been between Jupifer £,
Hym. Neptune, and Pluto. Plato feems to have heard of
Horn. Iliad, it (k) : “ For (fays he) the gods of old obtained the
1 lb* xv‘ dominion of the whole earth, according to their differ¬
ent allotments. This -was effefted without any conten¬
tion, for they took poffeffion of their feveral provinces
§ Aut.yud. 'm a fair and amicable way, by lot.” Jofephus §, in his
lib. 1. c. 5. account of the difperfion of mankind, plainly infinuates
a divine deftination ; and Philo-Judceus (l) was of the
fame opinion before him.
In confequence of this arrangement, the fons of Shem
poffeffed themfelves of the countries mentioned in the
.preceding pages: the pofterity of Japhet had fpread
themfelves towards the north and weft 5 but the Ham-
ites, who had feparated from their brethren in confe¬
quence of the curfe, not choofing to retire to their quar¬
ters, which were indeed very diftant from the place where
# the ark reflect feized upon the land of Canaan (m).
Perhaps, too, it might be fuggefted by fome malicious
fpirits, that the aged patriarch was dealing partially when
Tie affigned Ham and his pofterity a quarter of the world
to inhabit not only remote from the centre of population,
but likewife fequeftered from the reft of mankind (n).
Be that as it may, the children of Ham removed eaft-
ward, and at length defcending from the Carduchean
or Gordyeean mountains, dire&ed their cou’rle wTeftward, Language,
and arrived at the plains of Shinar, which had been
poffeffed by the Aftiurim ever fince the era of the firft
migration at the birth of Peleg. The jacred hiftorian
informs us, that the whole earth “ was of one language
and of one fpeech that in journeying from the eaft,
they lighted upon the plain of Shinar, and dwelt there.
In this paffage we find no particular people fpecified ;
but as we find Nimrod, one of the defcendants of Ham,
fettled in that country, we are fure that they- were the
offspring df that patriarch. It would not, we think, be
eafy to aflign a reafon how one branch of the family of
Ham came to plant itfelf in the midft of the fons of
Shem by any other means but by violence. ,3
It is indeed generally fuppofed, that Nimrdd, at the The tower
head of a body of the children of Hant, made war upon Label
Afhur, and drove him out of the country of Shinar
and there laid the foundation of that kingdom, the be-^^Qf"
ginning of which -was Babel that this chief, fupported Ham.
by all the Cufhites, and a great number of apoftates
from the families of Shem and Japhet who had joined
him, refufed to fubmit to the divine ordinance by the
mouth of Noah, with refpeft to the partition of the
earth j and that he and his adherents were the people
who erected the celebrated tower, in confequence of a
refolution which they had formed to keep together,
without repairing to the quarters affigned them by the
determination of heaven. This was the crime which
brought down the judgement of the Almighty upon
them, by which they were fcattered abroad upon the face
of all the earth. The main body of the children of
Shem and Japhet were not engaged in this impious un¬
dertaking ; their language, therefore, was not confound¬
ed, nor were they themfelves fcattered abroad. Their
habitations were contiguous 5 thofe of the Shemites to¬
wards the centre of Afia 5 the dwellings of Japhet were
extended towrards the north and north-weft ; and the
languages of both thefe families continued for many ages
without the leaft variation, except wrhat time, climate,
laws, religion, new inventions, arts, fciences, and com¬
merce, &c. will produce in every tongue in a fuccef-
fion of years.
The general opinion then was, that none but the pro¬
geny of Ham and their affociates were prefent at the
building of the tower, and that they only fuftered by the
judgement (o) confequent upon that attempt. There
(l) Epiph. vol. i. p. if. ibid. p. 709. where our learned readers will obferve fome palpqjale errors about Rhino-
*oruYa, S>cc. Eufeb. Chron. p. 10. Syncellus, p. 89. Cedrenus Chron. Pafch. &c.
(k) Critias, vol. iii. page 109. Serr. Apollodorus mentions a time wThen the gods refpe&ively feledled particu¬
lar cities and regions, which they were to take under their peculiar protect ion.
(l) Lib. x. p. 236. Turn. Paris 1552. We have a plain allufion to this diftribution (Deut. ch. xxxii. ver. 7 ).
41 When the moft High diyided to the nations their inheritance, when he feparated the fons of Adam, he fet the
bounds of the people, according to the number of the children of Ifrael ; for the Lord’s portion is his people j Ja¬
cob is the lot of his inheritance.” From this paffage it appears, that the wdiole' was arranged by the appointment
of God, and that !he land of Canaan wns exprefsly referved for the children of Ifrael. St Paul, Adis ch. xvii. ver.
16. fpeaks of this divine arrangement, “ Gcd made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwTell on all the face of
the earth ; and determined the bounds of their habitation.”
(m) The ark, according to the moft probable accounts, refted upon Mount Ararat in Armenia.
(n) We think it is by no means improbable that Noah, well knowing the wickednefs of the family of Ham, and
efpecially their inclination to the idolatry of the antediluvians, might actually intend to feparate them from the reft
of mankind.
(o) Some learned men ]iave imagined that this confufion of language, which the Hebrew calls of Lip, was only
2 a
1
* Evfeb
Chron.
t Evfeb.
Prep. Ev.
lib. 9.
PHILO
KWo'y of are even among the Pagans fotne allufions to the divi-
”1 lion of the world among the three fons of Noah. Many
of the learned have imagined that this patriarch .was
Saturn ; and that his three fons were Jupiter, Neptune,
. and Pluto, as has been obferved above.
Berofus *, in his hiftory of the Babylonians, informs
us, that Noah, at the foot of Mount Baris or 1 urban,
where the ark relied, gave his children their laft inftruc-
tions, and then van:died out of light. It is now gene¬
rally believed that the Xifuthrus of Berofus was Noah.
Eupolemusf, another heathen writer, tells u§, “ that
the city Babel was iirft founded, and afterwards the ce¬
lebrated tower ; both which were built by fome of thofe
people who efcaped the deluge. They were the fame
with thole who in after times were exhibited under the
name of giants. The tower was at length ruined by the
hand of the Almighty, and thofe giants were fcattered
over the whole earth.” This quotation plainly intimates,
that according to the opinion of the author, only the raf-
cally mob of the Hamites, and their apollate affociates,
were engaged in this daring enterprife.
Indeed it can never be fuppofed that Shem, if he was
alive at that period, as he certainly was, would co-operate
in fuch an abfurd and impious undertaking. 'I hat devout
patriarch, wre think, would rather employ his influence
and authority to difert his defcendants from an attempt
which he knewr was undertaken in contradiction to an
exprefs ordinance of Heaven : and it is furely very little
probable that Elam, Alhur, Arphaxad, and Aram, would
join that impious confederacy, inoppofition to fheremon-
llrances of their father.
The building of the towrer, according to the moll
probable chronology, wras undertaken at a period fo
late, that all mankind could not poflibly have concur¬
red in the enterprife.
Many of the fathers wTere of opinion, that Noah fet¬
tled in Armenia, the country where the ark relied; and
that his defcendants did not leave that region for five ge¬
nerations during the fpace of 659 years. By this pe¬
riod the human race mull have been fo amazingly mul¬
tiplied, that the plains of Shinar could not have contain¬
ed them. According to the Samaritan Pentateuch, and
the Septuagint verfion, Peleg was born in the 134th
year of his father Eber. Even admitting the vulgar
opinion, that the tower w’as begun to be built, and the
difperfion confequent upon that event to have taken
place at this era, the human race would have been by
much too numerous to have univerfally concurred in one
defign.
From thefe circumllances, we hope it appears that
the whole mafs of mankind wras not engaged in building
the tower ; that the language of all the human race was
1 Epiph
Hceref.
lib. I.
LOGY. 287-
not confounded upon that occafion ; and that tne difper- Language-^
fion reached only to a combination of Hamites, and of ' ^
the molt profligate part of the tvro other families, who
had joined their wicked confederacy. 14
We have purfued this argument to conliderable length, Therefore
becaufe fome have inferred, from the difference in langua-
ges exilting at this day, that mankind cannot have fprung
from twTo individuals •, becaule from the connection Hi bin the other
exilting among languages, fome have been bold enough two tar»i-
to queltion the fact, though plainly recorded in facredl*es*
hiltcry j and laltly, becaule wre imagine that forae 01 our
readers, who do not pretend to perule the writings or the
learned, may be gratified by feeing the various opinions
refpedting the confufion of tongues, and the difperfion of
mankind, collected into one mafs, equally brief, we hope,
and intelligible : and this view of thele opinions, with the
foundations on which they refpectively reft, wre think
may.fuffice to prove, that the language of Noah was for
fome ages preierved unmixed among the deicendants ot
both Shem and Japhet.
To gratify ftill farther fuch of our curious readers as
may not have accefs to more ample information, w e lhall
in this place exhibit a brief detail of the circumftances
which attended this fatal attempt. The people engaged
in it have been held up as a profligate race. The Al¬
mighty himfeif denominates them “ the children of men f
which is the very appellation by which the antediluvian ,
finners wTere characferized •, the fons of God faw the
daughters of men, &c. Their defign in railing this
edifice was “ to make them a name, and to prevent
their being fcattered abroad upon the face of the whole
earth*." *, ^en-.
Whatever refolution the reft of mankind might take,Cil‘ r' x"
they had determined to maintain themfelves on that fpot.
The tower was intended as a centre of union, and per¬
haps as a fortrefs of defence. Such a ftupendous fabric,
they imagined, wouldi immortalize their memory, and
tranfmit the name of their confederacy with eclat (p) to
future ages. This defign plainly intimates, that there
wras only a party concerned in the undertaking, fince,
had all mankind been engaged in it, the purpofe would
have been foolilh and futile. Again, they intended, by
making themfelves a name, to prevent their being fcat¬
tered abroad upon the face of the earth. This was an
aft of rebellion in direft contradiftion to the divine ap¬
pointment, which conftituted their crime, and brought
down the judgement of Heaven upon their guilty heads.
The confequence of the confufion of languages wTas, that
the projeftors left off to build (Q_), and were aftually
fcattered abroad, contrary to their intention. 15
Abydenus, in his Affyrian annals, records, that the Pagan tra-
(r) “ tower was carried up to heaven; but that the ‘
g°ds tower of
Babel.
a temporary failure of pronunciation, which was afterwards removed. This they are led to conclude, from the
agreement of the languages of thefe people in after times.
(p)**Many foolilh and abfurd notions have been entertained concerning this ftrufture. Some have imagined that
they meant to take {belter there in cafe of a fecond deluge ; others, that it wras intended for idolatrous purpofes •,
others, that it was to be employed as an obfervatory. Its dimenfions have likewife been moft extravagantly mag¬
nified. Indeed Strabo, lib. 16. mentions^ tower of immenfe fize remaining at Babylon in his time, the dimen¬
fions of which wTere a ftadium every w ay. This, however, feems to have been the remains of the temple ox Bel or
Belus.
(qJ For a defeription of the tow’er, fee the article Babel.
(r) See the Greek original of this quotation, Eufeb. Chron. lib. 1. page 13.
•2'8'8
PHILOLOGY.
* Philip.
lib i S.
cap. 3.
Hiftory of gods ruined it by dorms and whirlwinds, and overthrew
v"~" it upon the heads of thofe who were employed in the
work, and that the ruins of it were called Babylon. Be¬
fore this there was but one language fubfifting among
men : but now there arofe 7r«Av(>g>)(p<yn), a manifold
fpeech ; and he adds, that a war foon after broke out be¬
tween (s) Titan and Cronus.” (t) The Sybilline ora¬
cles give much the fame account of this early and im¬
portant tranfaction.
“ Judin* informs us, that the Phoenicians who built
Tyre were driven from Affyria by an earthquake. Thefe
Phoenicians were the defcendants of Mizraim the young-
eft fon of Ham} and were, we think, confederates in
building the tower, and were driven away by the ca-
taftrophe that enlued. Many other allufions to the dif-
perfion of this branch of the family occur in Pagan au¬
thors, which the limits to be obferved in an inquiry of
this nature oblige us to omit. Upon the whole, we
think it probable that the country of Shinar lay defolate
for fome time after this revolution j for the dread of the
judgement inflifted upon the original inhabitants would
deter men from fettling in that inaufpicious region. At
laft, however, a new colony arrived, and Babel, or
Babylon, became the capital of a flourilhing kingdom.
Our readers, we believe, will expeft that we ftiould
fay fomething of Nimrod the mighty hunter, who is ge¬
nerally thought to have been deeply concerned in the
iranfactions of this period. According to moft authors,
both ancient and modern, this patriarch was the leader
of the confederates who ere&ed the tower, and the chief
inftigator to that enterprife. But if the tower was built
at the birth of Pheleg, according to the Hebrew com¬
putation, that chief was f either a child, or ‘rather not
born at that period (u). The Seventy have pronounced
him a giant, as well as a huntfman. They have tranf-
lated the Hebrew word gebur, which generally fignifies
Jlrong, mighty, by the word yiyots^giant; an idea which
we imagine thofe tranflators borrowed from the Greeks.
The antediluvian giants are called Nephelim and Re-
phaim, but never Geburim. The Rabbinical writers, who
juftly hated the Babylonians, readily adopted this idea
(x) ; and the fathers of the church, and the Byzantine
hiftorians, have univerfally followed them. He has been
called Nimrod, Nebrod, Nymbroth, Nebroth, and Nebris.
Not a few have made him the firft Bacchus, and com¬
pounded his name of Bar, a fon, and Cujh, that is, the
fon of Cufh. Some have imagined that he was the Orion
of the Pagans, whofe fhade is fo nobly defcribed by Ho-
% Odyf. 1. i.mer J. But the etymology of this laft: name implies
verfe 571.
f Bochar.
Phaleg.
lib. r.
cap. 10.
fomething (y) honourable, and very unfuitable to the Language,
idea of the tyrant Nimrod. It muft be obferved, however, v—
that we find nothing in Scripture to warrant the fuppo-
fition of his having been a tyrant 5 fo far from it, that
(z) fome have deemed him a benefactor to mankind.
See Nimrod.
The beginning of this prince’s kingdom was Babel.
Eufebius gives us firft * a catalogue of fix kings of the * Chrott.
Chaldaeans, and then another of five kings of Arabianr-
extraction, who reigned in Chaldaea after them. This Pa£e
might naturally enough happen, fince it appears that the
inhabitants of thofe parts of Arabia which are adjacent
to Chaldea -were actually Cuftiites, of the f fame family f Gen. *.
with the Babylonians. Ezek.xxvii.
The Culhites, however, were at laft fubdued, perhaps
partly expelled Chaldea by the Chafidim, who probably
claimed that territory as the patrimony of their progeni¬
tors. That the Chafidim were neither Cujhites, nor in¬
deed Hamites, is obvious from the name. The Hebrews,
and indeed all the Orientals J, denominated both the j Jofeph
people who inhabited the eaftern coaft of Arabia Cufhim, Ant lib. t.
and alfo the Ethiopians who fprung from the laft men-caP- 6.
tioned people. Had the later inhabitants of Chaldea
been the defcendants of Cufh, the Jewifh writers would
have called them Cujhim. We find they called the Phoe¬
nicians Chanaanim, the Syrians Aramim, the Egyptians
Mitaraim, the Greeks Jonim, &c. The Chafidim, there¬
fore, or modern inhabitants of Chaldea, were pofitively
defcended of one Chefed or Chafed 5 but who this family-
chief was, it is not eafy to determine. The only perfon
of that name whom we meet writh in early times is the
fourth fon of Nahor §, the brother of Abraham j and?Gen*
fome have been of opinion, that the Chaldeans were the
progeny of this fame Chefed. This appears to us high¬
ly probable, becaufe both Abram and Nahor were || na-K Gen.
tives of Ur of the Chafidim. The former, we know, inchaP- x**
confequence of the divine command, removed to Haran, ver^e
afterwards Char ret; but the latter remained in Ur, where
his family multiplied, and, in procefs of time, became
mafters of the country which they balled the land of the
Chafidim, from Chefed or Chafed, the name of their an-
ceftor. This account is the more probable, as we find
the other branches of Nahor’s family fettled in the fame
neighbourhood (a). ^
How the Greeks came to denominate thefe' people Origin cd
XoiXiixtot, Chaldcei, is a queftion rather difficult to be re- the name
folved ", but we know that they always affefted to diftin-^haldsei.
guifh people and places by names derived from their
own language. They knew a rugged, erratic nation (b)
. XXII.
' verfe li.
(s) This war was probably carried on between the leaders of the Hamites and Afhur upon their invafion.
(t) Theoph. ad Antol. lib. ii. page 107. ed. Paris 1636.
(u) Gen. chap. x. verfe 8, 9. “ This man began to be a giant upon the earth } he was the giant hunter be¬
fore the Lord God.—As Nymbrod the giant hunter before the Lord.
(x) See Mr Bryant’s Analyfis, vol. iii. page 38. et feq.
(y) Orion is compounded of the Hebrew Or “ light,” and ion “ one of the names of the fun j” and Orion was
probably one of the names of that luminary.
(z) See Shuckford’s Conneft. vol. i. lib. 3. page 179, 180. Alfo the authors of the Univer. Hift. vol. i.
(a) PIuz gave name to the country of Job j Elihu, one of Job’s friends, was a Buzite of the kindred of Ram or
Aram, another of the fons of Nahor. Aram, whofe pofterity planted Syria cava, was the grandfon of Nahor by
Kemuel. Hence it appears probable that Job himfelf was a defeendant of Nahor by Huz his firft born.
(b) See Euftat. in Dion. Perieg. ver. 768. Strabo, lib. xii. page 543. Cafaub. As the Chalybes were famous for
manufadluring iron, fo were they celebrated for making the choiceft pieces of armour. They excelled in making
4 xAiSsmi,
PHILOLOGY,
2S9
Hlftoty of on tlie banks of the river Thermodoon, in the territory of
l j v'" 1 Pontus, bordering on Armenia the Lefs. Thefe, in an¬
cient times, were called Alybes or Chalybes, becaufe they
were much employed in forging and polilhing iron. Their
neighbours, at length, gave them the name of Cha/d or
Cafed, which imports, in the Armenian dialed, Jierce,
hardy, robujl. This title the Greeks adopted, and out
of it formed the word “ Chaldeans.”
The Mofaic hiftory informs us (c), that Afhur went
out of that land (Shinar), and built Nineveh and feveral
other confiderable cities. One of the fucceffors of Aflmr
was the celebrated Ninus, who firfl: broke the peace of
* Jujlin. the world *, made war upon his neighbours, and oblig-
lib. i. cap. r.ec[ them by force Gf arms to become his fubjeds, and
pay tribute. Some authors make him the immediate
fucceffor of Aihur, and the builder of Nineveh. This
we think is not probable •, Eufebius, as we have obferv-
ed above, gives a lift of fix Arabian princes who reign-
ed in Babylon. Thefe w-e take to have been the imme¬
diate fuccelfors of Nimrod, called Arabians; becaufe thefe
people were Culhites. Ninus might be reputed the firft
king of the Aflyrians, becaufe he figured beyond his pre-
deceffors j and he might pafs for the builder of Nineveh,
becaufe he greatly enlarged and beautified that city. We
therefore imagine, that Ninus was the fifth or fixth in
fucceflion after Aftmr.
f Lib. u. Ninus, according to Diodorus Siculus f, made an al¬
liance with Ariaeus king of the Arabians, and conquer¬
ed the Babylonians. This event, in our opinion, put an
end to the empire of the Hamites or Cufhim in Shinar or
Babylonia. The author obferves, that the Babylon which
figured afterwards did not then exift. This fa£l is con-
▼edt *.3 firmed by the prophet Ifaiah J : “ Behold the land of
2‘ the Chafidim j this people was not till Aftiur founded it
for them that dwell in the wildernefs. They fet up the
towers thereof, &c.” After Babylonia was fubdued by
the Aflyrians under Ninus, the capital was either de-
ftroyed by that conqueror or deferted by the inhabitants.
At length it was re-edified by fome one or other of the
Aflyrian monarchs, who collefted the roving Chafidim,
and obliged them to fettle in the new city. Thefe were
fubjeft to the Aflyrian empire till the reign of Sardana-
palus, when both the Medes and Babylonians rebelled
againft that effeminate prince.
The Chafidim were celebrated by all antiquity for
their proficiency in aftronomy, aftrology, magic, and
Vol. XVI. Part I.
curious fciences. Ur or Orchoe (d) was a kind of uni- Language.^
verfity for thofe branches of learning. Such was their
reputation in thofe ftudies, that over a great part of Afia
and Europe a Chaldean and an aftrologer were fynony-
rnous terms. Thefe fciences, according to the tradition
of the Orientals, had been invented by Seth, whom they
call Edris ; and had been cultivated by his defcendants
downward to Noah, by whom they were tranfmitted
to Shem, who conveyed them to Arphaxad and his po-
fterity.
To us it appears probable, that the religious fenti-
ments tranfmitted from Noah through the line of Shem,
were kept alive in the family of Arphaxad, and fo hand¬
ed down to the families of Serug, Nahor, Terah, Abram,
Nahor II. and Haran, &c. The Jewifh rabbis, and all
the Perfian and Mahomedan waiters, make Abraham
contemporary with Nimrod 5 who, fay they, perfecuted
him moft cruelly for adhering to the true religion. That
thefe two patriarchs wTere contemporary, is very improba- •
ble, fince Nimrod wras the third generation after Noah,
and Abram the tenth. Abram has been inverted by the
rabbinical waiters wfith every department of learning.
According to them, he tranfported from Charrae into
Chanaan and Egypt, aftaonomy, aftrology, mathematics,
geography, magic, alphabetical writing, &.c. &c. 17
After the Babylonifti captivity, when the Jews wrere legend ary
difperfed over all the eaft, and began to make profelytes
of the gate among the Pagans, wonderful things were re- Abraham*
ported of Abram with refpeft to his acquirements in hu¬
man erudition, as well as his fupereminence in virtue and
piety. Thefe legendary tales w'ere believed by the pro¬
felytes, and by them retailed to their connexions and
acquaintances. But certainly the holy man either wraa
not deeply verfed in human fciences, or did not deem
them of importance enough to be communicated to his
pofterity fince the Jews are, on all hands, acknowledg¬
ed to have made little progrefs in thefe improvements.
To think of raifing the fame of Abraham, by clafling
him with the philofophers, betrays an extreme defeft in
judgement. He is entitled to praife of a higher kind j
for he excelled in piety, w’as the father of the faithful,
the root of the Mefliah, and the friend of God. Before
thefe, all other titles vanifli away. Such of our readers,
however, as have leifure enough, and at the fame time
learning enough to enable them to confult the rabbini¬
cal legends, will be furnithed wnth a full and ample de-
O o . tail
t ifd
kX&xvoi, or coats of mail, or brigandines ufed by the braveft of the Perfian horfemen. Bochart Phaleg. lib. iii. cap. 12.
and 1 3. has proved that the wrord Cheliba fignifies “ fcales of brafs or fteel.” From the word Cheliba, the Greeks
formed their XxXvZts, Chalybes. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. iii. page 43. Steph. reprefents the Chaldeans, who inhabited a
mountainous country bordering upon Armenia, as a very fierce warlike people. Ib. page 107. wTe have an example
of their rapacious charaXer. Id. ib. lib. iv. page 192. Hen. Steph. wre have an account of their bravery and of their
arms. Another inftance of their rapacity occurs in their plundering the cattle of Job.
(c) A difpute has arifen about the fenfe of verfe 10. chap. x. Out of that land went forth Aftiur, and builded
Nineveh. Some approve our tranflation, which w7e think is juft ; others, confidering that the infpired waiter had
been fpeaking of Nimrod and the beginning of his kingdom, are of opinion that it ftiould be tranflated, And out of
this land He (that is Nimrod) went into Aftiur and builded Nineveh. This they make a military expedition, and
a violent irruption into the territory of Aftiur.
(d) Ur or Orchoe was fituated between Nifibis and Corduena. See Ammianus Marcel. Expeditio Juliana, lib. xv.
It lay not far from the river Tigris. Strabo, lib. xvi. page 7 39, tells us that the Chaldean philofophers'were divided
into different feXs, the Orcheni, the Borfippeni, and feveral others. Diod. Sicul. likewfife, lib. ii. page 82. Steph.
gives an exaX detail of the funXions, profeftion, and eftabliftiment of the Chaldeans, to which we muft refer our
curious readers.
f Vul. I.
P HILO
Hiftory of tail of his imaginary exploits and adventures. Others,
' v f who are either not willing or not qualified to perul’e the
* Chap. ii. writings of the rabbins, may confult Dr Hyde * de
Relig. vet. Perf. and the authors of the Univerfal Hi-
floryf, .where they will find materials fufficient to gra¬
tify their curiofity. We fhall only obferve, in addition
to what we have already laid, that the Perfians, Chal¬
deans, and Arabians, pretended that their religion was
that of Abraham 5 that honourable mention is made of
him in the Koran ; and that the name of Abraham or
Ibrahim was celebrated over all the call. See Abra¬
ham.
Ix the prcgrcfs of this difquifition, we have feen th
the language of Noah was, in all probability, the fame
or nearly the fame with that of Adam. Additions and
improvements might be introduced, but Hill the radical
ft ami n a of the language remained unchanged. It has
likewife, we hope, appeared, that the conh;.1 ion of lan¬
guage at the building of the tower of Babel was only
partial, and a fit died none but the rebellious crew of the
race of Ham, and the apoftate part of the families of
Shem and Japhet. We have concluded, that the main
body of the race of Shem, at lead, were neither dilperf-
ed nor their language confounded •, and that confequent-
ly the defcendants of that patriarch continued to fpenk
their paternal dialedl or the uncorrupted language of
Noah. To thefe arguments we may take the liberty to
add another, which is, that in all probability the worfhip
of the true God was preferved in tH une of Arphaxad,
after the generality of the other lefts had lapfed into
idolatry. Out of this family Abraham was taken, in
whofe line the true religion was to be preferved. Whe¬
ther Abraham was an idolater when he dwelt in Chal¬
dea, the feripture does not inform us, though it feems
to be evident that his father was. One thing, however,
is certain, namely, that Jehovah (e) appeared to him,
and pronounced a blefiing upon him before he left Ur
of the Chaldees. This circumftance no doubt indicates,
that this patriarch had made uncommon advances in
piety and virtue, even prior to his emigration. The pro¬
genitors of his family had been diftinguiftied by adhering
to the true religion. About this time, however, they
began to degenerate, and to adopt the Zabiifm of their
gpoftate neighbours. It was then that Abraham was
commanded by Heaven to “ leave his kindred and his
father’s houfe, and to travel into a land which was to be
ftiown him.” The Almighty intended that the true re¬
ligion fhould be preferved in his line, and therefore re¬
moved him from a country and kindred, by the influ¬
ence of whofe bad example his religious principles might
be endangered. His family had only of late apoftatized ;
till that period they had preferved both the language and
religion of their venerable anceftors.
But however much Abraham might differ from the
other branches of his family in his religious fentiments,
his language was certainly in unifon with theirs. The
confequence of this unqueftionable pofition is, that the
language which he carried with him into Chanaan was
exaftly the fame with that of his family which he relin-
quiihed when he began his pf^grinations. But if this
18
The He¬
brew a ml
Chaldean
originally
the fame,
and the
firftlan¬
guage fpo-
ken on
earth.
LOG Y. Seel. I.
be true, it will follow, that the language afterwards de- Language,
nominated Hebrew, and that of the Chalklim or Chal- 1
deans were originally one and the fame. This portion,
we think, will net be controverted. There is then an
end of the difpute concerning the original language of
mankind. We have advanced lome prefumptive proofs
in the preceding pages, that the language ot Adam was
tranfmilted to Noah, and that the dialed of the latter
was preferved in the line of Arphaxad downwards to the
family of Abraham : and it now appears that the Heb ¬
rew and Chaldean were originally fpoken by the fame
family, and of courfe were the lame between themfeIves,
and were actually the firft language upon earth, accord¬
ing to the Mofaic hiitory. Numberlefs additions, alte¬
rations, improvements, we acknowledge, were introdu¬
ced in the courfe of 2000 years; but ftill the original
ftamina of the language were unchanged. Our readers
will pleafe to obferve that the Orientals are not a people
given to change ; and that this charafter, in the earlieft
ages, was ftill more prevalent than at prffeut. T his af-
fertion we prefume, needs no proof.
In confirmation of thefe prelumptive arguments, we
may add the popular one which is commonly urged upon
this occafion, viz. that the names of antediluvian perlons
and places mentioned by the fapred hiftorian, are gene¬
rally of Hebrew original, and ftgnificant in that lan¬
guage. Some of them, we acknowledge, are not fo ; but
in this cafe it ought to be remembered, that a very imall
part of that language now exifts, and that probably the.
radicals from which thefe words are defeended are among
the number of thofe which have long been loft.
Sect. I. The Helrew Language.
Having thus proved the priority of the Hebrew ChaiaAr-
to every other language that has been ipoken by men, iftics of the
we ihall notv proceed to confider its nature and genius j Hebrew
from which it will appear ftill more evidently to be an!ail2uaoe*
original language, neither improved or debafed by fo¬
reign idioms. The'words of which it is compofecl are
lliort, and admit of very little flexion. The names of
places are -deferiptive of their nature, fltuation, acciden¬
tal circumftances, &c. Its compounds are few, and in-
artificially joined together. In it we find few of thofe
artificial affixes which diftinguifli the other cognate dia-
lefts •, fuch as the Chaldean, Syrian, Arabian, Phoeni¬
cian, &c. We find in it no traces cf improvement
from the age of Mofes to the era of the Babylonifn cap¬
tivity. The age of David and Solomon was the golden
period of the Hebrew tongue 3 and yet, in our opinion,
it would puzzle a critic of the niceft acumen to difeover
much improvement even during that happy era. In
faft, the Jews were by no means an inventive people.
We hear nothing of their progrefs in literary purfuits \
nor do they feem to have been induftrious in borrowing
from their neighbours. The laws and ftatutes commu¬
nicated by Mofes were the principal objefts of their ftu-
dies. Thefe they were commanded to ccntemplate day
and night 5 and in them they were to place their chief
delight. The confequence of this command was, that
little or no regard could be paid to tafte, or any other
fubjeft
(e) Compare Gen. chap xii. ver. 2. with Afts, chap. vii. verfe 4.
Sea. I.
P HILO
Hebrew fubje& of philofophical inveftigation. Every unimprov-
Langnage. ecj langUage abounds in figurative expreflions borrowed
"v—' " from fenfible objects. This is in a peculiar manner the
charafteriftic of the language in queftion } of which it
would be fupertluous to produce inftances, as the fa£l:
muft be obvious even to the attentive reader of the Eng-
lifli Bible.
In the courfe of this argument, rve think it ought to
be obferved, and we deem it an obfervation of the great-
eil importance, that if we compare the other languages
which have claimed the prize of originality from the
Hebrew with that dialed!:, we (hallquickly be convinced
that the latter ha^ a juft title to the preference. The
writers who have treated this lubjeft, generally bring
into competition the Hebrew, Chaldean, Syrian, and
Arabian. Some one or other of thefe has common¬
ly been thought the original language of mankind.
The arguments for the Syrian and Arabian are alto¬
gether futile. The numerous improvements fuperin-
duced upon thefe languages, evidently prove that they
could not have been the original language. In all cog¬
nate dialedts, etymologifts hold it as a maxim, that the
leaft improved is likely to be the moft ancient.
We have obferved above, that the language of Abra¬
ham and that of the Chefedim or Chaldeans were origi¬
nally the fame ; and we are perfuaded, that if an able
critic fhould take the pains to examine ftriclly thefe two
languages, and to take from each what may reafonably
be fuppofed to have been improvements or additions
lince the age of Abraham, he will find intrinfic evidence
fufficient to convince him of the truth of this pofition.
There appear fti!l in the Chaldean tongue great num¬
bers of (f) words the fame with the Hebrew, perhaps
as many as mankind had occafion for in the moft early
zo
How it was
changed
into what
is called
the Chal¬
dean.
* Ifaiah,
ch. xxxiii,
verfe 19.
f Brit.
f Prof, ad
Cram. Syr.
ages •, and much greater numbers would probably be
found if both languages had come down to us entire.
The conftruftion of the two languages is indeed fomewhat
different ; but this difference arifes chiefly from the fu-
perior improvement of the Chaldean. While the He¬
brew language was in a manner ftationary, the Chaldean
underwent progrefiive improvements ; was mellowed Iiy
antithefes, rendered fonorous by the difpofition of vocal
founds, acquired a copioufnefs by compounds, and a ma-
jefty by affixes and prefixes, &c. In procefs of time,
however, the difference b-ecame fo great, that the Ifrae-
lites did not underftand the Chaldean language at the
era of the Babylonilh captivity. This much the pro¬
phet * iniimates, when he promifes the pious Jews pro¬
tection “ from a fierce people ; a people of a deeper
fpeech than they could perceive; of a Hammering tongue,
that they could not underftand.”
The priority of the Chaldean tongue is indeed con¬
tended for by very learned writers. Camden f calls
it the mother of all languages; and moft of the fathers
were of the fame opinion. Amira J has made a col-
L O G Y. 29r
leftion of arguments, not inconfiderable, in favour of Hebrew
it j and Myriceus § after him, did the fame. Erpe- [I-ang^u‘)8c-|
nius ||, in his Oration for the Hebrew tongue, thought ^ prttfj ad
the argument for it and the Chaldean lo equal, that he Gram.
did not choofe to take upon him to determine the que- Chald.
ftion. ' \'r“*i0ua
Many circumftances, however, concur to make us
aflign the priority to the Hebrew, or rather to make
us believe that it has fuffered feweft of thole changes
to which every living tongue is more or lefs liable. If
we ftrip this language of every thing obvioufly adven¬
titious, we fhall find it extremely fimple and primitive,
i. Every thing maforetical, fuppofing the vowels and 2I
points (g) effential, was certainly unknown in its ori-Rcafons
ginal chara&er. 2. All the prefixed and affixed letters tor main-
were added time after time, to give more compafs and
precifion to the language. 3. The various voices,
moods, tenfes, numbers, and perfons of verbs, were Hebrew,
poilerior improvements 5 for in that tongue, nothing
at firft appeared but the indeclinable radix. 4. In the
fame manner, the few adjeclives that occur in the lan¬
guage, and the numbers and regimen ot nouns, were not
from the beginning. 5. Moft of the Hebrew nouns are
derived from verbs j indeed many of them are written
with the very fame letters. This rule, however, is not
general ; for often verbs are derived from nouns, and
even feme from prepolitions. 6. Ail the verbs of that
language, at leaft all that originally belonged to it, uni¬
formly confift of three letters, and feem to have been at
firft pronounced as monofyllables. If we anatomize the
Plebrew language in this manner, we fliall reduce it to
very great fimplicity ; we fhall confine it to a few
names of things, perfons, and adiions \ we fnall make
all its words monofyllables, and give, it the true charac¬
ters of an original language. If at the fame time we
reflect on the fmall number of (h) radical words in that
dialeft, we fliall be more and more convinced of its ori¬
ginality.
It will not be expefted that we fhould enter into a
minute difeuflion of the grammatical peculiarities of this
ancient language. For thefe we muft refer our readers
to the numerous and elaborate grammars of that tongue,
which are everywhere eafily to be found. We fhall on¬
ly make a few ftriHures, which naturally prefent them-
felves, before we difmifs the fubjecl.
The generality of writers who have maintained the
fuperior antiquity of the Hebrew language, have at the
fame time contended that all other languages of Afia,
and moft of thofe of Europe, have been derived from
that tongue as their fource and matrix. We, for our Ap
part, are of opinion, that perhaps all the languages in guages in
the eaftern part of the globe were coeval with it, and die eaft
were originally one and the fame •, and that the differ-
ences which afterwards diftinguifhed them fprung from1
climate, caprice, inventions, religions, commerce, con-
O o 2 quells,
(f) Moft of the Chaldean names mentioned in Scripture are pure Hebrew’ words compounded •, fuch as Nebu~
chadnexxar, Nebu%aradnn, Rahfhakeh, Rabmag, Be//7jazz-ar, Rabfaris, Nahar, Ma/ahtha, Rhrat or Pharad, Baro-
fur, Carchemifh, Ur, Cutha, Heb. Cufh, &c. All thefe words, and a multitude of others which we could mention,
approach fo near the Hebrew dialedl, that their original is difcernible at firft fight. Moft qf thefe are compounds,
which the limits preferibed us will not allow us to decompound and explain.
(g) The futility of thefe points v/ill be proved in the following part of this feflion.
(h) The radical words in the Hebiew language, as it now Hands, are pbout 500,
V
PHILOLOGY.
'eel. L
* Clem.
Alex.
Strom.
Eu eb.
Chrcti. lib.
i. Epiphan.
Heeref.
Augujl.
■f Deut
ctwp. xxxii.
vcvfe 8.
J Pacanini
f.pifcop.
Bercun.
apud Hier-
07i. in C'lta-
logo Epijl.
12.
§ M- Pa?e
35. Hoefch.
.
Origin of
the name
Hebrew.
quells, and other accidental caufes, which will occur
to our intelligent readers. We have endeavoured to
prove, in the preceding pages, that all mankind were
not concerned in the building of the fatal tower, nor
afledled by the punifhment confequent upon that at¬
tempt : and we now add, that even that punifhment
was only temporary ; fince we find, that thofe very
Hamites or Cufiiim, who are allowed to have been af¬
fected by it, did certainly afterwards recover the former
organization of their ///>, and differed not more from
the original flandard than the defeendants of Japhet
and Shem.
The Jewifh rabbis have pretended to afeertain the
number of languages generated by the vengeance of
Heaven at the building of Babel. They tell us that
mankind wras divided into 70 nations and 70 languages,
and that each of thefe nations had its tutelar or guardian
angel. This fabulous legend is founded on the num¬
ber of the progeny of Jacob at the time when that
patriarch and his family went down into Egypt. Others
attribute its origin to the number of the fons and grand-
fons of Noah, who are enumerated Gen. chap. x.
The fathers * of the church make the languages at
the confufion to amount to 72 j which number they
complete by adding Cainan and Eliihah, according to
the Septuagint, who are not mentioned in the Hebrew
text. This opinion, they think, is fupported by the
words of Mofes, when he faith, thatf “ when the Molt
High divided to the nations their inheritance, when
he feparated the fons of Adam, he fet the bounds of
the people according to the number of the tribes of
Ifrael.” That is, fay they, he divided them into 72
nations, which was the number of the children of Ifrael
when they came into Egypt. The Targum of Ben-
Uzziel plainly favours this interpretation •, but the Jeru-
falem Targum intimates that the number of nations
was only j 2, according to the number of the tribes of
Ifrael. This palfage, however, feems to refer to the
tribes of the Chanaanim; and imports, that the Almigh¬
ty affigned to the different fepts of that family fuch a
traCI of land as he knew wrould make a fufficient inheri¬
tance for the children of Ifrael J. Others have increaf-
ed the different languages of the difperfion to 120 ; but
the general opinion has fixed them to 70 or 72, Our
readers need fcarce be put in mind that thefe opinions
are futile and abfurd j neither founded in Scripture, pro¬
fane hiftory, or common fenfe. At the fame time, it
muff not be omitted, that according to Horapollo §, the
Egyptians held, that the world was divided into 72 ha¬
bitable regions •, and that, in confequence of this tradi¬
tion, they made the cynocephalus the emblem of the
world, becaufe that in the fpace of 72 days that animal
pines away and dies.
It has been made a queftion, whether the Hebrew
language w7as denominated from Heber the progenitor
of Abraham, or from a word which in that tongue im¬
ports owr, beyond. Molt of the Chriffian fathers, prior
to St Origen, believed that both the Gentile name He-
hrew, and the name of the language, were derived
from the name of the patriarch j but that learned man
imagined, that Abraham was called the Hebrew, not Hebrew
becaufe he was a defeendant of Heber, but becaufe he Language,
was a transfluvianus, or from beyond the river Eu-
phrates. The learned Bochart * has drained hard c. i'e.
to prove the former pofition •, but to us his arguments
do not appear decifive. We are rather inclined to
believe, that Abraham was called Chibri, (Hebrew^),
from the fituation of the country from which he emi¬
grated when he came to the country of Canaan ; and
that in procefs of time that word became a Gentile
appellation, and wras aftenvards applied to his pofte-
rity (1) often by wray of reproach, much in the fame
manner as we fay a Northlander, a Norman, a Tramon¬
tane, &c.
Here we may be indulged an obfervation, namely,
that Abraham, a Hebrew, lived among the Chalde¬
ans, travelled among the Chanaanites, fojourned among
the Philillines, lived fome time in Egypt, and in all
appearance converfed with all thofe nations without
any apparent difficulty. This circumftance plainly
proves, that all thefe nations at that time fpoke nearly
the fame language. The nations had not yet begun
to improve their refpeclive dialeffs, nor to deviate in
any great meafure from the monofyllabic tongue of
the Hebrews. With refpeft to the language of Cha-
naan, afterwards the Phoenician, its fimilarity to the
Hebrew^ is obvious from the names of gods, men, ci¬
ties, mountains, rivers, &c. which are the very fame
in both tongues, as might be fliown in numberlefs
cafes, wrere this a proper place for etymological re-
fearches.
Before \\t difmifs this part of our fubjecl, we would
wifh to gratify our unlearned readers wTith a brief ac¬
count of the Hebrew letters, and of the Maforetical
points w'hich have been in a manner ingrafted on thefe
letters. In the courfe of this deduction, we ffiall en¬
deavour to follow fuch authors as are allow'ed to have
handled that matter with the greateft acutenefs, learn¬
ing, and perfpicuity. If, upon any occafion, v’e
fhould be tempted to hazard a conjefture of our owm,
it is cheerfully fubmitted to the candour of the pu¬
blic.
Much has been written, and numberlefs hypothefes
propofed, with a view to inveftigate the origin of al¬
phabetical writing. To give even an abridged account
of all thefe, would fill many volumes. The moft plau-
fible, in our opinion, is that which fuppofes that the pri¬
mary charaffers employed by men were the figures of
material objedfs, analogous to thofe of the Mexicans, fo
often mentioned by the authors wffio have written the
hiftory of that people at the era of the Spanifh invafion
of their country. As this plan wras too much circum-^. ^
feribed to be generally ufeful, hieroglyphical figures alphabetic
were in procefs of time invented as fubfidiaries to this writing,
contracted orthography. In this fcheme, we imagine,
the procefs was fomewhat more extenfive. A lion might
be Iketched, to import fiercenefs or valour ; an ox, to
denote ftrength ; a Jiag, to fignify fwdftnefs ; a hare, to
intimate timoroufnefs, &c.
The next ftep in this procefs wrould naturally extend
t©
(1) 'X'he Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews, for that is an abomination to the Egyptians. The
Philiftines (Samuel PaJf‘) always call the Ifraelites Hebrews by wTay of reproach.
Sen. I.
Hebrew
Language.
* Hefycb.
f Lucan-
IB/i/.ltb.i.
page io.
Steph.
8 Nat. Hijl
Kb. vii. c. 46.
* Lib. ii.
c. 104.
f Ibid,
c. 15P.
PHILO
to tlie inventing and appropriating of a few arbitrary
charadlers, for reprelenting abifratl ideas, and other re¬
lations, which could not be well afcertained by the me¬
thods above-mentioned. Thefe arbitrary figns might
readily acquire a currency by compact, as money and
medals do over a great part of the world.—Upon this
plan we imagine the ancient Chinefe formed their lan¬
guage.
But neither the picture nor the hieroglyphic, nor the
method of denoting ideas by arbitrary characters appro¬
priated by compact, could ever have arrived at fuch per-
feCtion as to anfvver all the purpofes of ideal communi¬
cation. The grand defideratum then would be to fa¬
bricate characters to reprefent fimple founds, and to re¬
duce thefe characters to fo fmall a number as to be eafi-
ly learned and preferved in the memory. In this at¬
tempt the Chinefe have notorioufly failed 5 their letters,
or rather their characters, are fo numerous, that few,
if any, of their molt learned and induftrious authors,
have been able to learn and retain the whole cata¬
logue. Indeed thofe people are not able to conceive
how any combinations of 20 or 30 characters ihould be
competent to anfwer all the purpofes ot written lan-
guage.
Many different nations have claimed the honour of
this invention. The Greeks afcribed it to the Phoe¬
nicians $ and confequently ufed the word (pcuvatiCm *,
to aci the Phoenician, in the fame fenfe with xvayivatnuiy,
to read; and coufequently the poetf afcribes the inven¬
tion to the fame ingenious people. The Greeks bor-
roived their letters from the Phoenicians, and of courfe
looked up to them as the inventors.
Others have attributed the invention to the Egyp¬
tians. That people afcribed every ufeful and ingenious
invention to their Thyoth, or Mercury Trifmegillus.
Plato feems to have believed this tradition (k), and pre¬
tends to record a difpute between the king of Egypt
that then reigned and this perfonage, with rel’peCl to the
influence that the art of alphabetic writing might poffi-
bly have upon the improvements of mankind in fcience
• and liberal arts. Diodorus the Sicilian ^ gives a fimilar
hiilory of the fame invention, but carries it back to the
reign of Ofiris.
, Pliny informs us ||, that Gellius attributed letters to
the fame Egyptian Mercury, and others to the Sy¬
rians ; but that for “ his part, he thought that the Af-
fyrian letters were eternal.” That learned Roman then
imagined, that the Affyrian letters had exifled at a pe¬
riod prior to all the records of hidory ; which was in faCt
the cafe. By the Affyrian letters, he muff mean the
Chaldaic, and by the Syrian probably the Hebrew.
The earlieft Greek hiiforians generally confound the
Jews with the Syrians. Herodotus, enumerating the
people who had * learned circumcilion from the Egyp¬
tians, mentions the Syrians of Paleftine ; and elfewhere
he tells us, that Necho f beat the Syrians, and took Ca-
dytis, a large and populous city belonging to that people.
Hence it is evident that the Syrian alphabet, or the Sy-
L O G Y. 293
rian letters, were the fame with the Hebrew. That the Hebrew
Affyrian or Chaldaic and Hebrew languages were the .language.
fame, has, we hope, been fully proved already : that
their letters were the fame in the original ftructure, can
fcarce be controverted. Thefe letters, we think, were Antedilu-
antediluvian } whether, to ufe the expreffion of Plato, vun.
they were diftated by fome god, or fabricated by feme
man divinely infpired. As this opinion may admit
fome difpute, we fhall take the liberty to fubjoln our
reafons.
1. It appears that the era of this invention is buried
in impenetrable obfeurity. Had an invention of fuch
capital importance to mankind been made in the poildi-
luvian ages, we imagine the author would have been
commemorated in the hiitorical annals of the country
where he lived (l).
2. The art of writing in alphabetical characters, ac¬
cording to the facred records, was pradtifed at lo early a
period, that there was not a long enough interval be¬
tween that and the deluge to give birth to that noble
invention. If we contider the rtate of the world du¬
ring fome ages after that difaltrous event, we fhall
quickly be convinced that little refpite could be found
from the labour and induftry indifpenfably requifite to
provide the neceffaries, and only a few of the conve¬
niences, of life. Such a ifate of things was certainly
molt unfavourable to the invention of thofe arts and
improvements which contribute nothing towards pro¬
curing the accommodations of life. The confequence is
obvious.
Mofes has recorded the hiilory of the creation, of
a few of the capital tranfadlions of the antediluvian
world, the birth, the age, the death, of the lineal de-
feendants of Seth. He ha# preferved the dimenfions of
the ark, the duration of the univerfal deluge, its effe&s
upon man and all terreftrial animals, the population of
the world by the poflerity of Noah, the age, &c. of the
patriarchs of the line of Shem, from which his own an-
ceftors had fprung. To this he has fubjoined the petty
occurrences which diverfified the lives of Abraham,
Ifaac, and Jacob, and their defeendants. Whence did'
the hitlorian derive his information ? We believe few of
our readers will be fo enthufiallic as to imagine that the
author received it from divine infpiration. Tradition is
a fallible guide j and in many cafes the accounts are fo
minutely preclfe, as to defy the powyer of that fpecies of
conveyance. The infpired author mull certainly have
extracted his abridgement from written memoirs, or hi-
ftories of the tranfaSions of his anceftors regularly
tranfmitted from the moft early periods. Thefe annals
he probably abridged, as Ezra did afterwards the hi-
flory of the kings of Ifrael. If this was the cafe, as
it molt certainly was, the art of writing in alphabetical
letters muff have been known and praftifed many ages-
before Mofes. It has indeed been pretended, that the
Jewith decalogue, inferibed upon two tables of Hone, was
the very firft fpecimen of alphabetical writing. The ar¬
guments adduced in proof of this fa£i are lame and incon-
clulive
(k) See PhedruSy page 1240. See alfo page 374. Phil.
(l) It is true, the Egyptians attribute the invention to their Thoth, and the Phoenicians to their Hercules, or
Melicerta or Baal j but thefe were only imaginary perfonages.
294
Hebrew clufive (m). Had that been trie cafe, feme notice muft
Language. ^ave. been taken of fo palpable a circumflance. Mo-
fes wrote out his hi dory, his laws, and his memoirs;
and it appears plainly from the text, that all the
learned among his countrymen could read them. Wri-
I> HILO L O G Y.
Sea. I.
ting was then no novel invention in the age of the Hebrew
Jewifh legillator, but current and generally known at ^ailguage^
that era. v"
The patriarch Job lived, at an earlier period. In
that book we find many allufions to the art of writing,
and
(m) The moft Ingenious and plaufible of thofe arguments which have fallen under our obfervation, is given
by Mr Johnfon vicar of Cranbrook, a writer of great learning and piety, who fiouriihed in the beginning
of the 18th century, and whofe works deferve to be more generally known than we have reafon to think
they are at prefent. After endeavouring to prove that alphabetical writing was not praftifed before the era
of Mcfes, and expatiating upon the difficulty of the invention, this excellent fcholar attempts to fhow, that
the original Hebrew alphabet was adfually communicated to the Jewifh legifiator at the fame time with the
two tables of the law. “ I know not (fays he) any juft caufe why the law fhould be written by God, or by
an angel at his command, except it were for want of a man that could well perform this part. This could
give no addition of authority to the law, efpecially after it had been publilhed in that aftonifhing and mira¬
culous manner at Mount Sinai. The true writing of the original was indeed perfetftly adjuited, and precifely
afeertained to all future ages, by God’s giving a copy of it under Iris own hand } but this, I conceive, had
been done altogether as effectually by God’s diftating every word to Mofes, had he been capable of per¬
forming the office of an amanuenfis.” The learned writer goes on to fuppofe, that it was for the purpoie of teach¬
ing Mofes the alphabet, that God detained him forty days in the mount; and thence he concludes, that the De¬
calogue was the firft writing in alphabetical characters, and that thole characters were a divine, and not a human
invention.
It is always rafh, if not fomething worfe, to conceive reafons not affigned by God himfelf, for any particular
tranfaCtion of his with thofe men whom he from time to time infpired with heavenly wifdom. That it was not for
the purpofe of teaching Mofes the alphabet that God detained him forty days in the mount, when he gave him the
two tables of the law, feems evident from his detaining him juft as many days when he gave him the fecond tables
after the firft were broken. If the legifiator of the Jews had not been fufficiently inftruCted in the art of reading
during his firft ftay in the mount, he would have been detained longer •, and it is not conceivable, that though in a
fit of pious paffion he wras fo far thrown off his guard as to break the two tables, his mind was fo totally unhinged
by the idolatry of his countrymen, as to forget completely an art which, by the fuppofition, the Supreme Being
had fpent forty days in teaching him ! “ But if Mofes could, at his firft afeent into the mount, perform the office
of an amanuenfis, wThy are the original tables faid to have been written by the finger of God, and not by him who
wrote the fecond r” We pretend not to fay why they wrere written by God rather than man ; but v,Te think there
is fufficient evidence, that by w'homfoever they were wTritten, the characters employed -were of human invention.
The Hebrew alphabet, without the Maforetic points, is confeffedly defective *, and every man ■who is in any degree
acquainted with the language, and is not under the influence of inveterate prejudice, will readily admit that thofe
points are no improvement. But we cannot, without impiety, fuppofe an art invented by infinite wifdom, to fall
ihort of the utmoft perfection of which it is capable: an alphabet communicated to man by God. would undoubted¬
ly have been free both from defeCts and from redundancies ; it would have had a diftinCt character for every fimple
found, and been at leaf! as perfeCt as the Greek or the Roman.
But we need not fill our pages with reafonings of this kind againft the hypothefis maintained by Mr Johftfpn.
We know that “ Mofes wrote all the words of the Lord,” i. e. the fubftance of all that had been delivered ia
E.rod. xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii. before he was called up into the mount to receive the tables of itone ; nay, that he had
long before been commanded by God himfelf to “ write In a book” an account ol the victory obtained over Ama-
lek (Exod. xvii. 14.). All this, indeed, the learned un-iter was aware of; and to reconcile it with his hypothefis,
he frames another, more improbable than even that which it is meant to fupport. “ It is not unreafonable (fays
he) to believe that God had written thefe tables of ftone, and put them in Mount Horeb, from the time that by
his angel he had there firft appeared to Mofes; and that, therefore, all the time after, while he kept Jethro’s fheep
thereabouts, he had free accefs to thofe tables, and perufed them at diferetion.” But if belief fhonld reft upon evi¬
dence, we beg leave to reply, that to believe all this vrould be in the higheft degree unreafonahle; for there is
not a Angle hint in Scripture of the tables having been written at fo early a period, or upon fuch an occanon, as
God’s firft appearance to Mofes in the burning bufti. We know how reluftant Mofes was to go upon the embaffy
to which he was then appointed ; and it is ftrange, we think paffing ftrange, that when he records fo faithfully his
own backwardnefs, and the means made ufe of by God to reconcile him to the arduous undertaking, he fhould make
no mention of thefe important tables, if at that period he had known any thing of their exiftence. Befides all this,
is it not wonderful, i^ Mofes had been praCHfing the art of writing, as our author fuppofes, from the time of the
burning bufti to the giving of the law, he fhould then have flood in need of forty days teaching from God, to en¬
able him to read with eafe the firft tables ; and of other forty, to enable him to write the fecond ? This gives fuch
a mean view of the natural capacity of the Hebrew legillator, as renders the hypothefis which implies it wholly
incredible. See a CollecHon of Difcourfes, &c. in two volumes, by the reverend John Johnfon, A. M. vicar of
Cranbrooh in Kent,
2
Sect. r. PHILO
Hebrew and foms paffages which plainly prove its exiftence.
Lingulae 'Phis ihows that alphabetical characters were not cou-
' v ' fined to the cholen feed, fince Job was in all probability
.. a defeendant of Huz, the eldelt ion of Nahor * the
brother of Abraham. From this circumilance, we
' ’ think we may fairly conclude, that this art was known
and pradiied in the family of Terah the father of Abra¬
ham.
3. There was certainly a tradition among the Jews
•in the age of Jofephus, that writing was an antedilu-
t Antiq. vian invention f. That hiilorian pretends, that the de-
lib. i. c. 3. feendants of Seth erefled trvo pillars, the one of ftone
and the other of brick, and inferibed upon them their
Traditions aftrononfical obfervations and other improvements.—
to this pur- iegencl foows tfiat there did exilt inch an opinion
of the antiquity of the art of writing.
4. There muft have been a tradition to the fame
purpofe among the Chaldeans, fince the writers who
have copied from Berofus, the celebrated Chaldean hi-
ftorian (0% fpeak of alphabetical writing as an art well
known among the antediluvians. According to them,
Cannes the Chaldean legiilator gave his difciples “ an
infight into letters and fcience. This perfon alio wrote
concerning the generation of mankind, of their diffe¬
rent purfuits, of civil polity, &c. Immediately before
the deluge (fay they) the god Cronus appeared to Si-
futhrus or Xifuthrus, and commanded to commit to
writing the beginning, improvement, and conclufion
of all things down to the prefent term, and to bury
thefe accounts fecurely in the temple of the Sun at Sep-
para.” All thefe traditions may be deemed fabulous
in the main j but ftill they evince that fuch an opinion
was current, and that though the uie of letters was
not indeed eternal (p), it was, however, prior to all the
records of hiltory j and of courle, we think, an antedi-
^ luvian difeovery.
The ongi- This original alphabet, whatever it was, and however
nal alpha- conftrufled, was, we think, preferved in the family of
bfipre- an(] from it conveyed down to fucceedmg gene-
the/amdy rations. If we can then difeover the original Hebrew
of Noah/ alphabet, we {hall be able to inveftigate the primary
fpecies of letters expreffive of +hofe articulate founds by
which man is in a great meafure diftinguifhed from the
brute creation. Whatever might be the nature of that
alphabet, we may be convinced that the ancient Jews
deemed it facred, and therefore preferved it pure and un¬
mixed till the Babylonifh captivity. If, then, any mo¬
numents are ftill extant infertbed with letters prior to
that event, we may reft allured that thefe are the remains
of the original alphabet.
There have, from time to time, been dug up at Jeru-
L O G Y: • *95
faiem, and other parts of Judea, coins and medals, and f Keba
medallions, inferibed with letters of a form very differ-
ent from thole fquare letters in which the Hebrew Scrip¬
tures are now written. 2s
When the Samaritan Pentateuch was difeovered (Q.), The fame
it evidently appeared that the inlcriptions on thofe me-with the
dais and coins were drawn in genuine Samaritan cha-^*4*1^1
rafters. The learned abbe Barthelemi, in his * differ-*
tation u on the two medals of Antigonus king of Judea, ^ pinjcrip.
one of the later Afmonean princes, proves that all the &.c>
infenptions on the coins and medals of Jonathan and Si¬
mon Maccabeus^ and alfo on his, were invariably in the
Samaritan character, down to the 40th year before the
Chriftian era.”
It were eafy to prove, from the Miftma and Jeru-
falem Talmud, that the Scriptures publicly read in the
fynagogues to the end of the fecond century were writ¬
ten in the Samaritan charafter, we mean in the fame
charafter with the Pentateuch in queftion. As the an¬
cient Hebrew, however, ceafed to be the vulgar lan¬
guage of the Jews after their return from the Babylonilh
captivity, the copies of the Bible, eipecially in private af_
hands, were accompanied with a Chaidaic paraphrafe j teiwards
and at length the original Hebrew charafter fell into gave place
difufe, and the Chaidaic was univerfally adopted. ^ the cha'
It now appears that the letters inferibed on the an-clalc‘
cient coins and medals of the Jews were written in the
Samaritan form, and that the Scriptures were written
in the very fame charafters : we fhall therefore leave it
to our readers to judge whether (confidering the impla¬
cable hatred which fubfifted between thefe two nations)
it be likely that the one copied from the other 5 or at
leaft that the Jews preferred to the beautiful letters uled
by their anceftors, the rude and inelegant charafters ol
their moft detefted rivals. If, then, the inferiptions on
the coins and medals were aftually in the charafters of
the Samaritan Pentateuch (and it is abfurd to fuppofe
that the Jews borrowed them from the Samaritans), the
confequence plainly is, that the letters of the inferiptions
were thofe of the original Hebrew alphabet, coeval with
that language, which we dare to maintain was the firft
upon earth.
It may, perhaps, be thought rather fuperfluous to
mention, that the Samaritan colonifts, whom the kings
of Affyria planted in the cities of Samaria (r), were na¬
tives of countries where Chaidaic letters were current,
and who were probably ignorant of the Hebrew lan¬
guage and charafters. When thofe colonifts embraced
the Jewifh religion, they procured a copy of the He¬
brew Pentateuch written in its native charafter, which,
from fuperftition, they preferved inviolate as they re¬
ceived
(o) Apollodorus, Alexander Polyhiftor, Abydenus. See Synce/lus, cap. 39. etfeq. Ettfeb. Chron. lib. i. page 3.
(p) Plin. Nat. Hift. lib. vii. page 413. Ex quo apparet ccternus literorum ufus.
(o) The celebrated Archbifhop Ufher was the firft who brought the Samaritan Pentateuch into Europe.
In a letter to Ludovicus Capelins “ he acknowledges, that the frequent mention he had feen made of it by
fome authors, would not fuffer him to be at reft till he had procured five or fix copies of it from Paleftine and
Syria.”
(r) 2 Kings, chap. xvii. ver. 24. “ And the king of Affyria brought men from Babylon, and from Cuthah,
and from Avah, and from Hamath, and from Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria.” Babylon
and Cuthah, and Avah, were neighbouring cities, and undoubtedly both fpoke and rvrote in the Chaidaic ftyle-...
The natives of Hamath fpoke the Syriac, which at that time differed very little from the. Chaidaic.
* Chron. in
anno 4740.
f Prof. 1.
Reg.
3°
Which was
introduced
toy Ezra.
296 • PHILO
Hebrew celved it; and From it were copied fucceffively the others
Language ^ which were current in Syria and Paleitine when Arch-
bilhop Ullier procured his.
From the realbns above exhibited, we hope it will ap¬
pear, that if the Hebrew alphabet, as it appears in the
Samaritan Pentateuch, was not the primitive one, it was
at leait that in which the Holy Scriptures were fir ft
committed to writing.
Scaliger has inferred, from a paffage in Eufebius *,
and another in St Jerome f, that Ezra, when he refor¬
med the Jewifh church, tranfcribed the Scriptures from
the ancient chara&ers of the Hebrews into the fquare
letters of the Chaldeans. This, he thinks, was done for
the ufe of thofe Jews who, being born during the capti¬
vity, knew no other alphabet than that of the people
among whom they were educated.—This account of the
matter, though probable in itfelf, and fupported by paf-
iages from both Talmuds, has been attacked by Buxtorf
with great learning and no lefs acrimony. Scaliger,
however, has been followed by a crowd of learned men(s),
whole opinion is now pretty generally efpoufed by the
facred critics.
Having faid fo much concerning the Hebrew alpha¬
bet in the preceding pages, we find ourfelves laid under
a kind of neceffity of hazarding a few ftridlures on the
vowels and Maforetic points ; the effential, and the
Iqfl an appendage, of that ancient language. The
number of the one, and the nature, antiquity, and ne-
ceflity of the other, in order to read the language with
propriety and with difcriminatioil, have been the fubjedl
of much and often illiberal controverfy among philologi¬
cal writers. To enter into a minute detail of the argu¬
ments on either fide, would require a complete volume :
wTe (hall, therefore, briefly exhibit the ftate of the con¬
troverfy, and then adduce a few obfervations, which, in
our opinion, ought to determine the queftion.
The controverfy then is, Whether the Hebrews ufed
any vowels ; or whether the points, which are now call¬
ed by that name, were fubftituted inftead of them ? or
if they were, whether they be as old as Mofes, or were
invented by Ezra, or by the Mafforites (t) ? This con¬
troverfy has exercifed the wits of the moft learned cri¬
tics of the two laft centuries, and is ftill far enough
from being determined in the prefent. The Jews main¬
tain, th?ft thefe vowel points (u) were delivered to
Mofes along with the tables of the law j and confe-
quently hold them as facred as they do the letters them-
felves. Many Chriftian authors who have handled this
fubjecf, though they do not affirm their divine original,
nor their extravagant antiquity, pretend, however, that
they are the only proper vowels in the language, and re¬
gulate and afcertain its true pronunciation. Though
-they differ from the Jews with refpeft to the origin of
LOGY.
Se$. I.
31
The He-
hiew
TOwels.
thefe points, they yet allow them A pretty high antiqui- Hebrew
ty, afcribing them to Ezra and the members of the great Language,
fynagogue. — •*
At length, however, about the middle of the 16th xhe^vlafo-
century, Elias Levita, a learned German Jew who then retie points
flouriffied at Rome, difeovered the delufion, and madea modern
it appear that thefe appendages had never been in ufe mvention*
till after the writing of the talmuds, about 500 years
after Chrift. This innovation raifed Elias a multitude
of adverfaries, both of his own countrymen and Chrift-
ians. Among the latter appeared the two Buxtorfs,
the father and the fon, who produced fome cabbalifti-
cal books of great antiquity (x), at kail in the opinion
of the Jews, in which there was exprefs mention of the
points. The Buxtorfs were anfwered by Capellus and
other critics *, till Father Morinus f, having examined * Walton
all that had been urged on both fides, produced his Hupin, and
learned differtation on that fubjett ; againft which there Voflms.
has been nothing replied of any confequence, whilft his ^ DJ$ert'
work has been univerfally adnfired, and his opinion Bl° '
confirmed by thofe that have beaten the fame field after
him.
According to this learned father, it plainly appears
that neither Origen, nor St Jerome, nor even the
compilers of the talmuds, knew any thing of what has
been called the vowel points ; and yet thefe books, ac¬
cording to the fame author, were not finilhed till the
feventh century. Even the Jewilh rabbis who wrote
during the eighth and ninth centuries, according to him,
were not in the kail acquainted with thefe points. He
adds, that the firft veftiges he could trace of them were
in the writings of Rabbi Ben Aber chief of the weftern,
and of Rabbi Ben Naphtali chief of the eaftern, fchool,
that is, about the middle of the tenth century j fo that
they can hardly be faid to be older than the beginning
of that period.
Some learned men (y) have aferibed the invention
of the vowel points in queftion to the rabbis of the
fchool of Tiberias ; which, according to them, flouriffi¬
ed about the middle of the fecond century. This opi¬
nion is by no means probable, becaufe it appears plain
from hiftory, that before that period all the Jewiffi fe-
minaries in that province were deftroyed, and their heads
forced into exile. Some of thefe retired into Babylonia,
and fettled at Sora, Naherds, and Pombeditha, where
they eftabliffied famous univerfities. After this era
there remained no more any rabbinical fchools in Judaea,
headed by profeffors capable of undertaking this difficult
operation, nor indeed of fufficient authority to recom¬
mend it to general practice, had they been ever fo
thoroughly qualified for executing it..
Capellus and Father Morin, who contend for the
late introdudlion of the vowel-points, acknowledge
that
(s) Cafaubon, Grotius, Voffius, Bochart, Morin, Brerewood, Walton, Prideaux, Huet, and Lewis Capel, al¬
ways a fworn enemy to Buxtorf. All thefe have maintained the fame ground with Scaliger : how truly, appears
above.
(x) The term maforah or majjbreth fignifies “ tradition and imports the unwritten canon by which the read¬
ing and writing of the facred books was fixed.
(u) Thefe points are 14 in number, whofe figures, names, and effedls, may be feen in moft Hebrew grammars.
(x) Thefe books are the Bahir, Zahar, and the Ki^ri. As for the Kizri, the Jews make it about 1900 years
old ; and the other about a century later. But the fidelity of the Jews in fuch matters cannot be relied upon.
(y) See Buxtorf the father, in Tiber, cap. 5, 6, 7. Buxtorf the fon, de Antiq. Pund. P. II. 11,
4
;ca I.
PHILOLOGY.
297
Hi'brew
I.angaage
33
Tbe mattes
Itftionis.
Objections
anl'wered.
that there can certainly be no language without vocal
founds, which are indeed the foul and effence of fpeech j
but they affirm that the Hebrew alphabet a finally con¬
tains vowel c ha rafters, as well as the Greek and Latin
and the alphabets of modern Europe. Theie are aleph,
Ite, van, jod. Thefe they call the matres le&ionis, or,
if you pleafe, the parents of reading. To thefe fome,
we think very properly, add ain or oin, ajin. Thefe,
they conclude, perform exaflly the fame office in He¬
brew that their defe'endants do in Greek. It is indeed
agreed upon all hands, that the Greek alphabet is de¬
rived from the Phoenician, which is known to be the
fame with the Samaritan or Hebrew. This polition
we ffiall prove more fully when we come to trace the
origin of the Greek tongue. Hitherto the analogy is
not only plaufihle, but the refemblance precife. The
Hebrews and Samaritans empffiyed thefe vowrels exaflly
in the fame manner with the Greeks ; and fo all was
eafy and natural.
But the afiertors of the Maforetic fyftem maintain,
that the letters mentioned above are not vowels but
coufonants or afpirations, or any thing you pleafe but
vocal letters. This they endeavour to prove from their
ufe among the Arabians, Perfians, and other oriental
nations : But to us it appears abundantly ftrange to fup-
pofe that the Greeks pronounced beta, gamma, delta,
&c. exaftly as the Hebrews and the Phoenicians did,
and yet at the fame time did not adopt their mode of
pronunciation with refpecl to the five letters under confi-
.deration. To this argument we think every objection
mult undoubtedly yield. The Greeks borrowed their
letters from the Phoenicians; thefe letters were the
.Hebrew or Samaritan. The Greeks wrote and (z)
.pronounced all the other letters of their alphabet, ex¬
cept the five in queftion, in the fame manner with their
originals of the eaft : if they did fo, it obvioufly follows
■ that the Greek and oriental office of thefe letters was
the, fame.
Another objeflion to reading the Hebrew without
the aid or the Maforetic vowel points, arifes from the
confideration, that without thefe there will be a great
number of radical Hebrew words, both nouns and verbs,
without any vowel intervening amongft.the confonants,
which is certainly abfurd. Notwithitending this fap-
pofed abfurdity, it is a well known fa<3q that all the
copies cf the Plebrew Scripture, ufed in the . ewiffi fyna-
gogues throughout the world, are written or printed
without ppints. Thefe copies are deemed f.icred, and
kept in a coffer with the greateft care, in allufion to the
ark of the teflimony in the tabernacle and temple. The
prefecl, however, reads the portions of the law and ha-
giographa without any difficulty. The fame is done by
the remains of the Samaritans at this day. Every ori¬
ental icholar knows that the people of thefe countries
look upon confonants as the ftamina of words. Accord-
ingly, in w riting letters, in difpatches upon bufinefs, and
ad affairs of fmall moment, the vowels are generally
omitted. It is obvious, that in every original lan¬
guage the found of the vowels is variable and of little
importance. Such was the cafe with the Hebrew
Vol. XVI. Part I.
tongue : Nor do we think that the natives of the' coun- H brew-
try would find it a matter of much difficulty to learn Language,
to read without the help of the vowTels. They knew v——■
the words beforehand, and fo might readily enough
learn by praflice w-hat vowels w ere to be inferted.
When the Hebrew became a dead language, as it
certainly was in a great meafure to the vulgar after
the return from the Babyloniffi captivity; iuch fub-
fidiaries might we think, have been uieful, and of
courfe might poffibly have been adopted for the ufe
of the vulgar : but the feribe, the lawyer, and the learn¬
ed rabbi, probably difdained fuch begemrlv elements.
We ffiall in this place hazard a conjefluie, which, to us
at leaft, is altogether new7. We imagine that the Phre-
nicians, who were an inventive, ingenious people, had,
prior to the age oi Cadmus, who firll brought their let¬
ters into Greece, adopted the more commodious method
of inferting the vow els in their proper places 5 whereas
the Jews, zealoufiy attached to the cuiloms of their
anceilors, continued to write and read without them. In
this manner the Gephuraei *, who were the followers * Herod.
of Cadmus, communicated them to the Jones their bb.i.
neighbours. We are convinced that the materials of^PA6,
the Greek tongue are to be gleaned up in the eaft •, and
upon that ground have often endeavoured to trace the
origin of Greek words in the Hebrew, Phoenician,
Chaldean, and Arabian languages. Reading w-ithout
the vowel points we have feldom failed in our fearch ;
but when we followed the method of reading by the , JS
Maforetic points, we feldom fucceeded ; and this, we !he<Mafo-
believe, every man of tolerable erudition wffio w’ill retie points
make a trial will find by experience to be true. This are mo-
argument appears to us fuperior to every objection.den1’
Upon this bafis, the moft -learned Bochart has eredted
his etymological fabric, which will be admired by the
learned and ingenious as long as philology flrall be cul¬
tivated by men.
It has been urged by the zealots for the Maforetic
fyllem, that the Arabians and Perfians employ the vowel
points. That they do fo at prefent is readily granted j
but whether they did fo from the beginning feems to be
the queftion. That Arabia was overfpread with Jewilh
exiles at a very early period, is abundantly certain. It
was natural for them to retire to a land where they
w-ould not hear of wrar nor the found of the trumpet.
Accordingly we find that, prior to the age of the Ara¬
bian impoftor, Arabia fwarmed with Jewilh fettlements.
From thefe Jews, it is highly probable that their neigh¬
bours learned the ufe of the points in queftion ; which
in the courfe of their conquefts the Saracens communi¬
cated to the Perfians.
It has been alleged with great Ihow of reafon, that
without the vowel points, it is often impoffible to be-
velope the genuine fignification of many words which
occur frequently in the language : many wwds of dif¬
ferent and fometimes oppoftte fignifications are written
with exactly the fame confonants. Without the points
then, how are we to know the diftindlion ? In anfwer
to this objedlion, we beg leave to obferve, that, during
the firft period of a language, it is impoffible that there
P p ftiouid
(z) This is fo true, that, according to Hefychius and Suidas, (poiwu&v, to aft the Phoenician, fignified
t®
208 PHILOLOGY. Sea. I.
Hebreyv fhould not occur a number of fimilar founds of dififer-
■ anou'iRe- ent fignitications. This is furely to be attributed to the
poverty of the language. When a few terms have
been once fabricated, men will rather annex new figni-
fications to old terms, than be at the expence of time
or thought to invent new ones. This muft have been
the cafe with the Hebrew in particular ; and indeed no
language on earth is without inftances of this incon-
veniency, which, however, in a living tongue, is eafily
overcome by a difference of accent, tone, gefture, pro¬
nunciation ; all which, we think, might obviate the dif¬
ficulty.
From the preceding arguments, we think ourfelves
authorifed to infer that the Mafora is a novel fyftem,
utterly unknown to the moft ancient Jews, and never
admitted into thofe copies of the Scriptures which
were deemed moll facred and moft authentic by that
people.
With refpeft to the original introduftion of the
^ 7 points, we agree with the learned and judicious * Dr
^art;; ‘ Prideaux, who imagines that they were gradually in¬
book x. troduced after the Hebrew became a dead language,
with a view to facilitate the learning to read that lan¬
guage, more efpecially among the vulgar. By whom
they were introduced, we thick, cannot eafily be de¬
termined •, nor is it probable that they were all intro¬
duced at once, or by one and the fame perfon. They
have been afcribed to Ezra by many, for no other
reafon that we can difcover but to enhance their au¬
thenticity, and beeaufe the fentiment is analogous to
the other articles of reformation eftablifhed by that holy
prieft. If our curious reader ftxould not be fatisfied
with the preceding detail, we muft remit him to Ca-
pellus and Morinus on the one fide, and the two Bux-
torfs, Schultens, and Dr James Robertfon late prcfeffor
of oriental languages in the univerfity of Edinburgh,
on the other. This learned orientalift, in his differ-
tation prefixed to his C/avis Pentateuchi, has collected
and arranged, with the true fpirit of criticifm, every thing
that has been advanced in favour of the Maforetical
■ fyftem.—Si Pergama dextra dcfendipojfent, etiam hac de-
fenfa fuijfent. _ . .
From Qri- St Origen, who flourilhed about the beginning of
gen’s Hex- the 3d century, was a profound Hebrew fcholar. He
publiftied a moft laborious and learned work, which is
generally called the Hcxapla, becaufe it confifted of fix
columns ; thp fir ft of which contained the Hebrew text 5
the fecond, the fame text, but written in Greek cha-
rafters 5 the third column exhibited the verfion of A-
quila •, the fourth, that of Symmachus ; the fifth, the
Septuagint; and the fixth, the verfion of Theodotan.
In fome 'fragments of that vaft work which are ftill
extant, we have a fpecimen of the manner in which
the Hebrew was pronounced in the third century, by
which it appears that it was very different from that
which refults from obferving the Maforetical points.
The following is an inftance copied from the beginning
of Genefis.
According to OMGEN.
Brefith bara Eloeim eth afamaim oueth aares.
Ouaares aietha Thoau ouboou oubfekh al phne Tbe-
ouroue elbeim maraepheth al phne amaim.
Oftbmer elbeim iei or ouiei or.
Ouiar elbeim eth abr khi tbb ouiabdel elbeim ben abr Hebrew
ouben abfekh. ^Language.
According to the MasORITES.
Bereftiith bara Elohim eth afhamajim veeth aaretz.
Veaaretz ajetha thoou vaboou, vekhofhek gnal pene
theom verouakh elohim merakhepheth gnal pene ham-
maim.
Va'iomer elohim jehi or, vajehi or.
Vajare elohim eth aor ki tob vajabedel elohim bein
aor oubein hakhoftiek.
Upon the whole, we prefume to give it as our opi¬
nion, that in the moft early periods, the vowels, aleph,
he, jod or yod, vaiv or waw, and perhaps oin or ajin,
were regularly written wherever they were founded. _
This to us appears plain from the practice of the an-and the ’
cient Greeks. It is agreed on all hands that the Sa- practice of
maritan and Phoenician alphabets were the fame; and t^ie ancient
that the former wTas that of the Jews originally. The Gree^s’
Phoenicians certainly wrote the vowels exablly, for fo
did the Greeks who copied their alphabet: If the Phoe¬
nicians wrote their vowels, fo then did the Jews of the
age of Cadmus; but Cadmus was contemporary with
fome of the earlieft judges of Ifrael; the confequence is
evident, namely, that the Jews wrote their vowels as
late as the arrival of that colony-chief in Greece.
We ought naturally to judge of the Hebrew by the
Chaldaic, Syriac, and Arabian, its fifter dialebts. All
thefe languages in ancient times had their vowels regu¬
larly inferted ; and why not the Hebrew in the fame
manner with the reft ?
As thefe firft vowels, which were coeval with the
other letters, often varied in their found and applica¬
tion, the points, in all appearance, were firft invented
and employed to afcertain their different founds in dif¬
ferent connexions. Other marks might be invented to
point out the various tones of voice, like the row, or
accents, with which the vowels were to be enounced, as
was done among the later Greeks. In procefs of time,
in order to promote celerity of writing, the yowels were
omitted, and the points fubftituted in their place.
Before we conclude our obfervations on the Hebrew
language, we ought, perhaps, to make an apology
for omitting to interlard our details with quotations
from the two Talmuds, the Miftma, the Gemara, the
Cabbalas, and a multitude of rabbinical waiters who
are commonly cited upon fuch an occafion. We be¬
lieve we could have quoted almoft numberlefs paffa-
ges from the two Buxtorfs, Father Morin, Capellus,
and other Hebrew critics, with no great trouble to
ourfelves, and little emolument to the far greater part
of our readers. But our opinion is, that fuch a pedan¬
tic difplay of philological erudition would probably
have excited the mirth of our learned, and roufed
the indignation of our unlearned, readers. Our wifh
is to gratify readers of both defcriptions, by contribu¬
ting to the edification of one clafs without difgufting
the other.
We cannot, we imagine, fairly take leave of the
facred language without giving a brief detail of thofe
excellencies which, in our opinion, give it a juft claim
to the fuperiority over thofe other tongues which
have fometimes contended with it for the prize of anti¬
quity. :
Sea. I.
Hebrew
Language.
38
Excellen¬
cies of the
Hebrew
language.
PHILO
quity : and of tliefe the following in our apprehcnfion
deferve particular notice.
If this language may claim any advantage over its
antagonifts, with refped to its being rather a mother
than a daughter to any of them, it is undoubtedly in
confequence of its fimplicity, its purity, its energy, its
fecundity of expreffions and fignifications. In all thefe,
notwithftanding its paucity of words, it excels the vaft
variety of other languages which are its cognate dialefts.
To thefe we may add the lignificancy of the names,
both of men and brutes 5 the nature and properties of
the latter of which are more clearly and more fully ex¬
hibited by their names in this than in any other tongue
hitherto known. Befides, its well authenticated anti¬
quity and the venerable tone of its writings furpafs any
thing left upon record in any other dialect now extant
in the world. Thefe extraordinary qualities excite our
admiration at prefent under every difadvantage 5 and
from this circumftance we may infer its incomparable
beauty in the age of the Jewifh legillator, and what ef¬
fects it would naturally produce, could we knpw it
now as it was fpoken and written in the days of David
and Solomon.
As far, however, as we underftand it in its prefent
mutilated condition, and are able to judge of its cha-
ra&er from thofe few books that have come down to
our time, we plainly perceive that its genius is fnnple,
primitive, natural, and exactly conformable to the cha¬
racter of thofe uncultivated patriarchs who ufed it them-
felves, and tranfmitted it to their defendants in its
native purity and fimplicity. Its wmrds are compara¬
tively few, yet concile and expreUive j derived from a
very fmall number of radicals, without the artificial
compofition of modern languages. No tongue, ancient
or modern, can rival it in the happy and rich fecundity
of its verbs, refulting from the variety and fignificancy
of its conjugations *, which are fo admirably arranged
and diverfified, that by changing a letter or two of the
primitive, they exprefs the various modes of aCling,
buffering, motion, reft, &c. in fuch a precife and figni-
ficant manner, that frequently in one word they convey
an idea which, in any other language, would require a
tedious paraphrafe. Thefe pofitions might eafily be il-
luftrated by numerous examples } but to the Hebrew
fcholar thefe would be fu peril nous, and to the illiterate
clafs neither interefting nor entertaining.
To thefe we may add the monofyllabic tone of the
language, which, by a few prefixes and affixes without
affecling the radix, varies the fignification almolt at
pleafure, while the method of affixing the perfon to
the verb exhibits the gender of the objeCl introduced.
In the nouns of this language there is no flexion except
what is neceffary to point out the difference of gender
and number. Its cafes are diftinguiihed by articles,
which are only Angle letters at the beginning of the
word : the pronouns are only Angle letters affixed } and
the prepofitions are of the fame character prefixed to
words. Its words follow one another in an eafy and
natural arrangement, without intricacy or tranfpofition,
without fufpending the attention or involving the fenfe
by intricate and artificial periods. All thefe ftriking
and peculiar excellencies combined, plainly demonftrate
#ie beauty, the liability, and antiquity of the language
under confideration.
LOGY* 299
We would not, however, be thought to infinuale Hebrew
that this tongue continued altogether without changes Language.
and imperfections. We admit that many radical words
of it were loft in a courfe of ages, and that foreign ones
were fubftituted in their place. The long fojourning of
the Ifraelites in Egypt, and their clofe connection with
that.people, even quoad facra, muft have introduced a
multitude of Egyptian vocables and phrafes into the
vulgar dialed at leaft, which muft have gradually in¬
corporated with the written language, and in procefs of
time have become parts of its effence. In Egypt, the
Ifraelites imbibed thofe principles of idolatry which no¬
thing lefs than the final extirpation of their polity could
eradicate. If that people were fo obftinately attached
to the Egyptian idolatry, it is not very probable that
they would be averfe from the Egyptian language*
Befides, the Scripture informs us, that there came up
out of Egypt a mixed multitude } a circumftance which
muft have infeded the Hebrew tongue with the dialed
of Egypt. As none of the genuine Hebrew radicals
exceed three letters, whatever wurds exceed that num¬
ber in their radical ftate may be juitly deemed of for¬
eign extradion.
Some Hebrew critics have thought that verbs confti-
tute the radicals of the wffiole language} but this opin¬
ion appears to us ill founded : for though many Hebrew
nouns are undoubtedly derived from verbs, we find at
the fame time numbers of the latter deduced from the
former. - -q
Before we conclude our detail of the Hebrew7 tongue, Hutchinfo-
a few of our readers may poffibly imagine that we nianiun.
ought to give fome account of the Hutchinfonian fy-
ftem 5 a fyftem fo highly in vogue not many years ago.
But as this allegorical fcheme of interpretation is now
in a manner exploded, vTe fliall beg leave to remit our
curious Hebraift to Mr Holloway’s Originals, a fmall
book in 2 vols 8vo, but replete with multifarious erudi¬
tion, efpecially in the Hutchinfonian ftyle and charac¬
ter.—Tides fit penes autorem.
Sect. II. The Arabic Language.
4©
We now7 proceed to give fome account of the Arabian Arabic lan-
language, wffiich is evidently one of the After dialeds °^'
of the Hebrew7. Both, wre imagine, were originally y
the fame •, the former highly improved and enlarged •,
the latter, in appearance, retaining its original fimplici¬
ty and rude afped, fpoken by a people of a genius by
no means inventive. In this inquiry, too, as in the for¬
mer, we fliall fpare ourfelves the trouble of deicending
to the grammatical minutiae of the tongue j a method
which, w7e are perfuaded, w7ould neither gratify our
learned nor edify our unlearned readers. To thofe wh®
are inclined to acquire the firft elements of that various,
copious, and highly improved tongue, we beg to
recommend Erpenii Rudiment a Ling. Arab.; GoliiGram.
Arab.; the Differtations of Hariri, tranflated by the
elder Schultens 5 Mr Richardfon’s Perfic and Arabic
Gram. &c.
We have pronounced the Hebrew7 and Arabian After
dialeds j a relation which, as far as we know, has
been , feldom controverted : but w7e think there is au¬
thentic hiftorical evidence that they were pofitively one
and the Came, at a period when the one as well as the
P p 2 other
P H I L O L O G Y.
oilier appeared iii its infant unadorned fimplicky. Tiie
f Gen. ii
li.
30° _
A rabic
Allowing detail will, we hope, fully authenticate the
truth of our petition.
X‘ “ Lfoto Eber (fays the Scripture *) were bom two
ions. The name of one was Peleg, becaufe in his days
the earth was divided ; and his brother’s name was jok-
tan,” or rather Yoktan. This laft, fays the facred hif-
torian, “ had thirteen fons j and their dwelling reached
from Media (Mocha) to Sephar (a),” a mount of the
tad. According to this account, the defeendants of
Yoktan poflelfed all the maritime coal! of Arabia from
Media (Mocha) to Mount Sephar towards the eaft of
tnat peninfula. Mofes, deferibing the rivers of para-
diie, tells us, that one of the branches of that river f
“ encompaffed the whole land of Havilah, where there
was great ftore of gold.” Havilah was the twelfth fon
of Yoktan, whom the Arabians call Kobtan ; and con-
fequently his territory was fituated towards the eaftern
limit of the poifedions of the pofterity of the youngeft
fon of Eber. Ycktan or Kobtan was too young to be
concerned in the building of the tower 5 and conlequent-
ly retained the language of his family, which was un¬
doubtedly the Hebrew. His defeendants muft have
carried the fame language into their refpeftive fettle-
ments, where it muft have been tranfmitted to fucceed-
ing generations. The original language of all the tribes
of the Arabians who inhabit a Vaft tradf of country
along the 'buthern diore, according to this dedudiion,
was that of their father Kobtan, that is, the Hebrew.
Indeed, the moft learned Arabians of modern times un-
animoufly acknowledge this patriarch as the founder of
the>- language as wHl as of their nation.
I he other diftridls of Arabia wrere peopled by the off-
iprmg of Abraham. The Iflimaelites, the pofterity of
that patriarch by Hagar, penetrated into the very cen¬
tre oi the peninfula 5 incorporated, and in procefs of
time became one people with the Kobtanites. Another
region was poffeffed by the children of the fame holy
man by Cheturah his fecond wife. The Moabites, Am¬
monites, Edomites, Amalekites, &c. who fettled in
the various regions of Arabia Petraea, were all branches
of Abraham’s family, and ufed the fame language with
their great progenitor. The Scripture indeed (peaks of
people who inhabited the country laft mentioned prior
to the branches of Abraham’s family 5 but thefe, accord¬
ing to the fame hiftory, were extirpated by the for¬
mer. 1 he conclufion then is, if we credit the Mo-
faic account, that all the inhabitants of the three divi-
fions of Arabia did, in the earlieft periods, univerfally
ufe the Plebrew tongue.
_ There was, we are fenfible, a region of Arabia inha¬
bited by the Cuftiim, or defeendants of Cufh. This
diftrici was fituated on the confines of Babylonia. Our
tranfiators have confounded this country with the mo¬
dern Ethiopia ; and have conlequently aferibed the ex¬
ploits of the Arabian Culhim to the Ethiopians. The A-
rabian kings of Babylon were of thofe Cuftiim. Thefe
were conquered and expelled Babylonia by the Chafi-
dim. Thefe fpoke the Chaldean dialect, as wall appear
when we come to fpeak of that of the Abyflinians.
■ I Sea. II.
Here the candid reader is defired to refiect that the /Yrainc
Hebrew and Chaldaic are cognate dialects. . na^e.
The foregoing proofs, deduced from the Mofaic hi- L“ v—
ftory, will be corroborated by a mafs of internal evi-'
deuce in the fucceeding parts of our inquiry.
The Arabic tongue, originally pure Hebrew, was in Gradually
procefs of time greatly transformed and altered from its deviated:
fimple unfophifticated ftate. The Arabians were di-,romthat
vided into many different tribes; a circumftance which
naturally produced many different dialedts. Thefe,
however, were not of foreign growth. No foreign ene¬
my ever conquered thole independent herds. The
Perffans, Greeks, and Romans, fometimes attempted
to invade their territories; but the roughnefs of the
ground, the fcarcity of-forage, the penury of w ater,
and their natural bravery, always protedted them.
They were indeed once invaded by the Abyffinians
or Ethiopians with feme ihow of fuccefs ; but thefe
invaders were in a fliort time expelled the country.
Their language, of confequence, was never adultera¬
ted with foreign words or exotic phrafes and idioms.
Whatever augmentations or improvements it received
were derived from the genius and induftry of the na¬
tives, and not from adventitious or imported acquifi-
tions. From this circumftance we may juftly infer,
that the Arabian tongue was a long time ftationary,
and of courfe differed in no confiderable degree from
its Hebrew archetype. The learned Schultens, in his
Commentary on job, hath fliown, to the conviction of
every candid inquirer, that it is impoffible to underftand
that fublime compofidon without having recourfe te the
Arabic idioms. That patriarch wras a Chuzile. His
country might be reckoned a part of Arabia. His
three friends were aclually Arabians, being the defeend¬
ants of Ifhmael and Efau. His country bordered upon
that of the predatory Chaldeans, who were an Arabian
banditti. When we confider all thefe circumftances in
cumulo, we are ftrongly inclined to believe that tlie book
of Job was adlually written in Arabic, as the language
flood at that period ; which, according to the moft pro¬
bable opinion, could not have been later than the age of
Mofes. The learned are generally agreed that this-
whole book, the three firft chapters excepted, is a poeti¬
cal compofition, replete with the moft brilliant and moft
magnificent imagery, the boldeft, the jufteft,. and moft
gorgeous tropes and tdlufions, and a grandeur of fenti-
ment wdiolly divine. Whoever has read the poetical
compofitions of the modern Arabians, on divine fubjeffs,
with any degree of tafte, will, we flatter outfelves, dis¬
cover a ftriking fimilarity both of diftion and fenti-
ment. Be this as it may, we think there is no reafon to
conclude that the Arabic dialed! deviated much from
the Hebrew ftandard prior to the Chriftian era.
Of thofe different dialefts which prevailed among the -peuto
various tribes among which the peninfula of Arabia was principal
divided, the principal were the Hemyaret and the Ko-dialefts of
reifh. Though feme of thefe were tributary to the AraG*-
Tobbas, or Hemyaret fovereign of Arabia Felix, yet
they took no great pains to cultivate the language of
that province, and of courfe thefe people did not tho¬
roughly
(a) Sephar, in the Septuagint and in fome editions : hence probably Grig, in Job.
cap- xxu. ver. 14. frxinh rms tcjv Zcocpue tjjv A<p£ixr,r uvxt.
Seel. II.
PHILO
Arabic roughly umferHand it. As for the Independent tribes,
La i4uage. they had no temptation to cultivate any other language
“ than their own.
The Koreiih tribe was the noble ft and the moft learn¬
ed of all the weftern Arabs j and the kaaba, or fquare
temple of‘Mecca, was before the era of Mohammed
folefy under their protection. This temple drew an¬
nually a great concourie of pilgrims from every Arabi¬
an trine, and indeed from every other country where,the
Sabian religion prevailed. The language of the Ko-
reifti was ftndied with emulation by the neighbouring
tribes. Numbers of the pilgrims were people of the
fn-ft rank, and poffeffe'd all the fcience peculiar to their
country or their age. Great fairs were held during
their refidence at. Mecca, and a variety of gay amufe-
ments filled up the intervals of their religious duties.
In thefe entertainments literary compofitions bore the
higheft and moft dift'nguiihed rank ; every man of ge¬
nius confidering not his own reputation alone, but even
that of his nation or his tribe, as interefted in his fuc-
cefs. ' Poetry and rhetoric were chiefly efteemed and
admired } the firft being looked upon as highly orna¬
mental, and the other as a neceiTary accomplifhment in
tile education of every leading man. An affembly at
a piaefe called Ocadh, had been in confequence eftablilh-
ed about the end of the fixth century, where all were
The cHalefl admitted to a rivallhip of genius. The merits of their
oftheKo- refpeftive produftions were impartially determined by
reifli be- t|ie aiTembly at large ; and the moft approved of their
C'ol]tift C poems, written on filk, in charafters of gold, were with
auy why. much folemnity fufpended in the temple as the higheft
mark of honour which could be conferred on literary
merit. Thefe poems were called the Moallabat, “ fu¬
fpended,” or Modhabebat, “ golden.” Seven of thefe
are ftill preferved in many European libraries.
* From this uncommon attention to promote emulation,
and refine their language, the dialect of the Koreifh be¬
came the pureft, the richeft, and the moft polite, of all
the Arabian idioms. It was ftudied with a kind of pre-
dile&ion •, and about the beginning of the feventh cen¬
tury it was the general language of Arabia, the other
dialects being either incorporated with it, or Aiding
gradually into difufe. By this lingular idiomatic union
the Arabic has acquired a prodigious fecundity ; whilft
the luxuriance of fynonymes, and the equivocal or oppo-
fite fenfes of the fame or Iknilar words, hath furniftied
their writers with a wonderful power of indulging, in
the fulleft range, their favourite paflion for antithefis and
quaint allufion. One inftance. of this we have in the
word veli; which fignifies a prince, a friend, and alfo a
Jlave. This fame word, with the change of one letter
only, becomes vali; which, without equivocation, im¬
ports a fovereign. Examples of this kind occur in al-
44 moft every page of every Arabic dictionary.
Tbis (upe- But all thole advantages of this incomparable lan-
mmty mo- guage are merely modern, and do not reach higher
t*ern‘ than the beginning of the fixth century. Prior to that
era, as we have obferved above, a variety of dialects ob¬
tained \ and as the Arabs were by their fituation in a
manner feqneftered from all the reft of mankind, it
may not perhaps be fuperfiuous to inquire briefly into
the caufe and origin of this inftantaneous and univerfal
change.
For a courfe of more than 20 centuries, the Arabians
had been (hut up within the narrow limits of their own
LOGY. 301
peninfula, and in a great meafure fecluded from the reft Arabic
of the world. Their commerce with India was purely |l‘an^ua^,e*,
mercantile, and little calculated to excite or promote in- ^
teilettual improvements. They traded with the Egyp¬
tians from time immemorial •, but fince the invafion and
ufurpation of the pallor kings, every fhepherd, that is,
every Arabian, was an abomination to the Egyptians.
From that quarter, therefore, they could not derive much
intelledlual improvement. Belides, when an extenfive
territory is parcelled out among a number of petty fepts
or clans, the feuds and contefts which originate from in¬
terfering interefts and territorial difputes, leave but little,
time, and lels inclination, for the culture of the mind.
In thele circumftances, the military art alone will be cul¬
tivated, and the profeflion of arms alone will be deemed
honourable. Of conlequence, we find that, in the ge¬
neral opinion, poetry, rhetoric, and the profeflion of arms,
were the only fciences cultivated by the people in que-
ftion. As for the fcience of arms, we are convinced
that it was both ftudied and praftifed at a very early pe¬
riod j but as to the two former, we imagine they were
very late acquifitions, and fprung from fome circumftance
external and adventitious.
The tribe of the Koreiih were much engaged in
commerce. They exported frankincenfe, myrrh, caflia,
galbanum, and other drugs and fpices, to Damafcus,
Tripoli, Palmyra, and other commercial cities of Syria
and its neighbourhood. Upon thefe occafions the Ara¬
bian traders muft have become acquainted with the
Greek language, and perhaps with the more amufing
and afferiung parts of the Grecian literature. They
might hear of the high renown of Homer and De-
mofthenes ; and it is not impoflible that fome of them
might be able to read their compofitions. Every body
knows with what unremitting ardour the learned Arabs,
under the firft khaliffs, perufed and tranflated the philo-
fophical works of the Grecian fages. The very fame
fpirit might animate their predeceffors, though they
wanted learning, and perhaps public encouragement, to
aroufe their exertions. From this quarter, we think,
the Arabs may have learned to admire, and then to imi¬
tate, the Grecian worthies.
The Ptolemies of Egypt were the profefled patrons
of commerce as well as of learning. Under lliefe prin¬
ces all nations were invited to trade with that happy
country. The Arabs, now no longer fettered by E-
gyptian jealoufy, carried their precious commodities to
Alexandria j where the Grecian literature, though no
longer in ‘its meridian fplendor, ftione however with a
clear unfaded luftre. The court of the firft Ptolemies
was the retreat of all the moft celebrated geniufes of
Greece and of the age ; in a word, Alexandria was the
native land of learning and ingenuity. Here the inge¬
nious Arab muft have heard the praifes of learning in-
ceflantly proclaimed ; muft have been often prefent at
the public exhibitions of the poets and orators ; and
even though he did not underftand them exadlly, might
be charmed with the melody of the diftion, and ftruck
with furprife at their effefts on the audience. The read¬
er will pleafe to refleeft, that the Arabian traders were-
the firft men of the nation, both with refpeft to birth,
learning, and fortune. Thefe wife men, to ufe the lan- Inftitution
guage of Scripture, infpired with the natural curiofiiy at Mecca
of their race, might hear of the celebrated Olympic fimi!a1r lo
£s, the public recitations before that aflembly, and J
the ‘ b
games,
',02 PHILOLOGY.
Arabic the glorious prize bellowed upon the conquerors. Such
Sea. II.
^Language, information might animate them to inftitute fomething
'' parallel at hlecca, with a view to improve their lan¬
guage, and at the fame time to d»rive honour and emo¬
lument to themfelves. The Koreifhim might promife
themfelves the like advantages from the eftablilhment
of the fair and affembly at Ocadh, as the natives of Elis
drew from the inftitution of the Olympic games. For
thefe reafonj. we conjedture, the literary competitions at
the place jurt mentioned were inftituted at fo late a pe¬
riod, though the nation had exifted more than 2000
years before the eftablilhment of this anniverfary.
Upon the whole, we are inclined to believe, that the
Arabs, notwith handing all the fine things recorded of
them by their own poetical hiftorians, and believed per¬
haps too eafily by thole sf other countries, wrere in the
days of ignorance like the earlieft Romans, latrones et
~ femibarbari. For our part, we think it by no means
probable, that a people of that charadter ftrould, after
fo long a ccurfe of years, have Humbled upon fo lauda¬
ble and fo beneficial an inftitution, without taking the
hint from fome foreign one of a fimilar complexion.
This we acknowledge is only a conjecture, and as fuch
it is fubmitted to the judgment of the reader.
There were, as has been obferved above, two. princi¬
pal dialedts of the original Arabic : The Hamyarite
Ipoken by the genuine Arabs, and the Koreilhite or pure
Arabic, which at laft became the general language of
that people. The former of thefe inclined towards the
Syriac or Chaldean j the latter being, according to them,
the language of Ilhmael, was deeply tindhired with the
Hebrew idiom. The oriental writers tell us that Te-
rah, the grandfather of Hamyar, was the firft wbofe
language deviated from the Syriac to the Arabic.
Hence, fay they, the Hamyaritic dialed! muft have ap¬
proached nearer to the purity of the Syriac, and of con-
fequence muft have been more remote from the true ge¬
nius of the Arabic than that of any of the other tribes.
The fadt feems to Hand thus : The Hamyarites w^ere
neighbours to the Chaldeans and Syrians, and confe-
quently were connedted with thofe people by commerce,
wars, alliances, &c. This circumftance introduced in¬
to their language many phrafes and idioms from both
thefe nations. That Terah was concerned in adultera¬
ting the dialed! of the Hamyarites, is a mere oriental
legend, fabricated by the Arabs after they began to per-
ufe the Hebrew Scriptures. The Koreilh being fituated
in the centre of Arabia, were lefs expofed to intercourfe
■with foreigners, and therefore preferved their language
46 more pure-and untainted.
The Koran The learned well know, that the Koran was written
written in Jn the dialed! of the Koreifti; a circumftance which
communicate^ additional fplendor to that branch of the
Arabian tongue. It has been proved, that the language
of the original inhabitants of Arabia was genuine He¬
brew •, but upon this fuppofition a queftion will arife,
namely, whether the Arabians adlually preferved their
original tongue pure and unfophifticated during a fpace
of }O0O years, which elapfed between the deluge and
birth of Mohammed r or, whether, during that period,
according to the ordinary courfe of human affairs, it
underwent many changes and deviations from the origi¬
nal ftandard ?
The admirers of that language ftrenucufly maintain
the former pofition j others, who are more moderate i#
.3 .
their attachment, are difpofed to admit the latter. Arabic
Chardin obferves of the oriental languages in general, Language.^
that they do not vary and fludluate with time like the v
European tongues*. “ Ce qu’il y a de plus admirable,* Voyage^
dit il, et de plus remarquable, dans ces langues, e’eft, vol. iii.
qu’elles ne changent point, et n’ont point change duP1 43-
tout, foit a Pegard de termes, foit a Regard du tour :
rien n’y eft, ni nouveau ni vieux, nulle bonne fa^on
de parler, n’a cefle d'etre en credit. L’Alcoran, par
exemple, eft aujourdhui, comme il y a mille annees, le
modele de plus pure, plus courte, et plus eloquente dic¬
tion.” It is not to our purpofe to tranferibe the remain¬
ing part of the author’s refiedlion upon this fubjefl :
From the above it plainly appears that he concludes,
that the Arabian tongue hasfuffered no change fince the
publication of the Koran; and at the fame time inftnu-
ates, that it had continued invariable in its original pu¬
rity through all ages, from the days of Kobtan to the
appearance of that book. Whether both or either of
thefe fentiments is properly authenticated will appear in
the fequel.
The learned Dr Robertfon, late profeffor of oriental lan- MeanJ«-
guages in the univerfity of Edinburgh, informs us, that dopted by
the Arabians, in order to preferve the purity of their ^ Arabs
language, ilriftly prohibited their merchants, who were ^ Pre^erve
obliged to go abroad for the fake of commerce, all com-0Ftheirhui.
merce with ftrange women. We know not where thisguage.
injunflion is recorded, but certainly it was a moft terri¬
ble interdict to an amorous fon of the defert. If fuch
a prohibition adiually exifted, we fufpecl it originated
from fome other fource than the fear of corrupting their
language. Be that as it may, the Dodlor, as well as
the great Schultens, is clearly of opinion, that the lan¬
guage in queftion, though divided into a great number
of ftreams and canals, Hill flowed pure and limpid in its
courfe.
Our readers who are acquainted with the hiftory of
the orientals are already apprized of the Heady attach¬
ment of thofe people to ancient cuftoms and inftitutions.
We readily allow, that in the article of Language this
fame prediledlion is abundantly obvious } but every ori-
ental fcholar muft confefs, that the ftyle of the Koran is The ftyle
at this day in a manner obfolete, and become almoft a of the Ko-
dead language. This fa£f, we believe, will not be que-rat! !10W
ftioned. If the Arabian has deviated fo very confider-0*310 ete'
ably from the ftandard of the Koran in little more than
1000 years, and that too after an archetype is afeer-
tained } by a parity of reafon we may infer, that much
greater deviations muft have affefled the language in
the fpace of 3000 years.
It is univerfally allowed by fuch as maintain the un-
fullied purity of the Arabian tongue, that it was origi¬
nally the fame with the Hebrew, or with the ancieut
Syriac and Chaldaic. Let any one now compare the
words, idioms, and phrafeology of the . Koran with the
remains of thofe three languages, and we think we may
venture to affirm that the difference will be palpable.
This circumftance, one would think, indicates in the
ftrongeft terms a remarkable alteration.
The Arabs themfelves are■ agreed, tliat, notwithftand-
ing the amazing fecundity of their language, vaft num¬
bers of its radical terms have been irrecoverably loft.
But this lofs could not be fupplied without either fabri¬
cating new words or borrowing them from foreign lan¬
guages. To the latter method we have feen their aver-
fion £
Sea. II. PHILO
Arabic fion ; and muft therefore conclude that they adopted the
Language, former.
 v ' The Chaldeans, Syrians, and Phoenicians, had made
innovations on their language at a very early period, even
before conquefts were undertaken : \v e fee no real on
to fuppofe that the Arabs did not innovate as well as
their neareft neighbours: the Hamyarites did actually
innovate.
There are, we think, very ftrong reafons to believe,
that Job was an Arabian, and ilourifhed prior to Mofes,
perhaps as early as Jacob. The ftyle, the genius, the
fio-urative tone of the compofition •, the amazing lubli-
m:ty of the fentiments, the alfofions, the pathos, the
boldnefs, the variety, and irregularity, the poetical en-
thufiafm which pervades the whole poem, ftrongly breath
the Arabian fpirit : indeed the very diftion is peculiar
49 to that lingle book, and differs widely from that of tlm
and re- Pfalms and every poetical part of the facred canon. If
fcmbhng we compare this book with Mohammed’s Koran, we
brew in its fhall fcarce find any refemblance of words or phrafeolo-
phrafeolo- gy j but a wonderful fimilarity of figures, enthufiafm,
gy- and elevation of fentiments.
We are then led to conclude, that the Arabic did
actually lofe and gain a multitude of vocables between
the era of its firif effablifhment among the defend¬
ants of Joktan and Ifhmael, and the birth of the im-
poftor.
The art of writing was introduced among the Arabs
at a very late period : Without the affiftance of this art,
one would think it altogether impoffible to preferve any
language in its primaeval purity and fimplicity. Our
curious readers may here expedf fome account of the
Arabic characters : the following detail is the moft
probable one we have been able to colled on that
fubjeCt.
Pococke's It is generally agreed*, that the art of writing was
Specim. known among the Hamyarites or Homerites at a very
Hijl. Arab. ear]y peri0d. Thefe people were fovereigns of Arabia
Art ofwrit during a courfe of many ages. Pheir character was
ing among fomewhat perplexed and confufed. It was called al
the Ham-? Mofnad, from the mutual connection of the letters,
yarites, The alphabet of thefe people refembled that of the He¬
brews both in the number and order of the letters, and
f U. ibid, is called abgad hevi% f, from the firft ten letters of the
Hebrew alphabet, artificially thrown together. “ And
t Vol. iii. this word (fays the learned Chardin %) a, b, g, d, is
P* 153’ formed of the four letters which were heretofore the
firfl in the Arabian language, as they are flill in that of
the Hebrews.” The fame traveller is pofitive that thefe
were the ancient characters of the Arabs ; that they
differed from Cuphite letters, which were afterwards in¬
troduced ; and that they were furnifhed with vowel
points. Thefe, we imagine, were the firft fketches. of
the Chaldean charaCter, which probably the Hamyarites
retained in their priftine unpoliihed form, after they had
been polifhed and reduced to a more elegant fize by the
' original inventors.
Monuments bearing infcriptions in thefe characters
are, they tell us, Itill to be feen in fome places of Ara-
L O G Y. 3°3
bia. Some were engraved on rocks; and to thefe we Ar^icr
think it probable that the patriarch Job alludes in ,Lan»"agc',
thofe paffages where he feems to intimate an inclina¬
tion to have his fufferings recorded in a book, and
graven in the rock for ever. All the Arabians agree,
that the dialeCt of the Hamyarites inclined towards
the Syriac or Chaldean. This wm have imputed to
the conneClion of that people with the Chaldeans, who
lived in their neighbourhood. If the Hamyaritic dia¬
led was infeded with the Syriac or Cbaldaic, there can
be no doubt that they derived their letters from the lame
quarter. 51
We conclude then, that the Hamyarites knew the art;n Chaldaic
of writing from the earlieft antiquity, and that the let-cliaradere.
ters they employed were the rude Chaldaic in their un¬
improved ftate *. Some of the Arabians do indeed * Pococke
hold, that Ifhmael was the firfl author of letters ; but *
that his charaders w'ere rude and indiflind, without anyia '
interval between letters or wmrds, and that thefe were
adopted by Kedar and his other children : but this tra¬
dition hath met wdth little credit.
With refped to the highly poiiihed Koreifhites, it is
agreed on all hands, that they were unacquainted wdth
the ufe of letters till a few years before the birth of
Mohammed. Two difficulties here prefent themfelves.
The firft is, how the Koreifhite dialed, without the art 52
of writing, happened to excel all the other dialeds of Art of writ-*
the Arabic tongue, affifted by that art, apparently fo
neceffary for preferving a language in its original purity, ’
The fecond is ftill, we think, rather greater, namely,
how the Koreifh learned that moft ufeful art at fo late
a period as the fixth century. It is a well known fad,
that ever after the Babylonifh captivity Arabia fwarmed
with Jewiffi villages, in which the art of writing was
generally known ; and almoft at the beginning of the
Chriftian era, multitudes of Chriftians retired to the fame
country, in order to avoid the perfecutions which they
fuffered in the Roman empire. In thefe circumftances,
w'e think it rather ftrange, that the Koreifhites, highly
polifhed and acute as they w^ere, never thought of lay¬
ing hold on the opportunity of learning an art fo very
ufeful. Thefe two problems wTe leave to be folved by
our more learned readers.
Rut however they be folved, it is univerfally acknow¬
ledged, that the Koreifti w^ere ignorant of letters till a
few years before the birth of their prophet. Kbn Cha-
lican (b), one of their moft celebrated hiftorians, in¬
forms us, that Moramer the fon of Morra, an Anbari-
an, a native of Anbaris, a city of Irak (c), firft invent¬
ed alphabetical charaders, and taught his countrymen
to ufe them, from whom this noble invention was deri¬
ved to the Koreifhites. Thefe letters, though neither
beautiful nor convenient, were long ufed by the Arabs.
They wrere denominated Cuphite^ from Cupha, a city of
Irak. In this charader the original copy of the Ko¬
ran was written. Thefe we think were the original
clumfy charaders which were retained by the vulgar,
after the beautiful fquare Chaldaic letters were invent¬
ed, and probably ufed by priefts, philofophers, and the
learned
(b) See this whole detail in Dr Pococke’s Specitn. Hift. Arab. p. 250. et feq.
(c) Irak, “ Babylonia,” from Erech, one of the cities built by Nimrod. The Arabians have generally reftored.
the ancient names of places. Thus with them 1 yre is T%ur, Sidon Seijd, Egypt Me%n, See.
3°4 P H I L O L O G Y. Sed. IT
Arabic learned in general. Thefe letters are often at this day
Language.^ ufec] ]yf tile Arabs for the titles of books and public in-
Rcbevtf Options.
Clav. Pent. Abauii the fon of Mocla about 300 years after
P- 35.35- the death of Mohammed, found out a more elegant and
Improved m0re exPeditious character. This invention of Abauii
about joo Vv'as afterwards cairied to perfection by Ebn Bowla, who
years after d^ec‘ in the year of the Hegira 413, when Kader w-as ca-
Moham- liph of Bagdad. This character, with little variation,
nKd- obtains at this day. As we think this article of feme
-importance, we lhall, tor the fake of our unlearned rea¬
ders, tranfcribe an excellent account of this whole mat¬
ter from the very learned Schultens.
“ J- he Cuphic character, fays he, which had been
brought from the region of the Chaldeans to the province
of Hejaz, and to Mecca its capital, in the age of Mo¬
hammed, was employed by the Koreifhites, and in it
the Koran was frit written. But as this character was
rude and clumfy, in confequence of its fize, and ill
calculated for expedition, Abauii Ebn Mocla devifed
a more elegant and expeditious one. This perfon was
yifir to Arradius the 411! caliph, who began to reign
in the year of the Hegira 322. Accordingly, in the
loth century, under this emperor of the Saracens, the
form of the Arabian alphabet underwent a change 5 and
the former clumfy embarrafled charafter was made to
give way to the polifhed, eafy and expeditious type.
Regarding this expedition alone, the author of the
invention left very few vowel charafters} and as the
Hebrew manner of waiting admits five long ones and
five fhort in different lhapes, he taught hove to ex-
prefs all the vowels, both long and fnort, fuitably to
the genius of the language, by three, or rather by two,
linail points, without any danger of a miffake : an ab¬
breviation truly deferving applaufe and admiration ; for
by placing a very fmall line above he expreffed a
and e; and by placing the fame below '-7' he meant
to intimate i only. To the other fhort ones, _o and w, he
affigned a fmall warn above. In order to reprefent
the long ones, he called in the matres leBiotus,
the “ quiefeent letters «, i, <. j” fo that phata with elrf
intimated a and 0 long, i. e. hamet.% and cholem ; jod
placed after kef-am became t%eri and chirek long. Waw
annexed to darnina made /church.”
In this paffage, the great orientalift acknowledges
that the vifir above mentioned, who carried the Ara¬
bian alphabet to the pinnacle of perfedlion, invented
and annexed the vowel points for the fake of eafe and
expedition in writing; from which we may infer, that
prior to the tenth century the Arabians had no vow-el
points ; and confcquently either read without vowels, or
contented themfelves with the matres leciionis above
mentioned.
The defign of the author of the invention, in fabri¬
cating thefe points, was confeffedly eafe and expedi¬
tion in writing ; a circumftance which furnifhes a vio¬
lent prefumption that the Hebrew vowel-points were de¬
vifed and annexed at feme late period for the very fame
purpofes.
Some, indeed, have gone fo far as to affirm that the
Arabians were the original fabricators of the vow-d¬
ll' Did. m Points. “ The Arabians f (fays the learned Dr Gre-
tbe Origin gory Sharp) were the original authors of the vowel-
pf LanSdc- points. They invented three, called fatha, and damtna,
and kefra : but thefe were not in ufe till feveral years
2
alter Mohammed ) for it is certain that the firff copies Arabic
of the Koran were without them. The rabbis hole Language,
them from the Arabs.” rL his, however, is carrying the y—
matter too far, lince it is certain that the Jews were ac¬
quainted with the points in queffion long before the pe¬
riod above-mentioned.
-I hough it is not our intention to enter into a mi¬
nute detail of the peculiarities of this noble language, we
cannot omit obierving one thing, which indeed belongs
to grammar, but is not generally taken notice of by the
Arabic grammarians. The roots of verbs in this dialed:
are univerfally triliteral; fo that the compofition of the
28 Arabian letters would give near 22,coo elements
of the language. This circumftance demonftrates the ^
furprinng extent of it: for although great numbers dfSurpnrtrg
its roots are irrecoverably loft, and feme perhaps wereextent
never in ufe ; yet if we fuppofe 10,000 of them, withoutdie A'labic*
reckoning quadriliterals to exift, and each of them to‘ariS'!aSC’
admit only five variations, one with another, in forming
derivative nouns, the whole language would then confilt
of 50,000 words, each of which may receive a multitude
oi changes by the rules of grammar.
Again, the Arabic feems to abhor the compofition
of words, and invariably expreffes very complex ideas
by circumlocution ; fe that if a compound w-ord be
found in any dialed of that language, we may at once
pronounce it of foreign extradion. This is indeed a
diftinguifhing feature in the ftrudure of this tongue,
as well as of feme of its fifter dialeds. This circumftance
Has, in our opinion, contributed not a little to the amaz¬
ing fecundity of that language : for as every ingredient
in the compofition of a complex idea requires a wTord to
exprefs it, as many words became neceffary to complete
the language as there were fimple ideas to be intimated
by difcourle. Were all the compounds of the Greek
language to be diffolved, as probably once they were,
the vocables of that tongue would infinitely exceed their
prefent number.
1 he Arabic authors boaft moft unconfcionably of
the richnefs and variety of their language. No human
underftanding, fay they, is capacious enough to com¬
prehend all its treafures. Inlpiration alone can qua¬
lify one for exhaufting its fources *. Ebn Chalawalb, * pococj,ps
a moft renewed grammarian of theirs, has fpent a whole Specimen.
volume upon the various names of the lion, which a-
mount to 500 j another on the names of the ferpent,
w-hich make up 200. Mohammed al Eirancabodius
affirms that he wrote a book on the ufefulnefs and dif¬
ferent dencminations of honey, in which he enume¬
rates 80 oi them 5 and after all, he affures us that he
was ftill far from having exhaufted his fubjed. To
excel in a language fo amazingly copious, was certainly
a proof of uncommon capacity, and confidered as no
mean talent even among the Koreilhites. Hence Mo¬
hammed, when feme people w ere expreffing their admi¬
ration of the eloquence of the Koran, told them that he
had been taught by the angel Gabriel the language of
lihmael, which had fallen into defuetude.
In a language fo richly replenifhedwith the choiceft Oratory
and moft energeric terms, both oratory and poetry and poetry
were cultivated with eafe. All the difficulty confifted,if the
in making a choice among words and phrafes equally Arabs‘
elegant. We may compare one of thofe poets or orators
to a young gentleman, of a tafie highly refined, walk¬
ing into a repofitory where a profufion of the richeft
and
Sect. II.
Arabic and mod elegant dreffes are piled up in wild confufion.
Language.^ Qar beau js }-,ere diftrefled with variety ; but to be able
^"__v " to choofe the moil; handfome and moil becoming, he
mult have received from nature a fuperior good taile;
which he mull like wife have cultivated by affiduous
induftry, and by affhciating with the moil genteel com¬
pany.
The orations of the Arabs wrere of two kinds, me¬
trical and profaic. The former they compared to
pearls fet in gold, and the latter to loofe ones. They
rvere ambitious of excelling in both •, and rvhoever did
lb, wTas highly diilinguifhed. His fuccefs in either of
tliofe departments wTas thought to confer honour, not
only on his family, but even on his tribe. In their
poems were preferved the genealogies of their families,
the privileges of their tribes, the memory of their heroes,
the exploits of their anceftors, the propriety of their lan¬
guage, the magnificence of banquets, the generofity of
their wealthy chiefs and great men, &c. After all,
we cannot avoid being of the unpopular opinion, that
this mighty parade of eloquence and poetry did not
reach backward above two centuries before the birth of
Mohammed, as it certainly vanifhed at the era of the
propagation of his religious inflitutions. The twm fuc-
ceeding centuries were the. reigns of fuperfiition and
bloodthed. The voice of the mufes is feldom heard
amidft the din of arms.
The ancient Arabs, at whatever time poetry began
to be in requefl among them, did not at firlt write
poems of confiderable length. They only expreffed
themfelves in metre occafionally, in acute rather than
harmonious ftrains. The Proverbs of Solomon, and the
book of jEcclefialles feem to be compofed in this fpecies
of verfification. The profody of the Arabs was never
digeiled into rules till fome time after the death of Pvlo-
hammed •, and this is faid to have been done by A1
Khalti al Farabidi, who lived in the reign of the caliph
Karan of Rafchid.
After fo many encomiums on the copioufnefs of the
Arabic tongue, one clafs of our readers may poflibly
expeA that wTe iliould fubjoin a brief detail of its genius
and character ; and this wTe flhall do with all poffxble
brevity.
Genius and t^ie PrimalT or radical vTords of the language
chara&er are compofed of different combinations of confonants
of the lan- by triads; fo that the various combinations and con-
guage. junctions of radicals make more than 10,000, even
without including thofe which may arife from the meet¬
ing of guttural letters. From this quality of the lan¬
guage has tlowed that liability of the dialeft wdiich has
preferved it pure and entire for fo many thoufand years,
and fecured it from thofe changes and that flucfuation to
which moft other tongues are fubjefl.
Perhaps, notwithftanding its copioufnefs and variety,
no other language can vie with the one in queftion in
point of perfpicuity and preeifion. It is poffeffed of a
brevity and rotundity which, amidft the greateft va¬
riety, enables it to exprefs with clearnefs and energy
what could not be expreffed in any other tongue with¬
out tedious circumlocutions. To this purpofe we ftiall
beg leave to tranfcribe a paffage from Bifhop Pococke’s
oration on the Arabic language. As we imagine few
of our readers who will have the curiofity to perufe
this article can be unacquainted with the Latin tongue,
Vol. XVI. Part I.
305
we lhall give it as it Hands in the original, without a A1 able
tranftation: *> ' ^Langua?e.
“ Neque in nulla certe laudis parte,' mira ilia qua,
non folum verborum in fignificando, perfpicuitate, led
in prolatione, elegantiae et dulcedini caverunt, fedu-
litas } quoqiie, non folum accurata, inter literas ex fig-
nificata proportione, fenfus vel intenfioni, vel remif-
fioni, prout res poftulaverit, literarum appofitione,
fubduftione, vel juxta organorum, rationem profpe-
xerunt; fed et ne quid delicatulis auribus ingratum, ne
quid horridum, aut reperiatur, effecerunt.
PIoc in genere eft, quod nufpiam in verbo aliquo, ge¬
nuine apud Arabes originis, concurrunt, non interce-
dente vocalis alicujus motione confonantes, cum vel
tres, vel plures, aliis in Unguis frequenter collidantur.
Immo neque, li adfint, quae afperitati remedio lint, vo-
cales, quas libet temere tamen committunt confonantes j
fed ita rei natura poftulat, ut concurrere debeant ilia,
qua; fe invicem, line afperitatis induftione confequi, et
inter fe connedK non poiffmt *, illi vel fitus, vel literarum
mutatione, eas abjiciendo, inferendo, emolliendo, aliifve
•fuibus poffent modis, remedia quaerunt *, adeo ab omni,
quod vel abfonum, vel diffonum eft, abhorrent. Ouod
ft nobis fecus videntur, et afperius fonare ab Arabibus
prolata, illud auribus noftris, et ufui, non linguae impu-
tandum, nec mollius illis fonare noftra, quam eorum no¬
bis cenfendum. Quin et gutturalium, qua; nobis maxi¬
ma afperitatis caufa videntur, abfentiam, ut magnum in
lingua Graeca defectum, arguunt Arabes.”
The learned Dr Hunt, late profeffor of the Hebrew
and Arabic languages at Oxford, is of the fame opinion
with the very learned^prelate, part of whofe oration we
have tranfcribed above, with refpeft to the delicacy and
elegance of the Arabian language :—“ Nufquam, mihi
credite, (inquit illel auribus magis parcitur quam in
Arabia ; nulla lingua a kxkoQmix, alienior quam Arabi-
ca. Quamquam enim nonnullae ejus litera; minus for-
taffe fuaviter, immo durius etiam fonuerint, ita tamen
Arabes eas temperarunt cum lenibus, duras cum molli-
bus, graves cum acutis mifcendo, voces inde non minus
auribus jucundae, quam pronunciatu faciles confecerint,
totique fermoni miram fonorum tarn dulcedinem quam
varietatem addiderint. Ouod quidem orationis modu-
landae ftudium in Corano adeo manifeftum eft, ut primi
Illamifmi oppugnatores eum librum magica ideo arte
fcriptum dixerint. Non auribus tantum gratus eft Ara-
biimus, fed et animi conceptibus exprimendis aptus, fb-
nos fuos fententiis femper accommodans, et felici verbo¬
rum junftura eorum naturam depingens.”
To thefe we might add quotations from Erpenius’s
oration on the fame fubjedt, from Golius, Schultens,
Hottinger, Bochart, and Sir William .Tones ; befides a
whole cloud of oriental witneffes, whofe extravagant en¬
comiums would rather aftonilh than edify the far greater
part of our readers. Thefe panegyrics may perhaps be
in fome meafure hyperbolical 5 but in general we believe
them pretty well founded. At the fame time we are
convinced that the Arabic, however melodious in the
ears of a native, founds harlh and unharmonious in that
of an European.
When w'e confider the richnefs and variety of the Difficulty
Arabic tongue, we are led to conclude, that to ac-of acquiring
quire a tolerable degree of Ikill in its idioms, is a more a thorough
difficult talk than is generally imagined j at leaft fome ^n°vvledSe
Q q people
P H I L O L 0 G Y.
3o5 PHILO
Arabic people who have acquired the knowledge of the Greek
Language ^ an(j La^jnj anJ Hkewife of the more fafliionable modern
languages, with facility enough, have found it fo. Be
that as it may, there are two dalles of men who, in our
opinion, cannot hard Comely difpenfe with the knowledge
of that almoil univerfal tongue : the gentleman, who is
to be employed in the political tranfadions of the moil
refpe&able mercantile company upon earth, in the eait-
ern parts of the world; and the divine, who applies
himfelf to inveftigate the true purport of the facred ora¬
cles : without this, the former will often find himfelf em-
barrafled in both his civil and mercantile negociations ;
and the latter will often grope in the dark, when a mo¬
derate acquaintance with that tongue would make all
funfhine around him.
Bochart, Hottinger, Schultens, Pocock, Hunt, and
Robertion, &c. have taken wonderful pains, and lavifh-
ed a profufion of learning, in proving the affinity and
dialedical cognation between the Hebrew and Arabic.
Much of this labour, wre think, might have been fpared.
We prefume to affirm, that no perfon tolerably verfed
in both languages can read a Angle paragraph of the A*
rabic verfion of the New Teftament, or indeed of the
Koran itfelf, without being convinced of the truth of
this polition : it is but dripping the latter of its adven¬
titious frippery, and the kindred features will immedi¬
ately appear.
The learned 'profcfibrs of the univerfity of Leyden
were the firit who entered upon the career of Arabian
learning. To them the European ftudents are princi¬
pally indebted for what knowledge of that language
they have hitherto been able to attain. Though feve-
ral Italians have contributed their endeavours, yet the
fruit of their labours has been rendered almoft ufelefs by
more commodious and more accurate works printed in
Holland.
The palm of glory, in this branch of literature, is due
to Golius, whofe works are equally profound and ele¬
gant; fo perfpicuous in method, that they may always
be confulted without fatigue, and read without lan¬
guor. Erpenius’s excellent grammar, and his memor¬
able dicHonarv, will enable the fludent to explain the
hi Rory of Taimur by Ibni Arabjhah. If he has once
mafiercd that fublime work, he will underhand the
learned Arabic better than mofl of the Khatabs of Con-
ftantinople ©r of Mecca.
The Arabian language, however, notwithftanding
all its boafied perfeftions, has undoubtedly Ihared the
fate of other living languages ^ it has gradually under¬
gone fuch confiderable alterations, that the Arabic
fpoke and written in the age of Mohammed may be
now regarded as a dead language : it is indeed fo wide¬
ly different from the modern language of Arabia, that
it is taught and Rudied in the college of Mecca juR as
the Latin is at Rome.
The dialefl of the Highlands of Yemen is faid to
have the neareR analogy to the language of the Koran,
becaufe thefe Higblandets have little intercourfe with
Rrangers. The old Arabic is through all the EaR, like
the Latin in Europe, a learned tongue, taught in col¬
leges, and only to be acquired by the perufal of the beR
authors.
“ Ut folia in fyhis pronos mutantur in annos,
LOGY.
Sed. II.
Chaldean
Sect. III. Of the Chaldean, Phoenician, Ethiopian or Lan£l
Abyjjinian, and Egyptian Languages. y 
58 .
As there is a very finft connexion and dialeftical Connection
analogy among thefe languages, we have arranged them
all under one feci ion : efpecially fince what is obferved rA lfl.a.n'
relating to one or them may, without the lealt It ram- £ti)i0piC)
ing, be extended to them all. We Riall begin with the and Egyp.
Chaldaic. t‘an *an'
The Chaldeans, or Chafidim, as they are always call-SuaS£t-
ed in Scripture, were the defcendants of Chefed the Ion
of Nahor, the brother of Abraham. The defcendants
of this patriarch drove the Cuffiim or Arabians out of
Babylonia, and poffeffed themielves of that country at
a very early period. As thefe Chafidim or Chaldeans
were the pofleiity of Nahor, the defcendant of Eleber,
they undoubtedly fpoke the original Hebrew tongue as
well as the other branches of that family. But being
an ingenious inventive people, they fecm to have polifii-
ed their language with much care and delicacy of taRe.
The only genuine remains of the ancient Chaldaic
language are to be found in the Hebrew Scriptures}
and thole are contained in 268 verfes, of which ive
have 200 in Daniel, reaching from verfe 4th chapter
2d to chapter 8th exclufive 5 in Ezra 67, in chapter
4th, 17 verfes •, chapter 5th, the fame number; chap¬
ter 6th, 18 verfes j and in chapter 7th, 15 : in Jere¬
miah, chapter loth, there is extant only one verfe.
From thefe fragments, compared with the Hebrew, it
plainly appears, that the difference between that lan¬
guage and the Chaldaic is fcarce equal to that between
the Doric and Ionic dialerits of the Greek.
Whatever might have been the form of the moft
ancient Chaldaic letters, it is generally known that the
beautiful fquare charaflers, in which the Hebrew' Scrip¬
tures began to be written after the age of Ezra, rvere
current among them at an era prior to the Babyloniffi
captivity. Thofe elegant charafters were probably
the invention of the Chaldean academies, which w7ere
eflabliRied in various parts of that extenlive and fertile
country. ^
The Chaldean declenfions and conjugations differ fo Chaldean
little from the Elebrew modifications, that it would be differs little
almoR fuperfluous to dwell upon them in this fe&ionA0™ t*ie
The moR effeiRual way to acquire an idea of the an¬
cient Chaldaic, is to decompound the names confeffed-
ly of that dialed, which occur in many places of Scrip¬
ture. By this method of proceeding, its beautiful flruc-
ture and expreffive energy will be readily comprehended
even by the mofl illiterate claffes of our readers. At
the fame time, wTe mufl obferve, that the Chaldaic
and ancient Syriac bore fo near a refemblance to each
other, that they have generally been claffed under one
head.
The firfl Chaldaic word that occurs in the Old T^fla-
ment is bara “ crcavity This word has all along
been affigned to the language under confideration for
wdiat reafon, we confefs w’e are not able to difcover.
The greateR part of the Hebrew tongue is now lofl.
The words bar, “ a fon,” and bara “ creavit f rather
filiavit), may probably be of that number. Another
Scripture wrord wffiich is often quoted, and always af-
cribed either to the Syriac or Chaldaic, is igar or jegar
fahadutha.
Sea. III.
PHILO
Chaldean
Language,
&c.
60
Its proper
names pure
Hebrew.
*■ Mertb.
lib. i. c. 23
f Pococke
Specim.
Hi/l. Arab.
fahadutha, which fignifies “ a monument of witneffes.”
Every body knows, that when Jacob and Laban made
their compa£l, the latter denominated the heap of ftones
reared upon that occafion in this manner 5 while the
former called it Gaieed, as we now write and pronounce
it. This pronunciation, however, does not appear to
us altogether genuine. The word is probably com¬
pounded of bs gai, cumulus, “ a heap,” and 'ly chad, re ter-
nitas, feculum, “ eternity, an agefo that “lyba ga/chad,
or galaad as it came to be written afterwards, fignified
an “ everlafting heap.” Laban then had refpeef to _
the end for which the monument was eredled; but
Jacob alluded to its duration. It appears, however,
upon this and every other occafion, when Chaldaic
■words are mentioned, that n, a, was a favourite letter
both with the Syrians and Chaldeans. We may like-
wife obferve, that the fame people always changed the
Hebrew tv Jinn into n than, in order to avoid the fer-
pentine found of that confonant.
The Chaldaic names of gods, men, places, &c. which
occur in Scripture, appear to be no other than He¬
brew pclilhed and improved. Bel, Bclus in Latin, is
evidently byu Baal, or we think rather by.u BecheL
The Phoenicians, and fometimes the Hebrews, ufed it to
fignifv the mojl hi^h. The Chaldeans ufed their word
Bel for the fame purpofe } and becaiife this word ori¬
ginally imported the High One, they dignified their firft
monarch with that name. They denominated their ca¬
pital city Ba-Bel, -which imports the temple of Bel, and
afterwards Babylon, which intimates the abode or dwell¬
ing of our lord the fun. Nebo was a name of the moon
among the Babylonians, derived from the Hebrew Joa,
nabah, vaticinari, “ to prophecy.” Axer was the pla¬
net Mars, from “lyx, Azer or K%ur, accinxit, “ to gird,”
alluding to the girding on of arms. Ahad was an Af-
fyrian name of the fun *, a word deduced from the
Hebrew ']yt< ahad, ttnus, “ one.” Net%ar was the name
of an Arabian idol -f, which often occurs in the com-
pofition of Babylonian names. In Arabic it fignifies
an eagle: we think, however, that the word is the He¬
brew “lya nat%ar, cujlodivit, feroavit, “ to keep, to pre-
ferve.” To thefe names of deities many more might be
added, which the nature of our defign will not allow us
to mention.
Almoft all the Chaldean proper names which occur
either in facred or profane hiftory are evidently of
Hebrew' original, or cognate with that language. We
lhall fubjoin a few examples : Nabonafar is evidently
compounded of Nabo and naz.nr, both Hebrew words.
Nabopollaznr is made up of Nabo-Bui, the fame with
Bel, and Azer or Azor, above explained, Belefs is
made up of Bel and wx Ejha, “ fire.” Nebuchadnez¬
zar, Beilhazzar, Beltifiiazzar, Nerigliflfar, Nebuzaradan,
Rabmag, Rabfaris, Nergal Sharezer, Rabfhakeh, Ezar-
haddon, Merodach, Evil Merodach, and numberlefs
others, are fo manifefily reducible to Hebrew vocables,
when decompounded, that the oriental fcholar will readi¬
ly diftinguifh them.
Names of places in the Chaldaic are likewife fo near¬
ly Hebrew', that nothing but the dialectical tone fepa-
rates them. Thus Ur of the Chaldeans is actually Ttx
light, that city being facred to the fun; Sippora is plain¬
ly the Hebrew word Zipporah; Carchemijh, a city on
the Euphrates, is evidently compounded of Kir or Kar
“ a city,” and Chemof), a name of the fun. In Ihort,
LOG Y. 307
every Chaldean or old Syrian word now extant, without Chaldean
any difficulty, bewray their Hebrew original. As for Language,
their dialeCtical differences, thele we remit to the Chal- .
daic grammars and lexicons.
We nowT proceed to the confideration of the Phoeni-Phoenician
clan language, which is knorvn to have been that of the lanf.'uaSe
ancient Canaanites. That this was one of the original
dialedls, and confequently a cognate of the Hebrew, is Hebrew,
univerfally acknowledged. Initead therefore of endea¬
vouring to prove this polition, w:e may refer our readers
to the works of the learned Mr Bochart, where that au¬
thor has in a manner demonftrated this point, by deriv¬
ing almoft all the names of the Phoenician colonies from
the Hebrew, upon the fuppolitipn that the dialed of
thofe people was clofely conneded with that tongue.
St Auguftine, de Civitate Dei, has obferved, that even
in his time many of the vulgar in the neighbourhood of
Carthage and Hippo fpoke a dialed of the old Punic
which nearly refembled the Hebrew. Procopius, de hel¬
lo Goth, informs us, that there exilled even in his days
in Africa a pillar with this infeription in Hebrew, “ We
flee from the face of Joftiua the robber, the fon of Nun.”
The names of all the ancient cities built by the Car¬
thaginians on the coaft of Africa are eafily reducible
to a Hebrew original. The Carthaginian names of
perfons mentioned in the Greek and Latin hiftory,
fiuch as Himilco, Hamilcar, Ai’drubal, Hannibal, Han-
no, Dido, Anna or Hannah, Sophonifba, Gifgo, Ma-
harbal, Adherbal, &c. all breathe a Hebrew extradion.
The Greeks borrowed a great part of their religious
w'orfhip from the people of w'hofe language wre are treat¬
ing ; of confequence, the names of molt of their gods are
Phoenician. Almoft every one of thefe is adually Heb¬
rew', as might eafily be drown. The names of perfons
and places mentioned in the fragments of Sanchonia-
thon, prefierved by Eufebius, are all of Hebrew com¬
plexion. The names mentioned in the Hebrew ficrip-
tures of places w'hich belonged to the Canaanites prior
to the invafion of the Ifraelites under Joftiua, are as
much Hebrew as thofie which wrere afterwards fubftitut-
ed in their Head. The Punic feene in Plautus has been
analyfed by Bochart and feveral other learned men, by
w'hom the language has been clearly proved to be dedu¬
ced from the Hebrew', with fome dialedical variations.
The idand of Malta (Melita now) was inhabited by
a colony of Phoenicians many ages before the Moors
took poffeffion of it. Among the vulgar of that idand
many Punic vocables are current to this day, all which
may be readily traced up to the Hebrew fountain. To
thefe w'e may add many inferiptions on ftones, coins,
medals, &c. which are certainly Phoenician, and as cer¬
tainly of Hebrew extraction. We have thrown toge¬
ther thefe few' hints without purfuing them to any
great length, as ive deemed it unneceffary to dwell long
on a point fo hackneyed and fo generally acknowledged.
Before we proceed to treat of the ancient language Origin of
of the Ethiopians, w'e find ourfelves obliged to hazard the Ethio.
a few ftrictures on the origin of that ancient nation. pLns.
If we can once fettle that lingle point, the difeovery
will open an avenue to their primitive dialed!, the ar¬
ticle about which we are chiefiy concerned in the pre¬
fen t difeuffion.
In our Seclion concerning the Hebrew' language, we
were led often to mention the patriarch Cudi the elded:
fon of Ham. The pofterity of this family-chief, under
£) q 2 his
3° 8
Chaickan
Language,
&cc.
PHILOLOGY.
Sea. III.
* Antiq.
Jud. lib.
c-7-
<53
Their lan¬
guage ori¬
ginally
Chaldean.
his fern Nimrod, pofTelTed themfelves of Shinag, after¬
wards denominated Chaldea. Thefe were probably the
Arabians whofe kings (according to Eufebius, Africa-
nus, and other ancient chronologers) reigned in Baby¬
lon during feveral fucceflive generations. Thofe were
the Cuftiim or Cufhites, whom the learned Mr Bryant
has conduced over a great part of the world, and to
whofe induftry and ingenuity he has aferibed almoft ail
the inventions, arts, fciences, laws, policy, religions, &c.
which diftinguifhed mankind in the earlieil ages.
In procefs ox time, the polierity of Chalid or Che-
fed, called Chafdim or Chajidim, in the eaft, and Chal¬
deans in the weft, drove out the Cuftiim, and leized upon
their country. The Cuftiim retired weftward, and i'pread
themfelves over that part of Arabia fituated towards the
fouth-eaft. They probably extended themfelves over all
the eaftern part of that peninfula from the fea to the
wildernefs between Arabia and Syria. Thofe were tire
Ethiopians mentioned in Scripture by a very unpardon¬
able inadvertency of our tranflaiors. Theie, then, we
think, wTere the primitive Cufhim.
Jofephus informs us*, that all the Afiatics called the
Ethiopians of Africa by the name of Cujhitn. This de¬
nomination was not given them without good reafon : it
imports at leaft, that they deemed them the defeendants
of Cufh ) it being the conftant praftice of the orientals
in the early ages to denominate nations and tribes from
the name of their great patriarch or founder. The name
Cujhim muft then have been given to the Ethiopians,
from a perfualion that they were the progeny of the fon
of Ham who bore that name. By what route foever the
Cuftiim penetrated into that region of Africa which was
called by their name, it may be taken for granted that
they were the defeendants of Cufh above mentioned.
It has been obferved above, that the pofterity of Cuftr
pofieffed the country of Shinar or Chaldea at a very early
period, but were expelled by the Chalidim or Chaldeans.
Upon this cataftrophe, or perhaps fomewhat later, a
colony from the fugitive Cufhim tranfported themfelves
from the fouth and fouth-eaft coaft of Arabia over the
fea, which lies between that country and Ethiopia.
However imperfeft the art of navigation might be in
that age, the diftance wTas fo fmall that they might eafily
enough make a voyage crofs. that narrow fea in open
boats, or perhaps in canoes. However that may have
been, it cannot be doubted that the tribes on both fides
of that branch of the fea were kindred nations.
If, then, both the northern and foulhern Cuftiim
fprung from the fame ftock, there can be no doubt that
both fpoke the fame language. The language of the
Babylonian Cufhim was Chaldaic, and of confequence
that of the Ethiopian Cufliim was the fame. We may
therefore reft aflured, that whatever changes the Ethio¬
pian dialeft may have undergone in the courfe of 3000
years, it wras originally either Chaldaic, or at leaft a
branch of that language. Scaliger informs us, that the
Ethiopians call themfelves Chaldeans} and that, fays he,
not without reafon, becaufe of thofe many facred and
profane books which are extant among them, the moft
elegant and moft beautiful are written in a ftyle near Chaldean
that of the Chaldean or Aflyrian. Marianus Yiftorius, Language,
who was the firft that reduced the Ethiopic tongue to ! ^ ‘ .
the rules of grammar, tells us, in his Procemium, “ that
the Ethiopians call their tongue Chaidaic ; thqt it fprings
from the Babylonian; and is very like the Hebrew, Sy¬
riac, and Arabic : At the fame time (he concludes), that
this language may be eafily learned by thofe who are ma¬
ilers of the Hebrew.” The learned Bochart, and Biihop
Walton in his Praleg. are clearly of the lame opinion.
The vulgar letters of the Ethiopians, according to
Diodorus Siculus, were the fame with the facred f
characters of the Egyptians (d). From this account,p. 101.
if the Sicilian may be trufted, the facred letters of theie Steph.
people, concerning which fo many wife conjectures have
been formed, were actually Chaldaic. To carry on this
inveftigation a little farther, we may obferve, that Sir
William Jones feems to have proved, by very plauhble
arguments, that the Sanfcrit characters were deduced
from the Chaldaic. This circumftance affords a prefump-
tion that the Ethiopian Gufhim were likewife concerned
with the Egyptians; who, as is remarked in the Section
concerning the Sanjcrit, probably introduced the reli¬
gion of the Brahmans into Hindoftan. 'I'his is advanced
as a conjeCture only •, and yet when we coniidet the af¬
finity between the Egyptian and Gentoo religions, we
are ftrongly inclined to hope that this furmife may one
day be verified by undeniable facts.
The original Ethiopians were a people highly civi¬
lized ; their laws, their inftitutions, and efpecially their
religion, were celebrated far and wide. Homer talks
in raptures of the piety of the Ethiopians, and fends
his gods every now and then to revel 12 days with that
devout people. The Sicilian adduces a number of very
fpecious arguments to prove that thefe two nations had
fprung from the fame ftock. Fie mentions a fimilarity ^ .
of features, of manners, of cuftoms, of laws, of letters,
of the fabrication of ftatues, of religion, as evidences ot between
the relation between thofe two neighbouring nations, the Ethio-
There was, every body knows, a communion, as to fa- P)aBS
crcd rites, between the two countries. The Egyptians
fent annually a deputation of their priefts, furnifhed with
the portable ftatues of their gods, to vifit the fanes of the
devout Ethiopians. Upon this occafion, a folemn reli¬
gious banquet was prepared, which lafted 12 days, and
of which the priefts of both nations were partakers. It
was, we imagine, a kind of facramental inftitution, by
which both parties publicly avouched their agreement
in the ceremonies of their religion refpeClively. Thefe
obfervations plainly fhow, that the moft ancient Ethio¬
pians were a people highly civilized 5 indeed fo much,
that the Egyptians were at one time contented to be
their fcholars. The tone of their language was cer¬
tainly the fame with that of the Chaldeans or Arabian
Cuftiim, from whom they are defeended. We know not
whether there are any books in the ancient Ethiopic
now extant ; fo that it is not eafy to produce in-
ftances of its coincidence with the Chaldaic. Dioge¬
nes Laertius * informs us, that Thrafyllus, in his ca- * ^
talogue p. 4e 1.
Cafa'ub.
(d) We find the fame obfervation confirmed by Heliodorus {Ethiop. lib. x. p. 476.). “ The royal letters of
the Ethiqpians (fays he) were the facred characters of the Egyptians.” Cafiiodorus likewife allures us, “ I hat the
letters inferibed upon the Egyptian obelilks were Chaldean.” See Se£E Satifcrit.
Sea. III.
PHILOLOGY.
3° 9
Chaldean
Language,
&c.
65
Modern
Ethiopic
tongues.
66
Ethiopia
alphabet.
talog;ue of the books compofed by Democritus, men¬
tions one, 7rs®< Tiyv iv Migo/i is^ahi ygxfitt&Tav, concerning
, the jacred letters in the ijland of lilcroe (i£) \ and another
concerning the (acred letters in Kabylon. Had tnele
books furvived the ravages of time, they would in this
acre of refearch and cunoiity have detei mined not only
the point under our confideration, but the affinity of fa-
cred rites among the Chaldeans, Etniopians, and Egyp¬
tians.
We have now (hown that the Ethiopians were a
colony of Cufhites ; that the Cuffiites were originally
fovereigns of Shinar or Chaldea, and confequently fpoke
either Chaldaic or a dialeft of that tongue j that their
colonifts muft have ufed the fame language j that the an¬
cient Ethiopians were a people highly poliffied, and ce¬
lebrated in the moil early ages on account of their vir¬
tue and piety. It has likewife appeared, that the com¬
mon letters of that people were the facred chara&ers of
Egyptians. Thefe letters, we imagine, were the Cu-
phite j for which fee the Sedlion on the Arabic. . When
they were difcarded, and the modern fubftituted in their
room, cannot be determined; nor is it, we apprehend,
a matter of much importance. We (hall therefore drop
that part of the (ubjeft, and refer our curious and inqui-
fitive readers to the very learned Job Ludolf excel¬
lent grammar and dictionary of the Abyffinian or Geez
tongue, where they will find every thing worth knowing
on that fubject. We (hall endeavour to gratify our read¬
ers with a very brief account of the modern Etliiopic or
Abyffinian tongue ; for which both they and wTe will be
obliged to James Bruce, Efq. that learned, indefatig¬
able, and adventurous traveller; who, by his obferva-
tions on that country, which he made in perfon, often
at the hazard of his life, has difcovered, as it were, a
new world both to Europe and Afia.
The moft ancient language of Ethiopia, which we
(hall now call Abyjfinia (its modern name), according
to that gentleman, wras the Geez, which was (poken
by the ancient Cuffiite (hepherds. This, we (hould
think, approaches neareft to the old Chaldaic. Upon
a revolution in that country, the court refided many
years in the province of Amhara, where the people fpoke
a different language, or at kail a very different dialed
of the fame language. During this interval, the Geez,
or language of the (hepherds, was dropt, and retained
only in writing, and as a dead language : the facred
Scriptures being in that tongue only faved it from going
into difufe. This tongue is exceedingly harlh and un-
harmonious. It is fuL of thefe two letters D and 1, in
which an accent is put that nearly refembles ftammer-
ing. Confidering the fmall extent of fea that divides
this country from Arabia, we need not wonder that it
has great affinity with the Arabic. It is not difficult to
be acquired by thofe who underhand any other of the
oriental languages ; and as the roots of many Hebrew
words are only to be found here, it feems to be abfo-
lutely neceffary to all thofe who wiffi to obtain a critical
(kill in that language.
The Ethiopia alphabet confifts of 26 letters, each of
which, by a virgu/a or point annexed, varies its found
in fuch a manner as that thofe 26 form as it were 62 Chaldean
diitinct letters. At firft they had but 25 of thefe origi- L' ne^aSe>
nal letters, the Latin P being wanting : fo that they AT! 1
were obliged to fubftitute another letter in its place.
Paulus, for example, they call Taulus, Aldus, or Cau-
lus : Petros, they pronounced Ketros. At laft they (ub-
ftituted T, and added this to the end of their alphabet ;
giving it the force of P, though it rvas really a repeti¬
tion of a character rather than the invention of a new
one. Befides thefe, there are 20 others of the nature of
diphthongs ; but fome of them are probably not of the
fame antiquity with the letters of the alphabet, but
have been invented in later times by the fcribes for com
venience.
The Amharic, during the long baniffiment of the
royal family in Shoa, became the language of the court,
and feven new characters were of neceffity added to an-
fwer the pronunciation of this new language; but no
book was ever yet written in any other language than
Geez. There is an old law in the country, handed
down by tradition, that whoever (hall attempt to trandate
the Ploly Scripture ints Amharic or any other language,
his throat (hall be cut after the manner in which they
kill ffieep, his family fold to flavery, and their houfes
razed to the ground.
Before we leave this fubjedl, we may obferve, that
all the ancients, both poets and hiftorians, talk of a
double race of Ethiopians ; one in India, and another
in Africa. What may have given rife to this opinion
it is not eafy to difcover. Perhaps the fwarthy com¬
plexion of both people may have led them to this fen-
timent. Eufebius indeed informs us*, that “ a rmme-*
rous colony of people emigrated from the banks of the P- I2-
Indus, and croffing the ocean, fixed their refidence in the
country now called Ethiopia.” For our part, we are ra¬
ther inclined to believe that the original Ethiopians
tranfported themfelves into India, and there perhaps co¬
operated with the Egyptians in digging the excavations
and framing the ftatues, fome of which are dill to be
feen in that country, and which we have mentioned
in another Seftion. The Greeks called thofe people.
AthoTfic,, JEthiopes we believe, from their fun-burnt coun¬
tenance } but indeed they were very little acquainted ei¬
ther with the country or its inhabitants. 67
The moft ancient name of Egypt was Mizraim, of Ancient
confequence the Arabians (fill call it Mefri. It was a
likewife diftinguiffied by other names, fuch as Oceana,
Aeria, &c. It appears from the facred hiftorian, that itlea of
was inhabited by the defendants of Mizraim the fecond Hebrew,
fon of Flam. Mizraim had feveral fons, who, according
to the Scripture account, fettled refpe&ively in that
country. If we truft to the facred records, there will
be little difficulty in afcertaining the language of the
Mizraim. It will appear to be one of the fifter dialefts
of the Hebrew, Phoenician, Arabic, Chaldaic, &c.; and
this, to us, appears to be the faff. But the origin of
that people, their language, religion,\ laws, and inftitu-
tions, have been fo wTarped and confounded, both by
their own hiftorians and thofe of other countries, that
one is fcarce able to determine what to believe or wffiat
/ to
(e) Where the capital of Ethiopia wTas fituated.
(f) A very learned German, who publifned a grammar and diflionary of the Geez in folio.
* Lib. xiii.
3T0
Chald an to reject. Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Ptole-
Lan^uage, anc| mo^. ancient geographers and hitlorians,
. ^c‘ are univerfally agreed, that Egypt, at leaft that part of
it called Delta, was overflown by the fea, and confe-
quently uninhabitable for many centuries after the dif-
perflon of mankind. When we confider the low fitua-
tion of the Delta, and the violent current of the tide
from the coaft of Phoenicia and Paleftine towards that
ftiore, we would be almoft tempted to adopt this hypo-
thefis 5 but the facred records avouch the contrary. Ac¬
cording to them, we find Egypt a populous, rich, and
flourilhing kingdom, as early as the age of Abraham.
Elad the Lower Egypt been a pool of ftagnating water
at any time after the general deluge, we think it could
not have been drained, cleared, cultivated, and'ftocked
with inhabitants, fo early as the days of Abraham.
Diodorus Siculus, however, is pofitive that the Egyp¬
tians * were a colony of Ethiopians •, and this he endea¬
vours to prove by the fimilarity of features, cuftoms, laws,
religious ceremonies, &c. between the two nations. That
there was a conftant intercourfe of good offices between
thefe two branches of the Hamirfes, cannot be queftion-
ed ; and that they nearly refembled each other in many
refpedts, is too evident to admit of contradiction. The
excavations, originally dug out of the lolid rocks of por¬
phyry and marble, in which the natives refided before
the plains were drained, have been obferved by a moft
judicious traveller (g) a very few years ago. At the fame
time, the moft accurate and judicious travellers (h) who
have vifited that region in modern times, are generally
of opinion that the land has gained nothing on the fea
fince the period when Herodotus wrote his defeription
of that country ; from which circumftances we may be
led to conclude, that the idea of the inundation of the
Delta is not founded in fa£t.
But even admitting that the Egyptian Delta has ac¬
quired nothing from the fea fince the age of Herodotus
to the prefent, it certainly does not follow^ that the re¬
gion in queftion was never overflown by that element j
fince there are, in many parts of the globe, large tradls
of land, certainly once covered with fea, which have
continued to this day in the very fame fituation in which
they were 2000 years ago. We leave the decifion of this
point to the judgement of our readers.
We have already hinted our opinion of the nature
of the Egyptian language } but becaufe Egypt is ge¬
nerally thought to have been the native land of hiero¬
glyphics, and becaufe many are of opinion that hiero-
glyphical characters were prior to alphabetical, we fliall
hazard a few conjedlures with refpect to that fpecies of
writing.
The end of fpeech, in general, is to enable men to
communicate their thoughts and conceptions one to
another when prefent ; the ufe of writing is to perform
the fame office when people are at fo great a diftance
that vocal founds cannot mutually reach them. Hiero¬
glyphics are faid to have been invented to fupply this
defeft. The moft ancient languages were everywhere
full of tropes and figures borrowed from fenfible ob-
jefts. As in that ftage of fociety men have not learned
P H I L O L O G Y.
Sea. III.
6S
Egyptian
hierogly¬
phics.
to abftraft and generalize, all their ideas are borrowed Chaldean
from fuch objeCis as moft forcibly ftrike their fenfes. Language,
This circumftance would naturally fuggeft to favages, ^c‘ ;
the idea of conveying their fentiments t6 each other,
when abfent, by delineations of corporeal objeCts. Thus,
if a favage alked a loan of his friend’s horle, he might
find means to have conveyed to him the figure of that
animal; and lo of others. This w^as the very loweft
fpecies of ideal communication, and has been ftyled
pichire-writing.
Neceflity would foon impel our favage correfpondents
to fabricate a method more extenfively ufeful, which
would likewife be fuggefted by the conftant uie of the
metaphorical mode of fpeech. Some favage leader, more
fagacious than the vulgar herd, would obferve that cer¬
tain fenfible objefts were fitted, according to the rules of
analogy, to reprefent certain human paflions, and even
fome abftraft ideas; and this would be readily enough
adopted by the herd as a new improvement. In this
cafe a horn might be the emblem of power, a /word of
bravery, a lion of fury, a fox of cunning, a ferpent of
malice, &c. By and by artificial figns might be con¬
trived to exprefs fuch ideas as could not readily be de¬
noted bv bodily objects. This might be called fymboli-
cal writing. Such was the foundation ol the Chinefe
charafters ; and hence that prodigious number of letters
of which the written language of that people is compof-
ed. Farther they could not proceed, notwithftanding
their boafted inventive powers; and farther, we believe,
no nation ever did proceed, who had once upon a time
no other characters but hieroglyphical. The Mexicans
had arrived at the very loweft ftage of hieroglyphical
waiting, but had not taken one ftep towards alphabeti¬
cal. The Huron* employ hieroglyphical fymbols, but
never entertained a fingle idea of alphabetical. Hiero¬
glyphical characters are the images of objects conveyed
to the mind by the organs of vifion ; alphabetic are ar¬
bitrary artificial marks of found, accommodated by com-
pa£t to convey to the mind the ideas of objefts by the
organs of hearing. In a word, we think that there is ^
not the leaft analogy between thefe two fpecies to con-Were never
du£l from the one to the other : we are therefore of opi- in vulgar
nion, that hieroglyphical charafters were never the vul-uk >
gar channels of ideal conveyance among civilized people.
We know that in this point we differ from many
learned, judicious, and ingenious writers •, fome of whom
have taken much pains to inveftigate the intermediate
ftages through which the fabricators of charadlers muft
have pafled in their progrefs from hieroglyphical to
alphabetical writing, Thefe writers have adopted a
plan analogous to Biffiop Wilkins’s pro]eft of an artifi¬
cial language. In this theory, we own, we are led to
fufpefl that they fuppofed all mankind were once upon
a time fa vages, and were left to hammer out words, as
well as charafters, by neceffity, ingenuity, experience,
practice, &.c. For our part, we have endeavoured to
prove, in our feftion on the Hebrew language, that
alphabetical writing w as an antediluvian invention \ and
vTe now lay it down as our opinion, that among all
thofe nations which fettled near the centre of civiliza¬
tion,
(g) See Mr Bruce’s Travels, vol. i.
(h) Mr Bruce, Dr Shaw, Biftrop Pococke, Savary, Volncy,
4
Sea. III. PHILO
Chaldean tion, hieroglyphics were, comparatively, a modern fabri-
Langnage, cation.
) The Orientals are, at this day, extravagantly de-
voted to allegory and fiftion. Plain unadorned truth
with them has no charms. Hence that extravagant
medley of fables and romance with which ail antiquity
is replete, and by which all ancient hiftory is difguifed
and corrupted. Every doctrine of religion, every pre¬
cept of morality, was tendered to mankind in parables
and proverbs. Hence, fays the Scripture, to under¬
hand a proverb, the words of the wife, and their dark
fayings. The eaftern fages involved their maxims in
this enigmatical drefs for feveral reafons : to fix the
attention of their difciples } to afllft their memory j
to gratify their allegorical tafte 5 to fharpen their wit
and exercife their judgement 5 and fometimes perhaps
to difplay their own acutenefs, ingenuity, and in¬
vention.
It was among the ancients an univerfal opinion, that
the moll facred arcana of religion, morality, and the fub-
lime fciences, were not to be communicated to the unin¬
itiated rabble. For this reafon every thing i'acred was
involvedxin allegorical daiknefs.
Here, then, we ought to look for the origin of
hieroglyphical or picture-writing among the civilized
nations of the eaft. They did not employ that fpe-
cies of writing becaufe they were ignorant of alphabe¬
tical characters, but becaufe they thought fit to con-
facred^doc- ce£q mof(; important heads ol their doctrines -under
the unink1 hieroglyphic al figures. The Egyptian prielts were
molt celebrated for their {kill in deviling thofe emble¬
matical reprefentations \ but other nations likewife
employed them. We learn from the fragments of
Berofus the Chaldean hiftorian, preferved by Syncellus
and Alexander Polyhiflor, that the walls of the temple
of Belus at Babylon were covered all over with thole
emblematical paintings. Thefe characters were called
becaufe they were chiefly employed to reprefent
facred objects 5 and yXvQuioi, becaufe they were origi¬
nally carved or engraved. Their name points to their
original ufe. Inftead of purfuing thefe obfervations,
which the nature of our delign will not permit, we
mult refer our readers to Herodotus, lib. ii. Diodorus
Sic. lib. i. Strabo, lib. xvii. Plut. Ills et Ofiris; and
among the Chriltian fathers, to Clem. Alex. Eufeb.
Praep. Evang. 5 but chiefly to Horapollo’s flierogly-
phica.
From this deduftion we would conclude, that this
fpecies of writing was an adventitious mode in Egypt,
peculiar to the prielts, and employed chiefly to exhi¬
bit things facred ; and that among all civilized people
it did not fuperfede the ufe of alphabetical characters,
nor did the ufe of the latter originate from the former.
When alphabetical letters were invented, if indeed they
were a human invention, they were antecedent to the
phabetic?! u^e an^ extent. The Egyptian prielts alone
sharadters. knew the true import of thofe facred fymbols •, and com¬
municated that knowledge firlt to their own children
from generation to generation, then to the initiated, and
halt of all to the grandees of the nation, all of whom
were indeed initiated. The hieroglyphics of Egypt
were not then the fymbols of any facred occult lan¬
guage ; but figns invented by the priefts and prophets
or wife men, in order to reprefent their deities, the at-
70
but em¬
ployed to
conceal
tiated;
, 71
ar.dpofte
rior in
time to al-
L O G Y.
tributes and perfections of their deities, and the myfte- Chaldean
Iterious arcana of their religion, and many other circum- language,
fiances relating to objc&s of importance, which were t ^ .
deemed either too facred or too important to be impart¬
ed to the vulgar.
The Egyptians aferibed the invention of letters to a
perfon whom they called Thoth *, Theuth, or '1 hycith ; ^
the Greeks and the Remans Mercurius. Platof ^
calls him a god, or a godlike man j Diodorus J makes j Lib. i.
him privy counfellor to Oliris } Sanchoniathon ap.
Eufeb. j conneCls him with the Phoenician Cronus or § Prep. Ev.
Saturn. To this Mercury the Egyptians aferibe the
invention of all the arts and fciences. He was pro¬
bably fome very eminent inventive genius, uho flourifh-
ed during the firit ages of the Egyptian monarchy,
and who perhaps taught the rude favages the art of wri¬
ting- . . 72
According to Diodorus Siculus, the Egyptians had Two kinds
two kinds of letters * j the one facred, the cS er com-°/ ajphabc-
mon : the former the prieils taught their own children,
the latter all learned promifeuouily. In the lacred cha-^yp,..
raClers the rites and ceremonies of their religion were *Tib. i.
couched 5 the other was accommodated to the ordinary
bufinefs of life. Clem. Alexand. mentions three dif¬
ferent llyles of writing employed by the Egyptians f.
“ The pupils, who were inftruCled by the Egyptians,
firll learned the order and arrangement of the Egyptian
letters, which is called epijlolograhlnj, that is, the man¬
ner of writing letters ; next, the facred characler, which
the facred feribes employed ; laltly, the hieroglyphic
character, one part of which is exprefled by the 'firit ele¬
ments, and is called Cijriologic, that is, capita/, and the
other/ymbojic. Of the fymbolic kind, one part explains
properly by imitation and the other is written tropical¬
ly, that is, in tropes and figures and a third by certain
enigmatical expreflions. Accordingly, when we intend
to write the word fun, we deferibe a circle ; and when
the moon, the figure of that planet appearing horned,
conformable to the appearance of that luminary after
the change.^ In this paflfage we have an excellent de-
feription of the three difterent modes of writing ufed
by the Egyptians •, the common, the lacred, and the
hieroglyphic. The lafl: he deferibes according to its
three divifions, in exaft conformity U> our preceding ob¬
fervations. 7<?
By the defeription above tranflated, it plainly ap- ^ie lacre<I
pears, that the facred character of the Egyptians was jetteis
entirely.different from the hieroglyphic; and by this0fEgypt
confideration we are in a good meafure juftified, in Chaklak.
fuppofing, as we have done all along, that the facred
letters of the Egyptians were actually the Chaldaic.
The inferiptions on the obelifks mentioned by Cafiio-
dorus, fo often quoted, were certainly engraved in the
facred character; and the chara&er in which they were
drawn was that above mentioned. If the facred let¬
ters were Chaldaic, the facred language was probably
the fame.
The Egyptians pretended, that the Babylonians de¬
rived the knowledge of the arts and fciences from them;
while, on the other hand, the Babylonians maintained,
that the former had been tutored by them. The fadi
is, they both fpoke the fame language ; ufed the fame
religious rites; had applied with equal fuccefs to aftro-
logy, aftronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and the other
fciences j
3X2 PHILOLOGY.
Chaldean fcleneeS; of odurfe a rival (hip liad arifen between the flrown in the feftion of the Cr
74
The Egyp¬
tian and
Phoenician
languages
the fame.
two nations, which laid the foundation of thofe oppofite
j i pretenfions.
The moft faithful fpeclmen of the vulgar language of
the Egyptians, is, "we believe, Hill preferved in the Cop¬
tic, which, however, is fo replete with Grecifms, that it
muil be difficult to trace it out.
Under the Ptolemies, the Greek was the language
of the court* and confequently muft have diffufed it-
felf over all the country. Hence, we believe, two-
thirds of the Coptic are Greek words, diverfified by
their terminations, declenfions, and conjugations only.
To be convinced of the truth of this, our learned and
curious readers need only confult Chriftian Scholtz’s
Egyptian and Coptic grammar and diftionary, cor-
refled and publifhed by Godfred Woide, Oxford,
1788.
The Egyptians and Phoenicians were in a manner
coufin-germans, and confequently muft have fpoken
the fame language •, that is, one of the lifter diale&s
of the Hebrew, Chaldean, Arabian, Cuihite, &c.—
This is not a mere conjecture } it may be realized by
almoft numberlefs examples. It is true, that when
Jofeph’s brethren went down to Egypt, and that ruler
deigned to converfe with them, they could not un-
derftand the Egyptian idiom which he fpoke ; nor
■would he, had he been actually an Egyptian, have
underftood them without an interpreter. The only
conclufton from this circumftance is, that by this time
the Egyptian had deviated conftderably from the ori¬
ginal language of mankind. The Iriih and Welch,
every body knows, are only different dialefls of the
Celtic tongue 5 and yet experience proves, that a native
of Ireland and another of Wales cannot well compre¬
hend each other’s language, nor converfe intelligibly
without an interpreter. The Erfe, fpoken in the High¬
lands of Scotland, and the Irifti, are known to be both
branches of the old Celtic 5 yet a Scotch Highlander and
an Iriffiman can hardly underftand each other’s fpeech.
By a parity of reafon, a Hebrew and an Egyptian might,
in the age of Jofeph, fpeak only different dialefls of the
fame original tongue, and yet find it difficult to under¬
ftand one another. The faft feems to be, the Hebrew
dialect had been in a manner ftationary, from the mi¬
gration of Abraham to that period, whereas the Egyp¬
tian, being fpoken by a powerful, civilized, and highly
cultivated people, muft have received many improve¬
ments, perhaps additions, in the courfe of near two cen¬
turies.
The defeendants of Canaan and of Mizraim were
ftri.ctly connected in their religious ceremonies : they
worffiipped the fame objects, namely, the Hojl of Ilea-
they mourned Ofiris and Adonis in concert; they
■ 75,
The vulgar
letters of
Egypt
nearly the
lame with. vcn
the He¬
brew or
Phoenician,
carried on a joint commerce, and, we think, fpoke the
fame language *, we may, therefore, conclude, that their
vulgar letters were nearly the fame, both in form, difpo-
fition, and number. Their original number was proba¬
bly 16, viz. five vowels, fix mutes, fimple and middle,
•four liquids, and tbe folitary <r.—With thefe, it is like¬
ly, was joined a mark of afpiration, or an h, fuch as we
have in the Roman alphabet, and find on fome Greek
monuments. Cadmus was originally an Egyptian ; that
leader brought a new fet of letters into Greece. Thefe
are generally deemed to be Phoenician. They were
nearly the fame with the ancient Pelafgic, as will be
Sea. III.
h language. The latter, Chaldean
we think, were from Egypt, and confequently the former Language,
muft have been from the fame quarter. Danaus, Per-, c4'c’
feus, Lelex, &c. were of Egyptian extraction : they too
adopted the Cadmean characters, without fubititut.ing
any of their own.
The Jonim, or lonians, emigrated from Gaza, a
colony of Egyptians •, and their letters are known to
have differed very little from thofe of Cadmus and the
Pelafgi. The conclufion, therefore, is, that the vul¬
gar Egyptian letters were the fame with the Phoeni¬
cian.
We are abundantly fenfible that there are found upon
Egyptian monuments characters altogether different
from thofe we have been deferibing. At what time, by
what people, and to what language, thefe letters be¬
longed, we will not pretend to determine. The Ethio¬
pians, the Chaldeans, the Perfians, the Greeks, the Ro¬
mans, the Saracens, have, at different times, been fo-
vereigns of that unhappy country. Perhaps other na¬
tions, whofe memory is now buried in oblivion, may
have erected monuments, and covered them with in-
feriptions compofed of words taken from different lan¬
guages, perhaps, upon fome. occafions, whimiically de-
vifed, with a view to perplex the curious antiquaries
of future ages. Some of thefe are compofed of hie-
roglyphics intermingled with alphabetical char afters,
artificially deranged, in order to render them unin¬
telligible. Thefe we do not pretend to develope; be-
caufe the moft inquilitive and fagacious antiquaries
are not yet agreed as to their purport and fignifica-
tion.
We ftiall now go on to ftiow, that moft part of the Egyptian
names of perfons and places, &c. which have been1^^65 0^
conveyed down to us, may, in general, be reduced to(jr;.r-, ,ij
a Hebrew, Phoenician, Syrian, or Chaldeaq original.
As the firft of t'hefe languages is moft generally
known, we (hall employ it as our arch-type or ftand-
ard, beginning with thofe terms which occur in Scrip¬
ture.
The word Pharaoh, the title of the melech or king of
Egypt, is, we think, compounded of two terms, which
plainly difeover a Hebrew original. According to an
oriental tradition, tbe firft who affumed this title was the
fovereign of the roijalJhepherds ; a race of people from
Arabia and Phoenicia. They conquered Egypt at an
early period, and kept poffeffion of it for feveral centu¬
ries. They gloried in the title ly.iroi, or vx-ara, which,
according to Jofephus contra Apion. fignifies “ royal
fhepherds.” The word Pharaoh feems to be compound-
qd of is Phar, “ a bullock,” and ni?i, Rachah, “ to
feed }” hence njna Pharachah, as we think it ought to
be written. The name given to Jofeph is evidently of
kin with the Hebrew •, for •zaplinath differs very little
from the Hebrew verb t%aphan, which fignifies “ to
hide, to keep fecret Pancah or Phaneah, fignifies
much - the fame with the Hebrew Phanah, afpexit : fo
that the name aftually intimates _ one who fees hidden
things *, which was certainly the very idea the prince in¬
tended to convey by giving him that name.
Potiphar, or PotipJierah, the name of Jofeph’s father-
in-law, has likewife a dialeftical affinity with the He¬
brew idiom. In that language Fatah fignifies “ to open,
to explain,” which was one part of the facerdotal of¬
fice 3 and Phar imports “ a bullock.” Potiphar was
then
75
Se&. m.
PHI L O
77
Chaldean then prieft of the bullock, that is, the ox, apis, facred
-I-^e, to the fun (l). This perfon was prieft or prince of On,
, which, according to Cyrillus on Hofea, was an Egyp¬
tian name of that luminary. The Hebrew word hon or
chon fignifies “ power, wealth, fufficiency a very pro¬
per epithet for the fun, who was thought to bellow
thofe Sleffings. The name of Jofeph’s wife was Afenath
or Afnath, compounded oiIJhah “ a woman,” and Naith
ox Neit, an Egyptian name of “Minerva, a votary of
Minerva.”
Almoft all the names of cities belonging to Egypt
which are mentioned in Scripture are evidently Hebrew.
To be fatisfied as to this pofition, our curious readers
may confult Jamiefon’s Spici/egia, an excellent book ve-
And fignifi- rX little known. The names of moft of the Egyptian
cant in that deities are lignificant in the Hebrew tongue 5 and in that
language, dialed! the names appear to have been impofed with great
judgement and propriety, plainly indicating fome office
affigned them, or pointing to fome peculiar attribute.
We ffiall produce a few inftances.
Ofris was the great divinity of Egypt; he was cer¬
tainly the fun. The Egyptians gave their deities a va¬
riety of names in allufion to their various offices and at¬
tributes. Jablonlki has in a manner wearied himfelf
with tracing the fignification of this name. In Hebrew
we have Ojhir “ to grow rich, to be enriched.” The
fun may be called the great enricher of nature, and
therefore might properly be called by a name alluding
to that quality. Ifts was both the moon and the earth.
IJhah is the Hebrew word for woman, and Horapollo
affigns this very derivation. Anubis was one of the
frames of Mercury among the Egyptians : He was al¬
ways figured with the head of a dog. He accompanied
I/is in her peregrinations in quell of Ofiris, and frighted
away the wild beads from attacking the princefs. In
Hebrew, Nubah fignifies “ to bark.” Here the analo¬
gy, we think, is evident. Many Egyptian names be¬
gin with Can, fuch as Canobus, Canopus, &.c. The
Hebrew word Cahen or Cohen, Syr. Con or Chon, inti¬
mates both a prince and a prieft. Ob or Aub, in He¬
brew, imports “ a bottle, a flaggon,” any thing round
and prominent like the human belly. In the language
of Egypt it was often applied to the fun, in allufion to
his rotundity. In the tetnple of Jupiter Ammon or Amon,
in the defert of Libya, there was a ftatue of the god re*
prefenting the navel of the human body, which was pro¬
bably framed in allufion to this fancy. Hence the Py-
thonefs, or people who, according to the Scripture, had
familiar fpirits, were faid to prophecy by the infpiratioft
of Ob, as the Delphic prieftefs did by that of Apollo.
Again, many Egyptian names end with firis, as Calali-
ris, Termofiris. This termination is no doubt a cog¬
nate of the Hebrew and Chaldean far or %ar, fignifying
“ a prince, or grandee, &c.” The river Nile in the
Ethiopic diale£t is called Siris; that is, we believe, the
king of rivers. The fame flood feems to derive the name
by which it is generally known, from the Hebrew nehel,
“ a valley, or torrent running down a valley.” The
fame river was often called Oceanus, a word compofed
of 0$, or oc, or och, which fignifies “ a king, a leader,”
Vol. XVI. Part I.
LOGY. 313
and the Hebrew oin, u a fountain, fo that the word Chaldean
imports the king of fountains. The Hebrews always de- La|W"38e»
nominated the land of Egypt the land of Miiraim j the • y' ■ J
Egyptians themfelves, in later times, feemed to have
called it AryvTrr^, JEgi/ptus, “ Egypt,” which fome
think is compounded of Ai, Hebrew, “ an ifland, a
country, a province,” and Copt or Cupt, “ a famous ci¬
ty in that country.” *
From this fpecimen, we hope it will appear that ths
Egyptian language in the more early ages was one of
thofe diale£ls into which, that of the defcendants of the
poftdiluvian patriarchs was divided, and perhaps fubdi-
vided, a few centuries after the deluge. Among all
thofe, we believe, fuch an affinity will be found, as
plainly demonftrates that they originally fprung from
one common ftock. Here wre might eafily follow the
Egyptian language into Greece j and there wre are per-
fuaded w’e might trace a vaft number of Egyptian terms
into that tongue, which, how'ever, the nature of this in¬
quiry w ill not permit. If our learned readers ftiould in¬
cline to know more of the affinity of the Egyptian
tongue with the others fo often mentioned, they may
confult Bochart’s Chanaan, Walton’s Proleg. Gebelin’s
Monde Prim. Jamiefon’s Spicilegia, &c.
Sect. IV. Of the Perfan Language.
The Perfian language is divided into the ancient and
modem ; the former of wffiich is at this day very imper-
feftly knowm, the latter is at prefent one of the moft ex-
preffive, and at the fame time one of the moft highly
poliffied, in the world. We ffiall, in treating of this
language, in compliance wfith the plan wre have all along
followTed, begin with the ancient.
When Mohammed was born, and Anu'shi,rava''n,
whom he calls the juf king, fat on the throne of Perfia,
two languages Were generally prevalent in that em¬
pire (k). The One Was called Deri, and was the dia¬
lect of the court, being only a refined and elegant branch
of the Parfi, fo called from the province of which Shi-
ra% is now the capital; and that of the learned, in
which moft books were compofed, and which had the
name of Pahlavi, either from the heroes wffio fpoke it
in former times, or from pah/u, a traft of land wffiich
included fome confiderable cities of Iran : The ruder
dialedls of both were fpoken by the ruftics of feveral
provinces; and many of thefe,diftin£l idioms wrere ver¬
nacular, as happens in every kingdom of confiderable
extent. Befides the Parf and Pahlavi, a very ancient
and abftrufe tongue was knowm to the priefts and philo-
fophers, called the language of the Tjend, becaufe a book
on religious and moral duties which they held facred,
and which bore that name, had been written in it;
wffiile the Pa<zcnd or comment on that work was com¬
pofed in Pahlavi, as a more popular dialed!. The let¬
ters of this book were called %end, and the language
ave/la.
The Zend and the old Pahlavi are now almoft extindl
in Iran, and very few even of the Guebres can read it;
while the Parf remaining almoft pure in Shabnameh,
B r has
7*
At the
birth of
Moham¬
med two
languages
prevalent
in Perfia.
79
And a
more an¬
cient lan¬
guage than
either
known only
to the
priefts.
(1) The Septuagint (Gen. xli. v. 45. and 50.) tranflate On by
(k) The moderns call the empire of Perfia Iran ; a name unknown to the ancients.
*
3H
PHILOLOGY.
Sea. IV.
Perfian has, by tbe intermixture of Arabic words, and many
T anguage. imperceptible changes, now become a new language, ex-
1 1r-'v quilitely polillied by a feries of fine ^vriters both in prole
and verfe, analogous to the different idioms gradually
formed in Europe after the fubverfion of the Homan em-
80 pirc.
J’arfi lan- The very learned and laborious Sir William Jones is
guage, and confident that the Porfi abounds with words from the
Sanfcrit, with no other change than fuch as may be ob-
ferved in the numerous di ale bis of India ; that very ma¬
ny Perfian imperatives are the roots of Sanfcrit verbs \
and that even the moods and tenfes of the Perfian verb
fubftantive, which is the model of all the reft, are dedu-
cible from the Sanfcrit by an eafy and clear analogy.
From-this he infers that thePtf/yf, like the various idiom
dialects, is derived from the language gf the Bramins.
. This conclufion, we imagine, is not altogether juft, fince
by the fame train of reafoning we may infer that the
Sanfcrit is derived from the Parji.
The fame learned gentleman adds, that the multitude
* of compounds in the Perfian language proves that it is
not of Arabic but Indian original. This is undoubtedly
, true 5 but though the Parji is not of Arabic original, it
does not neceffarily follow that it is of Sanfcrit. We
might with the fame propriety, and with an equal Ihovy
of reafon, conclude, that the Greek language is de-
feended of the Sanfcrit, becaufe it'too abounds with
compounds. We may then reft affured, that neither the
one nor the other argument adduced by the ingenious
prefident proves that the Parji tongue is a defeendant of
the Sanfcrit.
The gentleman fo often mentioned, affures us, that
the Zend bears a ftrong refemblance to the Sanfcrit ;
which, however, it might do without being adlually de¬
rived from it, fince we believe every oriental fcholar will
find that all the languages from the Mediterranean to
the utmoft coaft of Hindoftan exhibit very ftrong figna-
tures of a common original. The Parfi, however, not
being the original dialebl of Iran or Perfia, we (hall pur-
fue it no farther at prefent, but return to give fome ac-
Si count of the Pahlavi, which was probably the primitive
the Pahla- language of the country. We have obferved above,
W that the Pazend or comment on the Zend wTas com-
pofed in the Pahlavi for the ufe of the vulgar. This,
according to Sir William, was a dialed of the Chal-
daic ; and of this affertion he exhibits the following
proof. f
By the nature of the Chaldean tongue, moft words
ended in the firft long vowel, like Jhemaid, “ heaven j”
and that very word, unaltered in a fingle letter, we find
in the Pazend, together with lailid, “ night,” meyd,
“ water,” nird, “ fire,” tnatrd, “ rain,” and a multi¬
tude of others, all Arabic or Hebrew, with a Chaldean
termination ; fo xamar, by a beautiful metaphor from
pruning trees, means in Hebrew to compofe verfes, and
thence, by an eafy tranfition, to Jing them ; now in
Pahlavi we fee the verb %amaruniten, “ to fing,” with
its forms •zamaraunemi, “ I fing,” and zamzunid, “ he
fang j” the verbal terminations of the Perfian being
added to the Chaldaic root. All thefe words are in¬
tegral parts of the language ; not adventitious like
the Arabic nouns and verbals engrafted on the modern
Perfian.
From this reafoning it plainly appears, ift, ThatPah-
iavi was the ancient language of Perfia j and, 2d, Th^t
the ancient Perfian was a cognate diale£t of the Chal- Perfian
dean, Hebrew, Arabic, Phoenician, See. M. Anquetil LanSuage-t
has annexed to his tranllation of the Tiendavefta two vo- v
cabularies in Zend and Pahlavi, which he found in an
approved collection of R away at or Traditional Pieces in
modern Perfian. His vocabulary of the Pahlavi ftrong-
ly confirms this opinion concerning the Chaldaic origin
of that language. But with re Ip eel to the Zend, it
abounded with vaft numbers of pure Sanfcrit words, to
fuch a degree, that fix or feven words in ten belonged
to that language. gj
From this dedudlion it would appear, that the oldeft derived
languages of Perfia were Chaldaic and Sanfcrit: and from Chal-
that when they had ceafed to be vernacular, the Pahlavi ^c an‘*
and Zend were deduced from them refpedtively, and the ^ ‘ *
Parfi either from the Zend, or immediately from the
dialedl of the Brahmans: but all had perhaps a mixture
of Tartarian 5 for the belt lexicographers affert, that
numberlefs wrords in ancient Perfian are taken from the
Cimmerians. With refpedt to the laft of thefe, we can¬
not help being of opinion, that colonies of people from
the neighbourhood of Perfia did tranfport themfelves in¬
to Crim Tartary, and perhaps into Europe. Thefe co-
lonifts brought along with them thofe vocables which ftili
occur in their dialedl. Emigrants from thofe quarters
muft have found their wTay into Scandinavia, fince num¬
berlefs Perfian words are ftill current in thofe regions.
Perhaps Odin and his followers emigrated from the
neighbourhood of Media and Perfia, and brought with
them the dialed! of the nations from vvhofe country they
had taken their departure.
With refpedl to the Zend, it might wTell be a dialed! -phe Zend
of the Sanfcrit, and was probably a facred language 5 from the
and if fo, concealed from the vulgar, and referved for ^ame
the offices of religion. If Zoroaftres, or Zaratuffit as^ource*
the orientals call him, travelled into Egypt, and was
initiated in the myfteries of the Egyptian religion, as
fome pretend he was, he might be initrudled in the fa¬
cred dialed! of that people by the priefts under whom he
ftudied. When that philofopher returned into Perfia,
and became the apoftle of a new religion, he might
compofe the volume of his laws and religious inftitu-
tions in the facred language of his Egyptian tutors.
This language then became that of the Magi, who con.
cealed it carefully from the knowledge of the uninitiated,
as the priefts did in Egypt and the Brahmans in Hin¬
doftan.
In our Sedlion on the Sanfcrit language, we ftiall give
a detail of a number of particulars, which to us feem to
furniffi a prefumption that the language in queftion was
imported from Egypt into Hindoftan. We confefs there
are not fufficient data to improve thefe prefumptions into
abfolute certainty \ but we hope the time is at hand
when the worthy members of the Afiatic Society will
difeover abundant materials to afeertain the truth of this
pofition. We are the rather inclined to adopt this hy-
pothefis, when we confider the charadler of Zoroaftres
in connedlion with that of the Egyptian Cohens and of
the Indian Brahmans.
If this opinion (hould one day appear to be well-
founded, we believe the coincidence between the lan¬
guage of the Zend and the Sanfcrit will be eafily ac¬
counted for, without making the Hindoos mafters of
Iran or Perfia, and then driving them back to the ftiores
of the Ganges, That the nations of Tusran or Scythia
/
Sea. iv.
PHILO
Perfian
Language.
84
Proofs
from Scrip¬
ture of the
origin of
the Pahlavi.
* Strabo,
Jib. IX.
did a&ually overrun that country, and make tliemfelves
mailers of a confiderable part of it at different times, is
vouched by the records and traditions of the Perfians
themfelves. Upon thofe occafions a number of Tarta¬
rian words might be introduced into the country, and
acquire a currency among the inhabitants. As the an¬
nals of ancient Perfia have been long fince deftroyed and
configned to eternal oblivion, it is impoflible to ascer¬
tain either the extent or duration of thefe irruptions.
Indeed the nature of our delign does not call for that
inveftigation.
In order to corroborate the cognation between the
Chaldean and Pahlavi languages, we (hall fubjoin a few
arguments derived from the Mofaic hillory, and the
other writings of the Old Teftament. Thefe wTe believe
will be admitted as irrefragable proofs of the polition
above advanced by fuch as admit the authenticity of
thofe records.
Elam is always allowed to have been the progenitor
of the Perlians. This patriarch was the eldell Ion of
Shem the fon of Noah; and according to the Mofaic
account, his pollerity fettled in the neighbourhood of
the defendants of Alhur, Arphaxad, Lud, and Aram,
the other fons of Shem. The country where they fet¬
tled was denominated Elymais *, as late as the begin¬
ning of the Chriftian era. This name was retained till
the Saracens conquered and took pofleflion of that coun¬
try. If this was the cafe, as it certainly was, the Ela¬
mites or Perfians fpoke a dialed of the primary language,
which, in the firft Sedion, we have proved to have been
the Hebrew.
When the four eaftern monarchs invaded the five ci-
f Gen. ties of the plain In Canaan -f-, Chedorlaomer king of E-
chap. xiv. lam was at the head of the confederacy. Amraphel
king of Shinar, that is Babylon or-Chaldea, was one of
the allies j Arioch king of Elafar was another ; and Ti¬
dal, king of fome fcattered nations in the fame neigh¬
bourhood, was the fourth. That Chedorlaomer was
principal in this expedition, is obvious from the hifto-
rian’s detail of the fecond, where that prince is placed
firlt, and the reft are named the kings that were with
him. This paflage likewdfe demonltrates, that Elam,
’ Shinar, and Elafar, lay contiguous, and were engaged
in the fame caufe. Wherever the country in queftion is
mentioned in Scripture prior to the era of Daniel and
Ezra, it is always under the name of Elam. 1 o go
about to prove this would be fuperfluous.
t Cyrop. According to Xenophon J, the Perfians knew no-
£b. 1. thing of horfemanlhip before the age of Cyrus : but that
hiltorian informs us, that after that monarch had intro¬
duced the praftice of fighting on horfeback, they be¬
came fo fond of it, that no man of rank would deign to
fight on foot. Here it ought to be confidered, that the
hiftorian above mentioned was now waiting a moral, mi¬
litary, and political romance ; and therefore introduces
this anecdote, in order to exalt the charafter of his he¬
ro : fo that we are not to fuppofe that the people under
confideration were unacquainted with the art of horfe-
manlhip till that period.
The very name Phars or Pharos is certainly of He¬
brew origin, and alludes to the Ikill that people profef-
fed in horfemanlhip. The original feems to be Pharfah,
ungula, “ a hoof 5” and in the Arabic Pharos intimates
a knrfe, and Pharis a horfeman. Confequently the peo-
' pie were denominated Parfai, and the country Pars, be-
LOGY. 315
caufe they were trained from their infancy to ride the Pertian
great horfe, which indeed they deemed their greateft ho- Language.
nour. This name was perhaps firft impofed upon them
by the neighbouring nations, and in procefs of time be¬
came their gentile appellation. Mithras is generally
known to have been the chief divinity of the Perfians}
a name which is plainly derived from Miiher, “ great.”
We find in Strabo the Perfian god Amanus, which is
plainly a cognate of Hamah, the “ fun or fire.” Hence
we believe comes Hamanm, the “ hearths or chapels”
where the fire facred to the fun wras kept burning-, which,
we believe, the Greeks called Tlv^xkia, or “ fire-tem¬
ples.” Herodotus * mentions a cullom among the Per- * Lib. iri
fians, according to which, when they came to engage cap. 85.
an enemy, they call a rope with a kind of gin at the
end of it on their enemy, and by thole means endea¬
voured to entangle and draw him into their power. I he
people of Perfia who employed this net or gin rvere
called Sagartes, from farags, Jljarag, or feng, a word
which in Hebrew, Arabic, and Chaldaic, lignifies to
“ hamper or entangle hence perhaps the Greek word
SagyasMi, a “ balket or net.” Sar or zar in Hebrew,
Phoenician, Syriac, &c. fignifies “ a lord, a prince}”
and hence we have the initial fyllable of the far-famed
%ar-tu/ht, Thoroajires. In a word, molt of the Perfian
names that occur in the Grecian hillories, notwithiland-
ing the fcandalous manner in which they have been dif-
guifed and metamorphofed by the Greeks, may Hill with
a little Ikill and indullry be traced back to a Hebrew,
Chaldaic, Syriac, or Phoenician origin. In the books
of Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Ellher, we find a
number of Perfian names which are all of a Hebrew or
Chaldaic complexion : to invelligate thefe at much great¬
er length uTould be foreign to the defign of the prefent
article. If our curious reader Ihould incline to be more
fully fatisfied as to this point, he may confult Bo-
chart’s Chanaan, D’Herbelot’s Bib. Orient. Walton’s
Proleg. &c.
It now appears, we hope, to the entire fatisfa&ion of
our readers, that the Pahlavi is a remnant of the old
Perfian, and that the latter is a cognate branch of the
Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syriac, &c. We have likewife ad¬
duced fome prefumptive proofs that the Zend wras copied
from the facred language of the Egyptians: wTe Ihall
now endeavour to explain by what changes and revolu¬
tions the language firlt mentioned arrived at its prefent
fummit of beauty and perfeftion.
We have obferved above, that the Scythians, whom Progrefs of
the old Perfians called 'ZoLy-u.i, Sacer, and whom the mo- ^he
dern call Turan, often invaded and overran Perfia at a an8uaSe‘
very early period. The confequence wTas, an infufion of
Scythian or Tartarian terms, with wduch that language
was early impregnated. This in all probability occa-
fioned the firft deviation from the original ftandard. The
conquefts of Alexander, and the dominion of his fuccef-
fors, mull, one would imagine, introduce an inundation
of Greek words. That event, however, feems to have
affefled the language in no confiderable degree, at
leaft very few Grecian terms occur in the modern Per¬
fian.
The empire of the ArfacicLe or Parthians, we appre¬
hend, produced a very important alteration upon the an¬
cient Perfian. They were a demi-Scythian tribe ; and
as they conquered the Perfians, retained the dominion of
thofe parts for feveral centuries, and actually incorpo-
R r 2 rated
Si6‘ . ' PHILO
PeiTian rated with the natives, their language muft neceflarily
Language, given a deep tinfture to the original dialeft of the
Perfians. Sir William Jones has obferved, that the let¬
ters of the infcriplions at IJiakhr or Perfepolis bear fome
refemblance to the old Runic letters of the Scandinavi¬
ans. Thofe infcriptions we take to have been Parthian; ■
and we hope, as the Parthians were a Tartarian clan,
this conjefture may be admitted till another more plau-
fible is difcovered. The Peffians, it is true, did once
more recover the empire 5 and under them began the
reign of the Deri and Parfi tongues: the former confift-
ing of the old Perfian and Parthian highly polilhed j
the latter of the fame languages in their uncultivated
vernacular drefs. In this lituation the Perfian lan¬
guage remained till the invafion of the Saracens in 636 5
when thefe barbarians overran and fettled in that fine
country j demolilhed every monument of antiquity, re¬
cords, temples, palaces, every remain of ancient fuper-
llition ; maffacred or expelled the miniiters of the Ma-
gian idolatry j and introduced a language, though not
entirely new, yet widely differing from the old exem¬
plar. '
But before we proceed to give fome brief account of
the modern Perfian, we muff take the liberty to hazard
one conjefture, which perhaps our adepts in modern
Perfian may not find themfelves difpofed to admit. In
modern Perfian we find the ancient Perfian names won¬
derfully diftorted and deflefted from that form under
which they appear in the Scripture, in Ctefias, Mega-
fthenes, and the other Greek authors. From this it has
been inferred, that not only the Greeks, but even the
facred hiftorians of the Jews, have changed and meta-
morphofed them moft unmercifully, in order to accom¬
modate them to the ftandard of their owm language.
As to the Greeks, wTe know' it wras their conftant prac¬
tice, but we cannot believe fo much of the Hebrew's.
We make no doubt of their waiting and pronouncing
the names of the Perfian monarchs and governors of that
nation nearly in the fame manner wuth the native Per¬
fians. It is manifeft, beyond all poflibility of contra-
diftion, that they neither altered the Tyrian and Phoe¬
nician names of perfons and places w'hen they had occa-
fion to mention them, nor thofe of the Egyptians
when they occurred in their writings. The Babylo¬
nian and Chaldaic names w'hich are mentioned in the
Old Teftament vary nothing from the Chaldean origi¬
nal. No reafon can be affigned why they Ihould have
transformed the Perfian names more than the others.
On the contrary, in Ezra, Nehcmiah, and Either,
we find the Perfian names faithfully preferved through-
86 out.
Nothing
now exift-
ing in •r’er-
fic, except
the Zend,
older than
the Saracen
eonqueft.
The fa6t, we imagine, is this : Our modern admirers
of the Perfic have borrowed their names of the ancient
kings and heroes of that country from romances and fa¬
bulous legends of more modern date and compofition.
The archives of Perfia were deftroyed by the Saracens :
nothing of importance wras written in that country till
two centuries after the era of Mohammed. What fuc-
ceeded was all fiftion and romance. The authors of
thofe entertaining compofitions feither forged names of
heroes to anfwer their purpofe, or laid hold on fuch as
were celebrated in the ballads of their country, or pre¬
ferved by vulgar tradition. The names w'ere no doubt
very different from thofe of the ancient kings and he¬
roes of Perfia j and probably many of them had under-
L O G Y. Sea. IV,
gone confiderable changes during the continuance of the Perfian
Parthian empire. Upon this foundation has the learned Language.
Mr Richardfon erefted a very irregular fabric, new, and, *1 "*
to ufe his own exprefiion, we think built upon pillars of
ice. He has taken much pains to invalidate the credit
of the Grecian hiffories of the Perfian empire, by drawl¬
ing up in battle array againtt their records legions of ro¬
mantic writers, who were not born till near 1000 years
after the events had taken place ; and to complete the
probability, who lived 200 years after all the chronicles
of the Medes and Perfians had been finally deftroyed by
the fury of the Saracens.
After the decifive viftory obtained over the Perfians
at Kadeffa, their ancient government was overturned,
their religion profcribed, their laws trampled under
foot, and their civil tranfadtions difturbed by the forci¬
ble introdudlion of the lunar for the folar kalendar;
while, at the fame time, their language became almoft
overw'helmed by an inundation of Arabic w'ords j which
from that period, religion, authority, and faihion, incor¬
porated with their idiom.
From the feventh till the tenth century the Perfian
tongue, now' impregnated with Arabic words, appears
to have laboured under much difcouragement and ne-
gledl. Bagdad, built by Almanfor, became foon after
the year 762 the chief refidence of the caliphs, and
the general refort of the learned and the ambitious from
every quarter of the empire. At length the acceflion of
the Buyah princes to the Perfian throne marked in the
tenth century the great epoch of the revival of Perfian
learning. About the year 977 the throne of Perfia was
filled by the great Azaduddawla; wdio firft affumed the
title of Sultan, afterwards generally adopted by eaftern
princes. He w'as born in Ifpahan, and had a ftrong at¬
tachment to his native kingdom. His court, whether
at Bagdad or in the capital of Perfia, w'as the ftandard
of tafte and the favourite refidence of genius. The na¬
tive dialed! of the prince was particularly diftinguifhed,
and became foon the general language of compofition in S7
almoft every branch of polite learning. From the end rbe moft
of the tenth till the 13th century may be confidered asfi°ub^n§
the moft flourifhing period of Perfian literature. Perfian°Ii-
epic poet Firdaufi, in his romantic hiftory of the Perfian terature.
kings and heroes, difplays an imagination and fmooth-
nefs of numbers hardly inferior to Homer. The whole
fanciful range of Perfian enchantment he has interwo¬
ven in his poems, which abound w'ith the nobleft efforts
of genius. This bard has ftamped a dignity on the mon-
fters and fidlions of the eaft, equal to that which the
prince of epic poetry has given to the mythology of an¬
cient Greece. His language may at the fame time be
confidered as the moft refined dialed! of the ancient Per¬
fian, the Arabic being introduced with a very fparing
hand : whilft Sadi, Jami, Hafiz, and other fucceeding
writers, in profe as well as verfe, have blended in their
works the Arabic w'ithout referve ; gaining perhaps in
the nervous luxuriance of the one language what may
feem to have been loft in the fofter delicacy of the other.
Hence Ebn Fekreddin Anju, in the preface to the dic¬
tionary called Tarhang Jehanguiri, fays, that the Deri
and the Arabic idioms were the languages of heaven \
God communicating to the angels his milder mandates
in the delicate accents of the firft, w'hile his Hern com¬
mands were delivered in the rapid accents of the laft.
For near 300 years the literary fire of the Perfians
’ feems
Sea. IV. PHILO
Perfian feems indeed to have been almoft extinguifhed ; fince,
Language, during that time, hardly any thing of that people which
deferves attention has appeared in Europe: enough, how¬
ever, has already been produced, to inf'pire us with a
very high opinion of the genius of the eaft. In tafte,
the orientals are undoubtedly inferior to the belt writers
&f modern Europe; but in invention and fublimity, they
are excelled, perhaps equalled, by none. The Perfians
affedt a rhetorical luxuriance, which to a European
wears the air of unneceffary redundance. If to thefe
leading diftinflions we add a peculiar tone of imagery,
of metaphor, of alluiion, derived from the difference of
government, of manners, of temperament, and of fuch
natural objects as characterife Afia from Europe , we
{hall fee, at one view, the great points of variation be¬
tween the writers of the eaft and weft. Amongft the
oriental hiftorians, philofophers, rhetoricians, and poets,
many will be found who would do honour to any age or
people j whilft their romances, their tales, and their fa¬
bles, ftand upon a ground which Europeans have not
yet found powers to reach. We might here quote the
Arabian Nights Entertainments, Perftan Tales, Pilpay’s
Fables, &c.
We (hall now annex a few ftrictures on the genius of
S3
The genius
of the mo- that noble language ; though it is our opinion that the
dern Perfic. province Qf plftlologifl: is to inveftigate the origin,
progrefs, and final improvement of a language, without
defcending to its grammatical minutiae or peculiar
idiomatic diftinftions. We have already obferved,
that the tongue under confideration is partly Arabic
and partly Perfian, though the latter generally has
the afcendant. The former is nervous, impetuous,
and mafculine; the latter is flowing, foft, and luxu¬
riant. Wherever the Arabic letters do not readily in¬
corporate with the Perfian, they are either changed in¬
to others or thrown away. Their letters are the Arabic
with little variation ; thefe being found more commodi¬
ous and expeditious than the old letters of the Deri and
Parfi. Their alphabet confifts of 32 letters, which, like
the Arabic, are read from right to left j their form and
order will be learned from any grammar of that lan¬
guage. The letters are divided into vowels and confo-
uants as ufual. The Arabic charaflers, like thofe of
the Europeans, are written in a variety of different
hands •, but the Perfians write their poetical works in
the Talick, which anfwers to the moft elegant of our
Italic hands.
There is a great refemblance between the Perfian and
tweePer- -EngWh languages in the facility and fimplicity of their
Can and form and conftnuftion : the former, as well as the latter,'
has no difference of terminations to mark the gender ei¬
ther in fubftantives or adjeftives; all inanimate things
are neuter; and animals of different fexes have either
different names, or are diftinguifhed by the words ner
male,, and rnade female. Sometimes indeed a word is
made feminine, after the manner of the Arabians, by
having g added to it.
The Perfian fubftantives have but one variation of
cafe, which is formed by adding a fyllable to the nomi¬
native in both numbers; and anfwers often to the da¬
tive, but generally to the accufative, cafe in other lan¬
guages. The other cafes are expreffed for the moft part
by particles placed before the nominative. The Per¬
fians have two numbers, fingular and plural j the latter
is formed by adding a fyllable to the former.
89
Refem-
blan e be
Enguflx.
LOGY. 3*7
The Perfian adjectives admit of no variation but in Perfian
the degrees of comparifon. The comparative is formed k^inguage.^
by adding ter, and the fuperlative by adding ter in to the
pofitive.
The Perfians have aftive and neuter verbs like other
nations j but many of their verbs have both an aClive
and neuter fenfe, which can be determined only by the.
conftruction. Thofe verbs have properly but one con¬
jugation, and but three changes of tenfe : the impera¬
tive, the aorift, and the preterite j all the other tenfe©
being formed by the help of particles or of auxiliary
verbs. The paflive voice is formed by adding th(r
tenfes of the fubftantive verb to the participle of the
aCtive.
In the ancient language of Perfia there were very
few or no irregularities ; the imperative, which is often
irregular in the modern Perfian, was anciently formed
from the infinitive, by rejecting the termination eeden :
for originally all infinitives ended in den, till the Arabs
introduced their harfti confonants before that fyllable,
which obliged the Perfians, who always affcCted a
fweetnefs of pronunciation, to change the old termina¬
tion of fome verbs into ten, and by degrees the original
infinitive grew quite obfolete 5 yet they ftill retain thcr
ancient imperative, and the aorifts which are formed from
it. This little irregularity is the only anomalous part of
the Perfian language ; which neverthelefs far furpaffes
in fimplicity all other languages ancient or modern.
With refpeft to the more minute and intricate parts-
of this language, as well as its derivations, compofitions,
conftruClions, &c. wre muft remit our readers to Minin-
Ikie’s Injlitutiones Linguce Turcicce, cum rudiment is pa-
rallelis linguarutn Arab, et Perf.; Sir William Jones’S^
Perfian Grammar *, Mr Richardfon’s Arabian and Per¬
fian Dictionary \ D. Herbelot’s Bib/. Orient.; Dr Hyde
de Relig, vet. Perf. &c. Our readers, who would pene¬
trate into the innermoft receffes of the Perfian hiftory,
colonies, antiquities, connections, dialeCts, may cenfult
the laft mentioned author, efpecially chap. xxxv. De
Per/ia et Perfarum nominibus, et de moderna atque veteri
lingua Perfca, ejufque dialeclis. In the preceding in¬
quiry we have followed other authors, whofe accounts
appeared to us more natural, and much lefs embarraf-
fmS’ .... 90
To conclude this feCtion, which might eafily have Utility of
been extended into a large volume, we fhall only take’he Ara-
the liberty to put our readers in mind of the vaft utility ail<?
of the Arabian and Perfian languages. Numberlefs ^ ,an’
events are preferved in the writings of the orientals which S ^
were never heard of in Europe, and muft have for ever
lain concealed from the knowledge of its inhabitants,
had not thefe two tongues been ftudied and underftood
by the natives of this quarter of the globe. Many of
thofe events have been tranfmitted to pofterity in poems
and legendary tales like the Runic fragments of the
north, the romances of Spain, or the heroic ballads of
our own country. Such materials as thefe, we imagine,
may have fuggefted to Firdaufi, the celebrated heroic
poet of Perfia, many of the adventures of his Shahname;
which, like Homer when ftript of the machinery of fu-
pernatural beings, is fuppofed to contain much true hi¬
ftory, and a moft undoubted picture of the fuperftition
and manners of the times. The knowledge of thefe two
languages has laid open to Europe all the treafures of
oriental learning, and has enriched the minds of Britons
with
PHILOLOGY.
pt
Perfian
jpoetry.
318
Perfian -with Indian feience as mucli as the produce of thefe re-
Langnage.. gjons increafed their wealth and enervated their con¬
futation.
Before we conclude this feftion, we (hall fubjoin a
few flriclures on the nature of Perfian poetry, in order
to render our inquiry the more complete. The modern
Perfians borrowed their poetical meafures from the A-
rabs : they ate exceedingly various and complicated j
they confift of 19 different kinds 5 but the molt common
of them are the lambic or Trochaic meafure, and a
metre that chiefly confifts of thofe compounded feet
which the ancients called which are compofed
of iambic and fpondees alternately. In lyric poetry
their verfes generally confifl: of 12 or 16 fyllables : they
fometimes, but feldom, confffl: of 14. Some of their ly¬
ric verfes contain 13 fyllables: but the molt common
Perfian verfe is made up of 11 ; and in this meafure are
written all their great poems, whether upon heroic or
moral fubjedffs, as the works of Firdaufi and .Tami, the
Boftar of Sadi, and the Mefnavi of Gelaleddin. This
fort of verfe anfwers to our common heroic rhyme,
which was brought to fo high a degree of perfection by
Pope. The ftudy of the Perfian poetry is fo much the
more neceflary, as there are few books or even letters
written in that language, which are not interfperfed with
fragments of poetry. As to their profody, nothing can
be more eafy and fimple. When the Undent pan read
profe eafily, he will with a little attention read poetry
with equal facility.
Sea. V,
92
The San-
fcrit one
of the moft
ancient
languages
in the
world.
93 .
Traces of
Sanfcrit in
every di-
ftridt of
Alia and
Jjfewhere.
Sect. V. Sanfcrit and Sengahfc Languages.
The Sanfcrit, though one of the mofl: ancient lan¬
guages in the world, was little known even in Alia till
about the middle of the prefent century. Since that pe¬
riod, by the indefatigable induftry of the very learned
arid ingenious Sir William Jones and the other worthy
members of that fociety of which he has the honour to
be prefident, that noble and ancient language has at
length been brought to light 5 and from it vaft treafures
of oriental knowledge will be communicated both to Eu¬
rope and Afia 5 knowledge which, without the exertions
of that happy eftablifhment, muff have lain concealed
from the refearcbes of mankind to the end of the world.
In this feftion we propofe to give to our readers fuch an
account of that language as the limits of the prefent ar¬
ticle, and the helps we have been able to procure, fhall
permit.
The Sanfcrit language has for many centuries lain
concealed in the hands of the bramins of Hindoftan. It
is by them deemed facred, and is of confequence con¬
fined folely to the offices of religion. Its name imparts
the perfeB language, or, according to the eaftern ftyle,
the language of perfeBion ; and we believe no language
ever fpoken by man is more juftly intitled to that high
epithet*.
The grand fource of Indian literature, and the parent
of almofi: every dialeft from the Perfian gulf to the
China leas, is the Sanfcrit; a language of the mofl: vene¬
rable and moft remote antiquity, which, though at pre¬
fent (hut up in the libraries of tbe bramins, and appro¬
priated folely to the record? of the religion, appears to
have been current over mofl: of the oriental world. Ac¬
cordingly traces of its original extent may be difeovered
in almoft every diflricl of Afia. Thofe who are ac-
J'
94
quainted with that language have often found the fimi- Sanfcrit
litude of Sanfcrit words to thofe of Perfian and Ara-a^BrenSa“
bic, and even of Latin and Greek j and that not in tech¬
nical and metaphorical terms, which refined arts and
improved manners might have occafionally introduced,
but in the main ground-work of language, in monofylla-
bles, the names of numbers, and appellations of iuch
things as would be firft. diferiminated on the immediate
drawn of civilization.
The ancient coins of many different and diftant king¬
doms of Afia are ftamped with Sanfcrit chara&ers,
and moftly contain allufions to the old Sanfcrit my¬
thology. Betides, in the names of perfons and places,
of titles and dignities, which are open to general no¬
tice, even to the fartheft limits of Afia, may be found
manifeff: traces of the Sanfcrit. The fcanty remains
of Coptic antiquities afford little fcope for comparifon
between that idiom and this primitive tongue j but
there ftill exifts fufficient ground to conje&ure, that,
at a very early ^period, a correfpondence did fubfift be-
ttveen thefe two nations. The Hindoos pretend, that
the Egyptians frequented their country as difciples,
not as inftrudtors j that they came to leek that liberal
education and thofe fciences in Hindoftan, which none
of their own countrymen had fufficient knowledge to
impart. Perhaps we may examine the validity of this
claim hereafter.
But though numberlefs changes and revolutions have
from time to time convulfed Hindoftan, that part of it
which lies between the Indus and the Ganges ftill pre-
ferves that language whole and inviolate. Here they Number of
ftill offer a thoufand books to tbe perufal of the curious j books in
many of which have been religioully handed down fromthat lan''
the earlieft periods of human exiftence.
The fundamental part of the Sanfcrit language is
divided into three claffes: Dhaat, or roots of verbs,
which fome call primitive elements j Shubd, or original
nouns *, and Evya, or particles. The latter are ever
indeclinable, as in other languages 5 but the words
comprehended in the two former claffes xrruft be pre¬
pared by certain additions and inflexions to fit them
for a place in compofition. And here it is that thecharadter-
art of the grammarian has found room to expand it- iftics of it.
felf, and to employ all the powers of refinement. Not
a fyllable, not a letter, can be added or altered but by
regimen ; not the moft trifling variation of the fenfe,
in the m’muteft fubdivifion of declenfion or conjugation,
can be effefted without tbe application of feveral rules :
all tbe different forms for every change of gender, num¬
ber, cafe, perfon, tenfe, mood, or degree, are methodi¬
cally arranged for tbe affiftance of the memory, ac¬
cording to an unerring feale. The number of the ra¬
dical or elementary parts is about 700} and to tbefe,
as to the verbs of other languages, a very plentiful
flock of verbal nouns owes its origin j but thefe ate not
thought to exceed thofe of tbe Greek either in quantity
or variety.
To tbe triple fource of words mentioned above, every
term of truly Indian original may be traced by a labori¬
ous and critical analyfis. All fuch terms as are tho¬
roughly proved to bear no relation to any one of the
Sanfcrit roots, are confidered as the produ&ion of
fome remote and foreign idiom, fubfequently ingrafted ,
upon tbe main flock *, and it is conjeftured, that a ju¬
dicious inveftigation of this principle would throw a new
light
V.
Sanfcrit light upon the firft invention of many arts and _ fciences,
-and Benga-an(j 0pen a mine 0f philological difcoveries. We
tele Lan- now procee(i to give as exa6l an account of the
i ! ^ conftituent parts of this language as the nature of our
defign will permit.
It is copious -The Sanfcrit language is very copious and nervous,
and ner- The firft of thefe qualities arifes in a great meafure
vous. from the vaft number of compound words with which
it is almoft overftocked. “ The Sanfcrit (fays Sir
William Jones), like the Greek, Perfian, and German,
delights in compounds j but to a much higher degree,
and indeed to fuch excefs, that I could produce words
of more than 20 fyllables; not formed ludicroufly like
that by which the buffoon in Ariitopbanes defcribes a
feaft, but with perfect ferioufnefs, on the moft folemn
occafions, and in the moft elegant works.” But the
ftyle of its belt authors is wonderfully concife. In the
vegularity of its etymology it far exceeds the Greek
and Arabic j and, like them, has a prodigious number
of derivatives from each primary root. The gramma¬
tical rules alfo are numerous and difficult, though there
are not many anomalies. As one initance of the truth
of this affertion, it may be obferved, that there are
leven declenfions of nouns, all ufed in the fingular, the
dual, and the plural numbers, and all of them different¬
ly formed, according as they terminate with a con-
fonant, with a long or a flrort vowel; and again, dif¬
ferent alfo as they are of different genders: not a no¬
minative cafe can be formed to any one of thefe nouns
without the application of at leaff four rules, which
vary likewife with each particular difference of the
nouns, as above ftated: add to this, that every word
in the language may be ufed through all the feven de¬
clenfions, which is a full proof of the difficulty of the
idiom.
The Sanfcrit grammars are called Beeakerun, of which
there are many compofed by different authors •, fome too
abftrufe even for the cofnprehenfion of moft bramins,
and others too prolix to be ever ufed as references. One
of the ffiorteft, named the Sarafootee, contains between
two and three hundred pages, and was compiled by
Anoobhootee Seroopenam Acharige, with a concife-
nefs that can fcarcely be paralleled in any other lan-
97 §uage- . , . . ,
Sanfcrit The Sanfcrit alphabet contains 50 letters; and it
alphabet, is one boaft of the bramins, that it exceeds all other
alphabets in this refpeft : but it muft be obferved, that
as of their 34 confonants, near half carry combined
founds, and that fix of their vowels are merely the cor-
■refpondent long ones to as many which are ftiort, the
advantage feems to be little more than fanciful. Be¬
tides thefe, they have a number of characters which Mr
Halhed calls connected vowels, but which have not
. been explained by the learned prefident of the Afiatic
Society.
♦ Plate The Sanfcrit charadter ufed in Upper Kindoftan *
CCCCXYX is faid to be the fame original letter that was firft de¬
livered to the people by Brahma, and is now called
Diewnagur, or the language of angels, which ftiows the
high opinion that the bramins have entertained of that
character. Their confonants and vowels are wonder-
3/9
fully, perhaps wliimfically, modified and diverfified; to Sanfcrit
enumerate which, in this place, would contribute very a|‘c| ^nga-
little either to the entertainment or inftruCtion of our
readers. All thefe diftinCtions are marked in the Beids 1 v *
(l), and muft be modulated accordingly j fo that they
produce all the effeCt of a laboured recitative : but by
an attention to the mufic of the chant, the fenfe of the
paffage recited equally efcapes the reader and the audi¬
ence. It is remarkable, that the jews in their fyna-
gogues chant the Pentateuch in the fame kind of me¬
lody ; and it is fuppofed that this ufage has defcended
to them from the remoteft ages.
The Sanfcrit poetry comprehends a very great va- foetry.
riety of different metres, of which the moft common are
thefe:
The munnee hurreneh chJiund, or line of 12 or 19
fyllables, wffiich is fcanned by three fyllables in a foot,1
and the moft approved foot is the anapaeft.
The cdbee chhund, or line of eleven fyllables.
The anujhtofe chhund, or line of eight fyllables.
The poems are generally compofed in ftanzas of
four lines, called ajhlogues, which are regular or irre¬
gular.
The moft common afhlogue is that of the anujhtofe
chhund, or regular ftanza of eight fyllables in each line.
In this meafure the greateft part of the Mdhdhdret is
compofed. The rhyme in this kind of ftanza fliould be
alternate; but the poets do not feem to be very nice in
the obfervance of a Uriel correfpondence in the founds
of the terminating fyallables, provided the feet of the
verfe are accurately kept.
This ftiort anujhtofe ajhlogue is generally written by
two verfes in one line, with a paufe between $ fo the
whole then affumes the form of a long diftich.
The irregular ftanza is conftantly called amjdchhund,
of whatever kind of irregularity it may happen to con-
lift. It is moft commonly compounded of the long line
cdbee chhund and the ftiort anujhtofe chhund alternately;
in which form it bears fome refemblance to the molt
common lyric meafure of the Engliffi.
Perhaps our readers may feel a curiofity to be inform¬
ed of the origin of this oriental tongue. If we believe
the bramins themfelves, it was coeval with the race of
man, as was obferved towards the beginning of this fec-
tion. The bramins, however, are not the only people
wffio aferibe a kind of eternity to their own particular
dialefl. We find that the Sanfcrit in its primitive de- ^
ftination was appropriated to the offices of religion. It Origin of
is indeed pretended, that all the other diale£ls Ipoken in this tongue,.-
Hindoftan were emanations from that fountain, to which
they might be traced back by a Ikilful etymologift.
This, we think, is an argument of no great confequence,
fince we believe that all the languages of Europe, by
the fame procefs, may be deduced from any one of thofe
current in that quarter of the globe. By a parity of
reafon, all the different dialefts of Hindoftan may be
referred to the language in queftion. Indeed, if we
admit the authority of the Mofaic hiftory, all languages
whatfoever are derived from that of the firft man. It
is allowed that the language under confideration is im¬
pregnated with Perfian, Chaldaic, Phoenician, Greek,
and <
PHILOLOGY.
(l) The books which contain the religion of the bramins, ,
32°
PHILOLOGY.
Sea. V.
Sanfcrit and even Latin idioms. This, we think, affords a pre-
ion that the Sanfcrit was one of thofe original dia-
guages" ^e<^s which were gradually produced among the defcend-
ants of Noah, in proportion as they gradually receded
'from the centre of population. What branch or
branches of that family emigrated to Hindoftan, it is
not eafy to determine. That they were a party of the
defcendants of Shem is molt probable, becaufe the other
fepts of his pofterity fettled in that neighbourhood.
The fum then is, that the Hindoos were a colony con¬
fiding of the defcendants of the patriarch Shem.
It appears, however, by almoft numberlefs monuments
of antiquity ftill exilting, that at a very early period a
different race of men had obtained fettlements in that
country. It is now generally admitted, that colonies of
Egyptians had peopled a confiderable part of Hindo¬
ftan. Numberlefs traces of their religion occur eve¬
rywhere in thofe regions. The very learned prefi-
dent himfelf is pofitive, that veftiges of thofe facerdotal
wanderers are found in India, China, Japan, Tibet, and
-many parts of Tartary. Thofe colonifts, it is well
known, w'ere zealous in propagating their religious cere¬
monies wherever they refided, and wherever they travel¬
led. There is at the fame time even at this day a link¬
ing refemblance between the facred rites of the vulgar
Hindoos and thofe of the ancient Egyptians. The
prodigious ftatues of Salfette and Elephanta fabricated
in the Egyptian ftyle j the vaft excavations hewn out
of the rock in the former •, the wooly hair of the fta¬
tues, their diftorted attitudes, their grotefque appearan¬
ces, their triple heads, and various other configurations
—plainly indicate a foreign original. Thefe phenome¬
na fuit no other people on earth fo exactly as the fons
of Mizraim. The Egyptian priefts ufed a facred cha-
rafter, wEich none kneto but themfelves} none wrere al¬
lowed to learn except their children and the choice of
the initiated. All thefe‘features mark an exaft parallel
with the bramins of the Hindoos. Add to this, that
the drefs, diet, luftrations, and other rites of both fefts,
bore an exa£t refemblance to each other. Sir William
Jones has juftly obferved, that the letters of the Sanfcrit,
ftript of all adventitious appendages, are really the fquare
* Lib. iii. Chaldaic charafters. We learn from Cafliodorus * the
epift. 2. et f0qowJng particulars: “ The height of the obelilks is
equal to that of the circus j now the higher is dedicated
to the fun, and the lower to the moon, where the facred
rites of the ancients are intimated by Chaldaic figna-
tures by wray of letters.” Here then it is plain that
the facred letters of the Egyptians were Chaldaic, and
it is allowed that thofe of the bramins were of the
fame complexion ; which affords a new prefumption
of the identity of the Sanfcrit writh thofe juft men¬
tioned.
That the Egyptians had at a very early period pene¬
trated into Hindoftan, is univerfally admitted. Ofiris,
their celebrated monarch and deity, according to their
mythology, conducted an army into that country ; taught
the natives agriculture, laws, religion, and the culture
of the vine, &c. He is faid at the fame time to have
left colonies of priefts, as a kind of miflionaries, to in-
ftruct the people in the ceremonies of religion. Sefo-
ftris, another Egyptian potentate, likew’ife overran Hin- Sanfcrit
doftan with an army, and taught the natives many ufe-a“°(.■Eer,ga^,
ful arts and fciences. When the paftor-kings invaded e^a^'*cn*
and conquered Egypt, it is probable that numbers of u—y—Lj
the priefts, in order to avoid the fury of the mercilefs
invaders who demoliftied the temples and perfecuted the
minifters of religion, left their native country, and tranf-
ported themfelves into India. Thefe, wre ftiould think,
were the authors both of the language and religion of
the bramins. This dialed!, as imported by the Egyp¬
tians, was probably of the fame contexture with the fa¬
cred language of that people, as it appeared many ages
after. The Indians, who have always been an invent¬
ive and induftrious race of men, in procefs of time cul¬
tivated, improved, diverfified, and conftrudted that lan¬
guage with fuch care and afliduity, that it gradually ar¬
rived at that high degree of perfedtion in which at pre-
fent it appears.
Had the learned prefident of the Afiatic Society (m),
when he inftituted a comparifon between the deities of
Hindoftan on the one fide and of Greece and Italy on
the other, examined the analogy between the gods of
Hindoftan and thofe of Egypt, we think he would have
performed a piece of fervice ftill more eminent. Having
firft demonftrated the fimilarity between the divinities
of India and Egypt, he might then have proceeded to
inveftigate the refemblance of the Egyptian and Phoe¬
nician with thofe of Greece and Rome. By this pro¬
cefs a chain wrould have been formed which would
have condudted his reader to comprehend at one view
the identity of the Zabian worfliip almoft throughout
the wrorld.
We forefee that it wall be objected to this hypothe-
fis, that all the diale£ts of Hindoftan being clearly re¬
ducible to the Sanfcrit, it is altogether impoflible that it
could have been a foreign language. To this wre an-
fwer, that at the early period when this event is fuppo-
fed to have taken place, the language of the pofterity
of the fons of Noah had not deviated confiderably from
the primitive ftandard, and confequently the language
of the Egyptians and the Hindoos w^as nearly the fame.
The Sanfcrit was gradually improved : the language of
the vulgar, as is always the cafe, became more and more
different from the original archetype j but ftill retained
fuch a near refemblance to the mother-tongue as proved
the verity of its extraction. IO(3 t
To the preceding account of the Sanfcrit language Bengalefe
wre (hall annex a few ftriCtures on the language of Ben- language
gal, which %ve believe is derived from the other, and
is in moft common ufe in the fouthern parts of Hin- sanfcrit,
doftan.
Though moft of the ancient oriental tongues are
read from right to left, like the Hebrew, Chaldaic, A-
rabic, &c. yet fuch as properly belong to the whole con¬
tinent of India proceed from left to right like thofe of
Europe. The Arabic, Perfian, &c. are the grand
fources whence the former method has been derived j
but with thefe, the numerous original dialeCts of Hindo¬
ftan have not the fmalleft connection or refemblance.
The great number of letters, the complex mode of
combination, and the difficulty of pronunciation, are
confiderable
4
(m) See that gentleman’s difeourfe, Refearches, Vol. I.
Se<a. V.
XOI
Bengal
alphabet.
102
Genders,
Sanfcrit confiderable impediments to the ftudy of the Bengal
and Benga- language : and the careleflhefs and ignorance of the
people, and the inaccuracy ox their characters, aggra¬
vate thefe inconveniences. Many of their chara&ers
are fpurious; and thefe, by long ufe and the hurry of
bufinefs, are now aim oft naturalized into the language.
The Bengal alphabet, like that of the Sanfcrit, from
which it is derived, confifts of 50 letters, whofe form,
order, and found, may be learned from Mr Halhed’s
grammar of the Bengal language. The vowels are di¬
vided into long and (hort, the latter of which are often
omitted in writing. Moft of the oriental languages are
conftruCted upon the fame principle, with refpecf to the
omiflion of the fhort vowel. The Hebrews had no
fign to exprefs it before the invention of the Maforetic
points; in Arabic it is rarely inferted unlefs upon very
folemn occafions, as in the Koran j in the modern Per-
fian it is univerfally omitted : fo to all the confonants in
the Sanfcrit, the fhort vowel is an invariable appendage,
and is never fignified by any diacritical mark ; but
where the conftuiction requires that the vowel Ihould
be dropped, a particular ftroke is fet under the letter.
It is in vain to pretend, in a fketch like this, to detail
the found and pronunciation of thefe letters; this muft
be acquired by the ear and by pradiice.
In the Bengal language there are three genders, as
&c. of this in Greek, Arabic, flkc. The authors of this threefold
language, divifion of genders, with refpeft to their precedence, ap¬
pear to have'confidered the neuter as a kind of refidu-
um refulting from the two others, and as lefs worthy or
lefs comprehenfive than either (fee Sedlion of the Greek.)
The terminations ufually applied upon this oceafion are
aa for the mafculine, and ee for the feminine. In San¬
fcrit, as in Greek and Latin, the names of all things in¬
animate have different genders, founded on vague and
incomprehenftble diftindlions : the fame is the cafe with
IC, the Bengal.
A Sanfcrit noun, on its firft formation *from the ge¬
neral root, exifts equally independent of cafe as of gen¬
der. It is neither/nominative, nor genitive, nor accufa-
tive ; nor is impreffed with any of thofe modifications
which mark the relation and connexion between the
feveral members of a fen fence. In this ftate it is called
an imperfeB or crude noun. To make a nominative of
a word, the termination muft be changed and a new
form fupplied. Thus we fee, that in the Sanfcrit, at
leaft, the nominative has an equal right with any other
inflexion to be called a cafe. Every Sanfcrit noun has
feven cafes, exclufive of the vocative ; and therefore com¬
prehends two more than even thofe of the Latin. Mr
Halhed above mentioned details all the varieties of
thefe Mth great accuracy, to rvhofe Grammar we muft
refer our readers. The Bengal has omv four cafes be-
fide the vocative j in which refpeft it * much inferior
to the other.
It -would be difficult to account for the variety of
words which have been allotted to the clafs of pronouns
by European grammarians. The firft and fecond per-
fon are chiefly worthy of obfervation : thefe two ftiould
feem to be confined to rational and converfable beings
only : the third fupplies the place of every objeft in na¬
ture 5 wherefore it muft neceflarily be endued with a
capacity of fliifting its gender refpe&ively as it ftiifts the
lubjefl ; and hence it is in Sanfcrit frequently denomi¬
nated an adjeclivo. One of the demonftratives hie or
Vol. XVI. Part I.
Peculiari¬
ties of
Sanfcrit
and Ben-
galefe
nouns.
PHILOLOGY. 321
iile ufually ferves for this purpofe ; and generally the Sanfcrit
latter, which in Arabic has no other name than dhemeer*^ ®tlTSa-
elghaayb, “ the pronoun of the abfentee,” for whofe g^ages ^
name it is a fubftitute. u>
In moft languages where the verb has a feparate in- 104
fledlion for each perfon, that inflection is fufficient toBengalefe
afeertain the perfonality ; but in Bengal compofitions,Pro iuut,s‘
though the firft and fecond perfons occur very frequent¬
ly, nothing is more rare than the ufage of the pronoun
of the third j and names of perfons are inferted with a
conftant and difgufting vepetition, to avoid, as it ftiould
feem, the application of the words HK and she. The
fecond perfon is alw7ays ranked before the firft, and the
third before the fecond. The perfonal pronouns have
feven cafes, which are varied in a very irregular manner.
Leaving thefe to the Bengalian grammar, we {hall pro¬
ceed to the verb.
The Sanfcrit, the Arabic, the Greek and Latin verbs,
are furniftied with a fet of inflexions and terminations
fo comprehenfive and fo complete, that by their form
alone they can exprefs all the different diftinXions bofh
of perfons and time. Three feparate qualities in them
are perfeXly blended and united. Thus by their root
they denote a particular aX, and by their infleXion both
point out the time when it takes place and the number
of the agents. In Perfian, as in Englifh, the verb ad¬
mits but of twro forms, on£ for the prefent tenfe and one
for the aorift 5 and it is obfervable, that while the paft
tenfe is provided for by a peculiar infleXion, the future
is generally fupplied by an additional word conveying
only the idea of time, without any other influence on
the aX implied by the principal verb. It is alfo fre¬
quently neceffary that the different ftate of the aXion,
as perfeX or imperfeX, be further afeertained in each
of the tenfes, paft, prefent, and future. This alfo, in the
learned languages, is performed by other variations of
inflexions, for which other verbs and other particles
are applied in the modern tongues of Europe and
Perfia.
Every Sanfcrit,verb has a form equivalent to the Middle
middle voice of the Greek, ufed through all the tenfes voice of
with a refleXive fenfe, and the former is even the moftSanfcnt
extenfive of the two in its ufe and office : for in Greekverbs*
the refleXive can only be adopted intranfitively when
the aXion of the verb defeends to no extraneous fub-
jeX 5 but in Sanfcrit, the verb is both reciprocal and
tranfitive at the fame time.
Neither the Sanfc’rit, nor the Bengalefe, nor the Hin-
doftanic, have any-word precifely anfwering to the fenfe
of the verb I have, and confequently the idea is always
exprefled by eft mild; and of court there is no auxilia¬
ry form in the Bengal verb correfpondent to 1 have
written, but the fenfe is conveyed by another mode.
The verb fubftantive, in all languages, is defeXive and
irregular, and therefore the Sanfcrit calls 4 a femi-verb.
It is curious to obferve that the prefent teni'e of this
verb, both in Greek and Latin, and alfo in the Perfian,
appears plainly to be derived from the Sanfcrit. In the
Bengalefe, this verb has but twro diftinXions of time,
the prefent and the paft ; the terminations of the feveral
perfons of which ferve as a model for thofe of the lame io£
tenfe in all other verbs refpeXively. Charai-
Verbs of the Bengal language maybe divided int0,:®n^:cs X
three claffes, which are diitinguifhed by their penulti-
IY1 tl 11 letter* i L or»rl vrirsll- r* rxrvn rv* IV* *-*-*-» L n r. •
The Ample and moft common form has verbs.
S f an
H I L 0 L O G Y. Sea. V.
Sanfcrlt an open confonant immediately preceding tire final let-
and Benga-terof t|le infinitive. The lecond is compofed of thofe
Jefc Lan- words wp0fe final letter is preceded by another vowel or
i °l *.1 open confonant going before it. Ihe third confifts en¬
tirely of ca.if ils derived from verbs of the firft and fe-
cond conjugations. The reader will eafily guels at the
impoflibility of profecutmg this tabject to any greater
length : we fh&ll therefore conclude with a few remarks
collected from the grammar fo often mentioned, which
we apprehend may be more amufing, if not more in-
liructing.
The Greek verbs in ft; are formed exactly upon the
fame principle with the Sanfcrit conjugations, even in
the minuteft particulars. Inltaricfes of this are produced
in m'any verbs, which from a root form a new verb by
adding the fyllable mi, and doubling the firft confonant..
This mode furnifhes another pretumption ot the Egyp¬
tian origin of the Sanfcrit. Many Greeks travelled in¬
to Egypt i many Egyptian colonies fettled in Greece.
By one or other of thofe channels the foregoing inno¬
vation might have been introduced into the Greek lan¬
guage.
To form the paft tenfe, the Sanfcrit applies a fyllabic
augment, as is done in the Greek : the future has for its
charafteriftic a letter analogous to that of the lame tenfe
in the Greek, and it omits the reduplication of the firft
confonant. It may be added, that the reduplication of
the firft confonant is not conftamly applied to the pre-
fent fenie of the Sanfcrit more than to thofe of the
barraffment in the form of a declenfion. Thofe are too Sanfcrit
few in the Greek language, which occafions much in - a,jd Bengal
convemence. bee iect. ureek. ^uao.e^
The Latin is Ids polished than the Greek, and of con- i—— »
fequence bears a much nearer reiemblance to the San¬
fcrit, both in words, inflexions, and terminations.
The learned are now convinced that the uic of nu¬
merical figures was firft derived from India. Indeed
the antiquity of their application in that country far
exceeds the powers cf inveftigation. All the nume¬
rals in Sanfcrit have different forms for the different
genders, as in Arabic. There appears a ftrohg pro¬
bability that the European method of computation was
derived from India, as it is much the fame with the
Sanfcrit, though we think tlie Europeans learned it
from the Arabians. The Bengalefe merchants compute
the largeft fums by fours; a cuftom evidently derived
from the original mode of computing by the fingers.
The Sanrcrit language, among other advantages, has
a great variety in the mode of arrangement j and the
words are fo knit and compaXed together, that every
fentence appears like one complete word. When
two or more words come together in regimine, the lait
of them only lias the termination of a cafe ;* the others
are known by their pofition •, and the whole fentence fo
conneXed, forms but one compound word, whicn is call¬
ed afoot.
Sect. VI. O f the Chinefe Language.
Greek.
The natural fimplicity and elegance of many of the
Afiatic languages are greatly debafed and corrupted by
the continual abufe of auxiliary verbs •, and tnis incon¬
venience has evidently affeXed the Periian, the Ilindo-
ftan, and the Bengal idioms.
The infinitives of verbs in the Sanfcrit and Benga¬
lefe are always ufed as fubftantive nouns. Every body
knows that the fame mode of arrangement very often
occurs in the Greek.
In the Sanfcrit language, as in the Greek, there
are forms of infinitives and of participles comprehen-
five of time *, there are alfo other branches of the verb
that feem to refemble the gerunds and fupines of the
i.atin.
All the terms which ferve to qualify, to diftinguifh,
or to augment, either fohjiance or aEhon, are clafled by
the Sanfcrit grammarians under one head ; and the
word ufed to -exprefs it literally fignifies increafe or ad¬
dition. According to their arrangement, a fimple fent¬
ence confifts of three members; the agent, the aftion,
the fubjeB: which, in a grammatical fenfe, are reduced
to two •, the noun and the verb. They have a particu¬
lar word to fpecify fuch words as amplify the noun
w'hich imports quality, and anfwers to our adjectives or
epithets: Such as are applied to denote relation or con¬
nexion, are intimated by another term which we may
tranflate prepofition.
Sanfcrit The adjeXives in Bengalefe have no diftinXion of
and Benga- gender or number •, but in Sanfcrit thefe words pre-
lefe adjec- ferve the diftinXion of gender, as in the Greek and
tives- Latin.
Prepofitions are fubftitutes for cafes, which could not
have been extended to the number neceffary lor expref-
fing all the feveral relations and predicaments in which
a noun may be found, without caufing too much em-
The Chinefe, according to the moil authentic ac- Antiquity
counts, area people of great antiquity. iheir filua-of the edi¬
tion was fuch, as, in the earlieft ages of the world, •-ele.
in a great meafure lecured them from hollile invafion.
Their little commerce with the reft of mankind pre¬
cluded them the knowledge of thofe improvements
which a mutual emulation had often- generated among
other nations, who were fituated in luch a manner, with
relation to each other, as ferved to promote a mutual
intercourfe ana correfpondence. As China is a large
and fertile country, producing all the necefiaries, con-
veniencies, and even the luxuries of life, its inhabitants
were not under the neceftity of looking abroad for the
two former, nor expofed to the temptation of engaging
in foreign commerce, in order to procure the latter.
PerfeXly fatisfied with the articles which their own
country produced, they applied themfelves entirely to
the praXice of agriculture and other arts conneXed
with that profeflion ; and their frugality, which they re¬
tain even to this day, taught them the lefibn of being
contented with little } of confequence, though their po¬
pulation was aim oft incredible, the produce of their foil
was abundantly Efficient to yield them a fubfiftence.
Their inventions were their own j and. as they bor¬
rowed nothing from other people, they gradually be¬
gan to defpife the reft of mankind, and, like the an¬
cient Egyptians, branded them with the epithet of bar¬
barians.
Thofe people had at an early period made amazing
proficiency in the mechanical arts. Their progrefs
in the liberal fciences, according to the lateft and in¬
deed the moft probable accounts, was by no means pro¬
portioned. In mathematics, geometry, and aftronomy,
their knowledge was' contemptible ; and in ethics, or
moral. philofophy, the complexion of their laws and
cuftoms
Sea. VI.
PHIL O
Chinf fe
Language.
109
Their ian-
puaae an
original
tongue.
cuftoms proves their Ikill to have been truly fuperficial.
They v lue themfelves very highly at prelent upon their
oratorial talents; and yet of all languages fpoken by
any civilized people, theirs is confcITedly the lead im¬
proved. To what this untowardly defect is owing, the
learned have not yet been able to determine.
The language of the Chinefe is totally different
from thole of all other nations, and bears very ilrong
marks of. an original tongue. All its words are mo-
nofyllabic, and competitions and derivations are al¬
together unknown. Their nouns and verbs admit of
no dexions •, in inert, every thing relating to their idi¬
oms is peculiar, and incapable of being compared with
any other dialect fpoken by any civilized people. Moll
barbarous languages exhibit fomething that refembles an
attempt towards tbofe diacritical modifications of fpeech;
whereas the Chinefe, after a fpace of 4000 years, have
not advanced one ftep beyond the very firit elements of
ideal communication. This circumffance, we think, is
a plain demonftration that they did not emigrate from
that region where the primitive race of mankind is
thought to have fixed its refidence. Some have im¬
agined, we believe with good reafon, that they are a
Tartarian race, which, breaking off from the main
body of that numerous and widely extended people, di¬
rected their march towards the fouth eaft. There, fall¬
ing in with delightful and fertile plains which their po-
fterity now inhabit, they found themfelves accommodat¬
ed fo much to their liking, that they dropped all defire
of changing their habitations. The country of China
is, indeed, fo environed with mountains, deferts, and feas,
that it would have been difficult for men in their primi¬
tive ftate to have emigrated into any of the neighbour¬
ing regions. Thus fecluded from the reft of mankind,
the Chinefe, in all probability, were left to the ftrength
of their own inventive powers to fabricate a language,
as well as the other arts and improvements neceffary for
the fupport and convenience of life.
It is indeed obvious that their flock of vocables,
when they emigrated from Tartary, was neither ample
nor properly accommodated to anfwer the purpofes
of the mutual conveyance of ideas. With this {len¬
der flock, however, they feem to have been fatisfied \
for it does not appear that any additions were after¬
wards made fo that which was originally imported.
Inftead of framing a new race of terms by compound¬
ing their primitive ones •, inftead of diverfifying them
by inflections, or multiplying them by derivatives, as
is done in every other language ; they rather chofe to
retain their primitive words, and by a variety of mq-
dincations, introduced upon their orthography or pro¬
nunciation, to accommodate them to a variety of fig-
nlficfitions. Were is poffible to ferutinize all the Tar¬
tarian dialecfts, and to’ reduce them to their primitive mo-
nofyllabic character, perhaps the original language of
the Chinefe might be inveftigated and atccrtained. We
know that attempts have been made to compare it with
iome of the other Afiatic languages, efpecially the He¬
brew : This labour has, however, proved unfuccefsful,
and no primeval identity has been difeovered. Before
this comparifon could be inftituted with the moft di-
ftant profptft of faccefs, the language laft mentioned
muft be flripped of all its adventitious qualities; and
net only fo, but it muft be reduced to the monofyllabic
L O G Y. 323
tone, and then contrafted with the Chinefe monofyl- Ciunefe
lables; an undertaking which we are perfuaded would WinSu fW
not be readily executed. After all, we are convinced
that no refemblance of any importance would be dif¬
eovered. rio
The Chinefe language muft then, in our opinion, Procefs of
have been T Tartarian dialeff, as the people them-hsfabrica-
felves were colonifts from Tart ary. We have obferved Uon‘
above, that thofe people have riot hitherto found out the
art of compofition of words. This is the more iurpri-
fing, when we confider that, in the chara&ers which
form their written language, they employ many com-
pofitions. For example-, the charaefer by which they
reprefent misfortune, is compofed of one hieroglyphic
which reprefents a houfe, and another which denotes
fire; becaufe the greateft misfortune that can hefal a
man is to have his houfe on fire. W'ith refpect to the
language which they ufe in fpeech, though they very
often employ many words to exprefs one thing, yet
they never run them together into one word, making
certain changes upon them that they may incorporate
the more conveniently, but always preferve them entire
-and unaltered. Xir
The whole number of words in the Chinefe language Paucity of
does not exceed 1200: the nouns are but 326. It its words,
muff certainly appear furprifing, that a people whofe
manners are fo highly poiiihed and refined, ftiould be
able to exprefs fo many things as muft of necefiity
attend fuch a courfe of life by fo'fmall a number of
words, and thofe too monofyllables. The difficulties
which attend this lingular mode muft be felt alnioft
every inftant; circmnfiances which, according to the
ordinary courfe of things, ftiould have induced them
to attempt both an augmentation of the number of
their words and an extenfion of tbofe which they had
by compofition and derivation. We learn from Du
Halde * that the Chinefe have two different dialecls: * jjiJl. of
the one vulgar, which is fpoken by the vulgar, and Chum,
varies according to the different provinces; the other is v0^ ’1-
called tire Mandarin language, and is current only a-
mong the learned. The latter is properly that which
was formerly fpoken at court in the province of Kiang-
nan, and gradually fpyend among the polite people in
the other provinces.
•ingly, this language :■
fpoken with more elegance te provinces adjoining
to Kiang-nan than in any othe* part of the kingdom.
By flow degrees it was introduced into all parts of the
empire, and confequently became the univerfal lan¬
guage.
It then appears that the modern language of Chi¬
na was originally the court dialect, and utterly un¬
known to the bulk of the people. From this circum-
ftance we think it may fairly be concluded that this
diale£t was deemed the royal tongue, and had been
fabricated on purpofe to diftinguifh it from the vul¬
gar dialedts. We learn from Heliodorus, that the f E-1 Ethiop.
thiopians had a royal language which was the fame!lb> VK
with the iacred idiom of the Egyptians. This Man¬
darin tongue was on* Tally an artificial dialed! fabri¬
cated with a view 1o enhance the majefty of the court,
and to raife its very ftyle and didlion above that of the
reft of mankind. The Chinefe, a wonderfully inventive
people, might adlually contrive a language of that
complexion, with an intentiori to. render it obfeure
S f 2 ’ and
324 PHILO
Chiuefe and enigmatical (n). Sucli a plan would excite their
Language^ admiration, and would at the fame time greatly ex-
' ceed their comprehenfion. In procefs of time, when
the Chinefe empire was extended, the Mandarins who
had been been brought up at court, and underilood no¬
thing of the provincial dialefls, found it convenient to
have the moil eminent perfons in every province taught
the language employed by themfelves in order to qualify
them for tranfafling the affairs of government with
them in a language which both underffood. By this
means the royal dialetl defcended to the vulgar, and
in procefs of time became univerfal. The Tartar dia¬
led formerly in ufe vanilhed •, only a few velliges of it
remained ; which gradually incorporating with the royal
language, occafioned the variation of provincial tongues
above mentioned.
We are therefore clearly of opinion, that the mo¬
dern language of the Chinefe was deduced from the
original Mandarin, or court dialect, and that this laft
v. an artificial fpeech fabricated by the Ikill and inge¬
nuity of that wonderful people. The learned have long
hcht t up as the primary dialefl, becaufe, fay they, it
bears all the lignatures of an original unimproved lan¬
guage. In our opinion, nothing appears more inge-
nioufiy artificial. It is univerfally allowed that, in
its flrufture, arrangement, idioms, and phrafeology,
it relembles no other language. Is not every learned
man now convinced that all the Afiatic languages yet
known, difcover unequivocal fymptoms of their cog¬
nation and family refemblance ? The Ethiopians,Chal¬
deans, Arabians, Perfians, Egyptians, Hebrews, Phoe¬
nicians, the Brahmans, Bengalefe, the Hindoos border¬
ing upon China, all fpeak only different dialefts of one
language, varying from the original in dialeif only,
fome in a greater fome in a leffer degree : why Ihould
the Chinefe alone Hand altogether infulated and unal¬
lied ?
The languages of the North all wear congenial fea¬
tures. The Tartar or Tatar dialedls of every clan,
of every canton, of every denomination, exhibit the
molt palpable proofs of a near affinity : the Gothic and
Sclavonian dialefls, which pervade a great part of Eu¬
rope and fome parts of Alia, are obvioufly brethren,
and may eafily be traced up to an Afiatic original.
Even fome of the American jargon dialefts contain vo¬
cables which indicate an Afiatic or European original.
Our readers, we flatter ourfelves, will agree with us,
that had the language of the Chinefe been the original
language, a refemblance muff have ftill exifted between
it and its defcendants. If it had originated from any
other language, it 'would have retained fome charafter-
iftic features of its parent archetype. As neither of
thefe is to be found in the fabric of the language under
confideration, the conclufion muff be, that it is a lan¬
guage entirely different from all other tongues •, that it
is conftrufted upon different principles, defcended from
different parents, and framed by different arlifts.
The Chinefe themfelves have a common and imme¬
morial tradition, that their language was framed by Tao
LOGY.
Sea. VI.
their firfl: emperor, to whom they attribute the inven- Chineie
tion of every thing curious, ufeful, and ornamental. Language.^
Traditional hiftory, when it is ancient, uniform, and uni- *
verfal, is generally well founded : upon this occafion we
think the tradition above mentioned may be fairly ad¬
mitted as a collateral evidence. ... i12
The paucity of vocables contained in this Angular A proof 0f
language, we think another prefumption of its artificial its artificial
contexture. The Chineie Onomathetce would find it an ftrudture.
arduous talk to dcvife a great number of new terms, and
would therefore reft fatisfied with the fmalleft number
poffible. In other languages we find the like economy
was obferved. Rather than fabricate new words, men
chofe fometimes to adapt old words to new, and, upon
fome occafions, even to contrary fignifications. To
fpare themfelves the trouble of coining new terms, they
contrived to join feveral old ones into one ; whence
arofe a numerous race of compounds. Derivatives too
were fabricated to anfwer the fame purpofe. By this
procefs, inftead of creating new vocables, old ones
were compounded, diverfified, deflected, ramified, me-
tamorphofed, and tortured into a thoufand different
ftiapes.
The Greek is defervedly efteemed a rich and copious
language 5 its radical words have been curioufly traced
by leveral learned men, who, after the mcft laborious
and exaft fcrutiny, have found that they do not amount
to more than 300. ’ihe Sanfcrit language is highly
compounded} its radical terms, however, are very few
in number. Upon the whole, we think we may con¬
clude, that the more any language abounds in com¬
pounds and derivatives, the fmalier will be the number
of its radical terms. The Arabic admits of no compo-
lition, and of confequence its words have been multi¬
plied almoft in infinitum; the Sanfcrit, the Pern an, and
the Greek, abound with compounds, and we find their
radicals are few in proportion. _
There are, we think, three different methods which xhree aif.
may be employed in order to enrich and extend theferent me¬
lange of a language, iff, By fabricating a multitudethodsof
of words ; the plan which has been purlued by the ^ ia uAei
Arabs. 2d, By framing a multitude of compounds and
derivatives 5 the artifice employed by the Greeks and the
authors of the Sanfcrit. 3d, By varying the fignifica-
tion of words without enlarging their number 5 the me¬
thod prafhled by the Chinefe and their colonifts. I he
Arabians, we think, have ffiown the moft fertile and
inventive genius, fince they have enriched their lan¬
guage by aftually creating a new and a moft numerous
race of words. The fabricators of the Sanfcrit and the
collectors of the Greek have exhibited art, but com/m-
natively little fertility of genius. Leaving, therefore,
the Arabians, as in juftice we ought, mailers of the
field in the conteft relating to the formation of language,
we may range the Greek and Sanfcrit on the one fide,
and the Chinefe on the othej *, and having made this
arrangement, we may attempt to difccver on which fide
the largeft proportion of genius and invention feems to
reft.
(N) An attempt of this nature, among a people like the Chinefe, is by no means improbable 5 nor is its fuccefs
left probable. For a proof of this, we need Uhly have recourfe to Eilhop Wilkins s Artificial Language,
Pfalmanazar’s Dictionary of the language of formofa.
Seel. VI.
PHILO
Chlnefe The Greek and Sanfcrit (for we have fele&ed them
Language. as moft highly compounded) exhibit a great deal of art
' in modifying, arranging, and diverfifying their com¬
pounds and derivatives, in fuch a manner as to qualify
*'4 them for intimating complex ideas-, but the Chinefe
dopted by have performed the fame office by the help of a race of
the Chi- monofyllabic notes, fimple, inflexible, invariable, and at
r.eie. the fame time few in number. The queftion then comes
to be, whether more art is difplayed in new-modelling
old words by means of declenfions, compounds, and de¬
rivatives or by devifing a plan according to which mo¬
nofyllabic radical terms, abfolutely invariable, ffiould,
by a particular modification of found, anfwer all the
purpofes performed by the other. The latter appears
to us much more ingenioufly artificial. The former re-
fembles a complicated machine compofed of a vatf
number of parts, congenial indeed, but loofely conned!"
ed 5 the latter may be compared to a fimple, uniform
engine, eafily managed, and all its parts properly ad-
jufted. Let us now fee in what manner the people in
queflion managed their monofyllabic notes, fo as to qua¬
lify them for anfwering all the purpofes of fpeech.
Though the number of words in the Chinefe lan¬
guage does not amount to above 1200 ; yet that fmall
number of vocables, by their artificial management,
is fufficient to enable them to exprefs themfelves with
cafe and perfpicuity upon every fubjeft. Without
multiplying words, the fenfe is varied almoft in infinitum
by the variety of the accents, inflexions, tones, afpi-
rations, and other changes of the voice and enuncia¬
tion j circumftances which make thofe who do not
thoroughly underftand the language frequently miftake
one word for another. This will appear obvious by an
example.
The-word leov pronounced flowly, drawing out the
v and raifing the voice, fignifies a lord or mafier. If
it is pronounced with an even tone, lengthening the v,
it fignifies a hog. When it is pronounced quick and
lightly, it imports a kitchen. If it be pronounced in a
ftrong and mafculine tone, growing weaker towards the
end, it fignifies a column.
By the fame economy, the fyllable po, according to
the various accents, and the different modes of pronun¬
ciation, has eleven different fignifications. It fignifies
glafis, to boil, to winnow rice, wife or liberal, to prepare,
an old woman, to break or cleave, inclined, a very little,
to water, a fiave or captive. From thefe examples, and
frcm almoft numberlefs others which might be adduced,
it is abundantly evident that this language, which at firft
fight appears fo poor and confined, in confequence of
the fmall number of the monofyllables of which it is
compofed, is notwithftanding very copious, rich, and ex-
preffive.
Again, the fame word joined to various others, im¬
ports a great many different things 5 for example mou,
when alone, fignifies a tree, wood; but when joined with
another word, it has many other fignincations. Mou
leoo, imports “ wood prepared for building mou lan,
is “ bars, or wooden grates mou Ida, “ a box 5” mou
fiang, “ a cheft of drawers-,” mou tfiang, “ a carpenter;”
mou eul, “ a mulhroom ;” mou nu, “ a fort of fmall
orange ;” mou fing, “ the planet Jupiter ;” mou mien,
“ cotton,” &c. This word may be joined to feveral
others, and has as many different fignifications as it has
different combinations.
LOG Y. &SF
Thus the Chinefe, .by a different arrangement of Chinefe
their monofyllables, can compofe a regular and ele- Language.
gant difcourfe, and communicate their ideas with ener¬
gy and precifion ; nay even with gracefulnefs and pro¬
priety. In thefe qualities they are not excelled either
by the Europeans or Afiatics, who ufe alphabetical
letters. In fine, the Chinefe fo naturally diftinguilh
the tones of the fame monofyllable, that they com¬
prehend the fenfe of it, without making the leaft re~
fleXion on the various accents by which it is deter¬
mined. 115
We muft not, however, imagine, asfome authors have Confequen-
related, that thofe people cant in fpeaking, and make a^esof^hls
a fort of mufic which is very difagreeable to the car i ^onuncia^
thefe different tones are pronounced fo curioufly, that^on>
even ftrangers find it difficult to perceive their difference
even in the province of Kiang-nan, where the accent is
more perfeX than in any other. The nature of it may
be conceived by the guttural pronunciation in the Spa-
niih language, and by the different tones that are ufed
in the French and Italian : thefe tones are almoft imper¬
ceptible ; they have, however, different meanings, a
circumftance which gave rife to the proverb, that the
tone is all.
If the finenefs and delicacy of their tones are fuch
as to be fcarce perceptible to a ftranger, we muft fup-
pofe that they do net rife high, but only by fmall in¬
tervals ; fo that the mufic of their language muft fome-
what lefemble the mufic of the birds, which is within a
fmall compafs, but neverthelefs of great vanety of notes.
Hence it will follow, that ftrangers will find it very dif¬
ficult, if not impoffible, to learn this language ; more
efpecially if'they have not a delicate ear and a flexible
voice, and alfo much praXice. The great difference
then between the Chinefe and Greek accents confifts in
this, that the Greeks had but two accents* the grave and
acute, diftinguiihed by a large interval, and that not
very exaXly marked : for the acute, though it never rifes
above a fifth higher than the grave, did not always rife
fo high, but was fometimes pitched lower according to
the voice of the fpeaker. The Chinefe muft have many
more accents, and the intervals between them muft be
much fmaller, and much more carefully marked ; for
otherwife it would be impoflible to diilinguiffi them.
At the fame time, their language murt be much more
mufical than the Greek, and perhaps more fo than any
language ought to be •; but this becomes neceffary for
the purpofes above-mentioned. Du Halde is pofitive,
that notwithftanding the perpetual variation of accents
in the Chinefe tongue, and the almoft imperceptible in¬
tervals between thefe tones, their enunciation does not
referable finging : many people, however, who have re-
fided in China, are equally pofitive that the tone with
which they utter their words does aXually referable
canting ; and this, when we confider the almoft imper¬
ceptible intervals by which they are perpetually raifing
and lowering the tone of their voice, appears to us high¬
ly probable.
As'the people of whofe language we are treating at
prefent communicate a variety of different fignifications
to their monofyllabic wrards by their different accentuar
tion, fo they employ quantity for the very fame purpofe.
By lengthening or fhortening the vowels of their words,
they employ them to fignify very different things. The
fame they perform by giving their words different afpi- -
ration .
\
326
P H I L O L O G Y.
Sect. VI.
n6
Grammar
of the Chi-
lei'e.
Chinefe rations, as likewife by founding tbem Vvith different de-
l-anguage.|„rees 0f rougbnefs and fmootnnefs ; and even fometimes
by the different motion, pofture, or attitude, with which
their enunciation is accompanied. By thefe methods of
diverfifying their monofyllables (fays Du Halde), they
make 330 of them ferve all the purpoies of language,
and thefe too not much varied in their termination^ fmce
all the words in that language either terminate with a
vowel or with the conlonant fometimes with the con-
fonant g annexed.
From this account, we think it is evident that the
Chinefe, by a wonderful exe.rtion of, ingenuity, do, hv
different tones and prolbdical modifications, by means of
a very inconsiderable number of words," all invariable
radicals, actually perform all that the molt poliflied na¬
tions have been able to atchieve by their compounds,
derivatives, &c. divcrfified by declenfions, conjugations,
and flexions of every kind ; circumftances which, in our
opinion, refledl the greatelt honour on their inventive
powers.
With refpedf to the grammar of this language, as it
admits of no flexions, all their words being indeclinable,
their cafes and tenfes are all formed by particles. They
have no idea of genders 5 and even the diftindtion of
numbers, which in almoft all other languages, even the
moft unimproved, is marked by a particular word, is in
the Chinefe only indicated by a particle. They have
only the three fimple tenfes, namely, the paft, prefent,
and future ; and for want of different terminations, the
fame word Hands either for the verb or the verbal fub-
flantive, the adjeftive or the fubftantive derived from It,
according to its pofition in the fentence.
The Chinefe language being compofed of monofyl¬
lables, and thefe indeclinable, can fcarce be reduced to
grammatical rules : we fhall, however, attempt to lay
before our readers as much of the texture of that An¬
gular dialed! as may enable them to form fome vague
idea of its genius and conftitution. We (hall begin
with the letters, and proceed regularly to the remaining
parts as they naturally fucceed each other.
The art of joining the Chinefe monofyllables toge¬
ther is extremely difficult, and requires a very long and
laborious courfe of fludy. As they have only figures
by which they can exprefs their thoughts, and have no
accents in writing to vary the pronunciation, they are
obliged to employ as many different figures or charac¬
ters as there are different tones, which give fo many
different fignifications to the fame word. Befides, fome
ilngle characters fignify two or three words., and fome¬
times even a whole period. For .example, to write
thefe words, good morrow. Sir, inflead of joining the
charadfers which fignify good and morrow with that
of Sir, a different character muff be uled, and this cha¬
racter alone expreffes thefe three words. This circum-
ftance greatly contributes to multiply the Chinefe cha-
radlers.
This method of joining the monofyllables is indeed
fufilcient for writing fo as to be under-flood •, but it is
deemed trifling, and is ufed only by the vulgar. The
flyle that is employed, in order to fhine in compofi-
tion, is quite-different from that which is ufed in con-
verfation, though the words arc in reality the fame.
In writings of that fpecies, a man of letters muff ufe
more elegant phrafes, more lofty expreffions, and the
whole muff be dignified with tropes and figures which
>II7
Chinefe
letters or
characters
are not in general ufe, but in a peculiar manner adapt- Chinefe
ed to the nature of the fabjcdt in queftion. The cha- Language.
radlers of Cochin-china, of Tong-king, of Japan, are ^ * ""
the fame with thofe of the Chinefe, and fignify the
fame things; though, in fpeaking, thefe nations do not
exprefs themfeives.in the fame manner : of confequence
the language of converfation is very different, and they
are not able to underftand each other; while, at the
fame time, they underftand each other’s written lan¬
guage, and ufe ail their books in common.
The learned muff not only be acquainted with the
characters that are employed in the common affairs of
life, but muff alfio underftand their various- combinations,
and the numerous and multiform difpofitions and ar-
rangemefits which of feveral ample ftrokes make the
compound characters. The number of their characters n3
amounts to 80,000 ; and the man who knows the great-(x’cef,dmg.
eft number ol them is of courle the molt learned. I'korn pv !'uute* ~
this circumftance we may conclude, that many years " *
muff be employed to acquire the knowledge of fuch a
prodigious number of characters, to diftinguilh them
■when they are compounded, and to remember their drape
and import. After all, a perfon who underftands 10,000
characters may expreis himfelf with tolerable propriety
m this language, and may be able to read and under¬
ftand a great number of books. The generality of their
learned-men do not underffand above 15,000 or .20,000,
and few of their doctors have attained to the knowledge
of above 40,000. This prodigious number of characters
is collected in their great vocabulary called Hai-pien.
They have radical letters, which ftrow the origin of
words, and enable them to find out thofe which are >
derived from them: for inftance, the characters of
mountains,- of trees, man, the earth, of a horfe, under
which muff be fought all that belongs to mountains,
trees, man, &c. In this fearcb one muff learn to di-
ftinguifti in every word thofe ftrokes or figures which
are above, beneath, on the tides, or in the body of the
radical figure.
. Clemens Alexandrinus (fee SeCtion Chaldean, &c.)
informs us, that the Egyptians employed three forts of
characters: The firft was called the epijlolary, which
was ufed in writing letters; the fecond was denomi¬
nated facred, and peculiar to the facerdotal order ; the
laft hieroghjplacal, which was appropriated to monumen¬
tal inferiptions and other public memorials. This mode
of reprefentation was twrofold : one, and the molt fimple,
was performed by deferibing the picture of the ob-
•jeCt which they intended to reprefent, or at leaft one
that refembled it pretty nearly ; as when they exhi¬
bited the fun by a circle and the moon by a crefcent :
the other was properly fymbolic 5 as when they mark¬
ed eternity by a ferpent with his tail in his mouth, the
air by a man clothed in an azure robe ftudded with
ftars, &c.
The Chinefe, in all probability, had the fame variety,
of characters. In the beginning of their monarchy,
they communicated their ideas by drawing on paper
the images of the objeCts they intended to exprefs 5 that
is, they drew the figure of a bird, a mountain, a tree,
waving lines, to indicate birds, mountains, forefts, ri¬
vers, &c.
There were, however, an infinite number of ideas to
be communicated, whole objeCts do not fall under the
cognizance of the fenfes j fuch as the foul, the thoughts,
the
U9
and truly
hierogly-
phicai.
Sea. VI. PHILO
Chinefe the paffions, beauty, deformity, virtues, vices, the ac-
Language j-[ons Gf men and other animals, &cc. i his inconve-
' v ' nienee obliged them to alter their original mode of
v riling, which was too confined to anfwer that purpole,
and to introduce charafters of a more fimple nature,
and to invent others to exprefs thofe things which are
the obiefts of our fenfes.
Thefe modern charafters are, however, truly hiero-
glyphical, fince they are compofed of fimple letters
which retain the fignification of the primitive charac¬
ters. The original character for the fun was a circle,
thus 0 ; this they called gn : They now reprefent that
luminary by the figure |—1, to which they liill give the
original name. Eut human inflitutions having annexed
to thefe laft framed characters the very fame ideas indi¬
cated by the original ones, the confequence is, that
every Chinefe letter is actually fignificant, and that it
Hill retains its fignificancy, though connected with others.
Accordingly the word tfai, which imports “ misfottune,
calamity,” is compofed of the letter mien 11 a houfe,”
and the letter /io “ fire fo that the fymbolical charac¬
ter for misfortune is the figure of a houfe on fire. The
Chinefe characters, then, are not fimple letters without
any fignification, like thofe of the Europeans and otner
Afiatics ; but when they are joined together, they are
fo many hieroglyphics, which form images and exprefs
thoughts.
Upon the whole, the original charaters of the Chi¬
nefe were real pitures (fee hetion of the Eg///>tian lan¬
guage) 5 the next improvement was the fymbolical cha-
rater •, the third and laft ftage is the prefent mode, in
which artificial figns have been fabricated, in order to
reprefent fiich thoughts or ideas as could not be repre-
fented by one or other of the methods above deferibed.
-Du Halde, vol. ii. p. 400, et feq. has fumiftred us with
rules for pronouncing the Chinefe vowels and confo-
nants} a piece of information which, wtc apprehend,
would be of little confequence to our readers, and which
we lhall therefore pafs over, and proceed to give a brief
account of their grammar. As the whole language
is eompofed of monofyllables, and thefe indeclinable, its
grammatical ftruclure muft be fimple and obvious : we
lhall only mention what to us appears fingular and im¬
portant.
In the Chinefe language there is no diverftty of gen¬
ders or cafes, and of confequence no declenfions. Very
often the noun is not diftinguilhed from the verb 5
and the fame word which in one fituation is a fubftan-
tive, in another may become an adjeflive, and even a
verb.
The adjeefive always goes before the fubftantive ; but
if it follow it, it becomes a fubftantive.
The cafes and numbers are known only by tbe com-
pofition. The plural number is diftinguilhed by the
particle men, which is common to all nouns; but when
the noun is preceded by lome word that fignifies number,
the particle men is not annexed.
The Chinefe genitive, both fingular and plural, when
it comes after nouns, is often made by ti; and there is
no other cafe in that language, d he fame particle is
fometimes placed after pronouns, as if they were deri¬
vatives.
The comparative degree is formed by adding the par¬
ticle fong, .which is always fet before the noun, and fig-
120
Peculiari¬
ties of the
Chinefe
parts of
fpeech.
LOG Y.
nifies much. The particle to is fometimes ufed, which
likewile imports much.
The Chinefe have only three perfonal pronouns,
nno “ I,” ni “ thou,” and ta “ he thefe become plu¬
ral by adding the fyllable men. They are made poi-
leftive by adding the fyllable U, as nqo ti “ mine,’ ni ti
“ thine,” ta ti “ his.” The patronymics are form¬
ed by putting tbe name of the city, country, &c. alter
the pronoun : chon is the pronoun relative who, what,
which.
Chinefe verbs have only three tenfes, tbe preter-
perfeft, the prefent, and the future. When there is
no particle added to the verb, it is the prelent: tne
prelerperfect is made by adding the particle leao :
to diftinguifh the future tenfe they ufe the particle
tjiang or hoa) and theie are all the varieties incident
to their verbs.
'The Chinefe language has no words that are properly
adverbs ■, they only become fo by cuftom, or by the
place they poiiefs in dtfeourfe. They are often obliged
to employ feveral words to exprefs the adverbs of other
languages: they have none that are demonftrative, or
proper for calling or exhorting } but in their Head they
are obliged to ule nouns and verbs. _ 121
Perhaps our readers may with to know the Chinefe Their mi.
numerals j and may imagine that they bear a refemblance ni-w-.s.
to thofe of the European or other Afiatic diale£ls. In
this, however, they will be difappointed.
They Hand as follows :
r One
Eut Two
San Three
Sace Four
Ou Five
Lou Six
iyi Seven
Fo Eight
Kieou Nine
Che 'Fen
Chey Eleven
Eut die '.Twelve
San die 'Fhirteen
Pe One hundred
Eut pc Two hundred
ITtfien One thoufand
IT ouan Ten thoufand
Che ouan 'Twenty thoufand
Eut ouan One hundred thoufand
Che ouan Two hundred thoufand
Ype ouan One million.
There are a great many particles proper to numbers
in the Chinefe language : they are frequently ufed, and
in a way peculiar to it} for every numeral has a particle
importing the obje£t to which it is attached. Thus co
is ufed for man, and y co for a woman, &c. •, hoei is ufed
for illuftrious men 5 tche or tchi is ufed for fnips, dogs,
hens ; mey is ufed for pearls and precious things : pen
is ufed for books j teng is appropriated to oxen and
cows ; too is ufed for letters and little bundles of paper *,
00 is employed for corn and pulfe. Thofe diftinftions in¬
dicate a language manufaflured on purpofe to be em¬
ployed
3'2:S
PHILOLOGY.
Sett. VL
Chinefe
Language.
122
Style of the
thinefe
writers.
ployed by people who were too high and too haughty
to converfe with the vulgar.
The ftyle of the Chinefe, in their elaborate compofi-
tions, is myfterious, concife, and allegorical, after the
eaftern manner. It is often obfcure to thofe who do not
underftand the language thoroughly ; and it requires a
confiderable degree of Ikill to avoid miflakes in reading
an author of elegance and fublimity. Their writers ex-
prefs a great deal in few words ; and their expreffions
are lively, full of fpirit, intermingled with bold compa-
rifons and lofty metaphors. They aifedt to infert in
their compofitions many fentences borrowed from their
five canonical books ; and as they compare their books
to pidlures, fo they liken thefe quotations to the five
principal colours "employed in painting j and in this their
eloquence chiefly confilts.
They prefer a beautiful character to the mofl: finifli-
ed picture ; and nothing is more common than to fee
a Angle page covered with old characters, if they hap¬
pen to be fair and elegant, fold at a very high price.
They honour their charadters in the mofl; common
books ; and when they happen to light by chance upon
a printed leaf, they gather it up with the greatefl; care
and refpedt.
In China there are three varieties of language •, that
of the common people, that of the people of falhion,
and that employed in writing books. Though the
firft is not fo elegant as either of the other two, it is
not however inferior to our European languages ;
though thofe who are but fuperficially acquainted with
the Chinefe may, in fadl, imagine it uncouth and bar¬
barous. This low and rude language is pronounced
and written many different ways, as is generally the
cafe in other countries.
But a more poliflied, and at the fame time a much
more energetic, language, is employed in an almoft in¬
finite number of novels •, fome perhaps true, but many
more the vehicles of fidtion. Thefe are replete with
lively defcriptions, charadters highly finifhed, morality,
variety, wit, and vivacity, in fuch a ’ degree as to equal
in purity and politenefs the mofl: celebrated authors of
Europe. This was the language of the Mandarins *,
and though exquifitely beautiful in its kind, was ftill
Inferior to the language of books. This lafi might be
ftyled the hyperfublime; and of this there are feveral
degrees and intervals before an author can arrive at
what they call the language of the king. This mode
of writing cannot be well underftood without looking
upon the letters •, but when underftood, it appears eafy
and flowing. Each thought is generally exprefled in
four or fix charadters: nothing occurs that can offend
the nicefl: ear ; and the variety of the accents wnth
which it is pronounced produces a foft and harmonious
found.
The difference between the king and their other books
confifts in the difference of the fubjedts upon w’hich they
are written. Thofe of the former are ahvays grand and
fublime, and of courfe the ftyle is noble and elevated :
thofe of the latter approach nearer to the common af¬
fairs and events of life, and are of confequence detailed
in the Mandarin tongue. In writing on fublime fub¬
jedts no pundtuations are ufed. As thefe compofitions
are intended for the learned only, the author leaves to
the reader to determine where the fenfe is complete ;
and thofe who are well flailed in the language readily Chinefe
find it out. Language.
The copioufnefs of the Chinefe language is in a great Y
meafure owing to the multitude of its charadfers. It is
likewife occalioned, in fome degree, by the difference of
their fignification, as alfo by the artificial method of
their conjunction, which is performed molt commonly
by uniting them two and two, frequently three and
three, and fometimes four and four. I2j
Their books are very numerous and bulky, and of Their
courfe exceedingly cumbrous. A didtionary of theirbooks nu"
language was compiled in the 18th century. It con-Pan^
fifted of 95 large volumes. An appendix was annexed
of 25 volumes. Their other books are voluminous in
proportion. The Chinefe, one may fay, are a na¬
tion of learned men. Few^ people of rank negledl
the belles lettres; for ignorance in a man of any de¬
gree of eminence is deemed an indelible ftain on his cha-
radter.
For their manner of writing, the implements with
which they wrrite, and the materials upon which they
drawr their charadters, wTe muft refer our readers to
the article Writing. It would, we believe, afford our
readers fome pleafure, could we difcover and explain the
reafons which have hitherto prevented the Chinefe from
adopting the letters employed from time immemorial by
the other nations of Europe and Afia.
The Chinefe have ever looked upon themfelves as Obfl^des
greatly fuperior to the reft of mankind. In ancient to their
times they entertained fuch contemptible notions of fo- improve-
reigners, that they fcorned to have any further commerce jfF11 ^ ^
with them than to receive their homage. They were ]jterature>
indeed, at a very early period, highly revered by the In¬
dians, Perfians, and Tartars. In confequence of this
veneration, they looked upon themfelves as the favourites
of heaven. They imagined they were fituated in the
middle of the earth, in a kind of paradife, in order to
give laws to the reft of mankind. Other men they
looked upon with contempt and difdain, and deemed
them deformed in body and defeftive in mind, call out
into the remote corners of the world as the drofs and
refufe of nature. They boafted that themfelves only
had received from God rational fouls and beautiful bo¬
dies, in order to qualify them for being fovereigns of the
fpecies.
Such are the fentiments of the Chinefe ; and with
fuch fentiments it is by no means furprifing that their
improvements in language, in writing, and other appen¬
dages of the belles lettres, have not been proportioned
to their progrefs in mechanics. When people are once
fully perfuaded that they have already arrived at the
fummit of perfeftion, it is natural for them to fit down
contented, and folace themfelves with the idea of their
own fuperior attainments. The Chinefe had early en¬
tertained an exalted opinion of their own fuperiority to
the reft of mankind ; and therefore imagined that they
had already carried their inventions to the ne plus ultra
of perfection; the confequence was, that they could
make no exertions to carry them higher.
The Chinefe, for the fpace of 3000 years, had almoft
no intercourfe with the reft of mankind. This was
the confequence of -their infulated fituation.—They,
of courfe, compared themfehes with themfehes ; and
finding that they excelled all their barbarian Neigh¬
bours,
.3
Se± VL
PHILOLOG Y.
329
Clilr.efe hours, they readily entertained an opinion that they
.Language, excelled all the reit of mankind in an equal propor¬
tion. This conceit at once ftifled the emotions of
ambition, and deprived them of all opportunities of
learning what was going forward in other parts of the
world.
They defpifed every other nation. People are little
difpofed to imitate thofe whom they defpife j and
this perhaps may be one reafon why they are at
this day fo averie from adopting the European inven¬
tions.
A fuperftitious attachment to the cuftoms of the
ancients, is the general character of the Afiatic nations.
[ his is evidently a kind of diacritical feature among
the Chinefe. The inftitutions of Fo/a' are looked up
to among them with equal veneration as thofe of Thoth
were among the Egyptians. Among the latter, there
was a law which made it capital to introduce any inno¬
vation into the mulic, painting, or ftatunry art, inilituted
by that legillator. We hear of no fuch lawr among the
former} but cuftom eifablithed, and that invariably, for
a ipace of 3000 years, might operate as forcibly among
them as a pofitive law did among the people firih men¬
tioned. An attachment to ancient cuftoms is often
more powerful and more coercive than any law that
can be promulgated and enforced by mere human au¬
thority. Theie reafons, we think, may be aliigned as
the impediments to the progrefs of the Chinefe in the
belles lettres, and perhaps in the cultivation of the other
fciences.
Though the language of the Chinefe is confeffedly
different from all the other known languages in its cha-
rafter and conftruffion, it contains, however, a great
number ef vcords evidently of the fame origin with thofe
which occur in other dialefts, ufed by people, who, ac¬
cording to the natural courfe of things, could never
have been connected with that remote country. A
few of thofe we {hall produce before we conclude this
fedfion. We fhall begin with the import of the name
China.
China, or, as the orientals write it, Sin, is perhaps the
Latin /war, “ the bofom, the heart, the middle.” The
Chinefe actually imagine that their country is fituated
in the very middle of the earth, and of confequence call
it Cham, “ the middle, the heart }” a denomination
which exa£lly fuits their opinion.
Tu, in Chinefe, intimates every thing that falls under
the cognizance of the fenfes, every thing that ftrikes the
fight ; in Latin, tuecr.
Ta, a table, a plank, a figure that renders every thing
fenfible : 2. To fee, to look upon, to appear ; Greek
txv tmu, whence rutco, tendo.
Tue, to examine attentively, to infpeft carefully.
Tui, the moll apparent, chief, principal, firftq 2. Light¬
ning, thunder.
Teu, a fign by which to know one, letter of acknow¬
ledgment. All thefe ideas are contained in the He¬
brew in, thu, Jtgnum, which we believe has produced
the Egyptian theath, the god or godlike man who in¬
vented letters, geometry, mufic, aftronomy, &c.
Tai, a dye, a theatre •, Greek of old then
Qiatuctt, “ to fee, to look.”
Tam, Latin tantum, “ fo much.”
Tan, land, country, region, a fyllable annexed to the
Vol. XVI. Part L '
.X2S
Chineie
words
found in
various c-
ther lan-
guages.j
end of a great number of words. Aqui tan, Aq.uitania, Gr.rei
“ a land of water }” Mauri tan, Mauritania, 41 the laud .1''!
of the Moors.” The orientals prefix s, whence Farji
Jian, Farjijlan, “ the land or country ci the Periians: ’’
ChujiJlan, Chujijian, “the country of Chuz j” Turque
Jian, Turquejlan, “ the land of the Turks.”
Ti, a chief, an emperor, a title of dignity •, whence
the Greek rw “ to honour }” hence, too, the word di
“ bright, glorious whence A45 “ Jupiter, “ A<a? 14 di¬
vine ;” the Latin Dius, now Dtus, 44 God,” and Divas,
with the dignmma ALoiicum infewtd ; the Celtic Dhia,
&c. It fignified originally 44 bright, glorious,” and
was an epithet of the Sun.
Tam, Latin tunico, 44 to fwell.”
Liven, 44 to love j” Hebrew sS, /tb, 44 the heart j”
Latin, Zibet. This word pervades all the dialers of the
the Gothic tongue, ilill retaining either the fame or a
nearly analogous fignification.
Li, 44 letters 5” Latin, lino, 44 to daub,” as the Chi¬
nefe adlually do in forming their letters.
Lo, 44 to contain, that which contains j” Celtic, log ;
French, loge, Zogis, loger.
Lim,44 a rule ;” hence Latin, tinea, 44 a line.”
Su, 44 with j” Greek, cw,44 with j” Celtic, cijn, cym ;
whence Latin, cum, con, &c.
Xim, 44 very high, elevated, facred, perfeft 5” Latin,
eximius.
Sin, 44 the heart}” Perfian, Sin, 44 the heart.”
Sien, 44 chief, firft Celtic, can, cean, fan, 44 the
head 5” metaphorically, the chief, the firft, the princi¬
pal ; Thibet, fen, 01 ken, 44 great, elevated j” Arabic,
fame, “ to be elevated or raifed.”
Sim, or Sing, 44 a conftellation, a ftar, an element
Hebrew, Jhem : Greek, rrifetiov, ; Latin, Jtgnum.
Sie, 44 a man of learning j” Goth. Sax. Engl. 44 ice;
to lee, feer.”
Cem, 44 a prieft Hebr. cohen; Syr. con j Egypt.
can, cun.
^uin, 44 a king 5 Celtic, ^c/7T kend, 44 head, chief j”
Go\\ac, koanig ; Germ. Flem. Eng. king, alio queen.
Flu, 44 a door j Goth. Germ. Engl, hits, haufen,
houfe.
Min, 44 a river j” Welch, men, 44 the water of a ri¬
ver f Latin, mano, 44 to flow,” and perhaps amoenus,
44 pleafant.”
Hen, 44 hatred j” Greek, ouvoc, 44 cruel, horrible, odi¬
ous.”
Kiven, 44 a dog j” Greek xvav, id.
Ven, 44 beautyLatin, Venus, venufas; Iceland.
Swed. wen, 44 pleafant j” Scotch, winfome.
Han, 44 the foul, breath 3” Greek, antfios 3 Latin, ani-
ma, animus.
To theie inftances of the analogy between the Chi¬
nefe language and thofe of the other people of Afia and
Europe many more might be added 3 but the preced¬
ing, it is hoped, wall ferve as a fpecimen, which is all
that can be expected from an inquiry of the nature of
the prefen t.
Sect. VII. Of the Greek Language.
126
Before we enter upon the confideration of the ef- Origin of
fential and conftituent parts of this noble language, wetIie Greeks.
muft beg leave to fettle a few preliminaries, which, we
T t truft.
;3o P H I L (
Greek truf), will ferve to throw fome light upon many points
Language. may come under confideration in the coune of
^ "' v the following diiquifition.
The Greeks, according to the moft authentic ac¬
counts, were defcended of Javan or Jon, the fourth
ton of Japhet, the elded fon ot the patriarch Noah.
The Scriptures of old, and all the orientals to this
day, call the Greeks Jonmiy or Jaunam^ or Jcine noth.
We have already obferved, in the beginning of the ar¬
ticle concerning the Hebrew language, that only a
few of the defcendants ot Ham, and the moll piodi-
gate of the poilerity of Shem and Japhet, were con¬
cerned in building the tower of Babel. We thall not
now refume the arguments then collected in fupport of
that podtion } but proceed to invedigate the charadler
6? that branch of the poderity of Javan which inhabited
Greece and the neighbouring regions.
At what period the colonids arrived in thefe parts
cannot be certainly determined} nor is it of great im¬
portance in the quedion before us. That they cairied
along with them into their new fettlements the lan¬
guage of Noah and his family, is, we think, a point that
cannot be controverted. We have endeavoured to prove
that the Hebrew, or at lead one or other of its lider-
dialedls, was the primaeval language of mankind. The
Hebrew, then, or one of its cognate branches, was the
original dialed! of the Jonim or Greeks.
Be that as it may, before thefe people make then-
appearance in profane hidory, their language deviates
very widely from this original archetype. By what
means, at what period, and in what length of time
this change was introduced, is, we believe, a matter
not eafy t°o be elucidated. That it was progreflive, is
abundantly certain both from the rules of analogy and
reafon.
The colonies, which traverfed a large trad! ot coun¬
try before they arrived at their dedined fettlements,
mud have druggled with numb&rlefs difficulties in the
courfe of their peregrinations. Fhe earth, duiing the
period which immediately fucceeded the univerfal de¬
luge, mud have been covered with foreds, interfedled
with fwamps, lakes, rivers, and numberlefs other im¬
pediments. As the neceffaries, and a few of the con¬
veniences of life, will always engrofs the fird cares of
mankind, the procuring' of thefe comforts will, ol
neceffity, exclude all concern about arts and fciences
which are unconnefted with thefe purfuits. Hence
we think it probable, that mod of thofe colonies which
migrated to a very great didance from the plains of
Shinar, which we believe to have been the original I eat
of mankind, in a great meafure neglefted the prattice
of the polite but unneceffary modes of civilization
which their ancedors were acquainted with, and prac-
tifed before the era of their migration. Certain it is,
that thofe nations which continued to. redde m the
neighbourhood of that centre of civilization, always ap-
pear in a cultivated date -, while, at the fame time, the
who were colonids who removed to a confiderable didance appear
long a bar-' to have funk into barbarifm, at a period more early than
barous ^ annais Df profane hidory can reach.—This appears
p£0ple' to have been the fituation of the primary inhabitants of
(o) The Greeks borrowed this contemptuous epdhi
LOGY. Sea. VII.
Greece. Their own hidorians, the mod partial to their Greek
own countrymen that can well be imagined, exhibit a ^-anguage.
very unpromifing picture of their eailied progenitors.
Diodorus Siculus, in delineating the chara&er of the
original men, we believe iketches his draught from the
fird inhabitants of Greece *. He reprelents them as * Lib. i.
abfolute favages, going out in fmall parties to make
war upon the wild beads of the field, wdiich (according
to him) kept them in continual alarm. “ Neceddy
obliged them to band together for their mutual fecuri-
ty 5 they had not fagacity enough to didinguidi be¬
tween the wholelome and poifonous vegetables} nor
had they fkill enough to lay up and prefervc the fruits
of autumn for their fubfidence during the winter.” The
fcholiad on Pindar defcribes the fituation of the inhabi¬
tants of Peloponnefus in the following manner f. “ Now f Pythcn.
fome have affirmed that the nymphs, who odiciated in ode 4-
performing the facred rites, were called Izh’lijfie. Of
thefe Mnafeas of Patara gives the following account.
They prevailed upon men to relinquidi the abominable
pradlice of eating raw fleffi torn from living animals, and
perfuaded them to ule the fruits of trees for food.— 128
Meliffa, one of them, having difcovered bee-hives, ate F'rokt\fho{
of the honey-combs, mingled the honey with water
for drink, and taught the other nymphs to ufe the
fame beverage. She called bees MiXure-xi Meli/ftey from
her own name, and bedowed much care on the manage¬
ment of them.
“ Thefe things (fays be) happened in Peloponnefus j
nor is the temple of Ceres honoured without nymphs,
becaufe they fird pointed out the mode of living on the
fruits of the earth, and put an end to the barbarous
pradlice of feeding on human fledi. The fame ladies,
too, from a fenfe of decency, invented garments made of
the bark of trees.”
Hecataeus the Miledan, treating of the Pelopon-
nefians, affirms*, 11 that before the arrival of the Hellenes, # Strabo,
a race of barbarians inhabited that region 5 and that al- lib. vii.
mod all Greece was, in ancient times, inhabited by bar¬
barians f. In the earlied times (fays Paufanias) (o) t .W. lib. i.
barbarians inhabited mod part of the country called
Hellasy The original Greeks, if we may believe an
author of deep refearch and fuperior ingenuity J, were\PUn. Nat.
drangers to all the mod ufeful inventions of life. Even
the ufe of fire was unknown till it was found out and
communicated by Prometheus, who is thought to have
been one of the fird civilizers of mankind. .Hence
iEfchylus §, introduces Prometheus commemorating the§ Prometk.
benefits which he had conferred upon mankind by hisverle 44
inventions, in a drain that indicates the uncultivated
date of the world prior to the age in which he douridi-
ed. For the entertainment of our readers, we diall
trandate as much of that paflage as fuits our piefent pui-
pofe.
  “ Of the human race
Now hear the tale, how fooliffi erd they were :
I taught them thought and exercife of reafon }
If aught they faw before, they faw in vain.
Hearing, they heard not} all was ffiapelefs dreams
For a long fpace of time, at random mixt
In
from the Egyptians. See Herod. lib. n. cap. 158.
Sea. VII. PHIL
Greek In wild confufion : for they neither knew
Language. Tile-cover’d houfes Handing in the fun,
Nor timber work ; but, like the earth-bred ant,
They lodg’d in funlefs caves dug under ground :
No certain fign had they of winter cold,
Nor of the flow’ry fpring, or fummer ftore,
But blindly manag’d all j till I them taught
What time the ftars appear, what time they fet,
Hard to be fcan’d : then arithmetic rare,
That queen of arts, by dint of patient thought
Defcry’d, I taught them ; and how vocal founds
From letters join’d arofe.”
This character, though applied to mankind in gene¬
ral, was in reality that of the moll ancient Greeks.
Thefe forbidding features had been tranfmitted to the
poet by tradition as thofe of his anceftors : he was a
Greek, and of confequence imputes them to all mankind
without diftindtion.
** Plato. Phoroneus, the fon and fucceffor of Inachus *, is
faid to have civilized the Argives, and to have taught
them the ufe of fome new inventions. This circum-
ftance raifed his charadler fo high among the favage
f Paufan. aborigines of the country, that fucceeding ages f
htu vui. deemed him the firft of men. Pelafgus obtained the
like charadter, becaufe he taught the Arcadians to live
upon the fruit of the fagus, to build fheds to {belter them
from the cold, and to make garments of the {kins of fwine.
But what clearly demonftrates the unpolithed cha-
radter of the moft ancient Greeks is, the extravagant
honours lavifhed by them upon the inventors of ufeful
and ingenious arts. Moft of thefe were advanced to
divine honours, and became the objedts of religious
worfliip to fucceeding generations. The family of the
Titans affords a moft ftriking inftance of this fpecies of
adulation. Jupiter, Juno, Mars, Apollo, Venus, Dia¬
na, &c. were fprung of this family. By the ufeful in¬
ventions which thefe perfonages communicated to the
uncultivated nations of Greece, they obtained fuch lad¬
ing and fuch extravagant honours, that they juftled out
the fidereal divinities of the country, and poffeffed their
high rank as long as Paganifm prevailed in thofe regi¬
ons. To thefe teftimonies of the favagifm of the origi¬
nal Greeks, others almoft without number might be ad¬
ded ; but thofe adduced in the preceding part of this in¬
quiry will, we hope, fatisfy every candid reader as to the
truth of the pofition advanced.
While matters were in this fituation with refpedt to
A new co- t^le Primhive Jonim or Greeks, a new colony arrived in
lony ar- thofe parts, which in a few years confiderably changed
rives in the face of affairs. The people who compofed this colony
STiW a" WCre ca^ec* concerning whofe origin, country,
K ^ "A7-character, and adventures, much has been written, and
many different opinions exhibited by the learned. It is
not ounprovince to enter into a detail of their arguments
and fyftems j we ftiall only inform our readers, that the
general opinion is, that they were natives either of Egypt
or Phoenicia. We have feen a differtation in manufcript
upon this fubjedl, from which we are allowed to extract
the following particulars.
The author, we think, has proved by very plaufible
arguments, that thefe people could not be defcendants
of the Egyptians nor Phoenicians. Pie maintains, that
tbe Pelafgi were a great and numerous tribe j that thev
overfpread all the coaft of Afia Minor from Mount My-
O L O G Y.
cale to Troas; that they were mailers ftt one time of all
the Afiatic and Grecian iffands ; that they overran
Greece and many of the neighbouring countries ; and
all this in lefs than half a century.—Thefe fa£ts he feems
to have proved from Homer, Herodotus, Diodorus Sicu¬
lus, Paufanias, and other Greek authors of approved au¬
thenticity. He {hows, that they were a civilized gene¬
ration j that they were well acquainted with militajy af¬
fairs, legillation, agriculture, navigation, architecture,
letters, &c. He inlifts, that Phoenicia could not at any
given period have furniftied fuch a numerous body of
emigrants, even fuppofing the whole nation had emi¬
grated, and left their native country a defert. He be¬
lieves that this event took place before the invafion of
Canaan by the Ifraelites 5 that confequently the Pelafgic
migration was not occafioned by that cataftrophe. He
has Ihown, we think by very probable arguments, that
the Egyptians in the earlieft ages were averfe to foreign
expeditions, efpecially by fea ; becaufe that people hated
this element, and befides could be under no temptation
to emigrate : add to this, they were accuftomed to live
on fmall matters, and their country was exceedingly fer¬
tile and eafily cultivated. It appears (fays he) from He¬
rodotus, that the Pelafgi were not acquainted with the
religion of the Zabians, which could not have been the
cafe had they emigrated from either of thefe countries
He makes it appear, at leaft to our fatisfaftion, that He¬
rodotus is miftaken when he fuppofes that the deities of
Greece were derived from Egypt. He demonftrates,
that the names of the greateft part of thofe deities are of
Phoenician extraction j and this opinion he eftablilhes by
a very plauftble etymological deduction. Pie afferts, that
had the Pelafgi been natives of either of the countries
above-mentioned, it would be abfurd to fuppofe them
ignorant of the names and religious rites of their re-
fpeCtive nations. He finds, that the Egyptian and Phoe¬
nician colonies, wdrich afterwards fettled in (Greece, were
enemies to the Pelafgi, and either fubdued or expelled
them the country, which, he imagines, would fcarce
have been the cafe had both parties fprung from the fame
anceftors. After fettling thefe points, he concludes, that
the people in queftion were the progeny of the Arabian
fliepherds, who, at a very early period, invaded and fub¬
dued both the Lower and Upper Egypt. After poffef-
fing that country about a century and a half, they were
conquered by Amenophis king of the Upper Egypt, who
drove them out of the country. Upon this the fugitives
retired to Paleftine, where Manetho the Egyptian hifto-
rian lofes fight of them, and either through malice or
ignorance confounds them with the Ifraelites. This
writer fuppofes that thofe fugitives gradually dire&ed
their courfe for the wTeft and north-weft coafts ofiVfia Mi¬
nor, whence they conveyed themfelves over to Greece.
Such are the arguments by which the author of the
differtation above mentioned fupports his hypothefis. It
is, for aught we know, altogether new, and to us it ap¬
pears by no means improbable. If our curious reader*
ftiould w:fh to know more of this fubjeft, they may con-
fult Gebelin’s preliminary Difcourfe to his Greek Dic¬
tionary, Lord Monboddo’s inquiry into the Origin and
Progrefs of Language, vol. i. towards the end, and Mr
Bryant’s Analyfis of Ancient Mythology, paj[.
Be this as it may, nothing is more certain than that
the Pelafgi were the firft people who in fome degree
civilized the lavages of ancient Greece. It is not our
T t 2 bu fine Is
53?
Greek
Language.
PHILOLOGY.
Sea. VII.
Greek Luaiiefs at prefent to enumerate tire many ufeful inven-
Lr<’;<juage j.jons w]1jch.they communicated to the Greeks, at that
time vvorfe than barbarians. We deem it, however, ab-
folutely neceffary, as an introduction to our iubjeCt, to
hazard a few conjectures on the language and letters of
thole adventurers j a pomt itrictly connected with the
fubject foon to fall under confideration.
Whether we luppofe the Pelafgi to have been the off-
fpring of the Phoenicians, Egyptians, or Arabian (hep-
herds, it will make little difference as to their language5
every man of learning and refearch is convinced that thofe
three nations, especially at that early period, fpoke a
dialect of the Hebrew. The Pelafgi, then, mult have
fpoken a dialect of that language when they arrived in
Greece. Perhaps it might have undergone feveral changes,
and acquired lome new modidcations, during to many
years as had paffed lince they began to oe a leparate na¬
tion, and in the courfe of fo many peregrinations. Some
monuments of theirs itill extant prove this tact beyond
all contradiction. As fhefe people incorporated^ with
the aborigines of Greece, the remains of the. original
language of mankind, or at leait io much ot it as had
been retained by them, gradually coalefced with that of
the new fettlers. From this, we think, it is obvious,
that prior to the arrival of the new coloniits Irani the
Fa ft, the language now current among the two united
tribes muft have been a dialect of the Phoenician, A-
rabian, Hebrew, &c. Be that as it may, Hcrodo-
* Liu. i. tus * affirms that the Pelafgi in his time fpoke a bar-
aP- S9‘ barous language, quite unintelligible to the modern
Greeks. _ '
The reafon of this difference between the language
of the Plellenes or Greeks in the age of Herodotus,
and that of the remains of the Pelafgi at that period,
feems to be this : Prior to the time of that hiftorian,
the Greek language had, from time to time, undergone
many changes, and received vaft improvements j whereas,
on the contrary, that of the remnant of the Pelafgi, who
were now reduced to a very low ftate, had remained ua-
tionary, and was then juft in the fame predicament in
which it had been perhaps a century after their arrival
in the country.
As the Pelafgi, as was obferved above, were a people
highly civilized and well inftrufted in the various arts at
that time known in the eaftern world, they were fkilled
in agriculture, architedlure, mufic, &c. (p) : 1 he. pre-
fumption then is that they could not be unacquainted
witff alphabetical writing. This moft ufeful art was
well known in the countries from which they emigrat¬
ed *, and of courfe it is impoftible to imagine that they
did not export this art as well as the others above-men-
|Lib. iib tioned. IDiodorus Siculus imagines that the Pelafgi
knew not the ufe of alphabetical letters, but that they
received them from Cadmus and his Phoenician fol¬
lowers-, that thofe letters were afterwards called Pe/af-
g'lc, becaufe the Pelafgi were the firft people of Greece
who adopted them. This account muft go to the fcore
of national vanity, fince very foon after he acknow-
* Ibi4> ledges * that Linus wrrote the exploits of the firft Bac¬
chus and feveral other romantic fables in Pelafgic cha- Greek
rafters ; and that Orpheus, and Pronapides the mailer La';S"age.
of Homer, employed the fame kind of letters. Zeno-
bias likewife informs us f that Cadmus flew Linus for r
teaching characters differing from his. Thefe letters sharp’s
could be none other than the Pelafgic J. Strict.
Paufanias, in his Attics, relates |j, that he himfelf faw Greek Lan-
an infeription upon the tomb of Coraebus, who lived atAV?1"-^ e
the time when Crotopus, who was contemporary with ^vi.
Deucalion, was king of the Argives. This infcnption || Llb
then was prior to the arrival of Cadmus ; and confe- cap 49.
quently letters were known in Greece" before they were
introduced by this chief. It likewife appears from He¬
rodotus himielf, that the lonians were in pofleifion of
alphabetical characlers before the coming of the Phoeni¬
cians. “ For (fays he) § the lonians having received § Lib. i.
letters from the Phoenicians, changing the figure and c. 58.]
found of lome of them, ranged them with their own, and
in this manner continued to ufe them afterwards.'’ If,
then, the lonians (qj ranged the Phoenician characters
with their own, it is obvious that they had alphabetical
characlers of their own.
Befides thefe hiftorical proofs of the evidence of Pe¬
lafgic characters, monuments bearing inferiptions in the.
fame letters have been difeovered in feveral parts of
Greece and Italy, which place this point beyond the
reach of controverfy. What characters thefe were may
be eafily determined. As the Pelafgi emigrated from
Arabia, the prefumption is that their letters were Phoe¬
nician. They are laid by Dr Swinton to have been 13
111 number, whereas the Phoenician alphabet conlifls of
16. The three additional letters were probably invent¬
ed by the latter people after the Pelafgi. had left the
eaftern quarters, ihe Phoenician letters impoited by
the Pelafgi were, no doubt, of a coarie and clumfy con¬
texture, unfavourable to expedition in writing, and un-
pleafant to the fight. Befides, the Phoenician chaiaiteis
had not as yet received their names ; and accordingly
the Romans, who derived their letters irom the Arca¬
dian Pelafgi *, had no names for theirs. The probabi- * Livii
lity is, that prior to this era the Pelafgic letters had notllb- c- 7*
been diftinguiflied by names. I here were, of courfe no ^
other than the original letters of the Phoenicians in their
firft uncouth and irregular form : and for this realon
they eafily gave way to the Cadmean, which were more
beautiful, more regular, and better adapted to expedi-
tion. . . .
Hitherto we have feen the Pelafgi and the ionim in¬
corporated, living under the fame laws, fpeaking the
fame language, and ufing the fame letters, nut another
nation, and one too of vaft extent and populoufnels, had
at an early period taken poffeffion of a confiderabie part
of the country afterwards diftinguifhed by the name of
Hellas or Greece. The Thracians were a great and
mighty nation ; inferior to none except the Indians f, \ Herod.
fays the father of Grecian hiftory. .Thefe people at a lib. v. c. 3.
very early period, had extended their quarters over all
the northern parts of that country. Lhey were, in an-cjans a
cient times, a learned and poliftied nation. From them, powerful
in nation at
a very early
       — period.
(p) The Arcadians, who were a Pelafgic tribe, were highly celebrated for thexr fkill m mu.m.
ced this art into Italy. See Dion. Halicar. lib. 1.
(rP) The Athenians were originally called lonians.
They introda-
Sea. VII.
PHILO
* Strabo,
lib. i. &.-*
The Greek
language
rompofed
of three dif-
fereut dia¬
lers.
in fucceeding ages, the Greeks learned many ufeful and
ornamental iciences. Orpheus (r) the mufician, the
* legiilator, the poet, the philofopher, and the divine, is
known to have been of Thracian extraction. Thamyris
and Linus were his dil'ciples, and highly refpeclted among
the Greeks for their learning and ingenuity. That thefe
people fpoke the fame language with the Greeks, is a-
bundantly evident from the connexion between them and
thefe Thracian bards. The Thracian language, then,
whatever it was, contributed in a great proportion to¬
wards forming that of the Greeks. From the remains
of the Thracian dialed there appears to have been a
very ftrong refemblance between it and the Chaldean.
This pofition we could readily fupport by the moil plau-
iible etymological deduction, did the limits prefcribed us
in this article admit fuch an inquiry. It appears, how¬
ever, that the * Thracians, Getae, and Daci or Davi,
'• fpoke nearly the fame language. The Goths, fo much
celebrated in the annals of the lower empire, were the
defendants of the Getae and Daci, and confequently
retained the dialed of their anceftors. The reader,
therefore, muft not be furprifed, if in tracing the ma¬
terials of which the Greek language is compofed, we
fhould fometimes have recourfe to the remains of the
Gothic.
We have now found out three branches of the Greek
language ; that of the lonim or Aborigines, that of the
Pelafgic tribe, and that of the Thracians. Thefe three,
we imagine, were only different dialeds of the very fame
original tongue. This affertion we could readily prove
by the comparifon of a great number of words taken
from the two laft, were this a proper place for fuch a
D*
Arrival of
Cadmus in
Greece.
+ Scaliger.
The letters
introduced
by him.
difcufiion.
Some centuries after the arrival of the Pelafgi, Cad¬
mus,.an Egyptian (s) by birth, and a fojourner in Phce-
cicia, arrived in Eoeotia with a multitude of followers.
This colony-chief and his countrymen introduced letters
and feveral other ufeful improvements into the country
in queftion. vAs thefe people were natives of Phoenicia
and its environs, their alphabet was that of their native
country, eonfifting of 16 letters. That the Phoenician
alphabet was nearly the fame with the Samaritan and
Hebrew, has been fo often and fo clearly demonftrated
by the learned of this and the former century, that it
v/ould be altogether fuperfluous to inlift upon it in this
ftiort inquiry. The Phoenicians, as is generally known,
wrote from right to left, and the old Grecian characters
inverted, exaCtly refemble the other.
The names of the Cadmean characters are Syrian f,
which fhows the near refemblance between that lan¬
guage and the Phoenician. They Hand thus: alpha, be-
tha, gamla, delta, &c. The Syrians ufed to add a
to the Hebrew vocables; hence alph becomes alpha,
beth, betha or beta, &c. In the Cadmean alphabet
we find the vowrel letters, which is an infallible proof
that this was the praCtice of the Phoenicians in the
age of Cadmus 5 and this very circumftance furnifti-
es a prefumption that the Jews did the fame at the
fame period.
LOGY. 333
After all, it is evident that the oldeft Greek letters, Gretk^
which are written from right to left, differ very little, ,
from thofe of the Pelafgi. The four double letters
<Pi li Xi are' faid to have been added by Palamedes
about 20 years before the war of Troy. Simonides
is generally fuppofed to have added the letters si, ip,
though it appears by forne ancient inferiptions that fome
of thefe letters were ufed before the days of Palamedes
and Simonides.
In the year of our Lord 1456 feven brazen tables
were difeovered at Engubium, a city of Umbria in the
Apennines, of which five were written in Pelafgic or
Etrufcan charaClers and two in Latin. T he firft of thefe
tables is thought to have been compofed about 168 years
after the taking of Troy, or 1206 years before Chrift.
By comparing the infeription on thefe tables with the
old Ionic charaClers, the curious have been enabled to
difeover the refemblance. 134
The old Ionic charaCler wrote from right to left con-The old
tinued in general ufe for feveral centuries : It was c°m-^^lha‘
pofed of the Cadmean and Pelafgic charaClers, with fomera ^ '
variations of form, poiition, and found. 1 lie Athenians
continued to ufe this charaCler till the year of Rome
350. The old Ionic w^as gradually improved into the
new, and this quickly became the reigning mode. After
the old Ionic was laid alide, the * (Bovcrrgotp'ctcior') BuRro- *. Par/fan,
plxodon came into cuftorn, which goes backwards andhk v"h
forwards as the ox does with the plough. They carriedcaP' D-
the line forward from the left, and then back to the
right. The words were all placed clofe together, and
few fmall letters were ufed before the fourth century.
If our curious readers would wifli to know more of let¬
ters and alphabets, we muft remit them to Chifhul, Mor¬
ton, Poftellus, the great Montfaucon, Gebelin, Aftle,
&c. For our part we are chiefly concerned at prefent
with the Phoenician-and Cadmean fyftems; and on thefe
perhaps we may have dwelt too long. Having now, we The Greek
hope, fufficiently proved that the Greek alphabet was alphabet
derived from the Phoenician, in order tp convince ourfr^^e
curious but illiterate readers of the certainty of our phoenicpan>
pofition, as it were by ocular demonftration, we {hall
annex a fcheme of both alphabets, to which we {hall
fubjoin fome ftriCtures upon fuch letters of the Greek
alphabet as admit any ambiguity in their nature and
application.
A, alpha, had two founds, the one broad like a in
the Englilh word all; the other {lender, as e in end,
fpend, defend. The Hebrew's certainly ufed it fo, be-
caufe they had no other letter to exprefs that found ; the
Arabs a (dually call the firft letter of their alphabet ehf;
and they as well as the Phoenicians employ that letter
to exprefs both the found of A and E promifeuouily.
The Greeks call their letter E i--piXov, that is, E {len¬
der, which feems to have been introduced to fupply the
place of A {lender.
H, eta, was originally the mark of the fpiritus afper,
and no doubt anfwered to the Hebrew n. It is ftill re¬
tained in that capacity in the word Hixctrov, and in words
with the fpiritus afper beginning books, chapters, lec¬
tions,
(r) Orpheus feems to be compounded of two oriental words, or “ light,” and phi “ the mouth.” Though feme
deduce it from the Arabian arif a learned man.”
(s) Jofeph Scaliger’s account of the origin of the Ionic letters. Eufeb. Citron,
334 PHI
Greek tioi'is, &c. E originally marked both the found of
> <in^ua£e'l EipiXof and Hr<* ; that is, it was fometimes founded Ihort
as at prefent, and fometimes long, where it is now fup-
plied by H. As it was found convenient to diftinguith
thefe tw’O different quantities of found by different let¬
ters, they adopted H, the former fpiritiis after, to de¬
note the long found of E, and fubftituted the prefent
fpiritus afper ['] in its place.
I, iota, is the Hebrew or Phoenician jW or yod. We
imagine it originally ferved the purpofe of both iota and
ypfilon. It had two different founds •, the one broad
and full, the other weak and (lender. The latter had
the found of the modern v-^iXov. That this was aflually
the cafe, appears in feveral monumental inferiptions:
And upon this depends the variation of fome cafes
of the demonstrative pronoun and of the fecond de-
clenlion.
O, omicron, or fmall o, in the original Greek had
three different founds. It founded o (hort, as at pre¬
fent ; and likewife o long, now denoted by or large
0. It likewife marked the found of the improper diph¬
thong ov, founded like the Englilh diphthong oo. The
12 was taken from the Phoenician wau or V.
Y, ypjilon, we have obferved ^before, was adopted to
fupply a mark for the found of I (lender.
Z, %eta, is compounded of Dion. Halic. how¬
ever, informs us, that this letter (liould be pronounced
tdh, according to the Doric plan.
* 0, theta, was not known in the old Greek. It is
compounded of r and the fpiritus afper, both which were
of old written feparately thus TH.
2, xi, is compounded of y;, *?, ^5. Thefe letters,
too, were originally written feparately.
<P, phi. This letter is compounded of /3, jr, and the
fpiritus afper; thus BH, I’H.
X, chi, like the foregoing, is compounded of y, x,
and (he fpiritus afper as above.
■'k, pfi, like fome of the reft, is made up of /3f, its,
which, too, were originally written in feparate charac¬
ters.
Thefe obfervations are thrown together purely for
the ufe of ftudents who may not choofe to inquire into
the minutia'. We are forry that the nature of the wrork
will not permit us to extend our refearches to greater
length. The reader will find an ancient infeription on
Plate CCCCXVI. in which the powers of the letters are
exemplified as they wTere in the firft ftage of the Greek
language. Every language, we believe, wTas originally
compofed of inflexible words ; the variations w hich now
diftinguifh nouns and verbs wrere the c(lefts of progref-
five improvements. What might have been the (late of
the Greek language with refpefl: to thefe variations in
its original .form, it is not now poflible to difeover.
That it was rude and irregular, wall not, rve imagine,
be controverted. One of the firft attempts towards
forming the variations, now denominated decleti/ions
and conjugations, would probably be made upon the de~
morjlrative article and the fubjlantive verb. This obfer-
vation will be found to hold good in moft poliihed lan¬
guages. In the Greek tongue, this was evidently the
method.
The original Greek article Was imported from the
eaft. It w'as the Hebrew or Phoenician rr ha. This par-
the article, tide fometimes fignifies one, and fometimes it anfwers to
our demonftrative the; both in its adverbial and demon-
4
Greek
Lan!;ua2:e.
L O L O G Y. Sea. VIL.
ftrative capacity it imports demonftration. In the ear-
lieft ftages of the two oriental languages, it was proba¬
bly written apart, as ha-melech “ the king.” In pro-
cefs of time it came to be joined with the following
word, as Hammelech. From this we think the Greek
article was deduced. It is (till retained in the Doric
dialed in its priftine charader. The difference be¬
tween ho and ha in the eaftern language is nothing.
Here then wTe have the articles 0 mafeuline and u, femi¬
nine. Upon thefe feveraf changes were fupen induced,
in order to render them more ufeful for the purpofes
of language. For thofe changes w7e know of no arche¬
type.
The Greeks then having adopted the Hebrew7, or
Phoenician, err Chaldean article ha, and changed it in¬
to ho for the mafeuline, feem to have arranged its varia¬
tions in the following manner :
136
Origin and
■flexion of
Sing.
Nom. 1
Gen. ,
Dat. <
Acc. ,
P/u.
and ^ Its ufe in
mmative
in
In the earlieft ftages of the Greek language,
were founded in the fame manner, or nearly fo, as was tlie flexion
obferved above. The accufative was at firft like the no-nouns of
for diftindion’s fake it was made to terminate^*lr^
which letter wras likewfife adopted to charaderize de^gnfion's
the genitive plural ; ? w7as annexed to the dative plural,
to diftinguifli it from the dative Angular. The radical
word wras dill wfithout inflexion.
When the article was infleded in this manner, the
procefs flood as follows : we take Aayaj for an ex¬
ample.
P/u.
ci Xoy fpeeches
av Xoy of fpeeches
01s Xoy to fpeeches
ovs Xcy fpeeches
Sing.
Nom. 0 Xoy fpeech
Gen. ov Xoy of fpeech
Dat. «< Xoy to fpeech
Acc. o> Xoy fpeech
In this arrangement our readers will obferve, that in
the time under confideration, u was not yet introduced j
and therefore ouik^ov or little 0 w7as the fame letter in
the genitive plural as in the accufative Angular *, but in
the latter cafe it was founded long by w7ay of diftinc-
tion.
The article ha, which is dill retained in the Doric
dialed, was varied as follows :
Sing.
Nom.
Gen. ,
Dat.
Acc. ,
P/u.
as
f the maf-
of
Thefe variations differ a little from thofe
culine •, and they were no doubt made for the fake
diftindion, as is ufual in fuch cafes. We (hall now
give an example of the feminine as it muft have flood
before variations were introduced. We (hall employ
Tipy.
Sing. P/u.
a riy. honour ai rip honours
as np of honour rip of honours
ai tip to honour ais rip to honours
<*» np. honour as rip honours
Afterwards,
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Acc.
/
13S
In this
mode of
flexion the
Greeks
pied from
the Orien¬
tals.
139.
Formation
Seel. VII. PHILO
Greek Afterwards, when the Chaldean article da was adopt-
Language. ed for neuter gender, the letter 1 or d was changed
into T? and prefixed to it ; and then the Greeks, who,
in their declenfion of adjeftives, always followed the
neuter gender, began to prefix it to the oblique
cafes.
In this manner we think the Greek nouns flood ori¬
ginally *, the only change being made upon the article.
At length, inftead of prefixing that word, and expref¬
ling it by itfelf, they found it convenient to affix a frag¬
ment of it to the noun, and fo to pronounce both with
more expedition. M has as-Aoy, e. g. became My-i?, ov
Aay became /ay-ov, and of courfe Aaya; and Aeyav, &c.
The fpiritus of per, or rough breathing, was thrown
away, in order to facilitate the coalition. Nouns of the
neuter gender, as was necelTary, were diftinguifhed by
ufing » inflead of 5. In Oriental words the Greeks often
change 5 into », and vice verfa.
In this cafe the Greeks feem to have copied from an
eaftern archetype. In Hebrew we find an arrangement
e exadlly fimilar. To fupply the place of the pronouns
poffeffive, they affix fragments of the perfonals: Thus,
they write ben-i, “ my fon,” inflead of ben-ani, and de-
bir-nu, “ our words,” inflead of debir-anu, &c. The
perfons of their verbs are formed in the fame manner.
In this way, in our opinion, the variations of the firft
and fecond declenfions were produced.
After that a confiderable number of their nouns were
of the third an-anged under thefe two claffes, there remained an al-
andofit*1’ mofl: infinite number of others which could not conveni-
cat'es. ently be brought into thefe arrangements •, becaufe their
terminations did not readily coalefce with the articles
above mentioned. Thefe, like nouns of the neuter gen¬
der, were in a manner fecluded from the fociety of the
two other claffifications. It is probable that thefe for a
long time continued indeclinable. At laft, however,
an effort was made to reduce them into a clafs as well
as the others. All thefe excluded nouns originally ter¬
minated with 5, which appears from their genitives as
they Hand at prefent. By obferving this cafe, we are
readily conduced to the termination of the prifline vo¬
cable. The genitive always ends in which ending is
formed by inferting # between the radical word and ?.
By throwing out 0 we have the ancient nominative :
Thus, T<r«i», genitive ; taking out 0 we have T<-
Ttfvj, the original inflexible termination. Ajjtw, genitive
A;]t«o; ; throw out 0 and you have Anre?. flasAAsej, ge¬
nitive ; take away e and there remains
Ogvi$, genitive OgytQo;; by throwing out 0 we have
0(>v:d{. Av<x|. genitive Avxztos, Avsjkt?. K^raj, geni¬
tive K(>xTtos, KgxTvz •, originally Kgxr-s, becaule origi¬
nally s had the found of «, as was obferved above. MsA<,
genitive MeAf-rej, MsAjtj. genitive Etas;,
the old noun. In fhort, the genitive is always formed
by inferting 0 immediately before ?, which is always the
termination of the nominative ; and by this rule, we
eafily difcover the noun fuch as it was in its original
form.
The dative of this declenfion was clofed with < afcrip-
tum; the fame with that of the fecond, namely, < fub-
fcriptum. The accufative commonly terminates with a. ;
but was originally ended with ». The Romans imitated
the ALolian dialed, and they commonly ended it with
em or im. The Greeks, perhaps, in this imitated their
progenitors, for a was their favourite vowel. The no-
LOGY. 335
minative plural ended in which nearly refembles the Greek
Engliffi plural, and w^as poffibly borrowed from the language.
Thracians. The genitive plural in all the declenfions
ends in uy \ the dative ends in <r<, the <r being inferted to
diftinguiih it from the dative fingular. When a ftrong
confonant, which wrould not eafily coalefce with «, comes
immediately before it, that confonant is throvm out to
avoid a harffi or difficult found. Ihe fum then is : the^
cafes of nouns of the firft and fecond declenfions confift oi
the radical wmrd with fragments of the articles annexed,
and thefe wrere the firft claffifications of nouns. Ihe
other nouns wrere left out for fome time, and might be
denominated neuters ; at length they too were daflified,
and their variations formed as above. In this procefsr
the Greeks deviated from the oriental plan 5 for thefe
people always declined their nouns by particles prefixed.
Whether the Greeks were gainers by this new procefs,
we will not pretend pofitively to determine. We are,
however, inclined to imagine that they loft as much in
perfpicuity as they gained by variety. 140
It is generally believed that the Greeks have no Greek afc-
ablative ; to this opinion, however, we cannot affent.,ativc-
It is true, that the dative, and what we would call the
ablative, are always the fame : yet we think there is
no more reafon to believe that the latter is wanting in
Greek, than that the ablative plural is wanting in
Latin, becaufe in that language both thefe cafes are al¬
ways alike.
In the eaftern languages there are only two genders,
analogous to the eftabliihed order of nature, where all
animals are either male or female. But as the people of
the eaft are, to this day, ftrongly addifted to perfonifi-
cation, they ranged all objeds of which they had occa-
fion to fpeak, whether animate or inanimate, under one
or other of thefe two claffes. Hence arofe what is now
called the mafeuline and feminine genders. The orien
tals knew nothing of a neuter gender, becaufe, indeed,
all objefts wTere comprehended under the foregoing claf¬
fes. The Phoenician feminine vras formed from the maf¬
euline, by adding nx, ah. In this the Greeks in many ^
cafes imitated them. The Greeks and Latins left a vaft Genders.,
number of fubftantives, like a kind of outcafts, without
reducing them to any gender •, this procefs gave rife to
the neuter gender, which imports, that fuch fubftantives
were of neither gender. This has the appearance of a
defed, or rather a blemiffi, in both. Sometimes, too,
they make words neuter, which, according to the ana¬
logy of grammar, ought to be either mafeuline or femi¬
nine. And<again, they range words under the mafeu¬
line or feminine, which by the fame rule ought to have
been neuter. In (hort, the dodrine of generical diitri-
bution feems to have been very little regarded by the fa¬
bricators of both tongues. The beauty which arifes
from variety feems to have been their only objed. I42
The ufe of the article in the Greek language is, WTe part}iereb,
think, rather indeterminate’, it is often prefixed to pro-fervations
per names, wffiere there is no need of demonftration noron tlie ar*
generical diftindion. On the contrary, it is often omit-tlc,e‘
ted in cafes where both the one and the other fetm to
require its afliftance. In {hort, in fome cafes it items to
be a mere expletive. Though both Lord Monboddo
and Mr Harris have treated of this part of fpeech, nei¬
ther the one nor the other has afeertained its proper ufe.
(See Origin and Progrcfs of Language, vol. ii. p. 53.
Hermes, p. 214. e! feqi).—We know not any objedion
tor*
33^ P H I L O L O G Y. Sed. VII.
i (-irt cl; to the early ufe of articles among the Greeks fo plaufible
as the total negleft of them among the Romans. But it
ought to be confidcred, that after the flexions were in¬
troduced, the ufe of the article was in a great meafure
ncgleflcd. Accordingly, Lord Monboddo obferves that
it is very feldom ufed as fuch by Homer, but commonly
in place of the relative pronoun o.—Thus it would
appear, that at the time when the Roman language was
reduced to the Grecian itandard, the article was not
commonly ufed by the Greeks; and of courfe the La¬
tins never employed it. 'J here can be no doubt but the
pronoun w/io, in the northern languages, is the fame
with the Greek o, and the Hebrew /if/a. This among
the northern people is always a relative, which affords a
prefumption that the Greeks originally ufed the article
in the lame manner as we do at prefent. The fact is,
that the articles having once got into vogue, were often
pofitively ufed as mere expletives to fill up a gap •, and
that, on the other hand, when there was no occafion for
pointing out an object, it being fully determined by the
T , „ tenor of the difeourfe, it was often omitted.
Adjectives. fn forming adje&ives, they followed the fame plan
that they had done with fubftantives. Their great effort
was to make their adjedlives agree with their fubftan¬
tives in gender, number, and cafe. This arrangement
improved the harmony of fpeech 5 and nothing could
be more natural than to make the word exprefling the
quality correfpond with the fubjedft to which it be¬
longed.
As adjectives denote qualities, and thus are fufeep-
tible of degrees, nature taught them to invent marks
for exprefling the difference of thefe degrees. The
qualities may exceed or fall below each other by al-
moft numberlefs proportions •, it was, however, found
convenient to re ft rift thefe increafes and decreafes to
two denominations. The pofitive is, properly fpeaking,
no degree of comparifon at all j therefore we need only
point out the formation of the comparative and fuper-
lative.
The former is generally thought to be fabricated, by
firft adding the Hebrew word in', excellent, to the pofi¬
tive, and then affixing the Greek termination j and
the latter, by affixing the Syrian word tath and the fyl-
144 lable e;, in the fame manner.
Greek nu-j Every nation, even the moft uncivilized, have early
merars. acquired the notion of number. Numerical charafters
and names are the fame in many different languages.
Thefe terms were difeovered, and in ufe, long before
grammar came to any perfeftion •, and therefore re¬
main either inflexible or irregular. The firft way of
computing among the Greeks was by the letters of
the alphabet j fo that A fignified one and £2 twenty-
four : in this manner the rhapfodies of Homer are
numbered ; and fo are the divifions of fome of the
Pfalms, as is generally known. But a more artificial
plan of computation was obvioufly neceffary. They
divided the letters of the alphabet into decades or tens,
from A to Imo. To exprefs the number 6, they in-
ferted Cj baw—6 5 fo that by this means the firft de¬
cade amounted to 10. In the next decade every letter
increafed by tens, and fo P denoted 100. In this de¬
cade they inferted 4 x-°wct.—<yo. In the third, every
letter role by 100 ; fo that ^) G-arxi—goo. By in-
ferting thefe three Phoenician charafters they made
their alphabet amount to 000. To exprefs chiliads Gr ek
or thoufands, they began with the letters of the al- Language,
phabet as before j and to make the diftinction, they ” v
placed a dot under each character, as the units, tens,
hundreds, were diftinguilhed by an acute accent over
them.
But in monumental inferiptions, and in public in-
ftruments, a larger and more lafting numerical charac¬
ter was fabricated. They began with I, and repeat¬
ed that letter till they arrived at 11= q. Tins is the firft
letter of srem, fve. Then they proceeded, by repeat¬
ing I till they came to 10 A, the firft letter of 10.
Then they repeated A over and over, fo that four A=
40. To exprefs 50, they ufed this method ; they in-
clofed A in the belly of jAj — 50, |h| = 500 |T|=50,000
&c. Often, however, X fignifies xooo, and then we
have 'hr; XiMoi, 2000 q X1M01, 3000 5 and fo of the
rei’’ r45
The word pronoun fignifies a word placed mftead of Pronouns.
a noun or name q and indeed the perfonal pronouns are
really fuch : this needs no explication. The pronoun
of the firft perfon is one of thofe words which have
continued invariable in all languages j and the other
perlbnals are of the fame charafter. The relatives,
poffeftives, demonftratives, and gentiles, are generally
derived from thefe, as may be difeerned by a very mo¬
derate adept in the language. Our readers will there¬
fore, we hope, eaiily dflpenfe with our dwelling upon
this part of fpeech. 145
Ve/'b. In moft ancient languages, verbs, according Greek
to the order of nature, have only three tenfes or times, ^rl!>s> ^ow’
namely, the /><?//, prefent, and future. The intermedi-1
ate tenfes were the invention of more refined ages.—
The Greek, in the moft early periods, had no other
tenfes but thofe above-mentioned. The manner of
forming thefe we {hall endeavour to point out, with¬
out touching upon the nature of the reft, ftnee an idea
of them may be acquired from any common gram¬
mar.
We have obferved above, that the flexion of nouns
of the firft and fecond declenfions are formed by an¬
nexing fragments of the articles to the radical words •,
and thati the variation of the tenfes was produced by
joining the fubftantive verb, according to the fame ana¬
logy. Every Greek verb was originally an inflexible
biliteral, triiiteral, quadriliteral or diffyllabic radix. The
variations were formed a long while after in the manner
above intimated.
The Greeks hud their fubftantive or auxiliary verb,
from the Phoenician or Chaldean verb trn, fat. This
verb, taking away the gentle afpirate from both begin¬
ning and end, actually becomes n. This vocable the
Greeks brought along with them from the Eaft, and
manufaftured after their own manner, which appears to
have been thus:
Pref. io), nc, «£, loyAv, ini, ioo-i,
Cont. a, £<5, u, cvp:v, ini ovs-c,
Fut. urea, lo-u;, £i-£<, iG-cpiv, &C.
We place on in the third perfon plural, becanfe for
many centuries o/unc^ov fupplied the found of the' diph¬
thong tv. By thele variations it will appear that the
radical verb was rendered capable of infleftion. We
have obferved that Greek verbs were a collefticn of bi¬
literal,
2
PHILOLOGY.
Plate recexvi
w
U/
0/'>-
Q ^v/uv/////// 2 //y.uy///////
, S// /It/■////.■ r.r <■<■/■ //////ir-tf/M //l t w
'//i/a /■('//('i/a./it’.j/t’/r a///ta/Yi/j
ODEiVI OOIUMTOX. .mXIKIMsS.U.KK.'ro. TFIOrlO. HO
ESTLY. EtLTO.TEITO.EYTEI HODOl TEL^ULEV'rOI
HEHODO.. / lEOI.0 MB.LOIOY.T01HAESAYTI.JMABTYS
11/I. WON. K.MIODIA.KJI.HOEKIO.TKS.HEMETBOS
HI I. KOBE S. A YYlftE HU. KAl^OOOVlOA. <8>E0Y. KAl.
"Ja//-‘ on/ Q /yt/za/r/.
//?/ a/ oi ou un
^Umjonanti.
,1 3 JJ,J,S ? I ? 1 5 35 5
a 3 3,5 f ar .3.31 ? 13 3 i s YA
-a ^rri T? — ^ Y.E 3fl3l3 3:
j^V Y ^ ^ f g/ # *1 <» M S <m un ah,*,*
cn/t/a
I
Sea. VII.
PHILOLOGY.
■Cure,
Greek literal, triiiteral, or quadriliteral, radical words.—The
Language.^ following may ferve for examples : rt, Asy, Mcc/>, tvt,
y tyctV, TfltK, qx-TT, Lap, A)jA, As**.
Thefe radicals are taken at random ; and we believe
our Grecian ftudent, by adding the terminations, will
readily find them all fignificant verbs. With thefe ra¬
dicals, then, and the fubftantive verb, we fuppofe the
prefent and future tenfes were formed.
Original But it is now generally admitted that the modern
prefent that prefent was not the original one of the verb. The fe-
which is ^ cond, or Attic future, appears plainly to have been the
cond fir- " ni°ft ancient prefent. When the language was im¬
proved, or rather in the courfe of being improved, a new
prefent was invented, derived indeed from the former,
but differing widely from it in its appearance and com¬
plexion. Upon this occafion, the old prefent was de¬
graded, and inftead of intimating what was doing at pre¬
fent, was made to import what was immediately to be
done hereafter. By this means, ypa.q>iu, contracted in¬
to I am writing, came to intimate I am juft go¬
ing to write. This change was probably made for the
fake of enriching the language, for variety, for energy.
Thus, romu contracted tottm became-ruTrria, rixa, tixtv,
&c. According to this theory, we find, that fuch verbs
as now have no fecond future retain their original form,
only the circumflex has been removed in order to ac¬
commodate them to the general ftandard. Gramma¬
rians have now chofen the three charaCteriilic letters of
aftive verbs from the prefent, firfl: future, and perfeCt.
The true charaCteriftic of the original verb was that of
the prefent fecond future. Many verbs are now deffi-
tute of that tenfe, becaufe fince the invention of the new
prefent, thofe have fallen into difufe.
Let us now take the verb Asy^, dico, in order to
make a trial j and let us write the radix and the
auxiliary, firfl; feparately, and then in conjunClion :
Thus,
tey-w, Asy-82?, Asy-ss tey-sop&tt, Acy-em, Asy-f«s-<n. Then
we will have contracted AsyS, Asysi?, Ajy.l, XiyoZftty,
Asysm, Xtyvn. Here, we believe, every thing is felf-
evident.
The Englifh would run thus: Saying I am, faying
thou art, faying he is, &c. At firft the radix and the
auxiliary were pronounced feparately, as we do our
helping verbs in Englilh, and would have been written
in the fame manner had words been then diftinguilhed
T49 in writing.
Tuft future, The prefent firft future occupied the fame place that
and it now does, and concurred in its turn to complete the
future in conjunction with the radix. That the fub-
ftantive verb was infleCted in the manner above laid
down, is obvious from its future middle tvoput, and
from the future of the Latin verb fum, which was of
old efo, efts, &c. Verbs in A*>, pu, vu, (>u, often take
a-u in the firft future. See Feed. Cret. ap. Mann. Oxon.
lib. 87. Verbs in A*> and aflume a- by analogy, as
xeAAtf, KiXcru, Eurip. Hecub. v. 1057. x-^rou Horn. Od.
x. v. 511. rtXXia, nXa-a, unde rsAs-ev, II. x. v. 707. Ǥ<y.
Find. Nem. Od. 9. Duodec. 2. Theoc.
Idyll. 22. v. 63. In fine, the ALolic dialed after the
liquids often inferts <r.
It muft be obferved, that the Greeks, in order to ac¬
celerate the pronunciation, always throw out the s and
v, except in verbs ending in ««, s&», ; where they gene-
mlly change them into q and <y. When the laft letter
Vol. XVI. Part I.
Formation
of the mo¬
dern pre¬
fent.
337
of the radix can coalefcc with «■ after e is thrown out, Greek
they transform it, fo as to anfwer that purpofe j if not, kanIuage-
they fometimes throw it out. We {hall once more take v
Asy« for an example :
My-etra), Xiy-in-Uf, Asy-ws;, &c.
Throwing out 1, it would ftand Xiy-ra, Asy-c-uj, &c,
by changing yj into | it becomes As|^. A 6 and cr can¬
not coalefce with <r, therefore they throw them out:
thus, A^y, future firft xg-m •, zrXnia, future firft ffAqr^ ;
Avvtu, Atvfu, &c.
Thefe are the general rules with refped to the for¬
mation of the prefent and future of adive verbs in the
earlieft ftages of the Greek language. The limits pre-
feribed will not allow us to purfue thefe conjedures •,
but the reader may, if he thinks proper, carry them a
great way. 150
The preterite tenfe falls next under confideration. Pretente
If we may truft analogy, this, as well as the other two,tenfe'
muft have owed its conformation to the radix of the
verb, and fome other word fitted to eke out' its termina¬
tions. It has been thought by fome critics, that this
addition was taken from the Hebrew word mn and we
fliould be of the fame opinion did not another auxiliary
prefent itfelf nearer home, which appears to us much 151
more congruous to fuch a purpofe. Perhaps, indeed, Odg>n of
the people from whom sve fuppofe it borrowed, derived j.‘ie au^
it from the eaftern quarters. We have already obfer-iari ’
ved, that the Thracians were mailers of a great part of
Greece in the very earlieft ages. At that time they
rvere a polite and learned people. From them a confi-
derable part of the Greek language was derived. If,
therefore, we fliould find a word in their language em¬
ployed for the fame purpofe, and accommodated to coa¬
lefce with the radical verb, we feel ourfelves very much
inclined to prefer fuch a word.
The word ha pervades many different languages as
an auxiliary verb. From it we have the Italian ho,
the Spaniih he, the French ai-, and in one Ihape or
other it appears in all the German and Scandinavian
dialects. It is the Gothic auxiliary ; and, we believe,
it forms the termination of the perfedt adlive of the firft
conjugation in the Latin tongue: For there am is the
radix of a mo ; in-the preterite am-avi, amavi: and the
preterperfebt am-hav-eratn, i. e. amaveram, compounded
of am, hav, and eram, the imperfect of the indicative of
the fubftantive verb. This procefs, in the formation of
the preterite of Latin verbs, will fcarce be queftioned,
and forms certainly a prefumptive proof that the Greeks
purfued the fame line. From this verb is likewife de¬
rived the Latin habeo, by changing v into b, which are
indeed the fame letter. Our readers, after this detail,
will not be furprifed if we ihould now hazard a conjec¬
ture, and declare It as our opinion, that this fame Gothic
auxiliary ha is ablually the additional part of the pre¬
terite of Greek verbs, and that part upon which the
conjugation depends.
In forming this combination between the radix and
the auxiliary, the Greeks were obliged to fabricate
feveral devices. As often as the laft letter of the ra¬
dix could not unite with the afpirate in ha, they me-
tamorphofed it into one of the double letters, which
are capable of coalefcing with it. In the verb Xiyu,
y> was changed into # ; thus, Asy ha became Ae,^*, tvtttu
preterite rv?r ha, was combined into rvQx. In verbs
U u •which
338 PHILO
Greek which had a radix that would not admit this conjunc-
^Language. tjon^ they hardened the h into as in r«y, preterite
ri.ycl^ Ax-ov-xx. Many other ways were contrived to
facilitate this re-union, ihefe are detailed in every
Greek grammar, and fo need not be mentioned.—
What has been laid with refpeft to this configuration,
we ofter as a pure conjefture, wi * ut the moil remote
intention of obtruding it upon our leaders.
If it is admitted, that the auxiliary ha formed the
conjugating termination of the atlive verb among the
Greeks, it will likewife be admitted, that the radical
verb and the other made originally two diftindl words :
that, according to this fcheme, the preterite would pro¬
ceed thus, Asy ha, faid I have ; Asy has, faid thou hajl;
Asy he, faid he hath, &c. This procefs to us appears ra¬
tional, elegant, and advantageous. The pluperfect was
not then invented, and therefore it does not come under
our confideraticn. The other tenfes were all deduced
from thofe defcribed ; and in forming thefe intermediate
diltimtive tenfes, we believe that both critics and gram¬
marians, and perhaps philofophers tot), were employed.
See Grammar.
The eaftern nations have diverfified their verbs, by
affixing fragments of the perfonal pronouns to the ra¬
dix, by which they gained only the advantage of ex¬
hibiting the genders of the perfons engaged in being,
afting, and fuffering; but a perpetual repetition of
thefe was unavoidable. The Greeks, by their artifi¬
cial combination of the radix with the two auxiliaries,
avoided the neceffity of repeating their perfonal pro¬
nouns, as we and the other modern inhabitants of Eu¬
rope are obliged to do ; and at the fame time, by diver-
' fifving the terminations of their nouns and verbs, won¬
derfully improved the beauty and harmony of their
language. The arrangement above infilled on is fo
very different from that of the orientals, and io entirely
Gothic, that we think there can be no doubt that the
Greeks borrowed this manoeuvre from/ the Thracians.
Every perfon moderately acquainted with the Greek
language will, upon examination, difcover a wonderful
coincidence between the ftrudlure, idioms, and phraleolo-
gy, of the Engliffi and Greek languages 5 fo many con¬
genial features mull engender a ffrong fufpicion that
there once fubfilled a pretty intimate relation between
them.
In the preceding deduction, we find curielves obli¬
ged once more to differ from the very learned author
of the Origin and Progrefs of Language. As we took
the liberty to quellion his originality of the Greek
language, and at the fame time prefumed to attack
the goodly llruclure raifed by philofophers, critics,
and grammarians 5 fo we now totally differ from that
,■ learned writer as to his theory of the creation of
. verbs out of the inhabile matter of «&>, siw, &c. This
whole fabric, in our opinion, leans on a feeble foun¬
dation.
The apparatus of intermediate tenfes, of augments,
derivation of tenfes, with their formation, participles,
and idiomatical conllru&ions, and other effentials or
appendages, we omit, as not coming within the verge
of the difquifition.
LOGY. Sea. VII.
The derivation and formation of the middle and Greek
paffive voices, w'ould certainly afford matter of curious ,Language.
fpcculation ; but the labour neceffary to inveftigate ^ '
this connexion would greatly overbalance the benefit Derjvation
expe&ed. and torma-
However, to complete our plan, we fhall fubjoin atlon of the
few Ari&ures with refpect to the formation of the™!;^le
middle voice, which was, in our opinion, immediately ‘ *
formed from the aflive.
We have feen already, that the aftive voice in its
original date was formed by annexing fragments of
the fubllantive or auxiliary verb to the radix. The
fame economy wras obferved in fabricating the flexible
parts of the verb of the middle voice. To demon-
ftrate this, we fhall firff conjugate the prefent tenfe of
the auxiliary paffive upon the principles above laid
down.
Prefent, Eo[axi, ae-xi, arai, soptQx, sztrh, iovtxi. Such
was the paffive-preknt of the auxiliary. We fhall now
take our example from the verb totstm ) fecond future
'rvT7-iop.ee, f ruck lam, roTr-avcii, Jlruck thou art, tvtt-
htcii, fruck he is, &c. contracted Tvircvpai, rvTni, rvmi-
tcu. The conjunction and formation here is obvious.
Perhaps, in the fecond perfon, <r was inferted, which,
however, is thrown out in the procefs of the perfons.
The future middle is clearly formed, by affixing the
future-paffive of the verb !«, only as « was introduced,
into the language for e long, it was generally (t) fubfti-
tuted intteacl of that vowel in verbs ending in xu and u,
and m for 0 in verbs ending in «*>; the two vowels e and
e being originally long - as well as fhort, till n was
adopted to denote the long found of the former, and
o) that of the latter. In many verbs, before the con-
junCHon of the radix and auxiliary, s was thrown out: cCCCXVJ.
thus, TVTT-iG-epZI became Tvfopxt, >.i'/-icropeU, Mztpzt,
Sec.
The preterite wTas deduced from that of the aClive by
a very (light variation, fo trifling, indeed, that it need
not be mentioned 5 only we may obferve, that the afpi-
rate h is never retained in this tenfe, which originally
feems to have been the only diftinguifhing chara&er by
which that tenfe of the middle voice differed from the
fame tenfe of the aCtive.
From the (triCt analogy between the mode of form¬
ing the three primary tenfes of the aCtive and middle
voice, we are led to fufpeft that what is now the middle
was originally the paffive voice.
The immediate formation of the former, by annexing
the paffive auxiliary, is obvioits. The middle voice (till
partakes of the paffive fignification, fince it has fome-
times a paffive, though more frequently an aCtive.
There are feveral parts of the prefent paffive quite ana¬
logous to the fame tenfes in the middle : and, laftly, it
is the common progrefs, in the courfe of improvement,
to proceed itep by ftep, and by approximation. What
is mod fimple and eafy is the firft objeCt, then fucceeds
what is only a little more difficult, and fo on till vre ar¬
rive at the lad dage, when human ingenuity can go
no farther. Now, it will readily be admitted, that
the paffive voice is much more embarraffed and in¬
tricate in its texture than the middle 5 and, therefore,
the
(t) We fay generally, becayfe in verbs ending in w, the s is feme times retained, as agnw-iw*.
sea. vir.
Greek the former fhould have been pofteiior in point of time
Language. to the latter>
We are well aware, that the very learned Kufter, and
molt other moderns, deeply {killed in the origin, pro-
grefs, and ftrudlure, of the Greek language, have thought
otherwife. The general opinion has been, that the
Greek middle voice anfvvered exactly to the Hebrew
conjugation hithpachal, and in its priftine fignificalion
imported a reciprocality, or when the agent a£ts upon it-
fe/f. For our part, we only intended a few hints upon
the fubjeft, which our learned readers may purfue, ap-
prove, or reject, at pleafure.
and of the If we might pretend to inVeftigate the formation of
pafiive. the pa {live voice, we fhould imagine that the modern
prefent was formed from the ancient one, by inferting fuch
letters as were found neceffary for beauty, variety, ener¬
gy, &c.; the firlt future from the fecond future middle
of the verb -n^;, once This future is ivc-cpai 5
and, joined to the radix, always occupies that place,
TiMO/iFouxi, TV<pd'/i<rcfixi, and fo of
the reft : whether pai, <rxi, thu, which occur fo frequent¬
ly as the terminations of the middle and paffive voices,
are fragments of tome obfolete verb, we will not pre¬
tend to determine.
From verbs in iu, cu, v&>, are formed verbs in pi j
which in the prefent, imperfect, and fecond aorift, as it
is called, only have a different form, by affuming pi
with a long vowel preceding it, in the prefent aftive j
which vowel is preferved in each perfon lingular. This
colleftion of, irregular verbs feems to be formed from
the verb upi, which in fome dialects might be npu In¬
deed the imperfeft >jv, u, feems to imply as much : in
this, however, we dare not be politive.
In the whole of this analylis of the formation of
verbs, we have laid down what to us appears moft plau-
fible. That metaphyfical critics may difcover inaccu¬
racies in the preceding detail we make no doubt 5 but
our candid readers will doubtlefs refleft, that no lan¬
guage was ever fabricated by philofophers, and that
the elements of language were hammered out by pea-
fants, perhaps by favages. Critics have created a philo-
fophy of language we admit, and have a thoufand times
difcovered wonderful acutenefs and ingenuity in the me-
chanifm of words and fentences, where the original o-
nomathetfe never apprehended any, and which poflibly
never exifted but in their own heated imagination. If
our more enlightened readers fliould find any thing in
the preceding detail worthy their attention, fo much the
better *, if the contrary fliould happen, we prefume they
will take up with the hackneyed fyftem. We have all
along neglefted the dual number, becaufe it regularly
follows the type of the other numbers.
Be that as it may, before we drop this fubjeft we
muft take the liberty to fubjoin an obfervation or two
with refpett to the confequences of the practice of new
modelling the prefent, and of courfe the imperfect,
tenfes of verbs, ift, After this arrangement they com¬
monly retained all the other tenfes exaftly as they had
flood connedled with the primitive verb : this needs no
example. 2d, They often collefted the tenfes of verbs,
whofe prefent and imperfeft were now obfolete, in order
339
to fupply this defect. Thus we have Greek
3d, They often formed prefent and imperfect |Language,
tenles without any ether tenfes annexed : The poets in *r "*
particular feem to have fabricated thefe two tenfes at
pleafure.
If this procedure was convenient for the poets, it
was certainly moft incommodious with refpedt to the
vulgar, as well as to foreigners who had an inclination
to learn the language. The vulgar, fome ages after
Homer and Hefiod, muft have found it as difficult to
underftand their poems as our -people do to compre¬
hend thofe of Chaucer and Spenfer. By this difpofi-
lion, too, the etymology of verbs was almoft entirely
confounded. The prefent fecond future being, as has
been obferved, the ancient prefent, the attention of the
curious etymologift was naturally diverted to the modem
prefent, rvhere it was utterly impoffible to difcover the
radical word. A few examples will elucidate this point:
TEiv<y, to Jtretch, to extend, old prefent rxvu; raw is the ra¬
dix, which at once appears to be a Perlian word figni-
fying a large traB of country. Hence Mauritania “ the
land of the Mauri,” Aquitania, Bretania ; and with s
prefixed Hindo-ftan, Chufi-ftan, Turque-ftan. The
obfolete verb ona, whence oTrropxiy is evidently derived
from op, an Egyptian name of the moon : (pxtvn, fecond
future tpum, to Jhow, from the Egyptian word phan or
pan, a name of the fun : tvtttu, future fecond tv a a g tvtt
is obvioufly the offspring of sn thaph, “ a drum or tim¬
brel,” from beating or ftriking, &.c. In fuch etymo¬
logical refearches, the ftudent muft be careful to turn
the Ionic ij into the Doric « ; becaufe the Dores were
lateft from the coaft of Paleftine, and confequently re¬
tained the largeft {hare of the Phoenician dialed:: thus
ynhu, to rejoice, turning r, into « becomes yafoco. This
word, throwing away the termination, becomes gat/i,
plainly fignifying a wine prefs (u). It is likewife to bf
obferved, that the iEolians often change « into «, as <rv(%
inftead of &c.
It is not our intention to enter into the arrange¬
ment and peculiar conftru&ions of the Greek language.
There is, however, one, which we cannot well pafs over 154
in filence. As that tongue is deftitute of thofe words Greek in*
which the Latins call gerunds to fupply this defeft they fi,1l!jives
employ the infinitive with tne article prefixed ; thus,u *S
E15 to uvxi uvTiSi tn Order to their being friends;
ct-To ts# ite<r6cu xvTovg BetnXM, from their having ele&ed a
king; Ek tv xtco (fXvyfiv avrvs vc rnj toMo?, from their
fying out of the city. In thefe phrafes the infinitive is
faid to aflume the nature of a fubftantive noun ; agree¬
ing writh the article before it, exadly as if it were a noun
of the neuter gender. Idioms of this kind occur in our
own tongue 5 only with us the verb, inftead of being
exprefled in the infinitive, is turned into the participle.
According to this arrangement, the firft of the preced¬
ing phrafes, which, according to the Greek, would
ftand toward to be friends, in Englifti is, in order to
their being friends. This anomaly, then, if indeed it be
fuch, is of no manner of coniequence. The French, if
we are not miftaken, would exprefs it in the very fame
manner with the Greek, that is, pour etre amis.
From treating of verbs, we ffiould naturally proceed
U u 2 to
PHILOLOGY.
(u) Hence it came to fignify rejoicing, from the -mirth and revelry attending the treading of the vine-prefs.
IS5
Greek par¬
ticles of
oriental
estraflion.
340 P H I L O
Greek to tlie confideration of adverbs, '.vluch are fo denoml-
Language. na^e(j^ becaui'e tliey are generally the conconiitants of
verbs. Every thing relating to that part of fpeeeh,
in the Greek tongue, may be feen in the Port Royal
or any other Greek grammar. Inftead therefore of
dwelling upon this beaten topic, we fhall hazard a con-
jefture upon a point to which the critics in the Greek
tongue, as far as we know, have not hitherto adverted.
The moft elegant and moft admired writers of
Greece, and efpecially-Homer, and after him Heliod,
abound with {mall particles, which appear to us pure
expletives, created as it were to promote harmony, or
fill up a blank without fenfe or fignification. How
thofe expletive particles fhould abound in that language
beyond any other, we think, is a matter not eafy to be
accounted for. It has been laid by the Zoili, that if you
extract thefe nonentities from the poems of that bard,
cjm joins meruit dici poeta, a magnum inane, a mighty
blank, would be left behind. We would willingly do
juftice to that pigmy race of words, and at the fame time
vindicate the prince of poets from that groundlefs im¬
putation. Plato likewife, the prince of philofophers,
has been often accufed of too frequently employing
thefe fuperfluous auxiliaries.
Thofe particles were no doubt imported from the
eaft. It w'ould be ridiculous to imagine that any de-
feription of men, however enthufiaftically fond they
might be of harmonious numbers, wrould lit down on
purpofe to fabricate that race of monofyllables purely
to eke out their verfes •, mere founds without fignifican-
cy. In the firft place, it may be obferved, that there
is a very ftrift connection among the particles of all
cognate languages. To this wre may add, that the not
underftanding the nature, relations, fignification, and
original import of thofe feemingly unimportant terms,
has occafioned not only great uncertainty, but nutn-
berlefs errors in tranflating the ancient languages into
the modern. The Greek language in particular lofes
a confiderable part of its beauty, elegance, variety, and
energy, when thefe adverbial particles with -which it is
replete are not thoroughly comprehended. An exaCl
tranflation of thefe fmall words, in appearance infig-
nificant, would throw new light not only on Homer
and Hefiod, but even upon poets of a much pofterior
date. Particles, wdiich are generally treated as mere
expletives, wmuld often be found energetically fignifi-
cant. It is, however, altogether impoflible to fucceed
in this attempt without a competent Ikill in the He¬
brew, Chaldaic, Arabian, Perfian, and old Gothic lan¬
guages. We fhall here take the liberty to mention a
few of thefe particles which are mofi; familiar, one or
other of which occur in almoft every line of Homer,
and wdiich we believe are either not underftood or mif-
underftood. Such are A#, ^*1, piv, jjvTei, yi, tgi,
ysst. ku. is nothing elfe but the Chaldaic particle
the parent of the Englilh the. It likewife fignifies by
turns, in your turn \ ^ is the fame word in the Ionic
dialedl:; pw is a particle of the Hebrew affirmative in*
ainen, Jules, veritas. May, a kind of oath by the moon,
called mana, almoft over all the eaft } hence Dor. ft,xyu. ;
yi, an oath by yux,, that is, the earth ; another oath
by the fame element, probably from the oriental word
of the fame import *, g* is a fragment of x^x mentioned
before ; ya», of ytx the earth, and or uv, an Egyp¬
tian name of the fun } ws as, a particle which pet"
LOGY.
Sea. VII.
vades all the dialects of the Gothic language. In this Greek
manner we believe all thefe fmall words that occur lo Language,
frequently in the Greek tongue, and which have hither- v"
to been held inexplicable, may be eafily rendered in
fignificant terms: and were this done, Vve believe they
would add both beauty and energy to the claufes in
which they Hand. But this difeuffion mull be left to
more accomplilhed adepts.
We fhall not explain the nature of prepofitions, be- Prepotl.
caufe we are convinced that few people will take the dons,
trouble to perufe this difquifition w ho are not already
acquainted with their import in language. The Greek
prepofitions are eighteen in number, which need not
be enumerated here. Moft of thefe might be eafily
fhown to be particles, or fragments deduced from ori¬
ental or Gothic words. The ufe of thefe words is to
conned! together terms in difeourfe, and to fiiow the
relation between them. In languages where, as in
Englifh, all thefe relations are expreffed without any
change on the termination of the nouns to which they
are prefixed, the procefs is natural and eafy. The whole
is performed by juxtapofition. But in the Greek and
Latin tongues, this effedf is produced, partly by prefix¬
ing prepofitions and partly varying the terminations of
nouns. Had the Greeks been able to intimate all thofe
relations by varying the terminations, or had they mul¬
tiplied their prepofitions to fuch a number as would have
enabled them to exprefs thefe relations without the
cafual variations, as the northern languages have done j
in either cafe their language would have been lefs em-
barraffing than it is in its prefent ftate. According to
the prefent arrangement both prepofitions and the cafual
variations are ufed promifcuoufly toanfwer that purpofe}
a method which appears to us not altogether uniform.
Though this plan might occafion little embarrafiment
to natives, it muft, in our opinion, have proved fome-
what perplexing to foreigners. The difficulty would be,
as to the latter, when to adopt the one and when the
other expedient.
Another inconveniency arifes from the exceeding
fmall number of prepofitions in that language, which
bear too fmall a proportion to the great variety of re¬
lations which they are appropriated to exprefs. This
deficiency obliged them often to employ the fame pre-
pofition to denote different relations : For inftance, Em
intimates, iff, upon; as £ir< -rs ?^$u, upon the/lone; and
then it takes the genitive. 2d, It denotes near upon ;
as bu t a Xi6a>, and then it governs the dative. 3d, The
fame prepofition fignifies motion towards; as Emmy tm
roy A<0ev, he fell upon the /tone. In thefe inftances the
fame prepofition intimates three different relations 3 and,
which is ftill more embarraffing, each of thefe requires a
different cafe. The difficulty in this inftance is fo con¬
fiderable, that even the moft accurate of the Greek
writers themfelves often either forget or negledt the true
application. Many examples of this might be adduced,
did the limits affigned us admit fuch illuftrations. Every
man who has carefully perufed the Grecian authors will
readily furniffi himfelf with examples.
Again, fome prepofitions, which indicate different re- irregularly
lations, are prefixed to the fame cafe. Thus, f| fignifies ufed,
from ; as, Ex A/o? x^o/xt&x, from Jupiter we begin ; utt
ip.ov Qiov, frorji my life, or my courfe of life ; tt^o roir
6v(>6>v, before the doors; tt^o viktis lyxafuoy, an encomium
lejQre thf 'Viciory j uni xyxbwy XTrehloyxt xxxx, to render
evil
Seel. VII.
Greek evil for good; xvn ccv, againjl you. In thefe examples,
Language. au{j indeed every where, thole prepofitions intimate dif-
ferent relations, and yet are prefixed to the lame cafes.
Sometimes the fame prepofition feems to affume two op-
pofite fignifications : this appears from the prepoiition
u'm juft mentioned, which intimates both for, injlead of,
and againjl or oppofte to.
What has been obferved with refpeft to the prepofi¬
tions above mentioned, the reader will readily enough
apply to jttETrs, fl'Egi. Thefe incongruities
certainly imply fomething irregular; and ieem to inti¬
mate that thofe anomalies were lb deeply incorporated
with the conftitution of the language, that the fubfe-
c-uent improvers found it impotTible to correct them.
Indeed to prefix a prepofition to a cafe already diftin-
guiflied by the affixed termination, appears to us a fu-
perfluity at leaft, if not an abfurdity ; for certainly it
would have been more natural to have faid ix. Ztv; x^o-
pi9ot, than be. en^ofii6x. Some very learned men, who
have inquired into the origin of language, have been of
opinion that prepofitions were the laft invented fpecies
of words. If this opinion be well founded, we may lup-
pofe (and we think that this fiippofition is not alto¬
gether improbable) that the cafual terminations of the
Greek language were firft affixed to the radix, in the
manner above exhibited ; and that prepofitions were
afterwards fabricated and prefixed to the cafes already in
ufe.
The fyntax or conftrufHon of the Greek language
does not, according to our plan, come within the com-
pafs of our prefent inquiry. This the curious Greek
Undent will eafily acquire, by applying to the grammars
compofed for that purpofe. We have already hazarded
a few conjectures with refpeCt to the formation of the
moft important and moft diftinguifhed claffes of words
into which it has been divided by the moft able gram¬
marians, without, however, defeending to the minutiae
of the language. As prepofitions are the chief materials
with which its other words, efpecially verbs, are com¬
pounded, we fhall briefly confider the order in which
they probably advanced in this procefs.
Complex ideas are compounded of a certain number
or collection of fimple ones. Of thofe complex no¬
tions, fome contain a greater and fome a fmaller num-
•ber of fimple conceptions. In language, then, there
are two ways of expreffing thofe complex ideas, either
by coining a word to exprefs every fimple idea fepa-
rately, according to the order in which they Hand in
the mind ; or by trying to combine two or more
fimple terms into one, and by tha:_ method to intimate
one complex idea by one fingle word. The Arabians,
notwithftanding all the boafied excellencies of their
language, have never arrived at the art of compound¬
ing their words, in order to anfwer this noble purpofe 5
and the filler dialeCls are but flenderly provided with
this fpecies of vocables. The Greeks, of all other
nations (except perhaps thofe who fpake the Sanfcrit
language), are unrivalled in the number, variety, pro¬
priety, elegance, energy, and expreffion of their com¬
pound terms. The Greeks, like the Arabians, in the
earlielf llages of their language, had only a colleClion
of radical disiointed words, confifting of the jargons
of the aboriginal Greeks, of the Pelafgi, Thracians,
&c. How thefe words were arranged and conllruCled,
we have no data remaining upon which we can found
P II I L O LOGY.
a critical inveftigation,
GS
ufed in
competi¬
tion.
341
We mull therefore remain Greek
fatisfied with fuch probable conjedfures as the nature of l Langlia^e',
the cafe, and the analogy of the language, feem to fuggeft.
The prepofitions were originally placed before the
nouns, whofe relations they pointed out. For example,
let us take the !i>v«;re(b)5a-iciTo «AAe<j, he died along
with the ref, or he died out of hand along with the others.
Thefe words were arranged thus: ccTreSytia-xilo erw ret$
fitAAs<5 ; and etiro-Ovti'racv ervv rets xXXois. In this manner „
the parts of every compound word were placed fepa-
rately, at kail as much as other words which had no
connedlion. r r59
The firfl. compound words of the Greek language ihe
were the radical nouns w ith the article, and the radical
part of the fubftantive or auxiliary verb. The fuccefs Greek,
of this experiment encouraged them to attempt the fame
in other words. By this noble invention they found
themfelves able to exprefs, in one word, with eafe and
fignificancy, what in other languages, and formerly in
their own, required a tedious ambages or circumlocution.
In procefs of time, as their language was gradually mel¬
lowed, they increafed the number of their compounds,
till their language, in that refpedt, infinitely excelled
all its parent dialedls. In this procefs they were care¬
ful to unite fuch letters as not only prevented aiperity
and difficulty of pronunciation, but even promoted har- .
mony and elegance. But this was the labour of pofter-
ior ages.
The Greeks were entirely ignorant of the derivation
or etymology of their language : for this we need only
confult Plato’s Cratylus, Ariitotle’s Rhetoric, Demetri¬
us Phalereus, Longinus, &c. In deducing patrony¬
mics, abftrafts, poifeffives, gentiles, diminutives, ver¬
bals, &c. from radicals of every kind, they have ihown
the greateft art and dexterity. Examples of this occur
almoft in every page of every Greek author. But this
extended no farther than their own language ; every
foreign language was an abomination to the Greeks.
But more of this in the fequel.
The original materials of the Greek tongue were un- Gngina!
doubtedly rough and difeordant, as we have deferibed^^ ‘
them above. They had been collefted from different Greek lan-
quarters, were the produce of different countries, andguage;
had been imported at very diflant periods. It would
therefore be an entertaining, if not an inilrudling, fpe-
culation, if it were poffible to difeover by what men
and by what means, this wonderful fabric wTas founded,
crefted, and carried to perfection. The writers ot
Greece afford us no light. Foreigners were unacquain¬
ted with that originally infignificant canton. Every
thing beyond Homer is buried in eternal oblivion. Or¬
pheus is indeed reported to have compofed poems •, but
thefe wrere foon obliterated by the hand of time. The
verfes nowT aferibed to that philofophical hero are none
of his *. Linus wrote, in the Pelafgic dialed, the at- * fa!fan.
chievements of the firft Bacchus j Thamyris the Thra-|^' ^
cian wnote ; and Pronapides the mafter of Homer wTas 1
a celebrated poet. The rvorks of all thefc bards did
not long furvive ', and it is a certain fad that the Greek
longue wTas highly polifhed even more early than the
age in which thefe worthies flourifhed. Homer, no
doubt, imitated their produdions, and fome are of opin¬
ion that he borrowed liberally from them. The Greeks
knew no more of the original charader of their lan¬
guage, than of the original charader and complexion
of
342
Greek
Language.
P H I L O L O G Y.
Sea. VH.
161
wliich was
carried to
its utmoft
perfection
at a very
early pe¬
riod
of’tlicir progenitors. They allowed, indeed, that their
language was originally barbarous and uncouth ; but
by what means or by what perfons it was polifhed, en¬
riched, and finally arranged, was to them an impenetra¬
ble fecret.
We have already demonflrated that the lonim or
aborigines of Greece were a race of barbarians 5 that
confequently their lauguage, or rather their jargon,
was* of the fame contexture. The Pelafgi found both
the people and their fpeech in this uncultivated flate,
Thefe people arrived in Greece about the year before
Chrift 1760. It was then that the language of Greece
began to be cultivated. Before the age of Homer the
work feems to have been completed. Nothing of con-
fequence was afterwards added to the original flock j
on the contrary, not a few moities were dedudled from
the Homeric treafure. The Pelafgi, as was faid before,
arrived in Greece an. ant. Chr. 1760. Homer is thought
to have been born an. ant. Chr. JO41 j confequently
the cultivation of the Greek tongue was completed in a
period of about 700 years. But upon the fuppofition
that Orpheus, Linus, Thamyris, &c. wrote long before
Homer, as they certainly did, that language had arrived
nearly at the ftandard of perfection two centuries be¬
fore j by which computation the period of its progrefs
towards its llationary point is reduced to 500 years.
But as the Pelafgi were a colony of foreigners, we
ought to allow them one century at leaf! to fettle and
incorporate with the natives, and to communicate their
language, laws, manners, and habits, to the aborigines
of the country. By this deduction we fhall reduce the
term of cultivation to lefs than four centuries.
During this period Greece was furioufly agitated by
tumults and infurre&ions. That country was divided into
a number of independent Hates, which were perpetually
engaged in quarrels and competitions. Ihe profeflion
of arms was abfolutely neceffary for the protection and
prefervation of the Hate ; and the man of conduit and
prowefs was honoured as a demi-god, and his exploits
tranfmitted with eclat to pofterity. The Greek tongue
was then rough and unpolifhed j becaufe, like the an¬
cient Romans, the braveit men were more difpofed to
ait than to fpeak. Every language will take its colour
from the temper and charaiter of thofe who employ it j
and had it not been owing to one clafs of men, the
Greek tongue would have continued equally rough to
the era of Homer as it had been a century after the ar¬
rival of the Pelafgi.
There has appeared among barbarous or half-civilized
people a defeription of men whofe profeflion it has been
to frequent the houfes or palaces of the great, in order
to celebrate their achievements, or thofe of their ancef-
Lors, in the fublimefl {trains of heroic poetry. Accord¬
ingly, we find that the Germans had their hards, the
Gauls their fads, the Scandinavians their fealds or fcal-
dres, the Irifii their fleas, all retained for that very
purpofe. They lived with their chieftains or patrons *,
attended them to battle ; were witneiTes of their heroic
deeds •, animated them with martial {trains •, and cele¬
brated their prowefs, if they proved victorious ; or, if
they fell, raifed the fong of woe, and chanted the
mournful dirge over their fepulchres. Thefe bards
were always both poets and muficians. Their perfons
were held facred and inviolable. They attended pu¬
blic entertainments, and appeared in all national con-
. 4
ventions. The chief of them were employed in the Greek
temples of the gods *, and the lefs illuftrious, like our ,Liinguake,j
minltrels of old, {trolled about from place to place, and v
exercifed their functions wherever they found employ¬
ment. i6z
Among the ancient Greeks there was a numerous hy the po*
tribe of men of the very fame defeription, who were ets> wll°
at once poets and muficians, and whofe office it was
to celebrate the praifes of the great, and to tranfmit
their exploits to pofterity in the moft exaggerated en¬
comiums. Thefe poetical vagrants were ftyled A#^e<
or fongfters. Some of thefe lived in the houfes of great
men j rvhile others, lefs {kilful or lefs fortunate, ftrolled
about the country in the manner above deferibed. The
more illuftrious of thefe who were retained in the
temples of the gods, were certainly the firft improvers
of the language of the Greeks. Among the Hebrews
we find the firft poetical compofitions were hymns in ho¬
nour of Jehovah, and among the Pagans the fame prac¬
tice was eftablilhed. In Greece, when all was confu-
fion and devaflation, the temples of the gods were held
facred and inviolable. There the A«^o< improved their
talents, and formed religious anthems on thofe very mo¬
dels which their progenitors had chanted in the eaft.
The language of the Greeks was yet rugged and un¬
mellowed : their firft care was to render it more (oft
and more flexible. They enriched it with vocables
fuited to the offices of religion ; and thefe, we imagine.
Were chiefly imported from the eaft. Homer every
where mentions a diftinflion between the language of
gods and men. The language of gods imports thediftindHoai
oriental terms retained in the temples, and ufed in between
treating of the ceremonies of religion ; the language ^
of men intimates the ordinary civil dialed which fprung j^fand
from the mixed dialeCts of the country. The priefts,of men.
no doubt, concurred in promoting this noble and impor¬
tant purpofe. From this fource the {trolling drew
the rudiments of their art y and from thefe lalt the vul¬
gar deduced the elements of a polifhed fiyle.
To thefe A«&>< of the fuperior order we would alien be
thofe changes mentioned in the preceding part of this
inquiry, by which the Greek tongue acquired that va¬
riety and flexibility, from which two qualities it has de¬
rived a great ffiare of that eafe, beauty, and verfatility,
by which it now furpaffes meft other languages. The
diverfity of its terminations furniflies a moft charming
variety, while at the fame time the fenfe is communi¬
cated to the reader or hearer by the relation between
them. By this economy the poet and orator are left at
liberty to arrange their vocables in that order which
may be moft foothing to the ear, and belt adapted to
make a lafting impreffion on the mind.
Few colonies have emigrated from any civilized coun¬
try without a detachment of priqfts in their train. The
fupreme powers, whoever they were, have always been
worfhipped with mufic and dancing. The Hebrews,
Phoenicians, and Egyptians, delighted in thefe mufical
and jocund feftivals. The priefts who attended the lones,
Dores, Atolians, Thebans, Athenians, &c. from the eaft,
introduced into Greece that exquifite tafte, thofe delicate
mufical feelings, which diftinguifhed the Greeks from all
the neighbouring nations. Hence that numerous race of
onomatapoeas, by which the Greek language is invefted
wuth the powrer of expreffing almoft every pafficn of the
human foul, in fuch terms as oblige it to. feel and actually
to
Sea. Vil. PHILO
Greek to aflimilate to the paflion it would excite. Numberlefs
Language. inftances Qf this occur in every page ol Homer, Heliod,
'r~m^ Pindar, Sophocles, Euripides, and even of iiriltopha-
nes : lo quote iniiances would be to infult the Greek
Undent.
Every body knows that the praftice of writing in
verfe was antecedent to the date of prolaic compofition.
Here, then, the Ao^<n and the minifters of religion
chiefly difplayed their {kill and difcernment. By a ju¬
dicious mixture of ihort and long fyllables ; by a junc¬
tion of confonauls which naturally Aide into each other ;
by a careful attention to the rhythm, or harmony refult-
ing from the combination of the iyllables of the whole
line—they completed the metrical tone of the verfe,
guided by that delicacy of mulical feeling of which they
were pofl'efled before rules of profody were known among
men.
Much liberty was certainly ufed in tranfpoflng let¬
ters, in varying terminations, in annexing prefixes and
affixes, both to nouns and other kinds of words where
fuch adjundds were poffible : and upon this occafion we
think it probable, that thofe particles of which we have
ipoken above were inferted like filling Hones thruft in to
Hop the gaps or chinks of a building. Verles were then
clumfy and irregular, as the quantity of vowels was not
duly afcertained, and the collifion of heterogeneous con-
fonants not always avoided. Probably theie primitive
verfes diflered as widely from the finhhed drains of
Homer and his fucceffors, as thofe of Chaucer and
Spencer do Irom the fmooth poliihed lines of Dry den
and Pope.
The poetical compofitions of the earlied Greeks were
not, we think, in the hexameter flyle. As they were
chiefly calculated for religious fervices, we imagine they
refembled the Hebrew iambics preferved in the long ot
Aaron and Miriam, Deborah and Barak, Pfalms, Pro¬
verbs, &c. which were indeed calculated for the fame
purpofe. Archilochus perhaps imitated thefe, though
the model upon which he formed his iambics was not
generally known. The later dramatic poets feem to
have copied from the fame archetypes. Hexameters, it
. is probable, were invented by Orpheus, Linus, Thamyris,
Mufieus, &c. The firH of thefe travelled into Egypt,
where he might learn the hexameter meafure Irom that
people, who ufed to bewail Maneros and Ojiris in ele¬
giac Hrains. This fpecies of metre was firH confecrated
to theology,, and the mod profound fciences of moral
and natural philofophy; at length it was brought down
to celebrate the exploits of kings and heroes.
l\cs geftas regumque, ducumqub, et fortia bel/a,
fuo fcribi pojfent niimero monjiravit Homerus.
We have hazarded a conjecture above, importing that
the earlieft poetical compofitions of the Greeks were con¬
fecrated to the fervice of the gods. We (hall now pro¬
duce a few facts, which will furnifh at lead a prefump-
tive evidence of the probability of that conjecture.
Orpheus. Orpheus begins his poem with ancient chaos, its tranf-
formations and changes, and puriues it through its va¬
rious revolutions. He then goes on to defcribe the oft-
fpring of Saturn, that is time, the aether, love, and light.
In ffiort, his whole poem is, faid to have been an oriental
allegory, calculated to infpire mankind with the fear of
the gods, and to deter them from murder, rapine, unna¬
tural lulls, &;c.
154
Earlielt
poets of
Greece.
LOGY. 343
Mufaeus was the favourite fcholar of Orpheus, or per- Greek
haps his fqn. He compofed prophecies and hymns, and ,^anSuagej
wrote facred indruftions, which he addrefied to his fon. "
He prefcribed atonements and ludrations } but his great Mufteus.
work was a Theogony, or Hidory of the Creation, &.c. 167
Melampus brought the myderies of Proferpine from Meiampiis.
Egypt into Greece. He wrote the whole hidory of
the difaders of the. gods. This feer is mentioned by
Hamer himfelf. 16S
Olen came from Lycia, and compoled the fird hymnOIen.
that was fung in Delos at their folemnities ; he probably
emigrated from Patara a city of Lycia, where Apollo
had a celebrated temple and oracle.
The Hyperborean damfels ufed to vifit Delos, where
they chanted facred hymns in honour of the Delian god. itfp
. To thefe we add the great Homer himfelf, if indeed Homer and
the hymns commonly annexed to the Odyfley are his^6^0^1
compofition. Plefiod’s Theogony is too well known to
need to be mentioned.
From thefe indances we hope it appears, that the
origin of the poetry of Greece is to be found in the
temples 5 and that there, its-meafure, numbers, rhythm,
;and other appendages, were originally fabricated.
The Grecian poets, however, enjoyed another ad¬
vantage which that clafs of writers have feldom poi-
feffed, whirji arofe from the different dialeds into which T„0
their language was divided. All thofe dialeCls were Different
adopted indifferently by the prince of poets j a circum- dialedts,.
dance which enabled him to take advantage of any word vv^tlf
from any dialed, provided it fuited his purpofe. This, at°n®a1’
the fame time that it rendered verfification eafy, diffufed
an a’gi-eeable variety over his compofition. He even accom¬
modated words from Macedonia, Epirus, and Illyricum,
to the purpofes of his verfification : Befides, the laws of
quantity were not then clearly afcertairied; a circum-
Hance which afforded him another conveniency. Suc¬
ceeding poets did not enjoy thefe advantages, and confe-
quently have been more circumfcribed both in their dic¬
tion and numbers.
The Greek language, as is generally known, was di¬
vided into many different dialefts. Every fept, or petty
canton, had fome peculiar forms of fpeech which dillin-
guilhed it from the others. There were, however, four
different dialeftical variations which carried it ever all
the others. Thefe were the Attic, Ionic, Afolic, and
Doric. Thefe four dialectical didinCtio-ns originated
from the different countries in the ead from which the
tribes rei'peftively emigrated. The Attics confided, id,
of the barbarous aborigines} 2d, of an adventitious colony
of Egyptian Sai'tes ; 3d, a branch of lonians from the
coad of Paledine. Thefe lad formed the old Ionian
dialed, from which fprung the Attic and modern Ionic.
The Aiolians emigrated from a different quarter of the
fame coad 5 the inhabitants of which were a remnant of
the old Canaanites, and confequently different in dialed
from the two fird mentioned colonies. The Dores fprang
from an unpoliffied race of purple fiffiers on the fame
coad, and confequently fpoke a dialed more coarfe and
rudic than any of the red. Thefe four nations emigrated,
from different regions ; a circumdance which, in cur opi¬
nion, laid the foundation of the different dialeds by which
they were afterwards didinguilhed.
It is impcffible-in this ffrert Iketch to exhibit an exad
view of the didinguifhing features of each dialed. Such
an analyfis would carry us far beyond the limits of the -
article
\
344 PHILOLOGY. Sea. VII.
Greek article in queftion. For entire fatisfa&ion on this head, preceding pages, confcious of tire fuperior excellency of Greek
Language. we muft refer the Grecian ftndent to Mattaire’s G/veve their own language, the Greeks, in the pride of their Language.^
^ ' Lingua; DialeEii, where he will find every thing necef- heart, ftigmatized every nation which did not employ ^
fary to qualify him for underftanding that lubjecf. We their language with the contemptuous title of barbarians.^ part;i_
jfhall content ourfelves mth the few obfervations follow- Such was the delicacy of their pampered ears, that they ality of the
could not endure the untutored voice of the people whom Greeks to
The Athenians being an a&ive, brilk, volatile race, they called This extreme delicacy produ-°w^nd
delighted in contraftions. Their ilyle was molt exqui- ced three very pernicious effects 3 Tor, ill, It inducedits fvii’con.
litely polifhed. The moll celebrated authors who wrote them to metamorphofe and fometimes even to mangle, fequencei
in that dialed were the following : Plato, Thucydides, foteign names, in order to reduce their found to the
Xenophon, Demofthenes, and the other orators j iEf- Grecian ftandard *, and, 2d, It prevented their learning
fchylus," Euripides, Sophocles, Ariftophancs, Menander, the languages of the eaft, the knowledge of which would
Diphilus, with the other comic and tragic poets. That have opened to them an avenue to the records, annals,
dialect was either ancient or modem. The ancient Attic antiquities, laws, cuftoms, &c. of the people of thofe
was the fame with the Ionic. countries, in comparifon of whom the Greeks themfelves
The Ionic, as was faid, was the ancient Attic j but were of yefterday, and knew nothing. By this unlucky
when that nation emigrated from Attica and fettled on bias, not only they, but even we who derive all the lit-
the coaft of Afia Minor, they mingled with the Carians tie knowledge of antiquity we poffefs through the chan-
and Pelafgi. and of courfe adopted a number of their vo- nel of their writings, have fuffered an irreparable injury,
cables. They were an indolent, luxurious, and diflblute By their transformation of oriental names they have in a
people ; of courfe their ilyle was indeed eafy and flow- manner Hopped the channel of communication between
mo-, but verbofe, redundant, and without nerves. This, the hiftories of Europe and Afia. This appears evident
however, is the leadino- ilyle in Homer *, and after him ' from the fragments of Ctefias’s Perfian hillory, from He-
a prodigious number of writers on every fubjeft have rodotus, Xenophon, and all the other Grecian writers
ufed the fame dialeft, fuch as Herodotus of Halicarnaf- who have occafion to mention the intercourfe between
fus the celebrated hiftorian ; Ctefias of Cnidus the hiflo- the Greeks and Perfians. 3d, It deprived them of all
rian of Perfia and lndia ; Hecatceus of Miletus j Me- knowledge of the etymology of their own language, with-
gafthenes the hiftorian, who lived under Seleucus Nica- out which it was impolTible for them to underltand its
tor ^Hippocrates the celebrated phyfician of Coos •, Hel- words, phrafeology, and idioms, to the bottom. We
lanicus the hiftorian often mentioned with honour by Po- mentioned Plato’s Cratylus above. In that dialogue,
Jybius ; Anacreon of Tela, Alcaeus, Sappho of Lefbos, the divine philofopher endeavours to inveftigate the ety-
excellent poets; Pherecydes Syrus the philofopher, and mology of only a Tew Greek words. His deduftions are
a multitude of other perfons of the fame profeffion, whom abfolutely chSldifh, and little fuperior to the random con¬
it would be fuperfluous to mention upon the prefent oc- jeftures of a fchool-boy. Varro, the moft learned of all
cafion. ^ Romans, has not been more fuccefslul. Both ftumb-
The iEolic and Doric were originally cognate dia- led on the very threlhold of that ufeful fcience ; and a
lefts. When the Dorians invaded Peloponnefus and fet- fcholar of very moderate proficiency in our days knows
tied in that peninfula, they incorporated with the iEo- more of the origin of theie two noble languages, than
Hans, and their two dialefts blended into one produced the greateft adepts among the natives did in theirs. By
the new Doric. The original Dores inhabited a rugged prefixes, affixes, tranfpofitions of letters, new conjunftions
mountainous region about Offa and Pindus, and fpoke a of vowels and confonants for the fake of the mufic and
roufti unpoliffied language fimilar to the foil which they rhythm, they have fo difguifed their words, that it is al-
inhabited. Andreas Schottus, in his obfervations on poetry, moft impoffible to develope their original. As a proof
lib. ii. cap. 50. proves from an old marmfeript of “ Theo- of this, we remember to have feen a manufeript in the
critus, that there were two dialefts of the Doric tongue, hands of a private perfon where the firft twelve verfes of
the one ancient and the other modern ; that this poet the Iliad are carefully analyfed ; and it appears to our
employed Ionic and the modern Doric 5 that the old fatisfaftion that almoft every word may be, and aftually
Doric dialeft was rough and cumbrous 5 but that Theo- is, traced back to a Hebrew, Phoenician, Chaldean, or
critus has adopted the new as being more foft and mel- ^Egyptian original: And we are convinced that the
low.” A prodigious number of poets and philofophers fame procefs will hold good in the like number of verfes
wrote in this dialeft, fuch as Epicharmus the poet; Iby- taken from any of the moft celebrated poets of Greece,
cus the poet of Rhegium; Corinna the poetefs of Thefpis, This inveftigation we found was chiefly con drifted by re-
or Thebes, or Corinth, who bore away the prize of poetry ducing the words to their original invariable ftate, which
from Pindar ; Erynna a poetefs of Leffios •, Mofchus the was done by ftripping them of prefixes, affixes, &c. Thefe
poet of Syracufe ; Sappho the poetefs of Mitylene j Pin- ftriftures are, we think, well founded j and confequently
dams of Thebes, the prince of lyric poets; Archimedes need no apology to proteft them. 1^2
of Syracufe, the renowned mathematician; and almoft all Thefe imperfeftions,. however, are counterbalanced Beauty of
the Pythagorean philofophers. Few hiftorians wrote in by numberlefs excellencies : and we are certainly much the Greek
that dialeft ; or if they did, their works have not fallen more indebted to that incomparable people for the in-language’
into our hands. Moft of the hymns fung in temples of formation they have tranfmitted to us threugh the me- .
the ^gods were compofed in Doric-, a circumftance which dium of their writings, than injured by them m not con-
evinces the antiquity of that dialed!, and which, at the veying to us and to themfelves more authentic and more
feme time, proves its affinity to the oriental ftandard. ample cemmunications of ancient events and occurrences.
After that the Greek tongue was thoroughly polilhed Without fatiguing our readers with fuperfluous encomiums
fty the fteps which we have endeavoured to trace in the on a language which has long ago been extolled perhaps
Sea. VII. PHILO
Greek to an extravagant degree by tlie labours of men of the
Language.^ mon enlarge(l capacity and the moft refined tafle, we
v ihall now proceed to make a few obfervations on /pints
and accents ; which being rather appendages than effen-
tials of the language, we have on purpofe referved for
I7-5 the laid place.
The fpiri- Every word in the Greek language beginning with
tus afper a vowel is marked with a fpirit or breathing : This afpi-
and knis. ra^on Js double, namely lenis et afper, “ the gentle, and
rough or afpirated.” The gentle accent, though always
marked, is not now pronounced, though in the earlielt
periods of the language it was undoubtedly enounced,
though very foftly. Both thefe afpirations were import¬
ed from the eaft. They -were actually the Hebrew' n he
and n heth. The former denoted the fpiritus lenis, and
the latter the fpiritus afper. The Hebrew prefixed ha
or he to words beginning with a vowel, and of courfe
the Greeks followed their example. Thefe people feem
to have delighted in afpirates ; and of confequence the
letter 5 is, fome think, rather too often affixed to the
terminations of their words. Every word beginning with
5 had the afpirate joined to g, probably wdtli a deiign to
174 render the afpiration ftill more rough.
Hie ac- The Greek accents are three in number 5 the acute,
cents. gravej anci (-bp circumflex. The acute raifes and
fharpens the voice ; the grave deprefies and flattens it;
the circumflex firft raifes and lharpens the voice, and
then depreffes and flattens it. It is obvioufly compofed
of the other two. The learned author of the Origin and
Progrefs of Language has taken much pains to prove
that thefe accents were adtually mufical notes, invented
and accommodated to raife, deprefs, and fufpend the
voice, according to a fcale of mufical proportions. It is
fcarce poffible, wre think, for a modern Greek fcholar
to comprehend diftin&ly the ancient theory of accents.
Thefe the native Greeks learned from their infancy, and
that with fuch accuracy, that even the vulgar among the
Athenians would have hided an aftor or adtrefs off the
♦ See Pul- ftage or an orator off the pulpitum*, on account of a few
pitwn. miftakes in the enunciation of thofe notes.
The elevations, depreffions, and fufpenfions of the
voice upon certain fyllables, muff have made their lan¬
guage found in the ears of foreigners fomewhat like re¬
citative, or fomething nearly refembling cant. But the
little variety of thofe fyllabic tones, and the voice not
reding upon them, but running them on without inter¬
ruption, fufficiently diftinguiffied them from mufifc or
cant. Be that as it may, we think it highly probable,
that the wonderful effedts produced by the harangues of
the orators of Greece on the enraptured minds of their
hearers, were owdng in a good meafure to thofe artificial
mufical tones by which their fyllables wrere fo happily di-
verfified.
To this purpofe wTe {hall take the liberty to tran-
fcribe a paffage from Dion. Halic. De StruBura Orationis,
which we find tranflated by the author of the Origiti and
Progrefs of Language, vol. ii. book 3d, part ii. chap. 7.
page 381. “ Rhetorical compofition is a kind of mufic,
differing only from fong or inftrumental mufic, in the
degree, not in the kind for in this compofition the
tvords have melody, rythm, variety, or change, and
■what is proper or becoming : So that the ear in it, as
well as in mufic, is delighted with the melody, moved
by the rythm, is fond of variety, and defires v/ith all
Vol. XVI. Part I.
LOGY. 345
thefe what is proper and fuitable*. The difference, there- Greek
fore, is only of greater and lefs.” , ai“^ f »
With re'fpeft to accents, it may be obferved that
only one fyllable of a wrord is capable of receiving
the acute accent, however many there be in the word.
It was thought that the raffing the tone upon more than
one fyllable of the word, would have made tn<> £I9~
nunciation too various and complicated, and too like
chanting.
The grave accent always takes place when the acute
is wanting. It accords with the level of the diicourfe
whereas the acute raifes the voice above it.
The circumflex accent being compofed of the other
two is always placed over a long fyllable, becaufe it is
impoffible firft to elevate the voice and then to. deprefs
it on a fliort one. Indeed among the Greeks a long
fyllable wTas pronounced like two fliort ones ; and we
apprehend it was fometimes written fo, efpecially in
later times. It is altogether obvious from two learned
Greek authors, Dion. Halic. and Ariftoxenus, that the
Greek accents were adlually mufical notes, and that thefe
tones did not confift of loud and low, or {imply elevating
and deprefting the voice ; but that they were uttered in
fuch a manner as to produce a melodious rythm in dif-
courfe.
In a .word, the acute accent might be placed upan any
fyllable before the antepenult, and rofe to a fifth in the
diatonical fcale of mufic ; the grave fell to the third be¬
low' it. The circumflex was regulated according to the
meafure of both, the acute always preceding. The grave
accent is never marked except over the laft fyllable.
When no accent is marked, there the grave always takes
place. Some W'ords are called enclitics. Thefe have no
accent expreffed, but throw' it back upon the preceding
word. The circumflex, when the laft fyllable is ffiort,
is often found over the penult, but never over any other
fyllable but the laft or the laft but one. 175
The ancient Greeks had no accentual marks. They’D16 and*
learned thofe modifications of voice by praftice from^^e^*
their infancy ; and we are affured by good authority, rf.ntua^
that in pronunciation they obferve them to this day. marks.
The accentual marks are faid to have been invented
by a famous grammarian, Ariftophanes of Byzantium,
keeper of the Alexandrian library under Ptolemy Phi-
lopater, and Epiphanes, who wras the firft' likewife who
is fuppofed to have invented pundluation. Accentual
marks, howrever, were not in common ufe till about the
feventh century ; at which time they are found in manu-
feripts. If our curious readers would with to enter more
deeply into the theory of accents, we muft remit them
to Origin of Language, vol. ii. lib. 2. paffim ; $nd to
Mr Fofter’s Effay on the different Nature of Accent
and Quantity.
Such, in general, are the obfervations which we
thought the nature of our defign obliged us to make on
the origin and progrefs of the Greek language. Some
of our more learned readers may perhaps blame us for
not interfperfing the w'hole difquifition with quotations
from the moft: celebrated w'riters in the language which
has been the objedl of our refearches. We are w'ell aware
that this is the general pradlice in fuch cafes. The books
were before us, and we might have tranferibed from them
more quotations than the nature of an article of this kind
W'ould permit. In the firft part there wrere no books in
X x that
176
Books to be
iter of this
language.
PHILO
that language to quote from, became the Greeks knew
nothing of their own origin, nor of that of their lan¬
guage, and confequently have recorded nothing but
dreams and fictions relating to that fubjefl. Even
when we had made confiderabie progrefs in our inquiry,
the nature of the plan y,,c; excluded m a
great menu---, ufe Gf quotations. When we drew
near the conclufion, we imagined that our learned read¬
ers wrouId naturally have recourfe to the paiTagcs allud¬
ed-to without our information, and that the unlearned
would not trouble themfelves about the matter. The
Greek ftudent who intends to penetrate into the depths
01 this excellent language, wll endeavour to be thoroughly
acquainted with the books after mentioned,
Ariilotle’s Rhetoric and Poetics, his book Dc Inter-
itudied by pretatione, efpecially with Ammonius’s Commentary.
every one Ammonias was a native of Alexandria, and by far the
who withes „ r , . J
to be a nia-mo“ acut:e all tae ancient grammarians.
IDion. Haiic. De StruBura Grationis, where, amidtl
abundance of curious and interefting obfervations, will
be found the true pronunciation of the Greek letters.
D emetrius Pbalereus De Elocutions; a ihort effay in¬
deed, but replete "with inftrudlion concerning the proper
arrangement of words and members in fentences.
Longinus, the prince of critics, whofe remains are
above commendation. Theodoras GazaJ and the other
J See GrtSM. refugees from Conflantinople, who found an hofpitable
reception from the munificent family of the Medici,
and whofe learned labours in their native language once
more revived learning and good tafte irt Europe. -
Thefe, with feme other critics of lefs celebrity, but
equal utility, will unlock all the treafures of Grecian
erudition, without however difclofing the fource from
which they flowed. To thefe one might add a few
celeb^ed moderns, fuch as Monf. Fourmont the Elder,
Monf. Gebelin, Abbe Pezron, Salmafius, and efpecially
the learned and induftrious Lord Monboddo.
We fliall now give a very brief account of the vaft
extent of the (Greek language even before the Macedo¬
nian empire was erefled ; at which period, indeed, it
became in a manner univerfal, much more than ever the
Latin language could accomplilh notwithllanding the
^ vaft extent of the Roman empire.
Vaft extent Greece, originally Hellas, was a region of fmall ex-
«f the tent, and yet fent out many numerous colonies into diffe-
Greek lan- ren(. paits Gf the world. Thefe colonies carried their
native language along with them, and induftrioufly dif-
fufed it wherever they formed a fettlement. The Tones,
iEoles, and Dores, pofleffed themfelves of all the weft
and north-weft coaft of the Leffer Afia and the adja¬
cent iflands •, and there even the barbarians learned that
polifhed language. The Greek colonies extended them¬
felves along the fouth coaft of the Euxine fea as far as
Sinope, now Trebizund, and all the way from the weft
coaft of Afia Minor : though many cities of barbarians
lay between, the Greek tongue was underftood and ge¬
nerally fpoken by people of rank and fafhion.
There were Greek cities on the north coaft of the
Euxine fea to the very eaftern point, and perhaps be¬
yond even thofe limits 5 likewife in the Taurica Cherfo-
nefus, or Crim Tartary • and even to the mouth of the
Danube, the ftraits of Caffa, &c. In the neighbour¬
hood of all thek.colonies, the Greek language was care-
#tili-y propagated among the barbarians, who carried on
commerce with the Greeks.
guage.
LOGY. Sea. VII.
A great part of the fouth of Italy was planted with Greek
Greek cities on both coafts; fo that the country was Language,
denominated Magna Grcecia. Here the Greek tongue 1v- ”
univerfally prevailed. In Sicily it was in a manner ver¬
nacular, The lonians had fent a colony into Egypt in
the reign of Pfammitichus; and a Greek fettlement had
been formed in Cyrenia many ages before. The Pho-
crans had built Madina or Marfeilles as early as the reign
of Cy rus the Great, where lome remains of the Greek
language are ftill to be difeovered. Caefar telis us, that
in the camp of the Helvetii regifters were found in
Greek letters. Perhaps no language ever had fo exten-
five a fpread, where it was not propagated by the law of
conqueft.
The Greek tongue, at this day, is confined within Greek fpo-
very narrow limits. It is Ipoken in Greece itfelf, ken at pre¬
cept in Epirus, and the weftern parts of Macedonia.
is likewife fpoken in the Grecian and Afiatic iflands, in
Candia or Crete, in fome parts of the coaft of Afia Mi¬
nor, and in Cyprus: but in all theie regions, it is much
corrupted and degenerated.
As a Ipecimcn, we ftiall infert a modern Greek fong,
and the advertifement of a quack medicine, which with
other plunder, was brought by the Ruffians from Choc-
fim or Chotzim in 1772. *
Song in modern Greek.
All hvo-MiMs 7rc/.iui' pi (ictrxvx as to Xiuo
Etg.xt, kxi x-iVTiviva, Kcti vec xovtzva!
Zto TrcXxyos rav crvfAfogav /At hrix-tvowo*
M avt/AMs oXccO^.as e-Qo^gag xcu ivxvTi'ttg.
Mt xv/axtx TroXXaw xxt /Aan> nstpxvi xvxrtvxFitM.
(dx'hxo-o-A (pHoxo/Atvn, ttoXRx xypio/Atvi], .
' OttS xxl (pArx yt trxyxvxxtx Tri^anrx
2 v'Jitpx (rxtTtr/c-ivx xxi xxTXTvy^nrui'jx,
Kxi vx <px:>v /cix ramg/x, vx toxv tx /axtix /wst^tx.
Yxiy/x Ytgx vx tljga, xxo-gjA xxi $sv ytsvqa,
N’ cl(>x%a xxi dzy vi/attc^S) yixrt Xi/uvx kto^a.
M’ xn'X'Turlx.v orx xg/esvx ttS
Ila /ii XUTX XXV VX TTVVyed 7) TiXxuiTIVX ivyZ,
Kai thtx xv fix^x^av, l/ATro/iv vx /aI (pvhxZuv.
Tranjlation.
With dire misfortunes, pains, and woes,
O’erwhelm’d, ingulph’d, I ft higgling fight j
O’er my frail bark proud billows clofe,
To plunge her deep in lafting night.
Rough feas of ills incefiant roar,
Fie,rce winds adverfe, with howling blaft,
Heave furge on furge. Ah ! far from ftiore
My found’ring ikiff ftiall fink at laft.
Involv’d in low’ring darkfome clouds,
’Mid fultry fogs, I pant for breath 5
Huge foaming billows rend my fhrouds,
While yawning gulfs extend beneath.
From burfting clouds loud thunders roll,
And deaf’ning peals terrific fpread;
Red lightnings dart from pole to pole,
And burit o’er my devoted head.
When fliall the friendly dawning rays
Guide me to pleafures once poffeft ;
And breezy gales, o’er peaceful feas,
Waft to fome port of endlefs reft ?
In
Sect. VII. PHILO
Greek In dark defpair, with tempdls toft,
Lansua^e. j veer rny fail "from fide to fide.
Conduct me, Heav’n ! to yond fair coaft,
Or plunge'' me in the ’whelming tide.
The Quack Bill.
baasamon ths ’iepoysaahm, AHO
TAI2, KAI NOYPIAIS, KAI
ITAAEAIZ PETZETAI2.
TOYTO to f4,7retX<r«f*ov wipiXu cm to olovvcttov
xcu fio/iSii rk'J yjOVivcriv ^vvxucuvci tw (rvx.ai'/c-i o>xg
Tii? r%s y.oi>.ix<; wtytXii im TW TSvoJTn xxi fivjyoi 7?x-
Xdtov. ’ixr^ivci rxi ia-MT&i>ixu? TrXyyciq tS rnfet, KcujrS Trvtv-
povoi %yovy crteponv. xivil too xxrxpvwi* tm ywctixav. E;j
T045 i&TlVKXt 7T>.rA fd TO TOTOV
its irxXxieif, Otov xxi Imixs, y-xbax; sfioo< n onxQixis, *xi
pctyx^ixTi, y.x'i xXXx xo-ytuxrx tXTtfVH xxhXoyyj^ <PireXx,
xxi oXxm txm TrXvyxs oorS ’l<p8xo-xv h< to kUxXov
S-xvpxrta>(, afitei ih rx xvrlx cttS Tpyovv ifXTrvo^ vx <?x-
^TXt 0-J0 y r^M y.oi’-™s w<,wv r&*r**™
figffxfiivov u; xvto, jSxverxi im rxs vMyvpw&S ^cvtokoiXixm
kx'i SiXovv ixTgivSij. y.x'i xxof/.t 'hvixy.mu rx o^ovrtx orris xi-
voZv rxi h BiXovv vx n'icrovv. porfix y.x'i xrro tv ‘tcxvw.Xx').
'H Oong ^AiTiPiy-Si x; u*xi Oiy.x ij xxi ^tu^vcx jeo^oraj rii
oXiyov y.^xtri, y xxi vsgov, to xxM rxyv xx) fyd^v. x? to fxi-
rxyjs?/Cirxt, kxi ihx S-xvpctnov fxkv 'Soxipw (iiZxiuy.Mv.
’AXyDi; fixX<rx[xov tS BariXens.
179
Diftin-
guiflied
Itages of
the Greek
language.
Inftead of giving a literal and bald tranfiation of
this advertifement, which runs exactly in tne ilyle of
other quack bills, it may be fufficient to obferye, that
the medicine recommended is faid, when taken inward¬
ly, to raife the fpirits, remove coftivenefs and inveterate
coughs ; to cure pains of the breaft and bellyaches; to
to aftift refpiration, and remove certain fema.e ob-
ftruttions. When applied externally, it cures wounds
and fores, whether old or frefti, removes ringing of
the ears, faftens the teeth when looie, and ftrengthens
the gums. ... , .
All this, and much more, it is faid to do m a won¬
derful manner; and is declared to be the true rojal bal-
fam of Jerufalera, and an univerfal fpecific.
It is indeed next to a miracle that fo many monu¬
ments of Grecian literature are ftill to be found among
men. Notwithftanding the burning of the famous li¬
brary of Alexandria, and the almoft numberlefs wars,
maffacres, and devaftations, which have from time to
time in a manner defolated thofe countries wheie the
Greek language once flounthed } we are told that
there ftill remain about 3000 books written in that
Icin^iici^j’C* 9 1 1 * r j
We fhall now conclude this fechon with a brief de¬
tail of the moft diftinguiftied ftages and variations
through which this noble tongue made its progrefs
from the age of Homer to the taking of Conftanti-
nople, an. ant. Chr. 1453 •, a period of more than 2000
Homer gave the Greek poetry its colour and confift-
ency, and' enriched, as well as harmonized, the lan¬
guage. It feems, from the coincidence of epithets and
cadence in Homer and Hefiod, that the Greek heroic
verfe was formed fpontaneoufiy, by the old AoiSoi, a fort
of improvifatori ; and that Homer and his firft followers
adopted their verfification. I he Iliad and Odyney
LOGY. 347
have much of the air of extempore compofitior.s j an Y ,,
epithet is never wanting to fill up a verfe } and a ict 1 ^  j
of expreffions are mechanically annexed to iuch ideas as
were of frequent recurrence. Hence that copioufnefs
and wTafte of wrords in the old Greek bard, which ioims
fuch a contraft to the condenfed and laboured corapofi-
tion of Virgil.
The Greek profe wTas of a more difficult ftrufl tire j
and it may be diftributed into different ftyles or degrees
of purity. Of the prole-authors now extum, tlie fiift
and belt ftyle is that of Herodotus,' and of Plato in
the florid or mixed kino, of Xenophon in tne pure and
fimple, of Thucydides and Demoithenes in the aulteie.
Nothing, perhaps, is fo conducive to form a good tafte
in compofition as the ftudy of thefe writers.
The ftyle of Polybius forms a newr epoch in tne hi-
ftory of the Greek language : it was the idiotic or po¬
pular manner of expreftion, efpecialiy among militaiy
men, in his time, about the 150th Olympiad. It be¬
came the model of fucceeding vmters, by introducing
a fimple unftudied expreffion, and by emancipating them
from the anxious labour of the old Greeks reipecling
the cadence and choice of wTords. I he ftyle of the
New Teftpment, being plain and popular, frequently re-
fembles that of Polybius, as has been ihowm oy Raphe-
lius, anff by Kirchniaier, de parallelifmo N. 1. et Poly-
bii, 1725.
Before this hiftorian, the Alexandrian Jews had
formed a new or Helleniftic ftyle, refulting from the
expreflion of oriental ideas and idioms in Greek w7ords,
after that language had loft of its purity, as it gained
in general ufe, by the conquefts of Alexander. J he
Hefleniftic is the language of the Septuagint, the.A-
pocrypha, the New 1 eftament, and partly of Philo and
Jofephus. This mixture in the ftyle of the evangelifts
and apoftles, is one credential of the authenticity of the
beft of all books, a book which could not have been
written but by Jewifli authors in the firft century. See
the fine remarks of Bifhop Warburton, Doctrine ot
Grace, book i. ch. 8—10. Critics, lofe their labour in
attempting to adjuft the Scripture-Greek to the ftand-
ard of Atticifm.
The diction of the Greek Jiiftorians, and geographers
of the Auguftan age, is formed on that of Polybius j
but improved and modernized, like the Englifti of the
preient age, if compared with that of Clarendon- or jr>a-
con. More perfpicuous than refined, it w-as well iuited
to fuch compilations as w^ere then written by men 01
letters, fuch as Dionyfius, Diodorus, and Strabo, with¬
out much experience or rank in public life.
The ecclefiaftical ftyle w^as cultivated in the ChriftHn
fchools of Alexandria, Antioch, and Conftantinople j
rank and luxuriant, full of oriental idioms, and formed
in a great meafure on the Septuagint verfion. Such is,
for inftance, the ftyle of Eufebius. After him, the beft
Chriftian writers poliftied their ccmpofitions in the fchools
of rhetoric under the later fophifts. Hence the po¬
pular and flowing purity of St Chryfoftome, who has
more good fenfe than Plato, and perhaps as many good
words. # ...
On the Greek of the Byzantine empire, there is a
good differtation by Ducange, de caufis corruptee Grce-
citatis, prefixed to his Gloffary, together with Portms’s
Grammar of the modern Greek. This laft ftage of the
Greek language is a miferable picture of 1 urkifh bar-
X x 2 barium
343
P H I L O L Q G Y.
Sea. VIII.
j Crret^ ^ bariim. And, winch it; moft furpTiiing, there is no city
^angtuge ^ c£ Qreece where the language is more different from
the ancient than at Athens. The reafon of that is, be-
caufe it has been long inhabited by a mixed multitude
of different nations.
To conclude, the Greeks have left the molt durable
monuments of human vvifdom, fortitude, magnificence,
and ingenuity, in their* improvement of every art and
fcience, and in the fineft writings upon every fubjedt ne-
ceilary, profitable, elegant, or entertaining.
The Greeks have furnithed the brighteit examples of
every virtue and accomplifhment, natural or acquired,
political, moral, or military : they excelled in mathema¬
tics and philofophy j in all the forms of government, in
architedlure, navigation, commerce, war: as orators,
poets, and hiftorians, they Hand as yet unrivalled, and
are like to Hand fo for ever; nor are they lefs to be ad¬
mired for the exercifes and amufements they invented,
and brought to perfedlion, in the inftitution t>f their
i8s public games, their theatres, and fports.
No perfect Let us further obferve, that in vain our readers will
tranflation look for thefe admired excellencies in any of the bell:
Greek au- lran^aLi°ns from the Greek : they may indeed commu-
thor. nicate fome knowledge of what the originals contain ;
• they may prefent you with propofitions, charadlers, and
events: but alloiving them to be more faithful and more
accurate than they really are, or can well be, Hill they
are no better than copies, fin which the fpirit and luffre
of the originals are almoft totally loft. The mind may
be inftrufted, but will not be enchanted : The pidlure
may bear fome faint refemblance, and if painted by a
mafterly hand give pleafure ", but who would be fatisfied
with the canvas, when he may poffefs the real objefi ?
who would prefer a piece of coloured glafs to a dia¬
mond ? It is not poffible to preferve the beauties of the
original in a tranflation.—The powers of the Greek are
vaftly beyond thofe of any other tongue. Whatever
the Greeks deferibe is always felt, and almoft feen •, mo¬
tion and mufic are in every tone, and enthufiafm and in-
chantment poffefs the mind :
Grain ingenium, Gratis dedit ore rotunda,
Mufa loqui. Hor.
Sect. VIII. Of the Latin Language.
This language, like every other fpoken by barbarl-
jSr ans, was in its beginning rough and uncultivated.—
Origin of What people the Romans were, is a point in which an-
the Ro- tiquarians are not yet agreed. In their own opinion
oTTheir'Cl were fprung from the Trojans * Dion. Halicar.
language, derives them from the Greeks f ; and Plutarch informs
* Tit. Liv us J that fome people imagined that they were fprung
hb.i.cap. J.from the Pelafgi. The faft is, they were a mixture of
\Antiq Peopk collefted out of Latium and the adjacent parts,
Rom. lib. i.
t Vita Ro-
mul.
which a variety of accidents had drawn together, to Latin
eftablifli themfel ves on that mountainous region, in order Language,
to fecure their own property, and plunder that of their
neighbours. They were in all probability compofed of
Arcadians, Sabines, Latins, Hetrufcans, Umbrians, Of-
cans, Pelaigi, &c.; and if fo, their language mull have
been a mixture of the different dialedls peculiar to all
thefe difeordant tribes.
The Latin' language ought then to be a mingled mafs
of the Arcadian, that is, the Afolian || Greek, the Pe-j| Strabo,
lafgic, Hetrufcan, and Celtic dialefts. Thefe jarring fib. v.
elements, like the people to whom they belonged re. Dionyf. Ha-
fpe&ively, gradually incorporated, and produced what
was afterwards called the Latin tongue. I?’ 1 U
The Arcadians were a Pelafgic § tribe, and confe- § Strabo et
quently fpoke a dialed! of that ancient Greek produced Herodottu.
by the coalition of this tribe with the favage aborigines
of Greece. This dialed! was the ground-work of the
Latin. Every fcholar allows, that the Aeolian Greek,
which was ftrongly tindlured with the Pelafgic, was the
model upon which the Latin language was formed.
From this dedudllon it appears, that the Latin tongue
is much more ancient than the modern Greek ", and of
courfe we may add, that the Greek, as it flood before it
was thoroughly polilhed, bore a very near refemblance
to that language. Hence we think we may conclude,
that the knowledge of the Latin language is neceffary
in order to underftand the Greek. Let us not then
exped! to find the real ingredients of the Greek tongue
in the academic groves of Athens, or in Smyrna, or in
Rhodope, or in Hasmos; but on the banks of the Tiber
and on the fields of Laurentum.
A very confiderable part of the Latin tongue was
derived from the Hetrufcan. That people -were the
mafters of the Romans in every thing facred. From
them they learned the ceremonies of religion, the me¬
thod of arranging games and public feftivals, the art of
divination, the interpretation of omens, the method of
luftrations, expiations, &c. It would, we believe, be
eafy to prove, that the Pelafgi * and Hetrufci (x) were * Thucydi-
the fame race of people ; and if this was the cafe, their df/, Lb. iv.
languages muft have differed in dialed! only.
The Umbrian or Celtic enters deeply into the com-
pofition of the Latin tongue. For proof of this, we
need only appeal to Pel/outier, Bullet's Memoires de la
Langue Critique, partie premiere, Abbe Pezron's Origin
of Ancient Nations, 8ic. Whether the old Celtic dif¬
fered effentially from the Pelafgic and Hetrufcan, would
be a matter of curious inveftigation, were this a proper
fubjed! for the prefent article.
The Latin abounds with oriental words, efpecially
Hebrew, Chaldaic, and Perfian. Thefe are certainly
remains of the Pelafgic and Hetrufcan tongues, fpoken
originally by people who emigrated from regions where
thofe were parts of the vernacular language.—The
Greeks,
(x) The Hetrufci were varioufly denominated by the Greeks and Romans. The former called them tvjoivih ;
which was their true name, for they adfually emigrated 'from Tarfhifh, or the weftern coaft of Alia Minor, and
confequently Herodotus everywhere calls them rv^voi. The Atolians changed a into v ; hence in that dialed!
they were called ri/goive/, from Tarfus. The Romans ftyled them Tufci, probably from the Greek verb dvu, fa-
crifico, alluding to the (kill which that people profefied in the ceremonies of religion. They called their country
Hetruria, we think from the Chaldaic word heretum, “ a magician or forcerer f a name deduced from their Ikil!
in divination.
$
Seit. VIII.
PHILOLOGY.
Latin
LanguS»e
f Glojfary.
182
How far
the Latin
refembles
the Greek.
* Tacitus,
Anal.
lib. ii.
f Nat. Hijl.
lib. vii.
cap. 5S.
Greeks, in poliiking tkeir language, gradually diftorted
and disfigured vaft numbers of the rough eaftern voca¬
bles, which made a very great part of it. (See the
preceding feftion).
The Romans, of lefs delicate organs, left them in
their natural Hate, and their natural air readily bewrays
their original. We had collected a large lilt of Latin
words ftill current in the eaft ; but find that Thomaffin-f-
and Ogerius (y), and efpecially Monf. Gebelin, in his
molt excellent Latin Didtionary, have rendered that la¬
bour fuperfiuons.
In this language, too, there are not a few Gothic
terms. How thefe found their way into the Latin, it
is not eafy to difcover, unlefs, as Pelloutier fuppofes, the
Celtic and Gothic languages were originally the fame :
or perhaps we may conjecture, that fuch words were
parts of a primitive language, which was at one time
univerfal.
There are, befides, in the Latin a great number of
obfolete Greek words, which were in procefs of time ob¬
literated, and others fubftituted in their room 5 fo that,
upon the whole, we are perfuaded, that the molt effec¬
tual method to diftinguifh the difference between the
early and modern Greek, would be to compare the an¬
cient Latin with the latter j there being, we imagine,
very little difference between the ancient Greek and
Latin in the earlieft periods.
Howover that may be, it is certain that the Roman
letters wore the fame with the ancient Greek.—Formce
Uteris Latinis quce veterrimis Gracorum, fays Tacitus * 5
and Pliny f fays the fame thing, and for the truth of his
affertion he appeals to a monument extant in his own
times.
Thefe old Greek letters wore no other than the Pe-
lafgic, which wo have fhown from Diodorus Siculus
(fee preceding Sedfion) to have been prior to the Cad-
mean. For the figure of thefe letters, fee Aftle, Po-
ftellus, Montfaucon, Palaegraphia Graeca, Monf. Gebe¬
lin, and our Plates XV and XVI.
That the Latins borrowed the plan of their declen-
fions from the Greeks, is evident from the exadt refem-
blance of the terminations of the cafes throughout the
three fimilar declenfions. In nouns of the firfl declen-
fion, the refemblance is too palpable to ftand in need of
illuilration. In the fecond, the Greek genitive is «.
In Latin the 0 is thrown out, and the termination be¬
comes i. In the Greek fedlion, wre have obferved, that
the founds of < and v differed very little ; therefore the
Latins ufed < inftead of v. The Latin dative ends in 0,
which is the Greek dative, throwing awTay 1 fubfcriptum,
which was but faintly founded in that language. No
genuine Greek w'ord ended in p. or tn.
The Hellenes feemed to have abhorred that bellowing
liquid 5 it is, however, certain that they imported it
from the eafl, as well as the other letters, and that they
employed it in every other capacity, except in that of
clofing words. In the termination of flexions, they
changed it into ».
The Latins retained m, which had been imported to
them as a terminating letter at an era before the Greek
349
language had undergone its laft refinement.—Hence the Latin
Latin accufative in uni, inffead of the Greek ev. The language,
vocative cafe, we imagine, was in this declenfion origi- v ~
naily like the nominative. The Latins have no dual
number, becaufe, in our opinion, the iEolian dialeft,
from which they copied, had none. It wTould be, we
think, a violent flretch of etymological exertion, to de¬
rive either the Latin genitive plural of the fecond de¬
clenfion from the fame cafe of the Greek, or that of the
latter from the former; we therefore leave this anoma¬
ly, without pretending to account for its original forma¬
tion. The third declenfions in both languages are fo
exadlly parallel, that it wrould be fuperfluous to compare
them. The dative plural here is another anomaly, and
w'e think a very difagreeable one, which wTe leave to the
conjedtures of more profound etymologiffs.
For the other peculiarities of Latin nouns, as they
are nearly fimilar to thofe of the Greek, we mull beg
leave to remit our readers to that fedlion for information.
The Latins have no articles, wkich is certainly a de-
fedl in their language. The Pelafgic, from which they
copied, had not adopted that word in the demonflradve 0f articies.
fenfe. Homer indeed feldom ufes it and the probabi¬
lity is, that the more early Greek ufed it lefs frequently,
at lead in the fenfe above-mentioned. Thus in Latin,
when I fay, video hominem, it is impoflible to find out
by the bare wmrds wkether the word hominem intimates
“ a man,” or “ the man 5” whereas in Greek it wrould-
be BAs;r<y HvS^uTrov, / fee a man, BMira/ roy ctyfyairey, I
fee the man. Hence the firft expreflion is indefinite, and
the fecond definite.
The fubflantive verb fum in Latin feems to be partly ig
formed from the Greek and partly not. Some of the )rjg;n 0f
perfons of the prefent tenfe have a near refemblance to the fubltan*-
the Greek verb w or while others vary widely hve verb,
from that archetype. The imperfedt prseterite and
praeterperfedl have nothing common wfith the Greek
verb, and cannot, wje think, be forced into an alliance
with it. The future ero, was of old efo, and is indeed
genuine Greek. Upon the whole, in our apprehenfion
the Latin fubftantive verb more nearly refembles the
Perfian verb hefcn than that of any other language we
are acquainted with.
From what exemplar the Latin verbs were derived,
is not, we think, eafily afcertained. We know that at- an(^
tempts have been made to deduce them all from the tE- ther verbs,,
olic Greek, and that the Romans themfelves were ex¬
tremely fond of this chimera ; but the almoft nwnber-
lefs irregularities, both in the formation and conjugation
of their verbs, induce us to believe that only a part of
them were formed upon that model. We are apt to
think that the terminations in bam, has, bat, bamus,
8>t.c. are produced by their union with a fragment of
fome obfolete verb, which is now wholly loll. In the
verb amo, e. g. we are lure that the radix am is the He¬
brew word mother ; but how am-abam, am-abo, am-arem
were fabricated, and connedled with the radical am, is
not fo eafily determined. That Latin verbs are com-
pofed of an indexible radix and another flexible verb,
as well as the Greek, cannot be doubted ; but what this-
flexible
(y) Graca et Latina lingua Hebrahantes, Venice 1763: If thefe books are not at hand, Dr Littleton’s Dic-
ticnany willj in a good meafure, fupply their place.
350
Latin flexible auxiliary was, we think, cannot now be clearly
■L'ingUage’' attained. It 'is not altogether improbable that iuch
parts of the verbs as deviate from the Greek archetype
M ere fupplied by fragments of the verb /nr, which per¬
vades all the branches of the Gothic language, and has,
we think, produced the Latin verb habeo. When the
Greeks began to etymologize, they feldom overpaffed
the verge of their own language : the Latins purlued
nearly the fame courfe. If their own language prefented
a plaufible etymology, they embraced it; if not, they im¬
mediately had recourfe to the Greek ; and this was the
ne plus ultra of their etymological refearches. Cicero,
Quintilian, Feftus, &c. and even Varro, the meft learn¬
ed of all the Romans, flop here; all beyond is either
doubt or impenetrable darknefs. The opinion above-
mentioned we offer only as a conjeflure; the deciffon
we leave to more able critics.
Deficien- The want of aorifts or indefinite tenfes feems to us a
cies in La- palpable defedf in the Latin language. The ufe of
tin veros. thefe among the Greeks enabled the writer to exprefs
the fpecific variations of time with' more accuracy and
precilion than the Latins, who never attempted to fpeci-
fy them by any other tenfes but the imperfed and plu-
perfed. Indeed we ffiould imagine, that both the
Greeks and Latins were much inferior to the Engliffr
in this refpect. The Latin word lego, for example, may
be tranffated into Englilh three different ways : iff, /
187 read; 2d, l do read; 3d, I am reading.
Irregulari- The Latins, in reducing verbs to their four conjuga-
ties in the tjonSj formed their inflexions in a very irregular manner,
tlon”^" Many verbs of the firft clafs inflect their preeterite and
fupine like thofe of the fecond : thus domo, inftead of
giving avi and alum, has ui and hum, like monui and
monhum. Again, not a few verbs oi the third conju¬
gation have ivi and hum, as if they belonged to the
fourth; e. g. peto, petivi, pethum. Then, fome verbs
have io in the prefent, ivi in the praeterite, and hum in
the fupine, while, contrary to the rules of analogy, they
in reality belong to the third : fuch are cupio, cupivi,
cupitum, cupere, &c. Some verbs of the fecond conju¬
gation have their praeterite and fupine as if they belong¬
ed to the third ; thus, jubeo, jujfi, juJJ'um, jubere ; au-
geo, auxi, auBum, augere. Some verbs, which are
actually of the fourth conjugation, have their pneterite
and fupine as if they were of the third; thus fentio,
fenji, fenfum, /entire; haurio, haufi, hdujlum, haunre,
&.c. If thefo are not manifeft irregularities, we cannot
fay what deferves the name. The fa6t feems to ftand
thus : The Romans were originally a banditti of rob¬
bers, bankrupts, runaway flaves, fhepherds, hufbandmen,
and peafants of the moft unpoliftied character. They
were engaged in perpetual broils and quarrels at home,
and feldom enjoyed repofe abroad. Their profeflion
was robbery and plunder. Like old Iflimael, their
hands -were againft every man, and every man’s hand
againft them. In fuch a ftate of fcciety no time was
left for cultivating the fciences. Accordingly the arts
of war and government were their foie profefilon.
This is fo true, that their own poet charafterizes them
in the following manner :
Excudunt alii fpirantia molhus cera, &c.
vSS
The Latin Another blemifh in the Latin tongue is occafioned
deficient in foy Rs wanting a participle of the preterite tenfe in the
participles. a^;ve voice. This defect is perpetually felt, and is the
Sect. VIII.
caufe of an aukward circumlocution wherever it happens Latin
to pi-efent itfelf. Thus, “ The general having croffed ^ **1guage-i
the river, drew up his army Imperator, cum tranjli/fet ‘“v
fill men,' aciem injlruxit. Here cum tranfUffet fiumen is a
manifeft circumlocution, which is at once avoided in
the Greek 0 vyipwi rev Trorctfiev, &c. This
muff always prove an incumbrance in the cafe of active
intranfitive verbs. When adtive deponent verbs occur,
it is eafily avoided. Thus, “ Caefar having encouraged
the foldiers, gave the fignal for joining battle Co:far
cohortatus niilhes, prcelh committepdi Jignum dedh.
Another palpable defect in this language arifes from
the want of a participle of the prelent paflive. This
again muff produce an inconveniency upon many occa-
fions, as will be obvious to every Latin ftudent almofl:
every moment.
.The two fupines are univerfally allowed to be fub-an(|
Ran tive nouns of the fourth declenfion. How thefe af-o erunJs.
fumed the nature of verbs it is not eafy to determine.
WTen they are placed after verbs or nouns, the matter
is attended with no difficulty ; but how they Ihould ac¬
quire an aftive fignification, and take the cafe of the
verb with which they are connected, implies, we fhould
think, a ftretch of prerogative.
The Latin gerunds form another unnatural anomaly.
Every Latin fcholar knows that thole words are nothing
but the neuters of the participles of the future paflive.
The fabricators of the Latin tongue, however, elevated
them from their primary condition, giving them upon
many occafions an adtive lignification. In this cafe we
muff have recourfe to
 SV volet ufus,
■ fiem penes arbitrium ef et jus et norma loquendi.
Another inconveniency, perhaps more feverely felt
than any of the preceding, arifes from the want of the
ufe of the prefent participle of the verb fum. Every
body knows what a conveniency is derived from the
frequent ufe of the participle *sv in Greek; and indeed
it appears to us fomewhat furprifing that the Latins ne¬
glected to introduce the participle ens into their lan¬
guage. In this we believe they are Angular. Here
again a circumlocution becomes neceffary in fuch a caie
as the following : “ The fenatfc being at Rome, pafl'cd
a decree.” Inflead of faying fenatus ens Romec, legem
tulit, we are obliged to fay cum Jenatus Roma: ejfet, &c.
If the words ens or exifens had been adopted, as in
the Greek, this odious circumlocution would have been
avoided.
Many other defeats of the like kind will occur to eve¬
ry perfen who ffiall choofe to fearch for them, and thofe
in the moft approved claffical authors. Perhaps our
mentioning fo many may be deemed invidious by the ad¬
mirers of that language ; but we write from conviction,
and that muff be our apology.
If one take the trouble to compare the ftrudlure of the Different
Greek and Latin languages, he will, we think, quickly genius of
be convinced that their characleriftic features are ex-the Latin
tremely different. The genius of the former feems eafy jnd Greek
and natural; whereas that of the latter, notwithftanding 'angua^CS‘
the united efforts of poets, orators, and philofophers,
ftill bears the marks of violence and reftraint. Hence
it appears that the Latin tongue was prefled into the fer-
vice, and compelled almoft: againft its will to bend to
the laws of the Grecian model. Take a fentence of
Hebrew,
P H I L O L O G Y.
Sect. VIII.
P H I L 0 L O G Y."
Latin Hebrew, Chaldean, Arabian,. &c. and try to tranflate
Language. ;t jnto Greek nvithout regarding the arrangement of the
5 v ' words, and you will find it no difficult attempt; but
make the fame trial with refpedt to the Latin,' and you
V-"'
I9I
Caufcs of
this dif¬
ference.
ip2
The Latin
tongue
compofed
chiefly of
Pelafgie
and Celtic
words.
will probably find the labour attended with confiderable
difficulty. To tranflate Greek into Engliffi is no labo¬
rious talk ; the texture of the two languages is fo con¬
genial, that the words and phrafes, and even the idio¬
matic expreflions, naturally Hide into each other. With
the Latin the cafe is quite otherwife, 5 and before elegant
Englilh can be produced, one muft deviate confiderably
from the original. Should we attempt to tranflate a
piece of Englifh into Greek, and at the fame time into
Latin, the tranflation of the former would be attended
with much lefs difficulty than that of the latter, fuppo-
fing the t/anflator equally {killed in both languages.
This incongruity feems to fpring from the following
caufe. Eefsre any man of confiderable abilities, either
in the capacity of a poet, grammarian, or rhetorician,
appeared at Rome, the language had acquired a ftrong
and inflexible tone, too ftubborn to be exactly moulded
according to the Grecian flandard. After a language
has continued feveral centuries without receiving a new
polifh, it becomes like a full grown tree, incapable of
being bent to the purpofes of the mechanic. For this
reafon, it is highly probable, that the tongue in queftion
could not be forced into a complete affimilation with
the Greek. Notwithftanding all thefe obitructions, in
procefs of time it arrived at fuch an exalted pitch of per-
fedlion, as to rival, perhaps to excel, all the other Eu¬
ropean languages, the Greek only excepted. Had men
of the tafle, judgement, and induftry of Ennius, Plau¬
tus, Terence, Cicero, and the worthies of the Auguftan
age, appeared in the early ftages of the Roman com¬
monwealth, we may believe that their language would
have been thoroughly reduced to the Grecian archetype,
and that the two dialefts might have improved each
other by a rivalfliip between the nations who employed
them.
Without pretending to entertain our readers with a
pompous and elaborate account of the beauties of that
imperial language which have been detailed by writers
almofl; without number, we {hall endeavour to lay be¬
fore them as briefly as poffible its priftine charadfer, the
fleps and ftages by which it gradually rofe to perfeftion,
the period when it arrived at the fummit of its excel¬
lence, and by what means it degenerated with a rapid
career till it was loft among thofe very people to whom
it owed its birth.
We have obferved already, that the Latin tongue
was a colluvies of all the languages fpoken by the va¬
grant people who compofed the firft elements of that re¬
public. The prevailing dialedls were the Pelafgic or
Hetrufcan, which we think were the fame 5 and the
Celtic, wffiich was the aboriginal tongue of Italy.
Hence the primary dialed!; of the Romans was compofed
of difeordant materials, which in our opinion never ac¬
quired a natural and congenial union. Be that as it
may, this motley mixture was certainly the original dia¬
led!: of the Romans. The Pelafgic or Helrufcan part of Lntin
it retained a ftrong tindfure of the oriental ftyle. The Language.
Celtic part feems to have been prevalent, fince we find '”"~v
that moft of the names of places (z), especially in the
middle and northern parts of Italy, are adtually of Cel¬
tic original. It is therefore clear that the ftyle of the
firft Romans was compofed of the languages above men¬
tioned. Who thefe firft Remans were, we believe it is
impoftible to determine with any degree of certainty.
The Roman hillorians afford us as little information up¬
on that fubjedl, as their etymologifts do upon the origin
of their language. Their moft celebrated writers upon
this point were riElius Callus, Quintus Ccrnificius, No¬
nius Marcellas, Feitus, and fome others of lefs note.
At the head of thefe we ought to place Terentius
Varro, whom Cicero ftyles the moft learned cf all the
Romans. From thefe writers we are to expedf no
light. Their etymologies are generally childilh and fu¬
tile. Of the language of the moft ancient Romans we
can only reafon by analogy ; and by that rule ive can
difeover nothing more than what we have advanced
above.
In the firft place we may reft affured that the dual
number, thr articles, the participle above mentioned, the
aorifts, and the whole middle voice, never appeared in
the Latin t/jngue •, and accordingly were not current in
thofe languages from which it was copied, at leaf! at the
time when it was firft fabricated.
Befides all this, many circumftances concur to make
it highly probable that, in the earlieft period of the lan¬
guage, very few inflexions were introduced, ift, When
the Pelafgi left Greece, the Greek language itfelf w as
not fully poliffied. 2d, The Arcadians were never tho¬
roughly cultivated. They wrere a ruftic paftoral people,
and little minded the refinements of a civilized fixate;
confequently the language they brought into Italy at
that era muft have been of a coarfe and irregular con¬
texture. 3d, When the Thefljalian * Pelafgi arrived in * jyionyf.
Italy about the time of Deucalion, the Greek itfelf wTas Hulicant.
rude and barbarous ; and, which is ftill of more confe-*•
quence, if we may credit Herodotus quQted in the for¬
mer feftion, that people had never adopted the Hellenic
tongue. Hence it appears, that the part of the Latin
language derived from the Pelafgic or Hetrufcan (for
thofe we believe to have been the fame) muft have ta¬
ken a deep timfture from the oriental tongues. (See pre¬
ceding Seftion). If we may judge of the Celtic of that
age by that of the prefent, the fame charadfer muft like-
wife have diftinguiffied its ftru£lure.
From thefe circumftances, we think it appears that Hence little
the earlieft language of the Romans wTas very little di-infle&ed in
verfified with inflexions. It nearly refembled the orien- ^ original
tal exemplar, and confequently differed widely from the 1
modem Latin. The effect of this was, that the modern
Romans could not underftand the language of their early
progenitors. Polybius f, fpeaking of the earlieft treaty + Lib. 3.
between the Romans and Carthaginians, makes the initio.
lowing obfervation : “ Believe me (fays he), the Roman
language has undergone fo many changes fince that
time
(z) For proof of this our readers may confult Abbe Pezron, Peiloutier, Bullet’s Mem. Gebelin Pref. Dipt. Lat.
and many others..
332 PHILO
Latin time (a) to tlie prefent, that even thofe who are moft
Language^ deeply t^nied in the fcience of antiquities cannot under-
Itand the words of that treaty but with the greateft diffi¬
culty.”
From this fource we make no doubt has flowed that
vaft number of oriental words with which the Latin lan¬
guage is impregnated. Thefe were originally inflexible,
like their brethren of the eaft. They were not difguifed
as they now are with prefixes, affixes, metathefes, fyn-
copas, antithefes, &c. but plain and unadorned in their
154 natural drefs.
■Bent after- After the Romans became acquainted with the /Eo-
wards into p[an Greeks, who gradually feized Upon both coafts of
oan'model towards the fouth, which they called Magna Gra¬
cia, they began to affeft a Grecian air, and to torture
their language into that foreign contexture. It appears,
however, that at firft the Grecian garb fat rather auk-
wardly, and feveral marks of violence were eafily dif-
cerned. The moft ancient fpecimen of this kind that
we can recolleft confifts of the remains of the twelve
tables. Here every thing is rude and of a clumfy caft
for though by this time confiderable progrefs had been
made in refinement, and the language of Rome had be¬
gun to appear in a Grecian uniform, ftill thpfe changes
were not altogether natural. Soon after appeared Mar¬
cus Fabius Pitbor and Sifenna; hiftorians often quoted
by Livy, but whofe works are long fince irrecoverably
loft. The Fafti Capitolini are often mentioned ; but
they too periftied in the burning of the Capitol during
the civil wars between Marius and Sylla. Had thofe
monuments efcaped the ravages of time, we ffiould have
been able to mark the progrefs of the Latin tongue
from ftage to ftage, and to afcertain with the greateft
accuracy its gradual configuration in the courfe of its
progrefs towards the Grecian ftandard. We muft there¬
fore leave the Latin tongue during thofe periods rude
and barbarous, and defcend to others better known and
more charafteriftically marked. Thofe commenced af¬
ter that
IPS
The prin¬
cipal au¬
thors by
whom it
was gra¬
dually po-
lilhed.
Gracia capta ferum viBorem cepit, et artes
Intulit agrejii Latio.
In this period we find Ennius, who wrote a Roman
hiftory in hexameter verfe in 18 books, which he called
Annals; moft part of which is now loft. He likewife
tranflated Eukemerus de Origine Deorum ; a work often
mentioned by the Chriftian fathers in their difputes with
the Pagans. It is fometimes quoted by Cicero. Then
followed Caius Lucilius the famous fatirift, and a num¬
ber of other writers, fuch as Accius, Valerius, fEdituus,
Alpinus, &c. whofe fragments were publiffied by the
Stephens, Paris, 1564. All thefe imitated the writers
of Greece or tranflated from them. By their perfeve-
rance and active exertions the fpirit of thefe authors was
transfufed into the Latin tongue, and its ftiufture ac¬
commodated to the Grecian plan.
Plautus and Terence, by tranflating the comedies of
Menander and Diphilus into their -own language, taught
the Latin mufes to fpeak Attic Greek. To fpeak that
language was then the ton of the times, as it is now with
L O G Y. Sea. VIII.
us to chatter French. Greek tutors were retained in Latin
every reputable family ; and many Romans of the firft Language,
rank were equally qualified to fpeak or write both in
Greek and Latin. The original jargon of Latium was
now become obfolete and unintelligible •, and Cato the
Ancient condefcended to learn the Greek language
at 80.
To pretend to enumerate the various, and we may The1 gold-
add inimitable, examples of the Auguftan or golden age en age of
of the Roman tongue, would be an infult to the under- Rome.
Handing of our readers: we (hall only take the liberty
to tranflate a few lines from a moft excellent hiftorian *, * Velleius
who, had his honefty been equal to his judgement, Paterculus,
might have rivalled the moft celebrated writers of his llb- caI>'
country. Having obferved, that the Greek authors,^'
who excelled in every province of literature, had all
made their appearance nearly about the fame fpace of
time, confined within very narrow limits, he adds,
“ Nor was this circumftance more confpicuous among
the Greeks than among the Romans} for unlefs we go
back to the rough and unpolilhed times, which deferve
commendation only on account of their invention, the
Roman tragedy is confined to Accius and the period
when he flourifhed. The charming wit of Latin ele¬
gance was brought to light by Cecilies, Terentius, and
Afranius, nearly in the fame age. As for our hiftorians
(to add Livy alfo to the age of the former), if we ex¬
cept Cato and fome old obfeure ones, they were all con¬
fined to a period of 80 years *, fo neither has our ftock of
poets extended to a fpace much backward or forward.
But the energy of the bar, and the finilhed beauty of
profe eloquence, fetting afide the fame Cato (by leave
of P. CraiTus, Scipio, Laelhis, the Gracchi, Fannius,
and Ser. Galba, be it fpoken), broke out all at once
under Tylly the prince of his profeffion *, fo that one
can be delighted with none before him, and admire none
except fuch as have either feen or were feen by that ora¬
tor.”
From this quotation it plainly appears, that the Ro¬
mans themfelves were convinced of the fhort duration of
the golden age of their language. According to the
moft judicious critics, it commenced with the era of Ci¬
cero’s oratorical productions, and terminated with the
reign of Tiberius, er perhaps it did not reach beyond
the middle of that prince’s reign. It is generally be- caug?/0f
lieved that eloquence, and with it every thing liberal, the degene-
elevated, and manly, was baniffied Rome by the defpo- racy of the
tifm of the Csefars. We imagine that the tranfition was Latin
too inftantaneous to have been entirely produced by that tonSu^
unhappy caufe. Defpotifm was firmly eftabliftied among
the Romans about the middle of the reign of Auguftus •,
and yet that period produced fuch a group of learned
men as never adorned any other nation in fo fhort a
fpace of time. Defpotifm, we acknowledge, might have
affected the eloquence of the bar •, the noble and im¬
portant objects which had animated the republican ora¬
tors being now no more : but this circumftance could
not affefl poetry, hiftory, philofophy, &c. The ftyle
employed upon thefe fubjecls did not feel the fetters of
defpotifm. The age of Louis XIV. was the golden pe-
(a) This treaty, according to the fame hiftorian, was concluded in the confulfhip of Lucius Junius Brutus and
JMarcus Valerius, 28 years before Xerxes made his defeent upon Greece.
4
Vt. VIII. PHILOLOGY.
Latin riod of the Frehcli tongue ; and we think that age pro-
Langaage. dueed a race of learned men, in every department fupe-
’ rior in number and equal in genius to the literati who
flourilhcd tmder the noble and envied contHtution of
Britain during the fame age, though the latter is uni-
verfally allowed to have been the golden period of this
country. The Britith illes, we hope, enjoy ftill as much
liberty as ever 5 yet we believe few people will aver,
that the writers of the prefent age are equal either in
ftyle or in genius to that noble group who flourifhed from
the middle of the reign of Charles I. to the middle of
the reign of George H.; and here defpotifm is quite un¬
concerned.
In the eafl the fame obfervatlon is confirmed. The
Perfians have long groaned under the Mohammedan
yoke ; and yet every oriental fcholar will allow, that in
that country, and under the molt galling tyranny, the
moll amazing productions of tafte, genius, and indultry,
that ever dignified human nature, have been exhibited.
Under the Arabian caliphs, the fucceflbrs of Moham¬
med, appeared writers of a moll fublime genius, though
never was defpotifm more cruelly exercifed than under
thofe fanatics. The revival of letters at the era of the
Reformation was chiefly promoted and cherilhed by petty
defpotical princes.
We cannot therefore be perfuaded, that the defpo¬
tifm of the Ckefars banifhed eloquence and learning
from Rome. Longinus indeed has attributed this mis-
fortune to that caufe, and tells us, fyeyai ts yttg ixxw ret
(pesvyfiocTx ruv MeyxhotpgovMv y, EAET0EPIA, &c. “ It
is liberty that is formed to nurfe the fentiments of great
geniufes, to pulh forward the propenfity of conteft, to
inlpire them with hopes, and the generous ambition of
being the firlt in rank.” When Longinus wrote this,
he did not refleft that he himfelf was a linking inllance
of the unfoundnefs of his obfervation.
The1 uniters J^‘S to fc‘ence> t*16 fa<^ 15 undoubtedly on the other
of the fil- ^de. That Seneca was fuperiorto Cicero in philofophy,
ver age cannot be reafonably contradiCled. The latter had read,
greater and aftually abridged, the whole extent of Grecian phi-
fhienceuhan ^0f°phy : this difplayed his reading rather than his
their prede- ^earning- The former had addiCled himfelf .to the Hole
edTors. Pel: and though he does not write with the fame flow
of eloquence as Tally, he thinks more deeply and rea-
fons more clofely. Pliny’s Natural Hiltory is a won¬
derful collection, and contains more ufeful knowledge
thah all the writings of the Augullan age condenfed in¬
to one mafs. We think the hillorical annals of Tacitus,
if inferior to Livy in Ityle and majelty of diflion, much
fuperior in arrangement and vigour of compofitkm. In
Ihort, we difeover in thefe productions a deep infight in¬
to human nature, an extenfive knowledge of the fcience
of government, a penetration which no diflimulation
could efcape, together with a fincere attachment to
truth both with reipeft to events and characters; nor is
he inferior in the majefty, energy, and propriety of his
harangues, wherever an equal opportunity prefents it-
felf. Quintilian^ Pliny the younger, Suetonius, Petro-
nius Arbiter, and Juvenal, deferve high elleem; nor
are they inferior to their immediate predeceffors. We
think there is good reafon to conclude, that the lofs of
liberty among the Romans did not produce the extinc¬
tion of eloquence, fcience, elevation of fentiment, or re¬
finement of tafle. There were, we believe, other cir-
Vol. XVI. Part I.
cumftances which chiefly contributed to produce that re- Latin
volution. ‘ Language.
The fame Velleius Paterculus whom we have quoted
afligns fome plaufible and very judicious reafons for this
catallrophe. “ Emulation (fays he) is the nurfe of ge¬
nius 5 and one while envy, and another admiration, fires
imitation. According to the laws of nature, that which
is purfued with the greatelf ardour mounts to the top :
but to be flalionary in perfection is a difficult matter 5
and by the fame analogy, that which cannot go forward
goes backward. As at the outfet we are animated to
overtake thofe whom we deem before us, fo when we
defpair of being able to overtake or to pafs by them, our
ardour languiffies together with our hope, and wffiat it
cannot overtake it ceafes to purfiie ; and leaving the fub-
jeCI as already engrofled by another, it looks out for a
new one upon which to exert ilfelf. That by which we
find we are not able to acquire eminence we relinquifh,
and try to find out fome objeCl elfewhere upon which to
employ our intelleftual powers. The confequence is,
that frequent and variable tranfitions from fiibjecl to fub-
jeCI proves a very great obftacle to perfection in any pro-
feffion.”
This perhaps was the cafe with the Romans. The
heroes of the Auguftan age had borne away the prize
of eloqueyjte, of hiftory, of poetry, &c. Their fuccef-
fors defpaired of being able to equal, much lefs to fur.
pafs them, in any of thefe walks. They were therefore
laid under the neceffity of linking out a new path by
which they might arrive at eminence. Confequently
Seneca introduced the JHle coupe, as the French call it;
that is, a Ihort, fparkling, figurative diftion, abounding
with antithefes, quaintnefles, witticifms, embellilhed with
flowers and meretricious ornaments 5 whereas the ftyle of
the Augultan age was natural, fimple, folid, unaffefted,
and properly adapted to the nature of the fubjeft and the
fentiments of the author.
The hiftorian Salluft laid the foundation of the unna¬
tural ftyle above mentioned. Notwithftanding all the
excellencies of that celebrated author, he everywhere
exhibits an affeftation of antiquity, an antithetical call,
an air of aufterity, an accuracy, exaftnefs, and regula¬
rity, contrary to that air degage' which nature difplays
in her moft elaborate efforts. His words, his clamV,
feem to be adjufted exaflly according to number, weight,
and meafure, without excefs or deleft. Velleius Pater¬
culus imitated this writer j and, as is generally the cafe
with imitators, fucceeded belt in thofe points where his
archetype had failed moft egregicufly. Tacitus, how¬
ever excellent in other refpefts, deviated from the Au¬
guftan exemplars, and is thought to have imitated Sal¬
luft •, but affefting brevity to excefs, he often falls into
obfeurity. The other contemporary writers employ a
cognate ftyle ; and becaufe they have deviated from the
Auguftan ftandard, their works are held in lefs eftima-
tion, and are thought to bear about them marks of de¬
generacy.
That degeneracy, however, did not fpring from the
defpotic government under which thefe authors lived,
but from that a fie ft at ion of Angularity into which they
were led by an eager but fruitlefs defire of fignalizing
themfelves in their mode, as their predecelTors had done
in theirs. But the mifehiefs of this rage for innova¬
tion did not re>ch their fentiments, as it had done their
Y y ftyle;
/
F H I L O L O G Y.
Sea. VIII.
I<)9
Writers of
jareat ta-
ients du¬
ring the
filver and
'brazen
ages.
flyle ; for in tliat point we think they were fo far from
falling below the meafure of the writers of the former
age, that in many inftances they teem to have furpaffed
them.
With refpeft to fentiment and mental exertions, the
authors in queition preferved their vigour, till luxury and
effeminacy, in confequence of power and opulence, ener¬
vated both the bodies and minds of the Romans. The
contagion foon became univerfal; and a liltleffnefs, or
intelleftual torpor, the ufual concomitant of luxury,
fpread indolence over the mental faculties, which ren¬
dered them not only averfe to, but even incapable of,
fnduftry and perfeverance. This lethargic difpofition of
mind teems to have commenced towards the conclufion
of the filver age y that is, about the end of the reign of
Adrian. It was then that the Roman eagle began to
itoop, and the genius of Rome, as well in arts as in
arms, began to decline. Once more, the declenfion of
the intellectual powers of the writes of that nation did
not arife from the form of the government, but from the
caufes above fpecified.
As the Roman genius, about that period, began to
decline, fo the ftyle of the filver age was gradually viti¬
ated with barbarifms and exotic forms of fpeech. The
multitudes of barbarians who Hocked to Rome from all
parts ®f the empire ; the ambafladors of foreign princes,
and often the princes themfelves, with their attendants 5
the prodigious numbers of flaves who were entertained
in all the confiderable families of the capital, and over
all Italy ; the frequent commerce which the Roman ar¬
mies upon the frontiers carried on with the barbarians j
all concurred to vitiate the Latin tongue, and to inter¬
lard it with foreign words and idioms. In fuch circum-
itances, it was impoflible for that or any other language
to have continued pure and untainted.
This vitiated charader both of ftyle and fentiment
became more and more prevalent, in proportion as it
defcended from the reign of Adrian towards the era of
the removal of the imperial feat from Rome to Con-
ftantinople. Then fucceeded the iron age, wThen the
Toman language became abfolutely rude and barba¬
rous.
Towards the clofe of the filver, and during the whole
ccurfe of the brazen age, there appeared, however, many
writers of no contemptible talents. The moft remark¬
able w as Seneca the ftoic, the matter of Nero, whofe
character both as a man and a wniter is difeufled with
great accuracy by the noble author of the Characterif-
tics, to whom we refer our readers.
About the fame time lived Perfius the fatirift, the
friend and difciple of the ftoic Cornutus; to whofe pre¬
cepts lie did honour by his virtuous life ; and by his
works, though fmall, he ftiowred an early proficiency in
the fcience of morals.
Under the mild government of Adrian and the Anto-
iftnes lived Aulus'Gellius, or (as foine call him) Agel-
lius; an entertaining wuiter in the mifcellaneous way,
wTell fkilled in criticifm and antiquity. His wrorks con-
t^in feveral valuable fragments of philofophy, which are
indeed the moft curious part of them.
With Aldus Gellius we may rank Macrobius ; not be-
caufe he wTas a contemporary (for he is fuppoled to have
lived under Honorius and Theodofius), but from his
wear refemblance in the character of a -writer. His
works, like thofe of the other, are tnifccllaneous j filled Latin
with mythology and ancient literature, with fome philo- Language.
fophy intermixed. v
In the fame age with Aldus Gellius flourifhed Apu-
leius of Madaura in Africa j a Platonic writer, whole
matter in general far exceeds his perplexed and afte&ed
ftyle, too conformable to the falfe rhetoric of the age in
which he lived.
Boethius was defcended from one of the nobleft of the
Roman families, and was conful in the beginning of the
fixth century. He wrote many philofophical works j
but his ethic piece on the Confolation of Philofophy de-
ferves great encomiums, both for the matter and the
ftyle; in which latter he approaches the purity of a far
better age than his own. By command of Theodoric
king of the Goths this great and good man fuffered
death \ and with him the Latin tongue, and the laft re¬
mains of Roman dignity, may be faid to have funk in
the weftern world.
There were befides a goodly number both of poets
and hiftorians who flourifhed during this period ; fuch
as Silius Italicus, Claudian, Aufonius, &c. poets and
hiftorians to a very great number, for w-hom our readers
may confult Joh. Alberti Fabricii Bibl. Lat. 2so
There flourifhed, too, a number of ecclefiaftical writ-Elegant cc-
ers, fome of whom deferve great commendation. Theclefiaftical
chief of thefe is Laftantius, w’ho has been defervedly ^‘^rs iu
dignified with the title of the Chrijlian Cicero.
The Roman authors amount to a very fmall number
in comparifon of the Greek. At the fame time, when
w-e confider the extent and duration of the Roman em¬
pire, w'e are -juftly furprifed to find fo few writers of cha¬
racter and reputation in fo vaft a field. We think we
have good reafon to agree with the prince of Roman
poets in the fentiment already quoted. 20J:
Upon the whole, the Latin tongue deferves our atten-Excellency
tion beyond any other ancient one now' extant. The and ufeful-
grandeur of the people by whom it was fpoken •, the’^A the
luftre of its writers ; the empire which it ftill maintainstongue>
among ourfelves ; the neceflity w-e are under of learning
it in order to obtain accefs to almoft all the fciences,
nay even to the knowledge of our owm laws, of our ju¬
dicial proceedings, of our charters 5 all thofe circum-
ftances, and many others too numerous to be detailed,
render the acquifition of that imperial language in a pe¬
culiar manner at once improving and highly intetefting.
Spoken by the conquerors of the ancient nations, it par¬
takes of all their revolutions, and bears continually their
impreflion. Strong and nervous while they were em¬
ployed in nothing but battles and carnage, it thundered
in the camps, and made the proudeft people to tremble,
and the moft defpotic monarchs to bend their ftubborn
necks to the yoke. Copious and majeftic, when, weary
of battles, the Romans inclined to vie with the Greeks
in fcience and the graces, it became the learned lan¬
guage of Europe, and by its luftre made the jargon of
favages difappear who difputed with it the poffeffion of
that quarter of the globe. After having controlled by
its eloquence, and humanized by its laws, all thofe peo¬
ple, it became the language of religion. In ftiort,
the Latin language w-ill be ftudied and efteemed as
long as good fenfe and fine tafte remain in the
world.
Sect,
Sea. IX. PHILO
Celtic
Language. gECT> jx. Celtic, Gothic, and Sclavonian Languages.
§ i. Of the Celtic Language.
In treating of the origin of the Latin tongue (fee
Seft. VIII.), we obferved that a great part of it is de¬
rived from the Celtic. We (hall now endeavour to give
fome account of the origin and extent of that ancient
language ; Hill leaving the minutiae to grammars and
dictionaries, as we have done with refpeft to the other
dialeCIs which have fallen under our confideration. Our
candid readers, it is hoped, will remember, that we are
aCting in the charaCler of philologers, not in that of
grammarians and lexicographers.
Origin*of The defendants of Japhet having peopled the weft-
theteks, ern parts of Alia, at length entered Europe. Some
broke into that quarter of the globe by the north, others
found means to crofs the Danube near its mouth. Their
pofterity gradually afeended towards the fource of that
river •, afterwards they advanced to the banks of the
Rhine, which they paffed, and thence fpread themfelves
fas ar as the Alps and the Pyrenees.
Thefe people, in all probability, were compofed of
different families; all, however, fpoke the fame lan¬
guage •, their manners and cuftoms bore a near refem-
blance •, there was no variety among them but that dif¬
ference which climate always introduces. Accordingly
they were all known, in the more early times, by the
general name of Celto-fcythce. In procefs of time, be¬
coming exceedingly numerous, they were divided into
feveral nations, which were diltinguilhed by different
names and territorial appellations. Thofe wdio inhabited
that large country bounded by the ocean, the Mediter-
203 ranean, the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, were
part of denominated Gauls or Celts. Thefe people multiplied
whom were f0 prodigiouily in the fpace of a few centuries, that the
\t(tc^auls fertile regions which they then occupied could not af¬
ford them the means of fubfiftence. Some of them now
paffed over into Britain; others croffed the Pyrenees,
and formed fettlements in the northern parts of Spain.
* Even the formidable banders of the Alps could not im¬
pede the progrefs of the Gauls: they made their way
into Italy, and colonized thofe parts which lie at the
foot of the mountains ; whence they extended themfelves
towards the centre of that rich country.
By this time the Greeks had landed on the eaftern
coaft of Italy, and founded numerous colonies in thofe
parts. The two nations vying as it were with each other
in populoufnefs, and always planting colonies in the
courfe of their progrefs, at length rencountered about
the middle of the country. This central region was at
that time called Latium. Here the two nations formed
one fociety, which was called the Latin people. The
languages of the two nations were blended together ;
and hence, according to fome, the Latin is a mixture of
Greek and Gaelic.
As the Gauls were a brave and numerous people, they
certainly maintained themfelves in their priftine poffef-
fions, uninvaded, unconquered, till their civil animofi-
ties and domeftic quarrels expofed them as a prey to thofe
very Romans whom they had fo often defeated, and
fometimes driven to the brink of deftruftion. They
were not a people addifted to commerce *, and, upon the
whole, confidering their fituation both in their primary
L O G Y. 355
feats and afterwards in Italy, they had little temptation Celtic
or opportunity to mingle with foreigners. Their lan-1Language.^
guage, therefore, muft have remained unmixed with fo¬
reign idioms. Such as it was when they fettled in Gaul,
fuch it mult have continued till the Roman conquelts.
If therefore there is one primitive language now exift-
ing, it muft be found in the remains of the Gaelic or
Celtic. It is not, then, furpriling, that fome very
learned men, upon difeovering the coincidence of very
great numbers of words in fome of the Greek dialedts
with other words in the Celtic, have been inclined to
eftablilh a ftrift affinity between thofe languages. The Refeml
ancient Pelafgic and the Celtic at leaft muft have nearly blance be-
refembled each other, admitting a dialectical difference |ween t^eir
only, and that diferimination which climate and a long
period of time muft always produce. of the fe-
Some have thought that the Gauls loft the ufe of their lafgi.
native language foon after their country w'as conquered
by the Romans; but Monfieur Bullet, in his Memoires
de la I.angue Ccltique, has. proved almoft to a demonftra-
tion, that the vulgar among thole people continued to
fpeak it feveral centuries after that period. When a
great and populous nation has for many ages employed
a vernacular tongue, nothing can ever make them en¬
tirely relinquilh the ufe of it, and adopt unmixed that of
their conquerors.
Many learned men, among whom is the lexicogra¬
pher above mentioned, have ffiown that all the local
names in the north of Italy are actually of Celtic ex¬
traction. Thefe names generally point out or deferibe
fome circumftances relating to the nature of their litua-
tion ; fuch as expofure, eminence, lovvnefs, moiftnels,
drynefs, coldnefs, heat, &c. This is a very charafter-
iftic feature of an original language 5 and in the Celtic
it is fo prominent, that the Erfe names of places all
over Scotland are, even to this day, peculiarly diftin-
guiffied by this quality. We have heard a gentleman,
who wras v’ell {killed in the dialed of the Celtic ftill
fpoken in the Highlands of Scotland, propofe to lay a
bet, at very great odds, that if one fhould pronounce
the name of any village, mountain, river, gentleman’s
feat, &c. in the old Scottiffi dialed, he ftiould be able,
by its very name, to give a pretty exad defeription of
its local fituation.
To difeover the fources from which th^ Celtic tongue
is derived, we muft have recourfe to the following expe¬
dients.
1. We muft confult the Greek and Latin authors,
who have preferved fome Gaelic or Celtic terms in their
writings.
2. We muft have recourfe to the Welffi and Baffe
Bretagne dialeds ; in which, indeed, there are many new
words, but thefe are eafily diftinguilhed from the primi¬
tive flock.
3. If one would trace another fource of the Celtic,
he muft converfe with the country people and peafants,
who live at a diftance from cities, in thofe countries
where it was once the vernacular tongue. We nave
been credibly informed, that a Highland gentleman,
crofting the Alps for Italy, accidentally fell in with an
old woman, a native of thofe parts, who fpoke a lan¬
guage fo near akin to Iris native Erfe, that he could un¬
derhand her with little difficulty; and that fire, on the
other hand, underftood moft of his words. That an
event of this nature fhould actually take place is by no
Y v 2 means
3 56 PHILOLOG Y. Seel. IX
Celtic means furprlfing, when we connder that the Eife fpo-
Laiu>nt:ge. ken in the Highlands of Scotland is perhaps the moft
genuine remnant of the Celtic now exiiting, and at the
fame lime refledl that there may be lome remote can¬
tons among thoie wild and inacceflible mountains, the
Alps, where fome remains of that tongue may liill be
preferved,
Tlie moft 4- We have laid that the moft genuine remains of
genuine re- the Gaelic tongue are to be found in the Highlands of
mains of Scotland •, and the reafon is obvious. The Scottilh
in'the'1110 highlanders are the unmixed unconquered pofterity of
Highlands ^;e ancient Britons, into whofe Barren domains the
of Scot- Romans never penetrated j not, we imagine, becaufe
land. they were not able, ftnee they fubdued both North and
South Wales, equally inacceflible, but becaufe they
found no feenes there either to fire their ambition or al¬
lure their avarice. Amidft all the revolutions that
from time to time fhook and convulfed Albion, thofe
mountainous regions were left to their primitive lords,
who, like their fouthern progenitors, hofpitable in the
extreme, did not, however, fuffer ftrangers to refide
long among them. Their language, accordingly, re¬
mained unmixed, and continues fo even unto this day,
efpecially in the moft remote parts and unfrequented
iflands.
The Norwegians fubdued the weflern iflands of Scot¬
land, at a time when the Scottiih monarchy was ftill in
its minority. They eredled a kind of principality over
them, of which the ifle of Man wTas the capital. Though
they maintained the fovereignty of thofe illands for fome
centuries, built many forts, and ftrengthened them with
garrifons, and in fine were the lawgivers and adminiftra-
tors of juftice among the natives j yet wTe have been in¬
formed by the moft refpeclable authority, that there is
not at tins day a lingle vocable of the Norfe or Danilh
tongue to be found among thefe iflanders. This fa (ft
affords a demonftration of that fuperftitious attachment
with which they were devoted to their vernacular dia-
00(S lefts.
The Wellli The Welfh dialeft cannot, we think, be pure and un-
dialecl not fophifticated. The Silures were conquered by the Ro-
pure, nor mans, to wftiom they were aftually fubjeft for the fpace
*ne In ‘ 0f three centuries. During this period a multitude of
Italian exotics mull have been tranfplanted into their
language} and indeed many of them are difcernible at
this day. Their long commerce with their Englilh
neighbours and conquerors hath adulterated their lan¬
guage, fo that a great part of it is now of an Englilh
complexion. The Irilh is now fpoken by a race of
people whofe morality and ingenuity is nearly upon a
level. Their lateft hiftorians have brought them from
the confines of Alia, through a variety of adventures, to
people an illand extra anni folifque vias. However this
genealogical tale may pleafe the people for whom it wras
fabricated, we mull ftill fufpeft that the Irilh are of
Celtic extraftion, and that their forefathers emigrated
from the weftern coaft of Britain at a period prior to all
hiftcrical or even traditional annals. Ireland w'as once
the 'native land of faints. The chief aftors on this fa-
ered ftage were Romantfts, and deeply tinftured with
the fuperftition of the times. They pretended to im¬
prove the language of tlm natives j and whatever their
fuccefs was, they improved it in fuch a manner as to
make it deviate very confiderably from the original
Celtic ) fo that it is act in Ireland that we are to look
for the genuine charafters of the dialeft under confide- Celtic
ration. Language.
Though the Hibernian tongue, in our opinion, dif- v——-
fers confiderably from the original Celtic, fome very in¬
genious ellays have been lately publilhed by the learned
and laborious members of the Antiquarian Society of Coind-
Dubhn ; in which the coincidence of that tongue with <wnce be-
fome of the oriental dialefts, has been fupported by lv’et,n the
very plaufible arguments. In a differtation publilhed inpf^B3^
the year 1772, they have exhibited a colleftion of Pu- ‘ ‘ ’
nico-Maltefe words compared with words of the fame im¬
port in Irilh, where it mutt be allowed the refemblance
is palpable. In the fame differtation they have compa¬
red the celebrated Punic feene in Plautus with its tranf-
lation into the Irilh 5 in which the words in the two lan¬
guages are furprilingly fimilar. If thofe criticilms are
well founded, they will prove that the Celtic is coeval
and congenial with the moft ancient languages of the
call ; which tve think highly probable. Be that as it
may, the Danes and Norwegians formed fettlements in
Ireland ; and the Englilh have long been fovereigns of
that illand. Thefe circumltances muft have affefted the
vernacular idiom of the natives 5 not to mention the ne-
ceffity of adopting the language of the conquerors in
law, in fciences, in the offices of religion.
The inhabitants of the highlands and illands of Scot¬
land are the defeendants of thofe Britons who fled from
the power of the Romans, and (heltered themfelves among
the lens, rocks, and faftneffes of thofe rugged mountains
and fequeftered glens. They preferred thole wallcs and
wilds, with liberty and independence, to the pleafant
and fertile valleys of the fouth, with plenty embittered
by llavery. They no doubt carried their language along
with them ; that language was a branch of the Celtic.
With them, no doubt, tied a number of the druidicai
priefts, who unqueftionably knew their native dialeft in
all its beauties and varieties. Thefe fugitives in procels
of time formed a regular government, elefted a king,
and became a confiderable itate. They were fequefter¬
ed by their fituation from the reft of the world. With¬
out commerce, without agriculture, without the mecha¬
nical arts, and without objefts of ambition or emulation,*
they addifted themfelves wholely to the paftoral life as
their bufinefs, and to hunting and filhing as their diver-
lion. Thofe people were not dillinguifbed by an inno¬
vating genius j and confequently their language muft
have remained in the fame ftate in which they received
it from their anceftors They received it genuine Celtic,
and fuch they preferved it.
When the Scots became mailers of the low country,
and their kings and a great part of the nobility embra¬
ced the Saxon manners, and adopted the Saxon lan¬
guage, the genuine Caledonians tenacioully retained
their native tongue, drefs, manners, clanlhips, and feu¬
dal cuftoms, and could never cordially afiimilate with
their fouthern neighbours. Their language, therefore,
could not be polluted with words or idioms borrowed
from a people whom they hated and defpifed. Indeed
it is plain from the whole tenor of the Scottifh hiftory,
that neither Caledonian chieftans, nor their vaffals, were
ever fteadily attached to the royal family after they fixed
their refidence in the low country, and became Saxons,
as the Highlanders called them by way of reproach. In¬
deed the commerce between them and thofe of the fouth,
till about a century and a half ago, was only Lranfient
Sea. IX.
P H I L O L O G Y.
^7
Celtic
LangUrice
2C8
Caafes of
the purity
of 'the
Scotch dia¬
led: of this
ancient lan¬
guage.
* TLpays,
fitc. by
James
Grant,
Elq. advo¬
cate.
and accidental} nor was their native (iialect in the leaft
aiFefted by it.
Their language, however, did not degenerate, be-
caufe there exiited among them a defeription of men
whofe profeffion obliged them to guard againlt that mis¬
fortune. Every chieftain retained in his iamily a bard
or poet laureat, whole province it was to compofe poems
in honour of his lord, to commemorate the giorious ex-
pioits of his anceitors, to record the genealogy and con-
nedlions of the family j in a word, to amufe and enter¬
tain the chief and his guefts at all public entertainments
and upon ail folemn occafions. i hofe profeffors of the
Parnaffian art ufed to vie with each other ; and the
chiefs of families often affembled their refpetflive bards,
and encouraged them by confiderable premiums to exert
their poetic talents. The victor was rewarded and ho¬
noured } and the chieftain deemed it an honour to hirn-
felf to entertain a bard wh@ excelled his peers. 1 he an¬
cient Gauls, as we learn from Diodorus Siculus, Strabo,
Tacitus, Lucan, &c. entertained perfons of that profef¬
fion • and certainly the ancient Britons did the fame.
Thofe bards tvere highly revered •, their pet Ions were
deemed facred •, and they were always rewarded with
faiaries in lands or cattle (See fedbon Greek). Thofe
poetic geniufes mull have watched over their vernacular
dialecl: with the greateft cate and anxiety ; becaufe in
tkeir compofitions no word was to be lod, but as many
gained as pofiible.
The ufe of letters was not known among the ancient
Celt a'; their druidical clergy forbade the ufe of them.
Ail their religious rites, their philofophical dogmas, .their
moral precepts, and their political maxims, were com-
pofed in verfes which their pupils were obliged to com¬
mit to memory. Accordingly letters were unknown to
the Caledonian Scots, till they learned them either from
their fouthern neighbours or from the Romans. The
Iriih, indeed, pretend to have letters of a very ancient
date ; the Highlanders of the country in queftion make
no claim to the ufe of that invention. Their bards,
therefore, committed every thing to memory } and of
courfe the words of their language mull have been faith¬
fully preferved. We find that the celebrated poems of
OiTian, and others of an inferior charafler, or at lead-
fragments ef fuch poems (fee Ossian), have thus been
preferved from father to fcn for more than 1000 years.
The beauty, fignificancy, harmony, variety, and energy
of thefe verfes, ilrike us even in a profe tranllation : how
infinitely more charming mull they appear in their na¬
tive form and poetical attire !
In order to exhibit the genius of the Celtic in as
finking a light as the nature of our prefent defign will
permit, we fhall lay before our readers a very contract¬
ed iketch of the Gaelic or Caledonian dialed as it now
Hands ; which we hope wilt go a great way to convince
them that this is the genuine offspring of the other. In
doing this we {hall borrow many hints from a gentle¬
man * whofe learning feems to equal his zeal for Ins na¬
tive language ; which, in compliance with the modern
pradicc, we fhall for the future diftinguifn by the name
of Gaelic. -
The Gaelic is not derived from any other language
as far as we know, being obvioufly reducible to its own
roots. Its combinations are formed of fimple words of
a known lignification •, and thofe words are refolvable
into the limplefl combinations of vowels and confonants,
and even into fimple founds. In fuch a language we Celtic
may expect that fome traces will be found of the ideas l^ar'‘^liaSe*
and notions of mankind living in a date of primeval fim-
plicity •, and if fo, a monument is Hill prelerved of the
primitive manners of the Celtic race while as yet under
the guidance of iimple nature, without any artificial rc-
draint or controul.
The hidden fenfations of heat and cold, and bodily
pain, are exprefied by articulate founds, which, how¬
ever, are not ufed in this language to denote heat, cold,
or bodily pain. A hidden fenfation of heat is denoted
by an articulate exclamation halt; of cold, by id; of
bodily pain, by oich. All thefe founds may be called
interjetlionsy being parts of fpeech which difeover the
mind to be feized with fome paffion. Few of the im¬
proved languages of Europe prefent fd great a variety
of founds whicii indantaneouily convey notice of a parti¬
cular paffion, bodily or mental feeling.
The pronouns he and /he are exprefied by the fimple
founds e and z, and thele are the marks of the mafeuline
and feminine genders \ for a neuter gender is unknown
in the Gaelic. The compofitions of rude and barbarous
ages are univerfally found to approach to the dyle and
numbers of poetry j and this too is a didinguifhing cha-
racler of the Gaelic. Bodily fubfiftence will always be
the prinnipai concern of an uncultivated people. Hence
cd or cid is uled upon difeovery of any animal of prey
or game: it is meant to give notice to the hunting com¬
panion to be in readineis to feize the animal: and hence
we believe cdo “ to eat” in Latin, and ed in Iriih, figni-
fies “ cattle}” likewife in Scotch edal “ cattle,” lite¬
rally fignifies “ the offspring or generation of cattle.”
Coed or cucdy “ flrare or portion of any fubjedl of pro¬
perty,” literally “ common food.” Faced “ hunting,”
literally “ gathering of food.” Edra “ the time of the
morning when cattle are brought home from padure to
give milk,” literally “ meal-time.” Thefe are ivords
importing the fimplicity of a primitive date, and are
common in the Gaelic idiom.
Traces of imitative language remain in all countries.
The word uled for cow in the Gaelic language is ho,
plainly in imitation of the lowing of that animal.
In joining together original roots in the pregrefs of
improving language and rendering it more copious, its
combinations difeover an admirable judnefs and preci-
fion of thought, which one would fcarce expect to find
in an uncultivated dialedl. It will, however, be found, Exc^,,^rif.F
upon examination, that the Gaelic language, in its com-0f Gaelic
bination of words, fpecifies with accuracy the known compounds,
qualities, and expreffes with precifion the nature and
properties which were attributed to the objedt denomi¬
nated.
An appears to have been a w ord of frequent ufe in
this language, and feems to have been originally a name
applied indefinitely to any objedl. According to Bullet,
it was ufed to fignify “ a planet;” hence the fun had
the name oigrian, which is a compound of ^rz’ “ hot,”
and an “ a planet.” Re fignifies originally and radical¬
ly “ divifion.” The changes of the moon and the va¬
riety of her phafes were early employed to point out the
divifions of time. The prefent name for the tnoon is
geulach ; a word derived from her whitenefs of colour.
To thefe we might add a vaft number more whofe figni-
fication precilely indicates their lhape, colour, effects,
SvC. Many of thefe would be found exadtly fimilar -.to
Greek
\
;SB
PHILOLOGY.
Sea. IX.
Celtic
Larrguage.
aio
Copioufnefs
and anti-
.qu ty of the
Celtic.
Greets and Latin words of the fame found and fignifica-
tion. In order to fatisfy our curious readers, we fliall
annex a few, though fome of them may perhaps be que-
ftionable.
The Venus of the Latins is faid to be a compound of
ben and /«.r, which literally fxgnify “ the firfl woman,”
the letter b in Gaelic being foftened into v. and
fignify “ food.” Thefe words are compounded of
the Gaelic words ed or eid and ar; the former denotes
food limply, and the latter ploughed land. Thefe are the
roots of the Greek and Latin words wu, edo ; cceov, aro.
Ebx, whichdignifies “ a feat,” has an evident reference
to food. It is compounded of two Gaelic words ed and
irn, which literally lignilies “ meal-time.” which
lignifies “ the prelents which a bridegroom made to his
bride,” is a compound of‘two Gaelic words ed and na
or nuah, literally lignifying. “ raw food.” From ar
there are many Greek derivatives. lignifies
“ ploughed land,” alfo “ crop of corn}” A|r8?, “ bread.”
In Gaelic a crop of corn and bread are exprerTed by arb-
har, commonly pronounced arar and aran; all being
equally derivatives of the root ar. So the Greek and
Latin words arabilis, “ arable 5” ara-
trum, “ a plough j” «gor>i§, arator, u a ploughman
and many others, are evidently derived from the fame
fource. We would not, however, fugged, in confe-
quence of this coincidence, that either the Greek or La¬
tin languages was derived from the Gaelic vee rather
believe that thefe are remains of a primeval tongue,
which are dill retained in all the three *, and we prodiuce
them upon the prefent occalion .as prefumptions that the
Gaelic is an original, underived language, and of courfe
the mod pure and unadulterated relick of the Celtic now
exiding. If our readers fhould incline to know more of
this fubjeft, they may confult Pezron’s Origin of Ancient
Nations, Bullet’s Mem. de la Langue Celtique, Parfon’s
Hem. of Japhet, Gebelin’s Monde prim. &c.
When the Celtic language was generally fpoken over
Europe, it feems to have been amazingly copious. By
' confulting Bullet’s Me moires, it appears that its names
for the common and various objects of nature were very
numerous. The words denoting water, river, wood, fo-
red, mountain, lake, &c. were mod precifely accom¬
modated to fpecify each modification and variety, with
luch peculiar exa&nefs as even the Greek, with all its
beaded idiomatical precifion and copioufnefs, has not
been able to equal. The appearances which diverlify
the vinble face of inanimate nature, arred the attention
of men in an uncultivated date. Unaccudomed to
thought and abdract reafoning, their minds expand and
exercife their powers upon fenfible objefls, and of courfe
mark every minutia and almod imperceptible diftindtion
with an accuracy to us feemingly impoffible.
We hope it now appears to every reader, that the Cel¬
tic was one of the dialedls of the primitive language $
that it once overfpread by far the greated part of Eu¬
rope j that the Gaelic now fpoken in the northern parts
of Scotland and the adjacent iflands is the mod pure and
unmixed relick of that tongue now anywhere exiding.
We would willingly refer our readers to fome well com-
pofed grammar of that language ; but indeed w’e know
of none that deferves our recommendation. Some years
ago wre were flattered with tlie profpecl of feeing one
publiflied by a gentleman whofe deep (kill in that lan¬
guage is univerfally acknowledged. We have like wife
$
heard of an intended dictionary of die fame tongue; but Celtic
hitherto our hopes have been difappointed. Language.
We are, however, happy to find that there is now
publifliing an excellent tranflation of both the Old and
New Tedaments into Gaelic, which has hitherto been a
defideratum among thofe who fpeak this language. Such
a tranflation'will at once contribute to preferve that an¬
cient tongue, and difleminate the knowledge of the truth
among the natives of that country.
Every aflidance towards acquiring the knowledge of a
tongue which was once univerfal over a great part of
Europe, will certainly be an acceptable prefent to the
public. The antiquary, who is defirous of tracing the
affinity of languages, and widies to mark the migrations
of people, ought certainly to apply himfelf to the dudy
of its remaining branches; and, if we midake not, he
will foon be convinced, that they all breathe a fpirit con¬
genial to the manners and fentiments of a people who
are jud entering upon the fird dage of improvement and
civilization. 2ir
Perhaps it may be expected, that, before we con- Origin ofj
elude this diort fketch of the Celtic tongue, we fhould the words
give fome account of the origin of the words Gaul and Gaul
Gal, the two names by which this people was didin- ^al'
guilhed by the Greeks and Romans. Mr M‘Pberfon
imagines, that the appellation of Celt is an adjeddive
derived from Gael, the aboriginal name of the inhabi¬
tants of ancient Gaul. For our part, we can fee no
connexion between Gtfc/.and Kelt, nor do we think
that the latter is an adjective. We believe that thofe
people called themfelves Gael and not Gael. We are
fure that Caledonia, or Cal-don or dun, was an ancient
name ,of the mountainous parts of Scotland.
Though many different opinions have been advanced
with relation to the etymology of this word, we ima¬
gine that none is fo probable as that which fuppofes
that it is compounded of the two Celtic words Cal or
Kal, that is, “ Gal or Gaul,” and dun, which figni-
fies “ a hill or mountain.” Upon this ground, the
Caledonii will import the Gauls of the mountains, or,
which is the fame, the Highland Gauls. The Irifh
and Highlanders reciprocally denominate themfelves
by the general title of Gael, Gael, or Gauls. They
alfo didinguidi themfelves, as the Welch originally
did, and as the Welch diftinguifh them both at pre¬
fent, by the appellation of Guidhill, Guethel, and Ga-
thel. The intermediate th, they fay, is left quiefeent
in the pronunciation, as it is in many words of the
Britifh language; in which cafe Gathel would imme¬
diately be formed into Gael; and Gathel is aclually
founded like Gael by both the Irilh and Highlanders at
prefent. The appellation of Gathel, therefore, fay they,
was originally the fame with Gael, and the parent of it.
The quiefeent letters in Britilh are frequently transfer¬
red from the middle to the conclufion of the word •, by
which manoeuvre, Gathel is changed into Galath, Galat,
Galt, and Celt. It is true, that Gael of the continent is
univerfally denominated Galalce and Celtee by the Gre¬
cians, and Gaik and Gal!ta by the Irifh. The appella¬
tions, therefore, of Gathel i, Gall-i, Gallat-ce, Calct-es,
An-calit-es, and Celt-ce, are all one and the fame deno¬
mination, only varied by the aftonifliing du^Hlity of the
Celtic, and difguifed by the alterations ever incident to
a language that has been merely oral for ages.
It may perhaps appear prefumptuous in us to dif¬
fer
(
Seel. IX.
PHILOLOGY.
jsg
Celtic fer from two fuch refpe&able authorities as M‘Pher-
,Language-, fon and Whitaker : we muft, however, acknowledge,
that neither the one nor the other appears to us well
founded. Befides, they convey no idea of the fignifi-
cation of the words, though in the Celtic language
they muft have been fignificant. The name Cae/, the
lame with Ga/, was probably given them in the Baft
from the Greek y.^A, which in many oriental languages
denotes fair ; and ycthatix. may be eafily derived from
yuX or yoihotd, Gal or Galath.—This denomination might
be given them by their neighbours, in allufion to their
fair complexion.
2T2
Ancient
Gothic.
* Lib. i.
cap. 2.
f Lib ii.
cap. 23.
213
The fame
with the
language
ot the
Thracians,
f Lib. 7.
2x4
Origin of
the Goths.
§. 2. Q/’//xe Gothic Language.
The Celtic and Gothic tongues at one time divided
Europe between them. Both were of equal antiqui¬
ty, both originated in Alia, both were dialefts of the
original language of mankind. The Celtic, however,
was firft imported into Europe. The Gauls or Celts
had penetrated fartheft towards the weft ; a circum-
ftance which plainly intimates the priority of their ar¬
rival. In the population of countries, w~e believe it
may be held as a maxim, that the colonies who emi¬
grated firft wrere generally impelled by fucceeding emi¬
grants j and that of confequence the molt early were
pufhed forward to the parts moft diftant. The Celts,
then, having overfpread the moft weftern parts of
Europe, muft have arrived more early in thofe re¬
gions.
The Goths and Get* wTere the fame race of people,
according to Procopius *, de hello Goth.; and Strabo f
(b) informs us, that they fpoke the fame language wdth
the Thracians, from whofe confines they had fpread
themfelves northward as far as the weftern banks of the
Danube. Vopifcus, in the Hiftory of Probus, tells us,
that this emperor ;£ obliged “ the Thracians, and all the
Getic tribes, either to furrender or accept of his friend-
ftiip.” This expreflion indicates, that the Thracians
and the Getic tribes w7ere deemed the fame race of
people. From this deduction it is clear, that the Ge-
tse and Thracians were brethren 5 that they fpoke the
fame language : and that their law's, manners, cuftoms,
and religious tenets, were the fame, might eafily be
fliown, 'were this a proper place for an inquiry of that
nature.
The Thracian language, as might be demonftrated
from names of perfons, offices, places, and cuftoms,
among that people, w7as nearly related to the Chaldean
and other oriental languages.
They are thought to have been the defeendants of
Tiras, one of the fons of Japhet, and confequently
muft have preferved the fpeech of the Noachic fami¬
ly. The Gothic language abounds with Pahlavi, or
old Perfic w'ords, which are no doubt remains of the
primeval dialeft of mankind. The Thracians peo¬
pled a confiderable part of the northern coaft of Afia
Minor; and confequently we meet with many names
of cities, mountains, rivers, &.c. in thofe parts, exactly
correfponding with many names in Europe, evidently Gothic
impofed by our Gothic progenitors. Any perfon to- Language,
lerably acquainted with the remains of the Gothic v
tongue, will be able to trace thefe with little diffi¬
culty.
We learn from Herodotus *, that Darius in his * Lib. iv.
expedition againft the wandering Scythians who lived PnJPM'
on the other fide of the liter or Danube, in his pro-
greis fubdued the Getse;. and in the fame paffage the
hiftorian informs us, that thefe people held the im¬
mortality of the human foul, and that they Were the
braveft and moft juft of all the Thracians. After this
period', wre find them mentioned by almoft every Greek
writer, even familiarly ; for Geta, in the comedies of
that nation, is a common name for a Have. The Getaj
then occupied all that large traft of country which ex¬
tended from the confines of Thrace to the banks of the
Danube ; were a brave and virtuous people ; and fpoke
the fame language with the Thracians, with whom they
are often confounded both by Greek and Roman hifto.
rians.
But the name of Goths is by no means fo ancient.
It w;as utterly unknown both to the ancient Greeks
and Romans. The firft time that the name Goth is
mentioned is in the reign of the emperor Decius, about
the year lof Chrift 250. About that time they burft
out of Getia, and rufhing like a torrsnt into the empire,
laid wmfte every thing with fire and fword. The name
of their leader or king w7as Cneva. Decius, endea¬
vouring to expel them from Thrace, wTas vanquiftied and
flain.
After this irruption, wtc find them frequently in the
Latin authors under tire name of Getce or Gothi; though
the Greeks generally denominate them Scythce. Tor-
fieus tells us, that get f and got are actually the fame f Hijlory of
wmrd, wdiich anciently, according to him, denoted a Norway,
“ foldier.” Got in Icelandic fignifies a “ horfe or^G.
horfeman,” and gata a “ wanderer and this laft wms
perhaps the import of the term Geta, they being origi¬
nally an unfettled vagrant people. As nations general¬
ly aflume to themfelves fome high aufpicious denomina¬
tion, rve may believe the Goths did the fame. We may
therefore reft fatisfied, that the Gelae alfumed the Ice¬
landic name above mentioned as their national one :
or perhaps, notw'ithftanding their Greek denomination,
they called themfelves Gots or Goths from the begin-
ning.
The original feat of the Goths wTas the country 2I5
now called Little Tartary, into which they had e\- ^U i"r P1'1-'
tended themfelves from the frontiers of Thrace. Tins™*11^ 1
country w7as called Little Scythia by the Greek wri¬
ters ; and it was the ftation wdience thofe innumerable
fwarms advanced, which, in conjunftion writh the A-
lani and other barbarous tribes, at length overran
and fubverted the Aveftern empire. One part of the
Gothic nation was allowed by Conftantine to fettle in
Moefia. Before the year 420 moft of the Gothic na-
tioqs who had fettled Avithin the limits of the Roman
empire had been converted to the Chriftian faith ;
but,
(b) Lib. vii. page 295, B. ; ibid, page 305. G. (Cafaubon). From this paflage it appears, that the Greeks
Avere of opinion that the Getse Avere Thracians, Plin. Nat. Hi/l. lib. fv. cap. il. mentions a tribe of the Get»
called Gauche.
I
3(3°
Gothic
Language
216
Remains
of genuine
Gothic.
,
Gothic al¬
phabet.
218
Gethic lan¬
guage de¬
rived from
the Chal¬
dean, See.
P H I L O
but, unhappily, the greater part of the apoftles by
whom they had been profelyted, were Arlans, which
proved fatal to many of the orthodox Chriftians } for
the Arian Goths perfecuted them with unrelenting
cruelty.
About the year 367, Ulphilas bifhop of the Mee¬
han Goths, tranflated the New Teftament into the
Gothic language. The remains of this tranilation
furnilh a genuine, and at the fame time venerable, mo¬
nument of the ancient Gothic dialed. No more is
now extant of that valuable tranflation than the four
Gofpels, and another fragment containing part of
the epiitle to the Romans. The Gofpels have been
repeatedly publifhed fince the firft edition by Junius
1665, down to that of Mr Lye. Other fragments of
the Gothic language have alfo been found, which our
curious readers may fee in Lye’s Notes to his Edition
of the Gothic Gofpels. The fragment of the Epiftle
to the Romans was lately difeovered in the library at
Wolfenbuttle, and publiihed by Knitel archdeacon of
Wolfenbuttle.
The Goths, prior to the age of Ulphilas, were ig¬
norant of the ufe of alphabetical charaders. The bi¬
fhop fabricated an alphabet for them, which is a medley
of Greek and Roman letters, but rather inclining to the
former.
This alphabet confills of 25 letters (fee Plate XV.).
Junius has carefully analyzed thofe letters, and pointed
out their powers and founds in his Gothic alphabet, pre¬
fixed to his Glojfarium Gothicum. They were long
retained in all the European languages derived from
the Gothic fburce, which will be enumerated in the
fequel.
What kind of language the ancient Gothic was, is
plain from the fragments above mentioned : but in what
refpeds it agrees with the oriental tongues, or differs
from them, is not ealy to afeertain with precifion. We
have obferved in our fedion on the Greek, that a con-
fiderable part of that language muff have been derived
from the Thracian ; which, according to Strabo there
.quoted, was the fame with the Getic or Gothic. The
Thracian tongue will, we are convinced upon compari-
fon, be found analogous to the Chaldean or Syrian. The
German, which is a genuine defeendant of the Gothic,
is full of Perfian words : the old Perfian or Pahlavi ap¬
pears to be a dialed of the Chaldean. The learned
Junius, near the beginning of his Gothic alphabet,
remarks, that a very confiderable pail of the 'lan¬
guage in queftion is borrowed from the molt ancient
Gfeek.
Both the learned line in his GloJJarium Suio-Gothi-
cutn, and Wachter in his excellent German and La¬
tin Didiohary, often remark the coincidence of Go¬
thic and German words with oriental vocables of the
like found and of the fame fignification. In the old
Saxon, which is another ramification of the Gothic
tongue, numberlefs terms of the very fame complexion
appear. From this dedudion we hope it will follow,
that the Gothic tongue, in its original unmixed ftate
as it was fpoken by the ancient Getce, was a dialed
of the primeval language •, that language which the
ions of Tiras brought with them from the plains
of Shinar or from Armenia, or from any other re¬
gion where the primitive mortals had fixed their refi-
L O G Y. Sed. ix.
dence. To confirm this pontron, we ihall annex a few Gothic
inftances. ^1 angunge.
The Thracian tribes, in all probability, firit took
poffeflion of thofe tribes of Afia Minor which ftretch
towards the eaft. Thence they croffed the Hellefpont,
and fpread themfelves far and wide northward. Strabo
fuppoles that they firft fettled in the regions to the
north of thofe ftraits, and thence tranfported numerous
colonies into Afia Minor. The reverie was probably
the cafe : but be that as it may, it is univerfally agreed,
that both tides of the Hellefpont were peopled with
Thracians.
In Afia Minor wre meet with the city Perga, which,
throwing away the rt, is Pcrg. In every tongue de¬
fended from the Gothic, the word Berg fignifies a
“ a rock,” and metaphorically a “ towm or burgh j”
becaufe towns were originally built on rocks for the
fake of defence. Hence likewile Pergamos, the fort or
citadel of Troy. Beira in Thracian fignified a “ city -
the Chaldaic and Hebrew word Beer imports a “ well,”
and is poffibly the original of the Gothic word beer,
ale. In ancient times, efpecially in the Eaft, it was
cuftomary to build cities in the neighbourhood of foun¬
tains. The ancients called the Phrygians Bgvysj, Bru¬
ges, or Bruges; the Gothic word coinciding is ob¬
vious. Dyndymus, the name of a city facred to Cy~
bele, is compounded of two Gothic words dun and dum,
both fignifying “a height, an eminence 5” and hence
a town, an inclofure. The word Iras feems to be the
very Gothic trofh, “ brave, valiant.” The words fa¬
der, tnader, dochter, lruder,. are fo obvioully Perfian,
that every etymologift has afllgned them to that lan¬
guage.
Many futile etymologies have been given of the fa¬
cred name God, which is in reality the Peifian word Cho-
da, commonly applied by them to their Hormazd or Oro-
ma%es. The Perfian bad or bod fignifies a “ city j”
the fame word in Gothic imports a “ houfe, a manfion,
an abode.” Band, in Perfic, a “ ftrait place 5” in Go¬
thic, “ to bend.” Heim or ham, “ a houfe,” is gene¬
rally known to be of Perfian original. iVIuch critical
Ikill has been difplayed in tracing the etymology of the
Scotch and old Englifh word Yu!e, “ Chriftmas.”
Yu/e, derived from iul, was a feftival in honour of the
fun, which was originally celebrated at the winter fcl-
ilice. Wick or wich is a Gothic term ftill preferved in
many names of towns 5 it fignifies “ a narrow corner,
or fmall ftrip of land jutting into the fea, cr into a lake
or river hence the Latin virus, and Greek (pa/xu?.
In Spanifh, we have many old Gothic words; among
others hijo a “ fon,” the fame with the Greek iie;. In
fome places of Scotland, we call any thing that is little,
fmall, w'ce ; originally fpelt wi, if we miftake not, from
the very fame word.
Thefe few examples we have thrown together, with¬
out any regard to order, perfuaded that almcft every
word of the language, truly Gothic, may with a little
pains and judgment be traced to fome eriental root or
cognate. We may obferve in palling, that many Go¬
thic nouns end in a, like the Chaldaic and Syriac ; that
their fubftantive verb very much refembles that of the
Perfian, Greek, and Latin ; and that their aclive and
auxiliary verb has furnilhed the common preterperfeft
tenfe of Greek verbs in the active voice : that verb is •
, haban,
2
Sea. IX.
PHILOLOGY.
361
^Gothic Jiaban, but originally Jia, as tbe common people pro-
Language nounce it at day, especially in the north of Scot-
v ' land, and among the Swedes, Danes, Norwegians, and
219
Modern
tongues
deduced
from the
Gothic.
Icelanders.
We lhall now leave the other inferior arrangements
of this ancient language to grammarians and lexico¬
graphers, and proceed to inquire what modern tongues
are deduced from it as their flock, and which of them
makes the neared; approaches to its hmplicity and ru-
flicity.
We have already obferved that the Goths, formerly
Getse, were poffeffed of a vafl extent of country,
reaching from the frontiers of Thrace to the banks of
the liter or Danube. We have feen that * colony of
them fettled in Moefia under Conftantine II. They
then fpread themfelves into Dacia, and from thence in¬
to Germany. All thefe countries were iituated in fuch
a manner, that the progrefs of population was forward,
and according to the natural courfe of emigration.
From Germany they extended themfelves into Scandi¬
navia, that is, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. Their
whole ancient Edda, Sagas, “ Chronicles,” fhow that
the Goths arrived in Scandinavia by this route, without,
however, fixing the era of that event with any tolerable
degree of accuracy. By the Germans, we believe the
ancients underflood all the nations eaflward, weftward,
and northward, reaching from the Danube on the fouth
up to the extremity of Scandinavia on the Northern
ocean •, and from the Rhine and German ocean on the
weft, to the river Chronus or Niemen on the eaft. All
thofe nations fpoke one or other of the Gothic dialefts,
fome approaching nearer, and others deviating farther
from, the parent language.
The Francic is a dialed of the Teutonic, Tudcfque,
or old German 5 and the G®fpels of Ulphilas bear fuch
a refemblance to the Francic, fragments of which are
prefetved in the early French hiftorians, that fome
learned men have pronounced thofe gofpels to be part
of an old Francic verfion •, but others of equal refpec-
tability have refuted this opinion, both from hiftory
and comparifon of the dialects. Schilter has given us
large monuments of the Tudefque or old German from
the feventh century, which evidently prove that the
Gothic of Ulphilas is the fame language. Wachter’s
learned Gloffary of the ancient German likew'ife con¬
firms this pofition. Mr Ihre, after hefitating whether
the Gofpels of Ulphilas bear mo ft refemblance to the
German or Scandinavian dialefl of the Gothic, declares
at laft in favour of the former. The Anglo-Saxon is
alfo known to be a venerable dialed of the Tudefque j
and is fo intimately conne&ed with the gofpels, that
fome valuable works on this fubjecf are wholly built
upon that fuppofition.
The Icelandic is the oldeft relick of the Scandina¬
vian. It begins with Arius Frode in the eleventh
century, and is a dialeft of the German. The re¬
mains we have of it are more modern by four centuries
than thofe of the German: they are more polilhed
than the other. The wmrds are fhortened, not only
becaufe they are more modern than the German, but
becaufe the Icelandic was polilhed by a long fucceftion
of poets and hiftorians almoft equal to thofe of Greece
and Rome. Hence the Icelandic, being a more po¬
lilhed language than the German, has lefs affinity with
the parent Gothic. The Swedilh is more nearly related
Vol. XVI. Part I.
to the Icelandic than either the Danifli or Norwegian. Gothic.
That the Swedifh is the daughter of the Gothic, is fully Lai'Vla^',
Ihown by Mr Ihre above mentioned, in his GloJJanum
Suio-Gothicum. There is, therefore, no manner of doubt
as to the identity of the Gothic, preferved in Ulphilas
and other ancient remains, with the German and Scan¬
dinavian tongue.
The modern German, a language fpoken in a far
greater extent than any other of modern Europe, re-
fembles the Gothic Gofpels more than the prefent Da-
nilh, Norwegian, or ♦ .vedifh j and has certainly more
ancient Jlamina. Its likenefs to the Aliatic tongues, in
harlhnefs and inflexible thicknefs of found, is very ap¬
parent.
^ Bulbequius fhows, that the clowns of Crim Tartary,
remains of the ancient Goths, fpeak a language almoft;
German. Thefe clowns were no doubt defeendants of
the ancient Goths, who remained in their native coun¬
try after the others had emigrated. It is therefore ap¬
parent from the whole of this inveftigation, that the
Gothic was introduced into Europe from the Eaft, and
is probably a dialect of the language originally fpoken
by men.
§ 3. Of the Sclavonian Language.
There^ is another language which pervades a con-
fiderable part of Europe, and this, like the Gothic, 220
feems to have originated in the eaft. The language Sclavonic
we mean is the Sclavonic or rather Slavonic, which pre- anSua§t‘’
vails far and wide in the eaftern parts of this divifion
of the globe. It is fpoken by the Dalmatians, by the
inhabitants of the Danubian provinces, by the Poles,
Bohemians, and Ruffians. The word Jlab, that is,
“ flave” (whence the French word efclave, and our
wTord Jlave,~), fignifies “ noble, illuftrious j” but becaufe
in the lower ages of the Roman empire, vaft multitudes
of thefe people were fpread over all Europe in the qua¬
lity of flaves, that word came to denote the fervile tribe
by way of diftinftion in the fame manner as the words
Geta, Davus, and Syrus, did among the Greeks at a
more early period.
The Slavi dwelt originally on the banks of the Bo-fp°kenby
ryfthenes, now the Dnieper or Nieper. They wrere one1*16^^
of the tribes of the European Sarmatians who in ancient tribes of the
times inhabited an immenfe tra£l of country, bounded Sarmatians,
on the weft by the Viftula, now the Weifel \ on the
fouth eaft by the Euxine fea, the Bofphorus Cimmerius,
the Palus Moeotis, and the Tanais or Don, which divides
Europe from Afia.
In this vaft tratft of country, which at prefent com¬
prehends Poland, Ruffia, and a great part of Tartary,
there dwelt in ancient times many confiderable tribes.
To enumerate thefe, we believe, would not much edify
our readers : we ftrall only inform them, that among
thefe Sarmatian clans were the Roxolani, now the Ruf¬
fians, and likewife the Slavi, who dwelt near the Bory-
fthenes, as was obferved above.
The Slavi gradually advanced towards the Danube ;
and in the reign of Juftinian having pafled that river,
they made themfelves mafters of that part of Ulyricum
which Fes between the Drave and the Save, and is to
to this day from them called Sc/avonia. Thefe barba¬
rians by degrees overran Dalmatia, Liburnia, the
weftern parts of Macedonia, Epirus; and on the eaft
they extended their quarters all along to the weftern
Z z bank
/
223
the Foies,
223
Sileiians,
and
224
Rulhans,
defcended
Irom the
Slavi.
362
Sclavo-dan bank of tho Danube, where that river falls into the
,L nigni^e. Euxine# In all theie countries, the Sclavonian was
*"r-v deeply impregnated noth the Greek, which was a thing
of courfe, iince the barbarian invaders fettled in thofe
regions, and mingled with the aborigines, who fpoke a
corrupt dialect of that language.
The Poles are the genuine defcendants of the ancient
Sarmatae (c), and couiequentiy fpeak a dialeft of their
language, but much adulterated with Latin words, in
coniequence of the attachment the Polanders have long
profeded to the Roman tongue.’
The Sileiians and Bohemians have corrupted their di¬
alects in the very Line manner. In thole countries,
then, we are not to feareh for the genuine remains of the
ancient' Sarmatian.
The modern Ruffians, formerly the Rhoxani or
Roxolani, are the poiterity of the Sarmatae, and are a
branch of the Slavi ; they inhabit a part of the coun¬
try which that people poffeffed before they fell into
the Roman provinces j they fpeak the fame language,
and w'ear the very fame drefs ; for, on the hilforical
pillar at Conffantinople, the Sclavonians are drefled
like the Ruffian boors. If then the Slavi are Sarma¬
tae, the Ruffians mull of courfe be the defcendants of
the fame people. They were long a fequeftered people,
and confequently altogether unconneCIed with the other
nations of Europe. They were ftrangers to commerce,
inhofpitable to itrangers, tenacious of ancient ufages,
averfe to improvements of every kind, wmnderfully
proud of their imaginary importance ; and, in a wTord,
a race of people juft one degree above abfolute favagiim.
A people of this character are, for the moft part, ene¬
mies to innovations 5 and if we may believe the Ruffian
hiftorians, no nation was ever more averfe to innovations
than the one in queftion. From the ninth century, at
which era they embraced Chriftianity, it does not ap¬
pear that they moved one ftep forward towards civiliza¬
tion, till Peter the Great, not a century ago, in confe-
quence of his defpotic authority, compelled them to
adopt the manners and cuftoms of their more poliftied
neighbours.
We may then conclude, that the Ruffians made a*
little change in their language during that period, as
they did in their drefs, habits, and manner of living.
Whatever language they fpoke in the ninth century,
the fame they employed at the beginning of the 18th.
They were, indeed, according to Appwn dc bel. Mi~
thrid. once conquered by Diophantus,one of Mithridates’s
generals, but that conqueft was for a moment only :
they were likewife invaded, and their country overrun,
by the great Timor or Tamerlane j but this invafion
was like a torrent from the mountains, which fpreads de-
vaftation far and wide while it rages, but makes little al¬
teration on the face of the country.
We find likewife, that upon fome occafions they
made incurfions upon the frontiers of the Roman em¬
pire ; but we hear of no permanent fettlements formed
by them in thefe quarters. Upon the whole, we take
the Ruffians to have been, with refpeCI to tbeir lan¬
guage, in the very fame predicament with the high-
P H I L O L O G Y.
Pea. IX
landers and iflanders of Scotland, who, according to Sciavonian
the general opinion, have prefervcd the Celtic dialed Language,
pure and entire, in confequence of their having never v
mingled with foreigners.
From this dedudion we may infer two things ; firft, The Ruf-
that the Ruffian language is the genuine Sclavonian ; fian lan-
and, fecondly, that the latter is the lame, or nearly the Suage ge-
fame, with the ancient Sarmatian. nuine Seiz¬
in the Ruffian, there are found a great number of
words refembling the old Ample roots of the Greek,
both in found and fignification 5 its grammatical ge¬
nius is nearly the fame ; and we are informed by the
very beft authority, that there is in this language a
tranflatic’* of Epidetus, in which there are whole
pages, in both original and tranflation, without one
Angle tranfpofition. Monf. Leveque, who has publifh-
ed a translation of a hiftory of Ruina, is fo entirely con¬
vinced of the ftvid analogy between the ancient Greek
and the modern Ruffe, that he is pofitive that the form¬
er is derived from the latter. Monf. Freret, a very
learned French academician, is clearly of the fame opi¬
nion. We are, however, perfuaded that this opinion is
ill founded. We rather imagine, that thofe coinci¬
dences a rife from the relicks of the primitive language
of mankind ; veftiges of which, we believe, are to be
found almoft in every tongue now exifting.
It is, however, we allowq uncommonly difficult to
render a reafon for the fyntaxical analogy of the trvo
languages, w-ithout admitting the tjruth of the one or
the other hypothefis. We have examined with fome
care a good number of Ruffian vocables, and compared
them with Greek ones of the fame fignification. We
have not, how'ever, found fuch a refemblance as we
think neceffary to fupport the pofition advanced above.
We have indeed found a very ftrong refemblance be-^
tween the former and many oriental words, efpecially b!ancebe-
Hebrew, Chaldean, and old Perfian, of which w e could tween Ruf-
produce feveral inftances, did the nature of our prefent fian and
inquiry admit fuch a deviation. Every body knows orieijta^
that the Sarmatae were divided into two great nations,
the Afiatic and European j the former extended very
far eaftward, behind the mountain Caucafus, the northern
fhore of the Euxine fea, and fo forth. Thefe, we may
believe, derived their language from the original tongue
long before the Greek language exifted. This, in com-
parifon of the Hebrew, Phoenician, Egyptian, Arabian,
Chaldean, &.c. was but of yefterday. The Greek, moft
learned men are now convinced, was a late compofition
of many different dialeiSls, incorporated with the jargon
of the aboriginal lonim or Greeks. The Sarmatian, on
the contrary, was the tongue of a great and populous
nation, civilized, in all appearance, long before the
Greeks began to emerge from a ftate of favagifm. We
are, therefore, by no means difpofed to allow, either that
the Greek is derived from the Ruffian, or the Ruffian
from the Greek. We believe there is juft the fame
reafon for this conclufion, that the Abbe Pezron and
Monf. Gebelin pretend to hxve difeovered, in order to
fupport their pofition that the Greek is derived from the
Celtic. Certain it is, that the refemblance among the
oriental
(c) This appears by their chara&er, their laws, their manners, their form of government, their military equi¬
page, their impetuofity, their ariftocratic fplendor.
2^^
Origin of
the fyntaxi
•cal coinci¬
dence be¬
tween this
language
and the
Creek.
Sea. IX.
Sclavonian oriental languages, of vvliich we take the Sarmatian to
.Language. have been one, is fo palpable, that any perfon of a mo-
,_^v derate capacity who is perfectly matter of one, will find
little difficulty in acquiring any other. If, therefore,
the coincidence bettveen the Greek and Ruffian fhould
■ aftually exift, we think this circumftance will not au¬
thenticate the fuppofition, that either of the two is de¬
rived from the other.
In the courfe of this argument, our readers will be
pleafed to obferve, that we all along fuppofe, that the
Sclavonian, of which we think the Ruffian is the mofl
genuine remain, is the fame with the old Sarmatian.
We fhall nowr take the. liberty to hazard a conjecture
with refpeCt to the fyntaxical coincidence of that lan¬
guage with the Greek j for we acknowledge that we
are not fo profoundly verfed in the Ruffian dialed of
the Sclavonian as to pretend to pronounce a definitive
fentence.
As the Ruffians were a generation of favages, there
is no probability that they were acquainted with the ufe
of letters and alphabetical wTriting till they acquired
that art by intercourfe with their neighbours. It is cer-
i-tain, beyond all contradiction, that few nations had made
lefs proficiency in the fine arts than that under conlider-
ation : and we think there is little appearance of their
having learned this art prior to their converfion to
Chriftianity. Certain it is, that the Slavi, who fettled
in Dalmatia, Illyria, and Liburnia, had no alphabetical
charaClers till they were furnilhed with them by St Je¬
rome. The Servian character, which very nearly re-
fembles the Greek, was invented by St Cyril; on which
account the language -written in that charader is de¬
nominated C/uurilm‘za. Thefe Sclavonic tribes knew
nothing of alphabetic writing prior to the era of their
converfion. The Moefian Goths were in the fame con¬
dition till their bifhop Ulphilas fabricated them a fet
of letters.
If the Slavi and Goths, who refided in the neighbour¬
hood of the Greeks and Romans, had not learned alpha¬
betical writing prior to the era of their converfion to
Chriftianity, it muft hold, a fortiori, that the Ruffians,
who lived at a very great diftance from thofe nations,
knew nothing of this ufeful art antecedent to the period
of their embracing the Chriftian faith.
The Ruffians pretend that they were converted by
St Andrew’; but this is known to be a fable. Chrifti¬
anity was firft introduced among them in the reign of
the grand duke Wolodimar, w;ho marrying the daugh¬
ter of the Grecian emperor Bafilius, became her con¬
vert about the year 989. About this period, we ima¬
gine, they were taught the know-ledge of letters by the
Grecian miffionaries, who were employed in teachino-
them the elements of the Chriftian doClrines. Their
alphabet confifts of 31 letters, w-ith a few obfolete ad¬
ditional ones; and thefe charafters referable thofe of
the Greeks fo exa&ly, that there can be no doubt cf
their being copied from them. It is true, the fhape of
fome has been fomewhat altered, and a few barbarian
ones have been intermingled. The Ruffian liturgy, eve¬
ry body knows, w-as copied from that of the Greeks •,
and the beft fpecimen of the old Ruffian is the church
offices for Eafter, in the very w-ords of Chryfoftom, w-ho
is called by his name Tjlato u/Iii, “ golden-mouthed.”
'The pow-er of the clergy in Ruffia w-as exceffive 5 and
no doubt their influence was proportioned to their
P H I L O L O G Y. 36.5
power. The firft race of clergy In that country were Sc.’avonian
undoubtedly Greeks. We know- how- active and indu- fianSua?f'-
ftrious thofe people were in propagating their language
as well as their religion. The offices of religion might
be at firft written and pronounced in the Greek tongue,
but it w-ould foon be found expedient to have them
tranflated into Ruffian. The perfons employed in this
work muft have been Greeks, who underftood both lan¬
guages.
As it is confefledly impoffible that a people fo dull
and uninventive as the Ruffians originally were, could
ever have fabricated a language fo artificially conftru£t~
ed as their prefent dialed! } and as it is obvious, that, till
Chriftianity w-as introduced among them by the Greeks,
they could have no correfpondence with that people—
it muft: appear furprifing by w-hat means their language
came to be fafhioned fo exaftly according to the Greek
model. We have obferved above, that the Ruffian let¬
ters muft have been invented and introduced into that
country by the Greek miffionaries. We think it pro¬
bable, that thofe apoftles, at the fame time that they
taught them a new religion, likew-ife introduced a change
into the idiom of their language. The influence of
thofe ghoftly teachers over a nation of favages muft:
have been almoft boundlefs ; the force of their precepts
and example almoft incontrollable. If the favage con¬
verts accepted a new- religion from the hands of thofe
Grecian apoftles, they might with equal fubmiffion adopt
improvements in their language. Such of the natives
as were admitted to the facerdotal fundtion muft have
learned the Greek language, in order to qualify them
for performing the offices of their religion. A predi-
ledtion for that language w-ould be the immediate con-
fequence. Hence the natives, who had been admitted
into holy orders, w-ould co-onerate w-ith their Grecian
mafters in improving the dialed! of the country •, which,
prior to the period above mentioned, muft have great¬
ly deviated from the original ftandard of the Sarmatian
tongue.
Upon this occafion, we imagine the Greek apoftles,
in conjundfion with their Ruffian difciples, reduced the
language of the country to a refemblance with the.
Greek idiom. They retained the radical vocables as
they found them ; but by a variety of flexions, conju¬
gations, derivations, compofitions, and other modifica¬
tions, transformed them into the Grecian air and appa¬
rel. They muft have begun with the offices of the
church ; and among a nation of favages newly con¬
verted, the language of the new- religion w-ould quickly
obtain a very extenfive circulation. When the Grecian
garniture w-as introduced into the church, the laity
would in procefs of time affume a fimilar drefs. The
fabric of the Grecian declenfions, conjugations, See.
might be grafted upon Ruffian flocks w-ithout affedling
the radical parts of the language. If the dialed! in
queftion, like moft others of a very ancient date, labour¬
ed under a penury of vocables, this manoeuvre w-ould
contribute exceedingly to fupply that defedl. By this
expedient the Greek language itfelf had been enlarged
from about 300 radical terms to the prodigious number
of words of which it now confifts.
The Latin tongue we have feen above in its original
conftitution differed widely from the Greek ; and not-
w-ithftanding this incongruity, the improvers of the for¬
mer have preffed it into a very Arid! agreement with the
Z z 2 latter,
364 PHILOLOGY.
Sclavonian latter. This, we think, was ftill a more difficult talk $
Language. as> in our opinion, the genius of the Latin differs in a
* ■"V—much greater degree than that of the Ruffian does from
the Greek. We know, that the genius of the Gothic
tongue and thofe of all its defcendants are much more
in unifon with the Greek than with that of the Latin.
Sea. IX.
The Spaniffi, Italian, and French, have cudgelled many
of their Gothic, Teutonic, and Celtic verbs, into a kind
of conjugations, imitating or rather aping thofe of the
Latin. The Perfians have formed molt elegant and
energetic declenlions and conjugations, upon inflexible
roots, borrowed from the Pahlavi and Deri, and even
from Tartar originals.
Upon the grounds above-mentioned wre have taken
the liberty to hazard the following conjectures, which
we cheerfully fubmit to the cognizance of our more en¬
lightened readers.
1. That the Sarmatian was a dialect of the original
language of mankind.
2. That the Sclavonian was a dialeft of the Sarma-
, tian.
3. That the Ruffe is the molt genuine unfophiftica-
ted relick of the Sclavonian and Sarmatian.
4. That the Ruffians had no alphabetic charadters
prior to the era of the introduction of Chriftianity, that
is, towards the end of the tenth century,
c. That they wTere converted by Grecian miffionaries.
6. That thofe miffionaries copied their prefent letters
from thofe of Greece j and in conjunction with the
more enlightened natives, reduced the original unim¬
proved Ruffe to its prefent refemblance to the Greek
ftandard.
-Ruffian The Ruffian language, like mod others, contains eight
nouns. parts of fpeech, neun, pronoun, &c. Its nouns have
three genders, mafculine, feminine, and neuter j it has
alfo a common gender for nouns, intimating both fexes.
It has only two numbers, Angular and plural. Its cafes
are feven, nominative, genitive, dative, accufative, voca¬
tive, inftrumental, and prepofitive. Thefe cafes are not
formed by varying the termination, as in Greek and
Latin •, but generally by placing a vowel after the
word, as, we imagine, was the original practice of the
Greeks (See Greek Sedlion). Thus in Ruffe, gvx, ruk,
“ the hand j” nominative, “ the hand 5” genitive,
go*-N' “ of the hand,” 6tc. See Les Elem. de la
119 Langue Ruffe par Cliarpehtier. Nouns fubftantive are
Adjectives, reduced to four declenfions, and adje&ives make a fifth.
Thefe agree with their fubftantives in cafe, gender, and
number. They have three degrees of comparifon, at is
common in other languages} the pofitive, comparative,
and fuperlative. The comparative is formed from the
feminine of the nominative Angular of the pofitive, by
changing a into te, that is, ale in Engliih; the fuperla¬
tive is made by prefixing before the pofitive.
Thefe rules are general; lor the exceptions, recourfe
muff be had to the Ruffian grammar above-mentioned.
The numeral adjectives in Ruffe have three genders
like the reft, and are declined accordingly. Their pro¬
nouns have nothing peculiar, and are divided and ar¬
ranged in the fame manner as in other languages. Verbs
in the Ruffian language are comprehended under two
Yeihs? conjugations. The moods are only three ; the indica-
v live, the imperative, and the infinitive : the fubjunctive
is formed by placing a particle before the indicative.
Its tenfes are eight in number 3 the prefent, the imper-
feCt, the preterite fimple, the preterite compound, the Sclavonian
pluperfect, the future indeterminate, the future fimple, Language,
the future compound. The verbs have their numbers v ^
and perfons as in other languages. To enter into a de¬
tail of their manner of conjugating their verbs would
neither be confiftent with our plan, nor, we are perfua-
dei, of much confequence to our readers. Their other
parts of fpeech differ nothing from thofe of other lan¬
guages. Their fyntax nearly refembles that of the
Greek and Latin. All thefe articles muft be learned
from a grammar of the language. Whether there is
any grammar of the Ruffian language compofed in Eng-
liflr we know" not. That of Monf. Char-pentier in
French, printed at Peterfburgh in 1768, is the only one
w’e have feen, and wffiich appears to us a very excellent
one. We could wiflr to be able to gratify our readers
with a more authentic account of the origin of the Scla¬
vonian language 3 but this wre find impoffible, in confe.-
quence of the want of memorials relating to the ftate
of the ancient Sarmatse. Towards the era of the fub
verfion of the weftern empire, the nations who inhabited
the countries in queftion were fo blended and confound¬
ed with each other, and with Huns and other Scythian
or Tartar emigrants, that we believe the moft acute an¬
tiquarian would find it impoffible to inveftigate their re-
fpedlive tongues, or even their original refidence or ex¬
traction. We have feledled the Ruffe as the moft ge¬
nuine branch of the old Sclavonian, and to this predi-
leflion we were determined by the reafons above men¬
tioned. We are forry that we are not fo well acquaint¬
ed with the idiom of the Ruffian language as to be able
to compare it with thofe of the eaft 3 but upon fuch a
comparifon, we are perfuaded that the radical materials
of wffiich it is compofed would be found to have origi-
nated in the oriental regions. The word Tj/br, for ex*-Phoenician
ample, is probably the Phoenician and Chaldean 5br, or and Chal-
Zar, “a prince, a grandee.” Diodorus Siculus calls
the queen of the Maffagetae, who, according to Ctefias,
cut off Cyrus’s head, Zarina; which w"as not many
years ago the general title of the emprefs of all the
Ruffias. Herodotus calls the fame princefs Tomyris,
which is the very name of the famous J imor or I amur,
the conqueror of Afia. The former feems to have been
the title, and the latter the proper name, of the queen
of the Maffagetae. In the old Perfian or Pahlavi, the
word Card fignifies u a city 3” in Ruffian, Gorad or
Grad intimates the very fame idea : hence Conjlantinople
in old Ruffe is called Tfargrad or Tfargorad. Thefe
are adduced as a fpecimen only 3 and able etymologifts
might, we believe, difcover a great number.
The Sclavonian language is fpoken in Epirus, the
weftern part of Macedonia, in Bofnia, Servia, Bulga¬
ria, in part of Thrace, in Dalmatia, Croatia, in Poland,
Bohemia, Ruffia, and Mingrelia in Afia, whence it is
frequently ufed in the fcraglio at Conftantinople. Ma¬
ny of the great men of Turkey underftand it, and fre¬
quently ufe it 3 and moft of the janizaries having been
Rationed in garrifons on the Turkifti frontiers in Europe,
ufe it as their vulgar tongue. The Hungarians, howT-
ever, and the natives of Wallachia, fpeak a different
language : and this language bears evident fignatures of
the Tartarian dialed, which was the tongue of the ori-
nal Huns. Upon the whole, the, Sclavonian is by much
the moft extenfive language in Europe, and extends far
into Afia.
Sect.
Sea. X. PHILO
Modern
Languages. Sect. X, Modern Languages.
If we call all the different dialers of the various na¬
tions that now inhabit the known earth, languages, the
number is truly great j and vain would be his ambition
who fhould attempt to learn them, though but .imper-
fefUy. We will begin with naming the principal of
them : There are four, which may be called original or
mother-languages,^ and which feem to have given birth
to all that are now fpoken in Europe. Thefe are the
Parent dia Latin, Celtic,^ Gothic, and Sclavonian. It will not,
lefts of Eu- however, be imagined, from the term original given to
rope, with thefe languages, that we believe them to have come
their re- down to us, without any alteration, from the confufion
K ir - ° tongues at the building of the tower of Babel. We
have repeatedly declared our opinion, that there is but
one truly original language, from which all others are
derivatives varioufly modified. The four languages juft
mentioned are original only as being the immediate pa¬
rents of thofe which are now fpoken in Europe.
I. From the Latin c-oxcit,
1. The Portuguefe^
2. Spanifh.
3. French.
4. Italian.
From the Celtic,
5. The Erie, or Gaelic of the Highlands of Scotland.
6. TheWelfh.
'7. The Irifh.
8. Bafie-Bretagne.
From the Gothicy
9. The German.
10. The Low Saxon or Low German.
11. The Dutch.
12. The Englifh $ in which almoft all the noun-fub-
ftantives are German, and many of the verbs
French, Latin, &c. and which is enriched with
the fpoils of all other languages.
13. The Danifh.
1-4. The Norwegian^
15. Swedifh.
16. Icelandic.
From the Sclavonian,
1 7. The Polonefe.
18. The Lithuanian.
19. Bohemian.
20. Tranfylvanian.
21. Moravian.
22. The modem Vandalian, as it is ftill fpoken in Lu-
fatia, Pruftian Vandalia, &x.
23. The Croatian.
24. The Ruffian or Mufcovite •, which, as we have
feen, is the pureft dialed! of this language.
2 c;. The language of the Calmucs and Coffacs.
26. Thirty-two difterent diale£ls of nations who inha¬
bit the. north-eaflern parts of Europe and Afia, and
who are defcended from the Tartars and Huno-
Scythians. There are polyglott tables which con¬
tain not only the alphabets, but alfo the principal
diftinct characters of all thefe languages.
27.
28.
29.
3°-
31-
32,
33-
34-
35*
36-
37-
38.
39-
40.
41*
42.
43-
44
The Indoltanic.
The Malabarian.
LOGY.
II. The languages at prefent generally fpoken in
Afia are,
The Turkilh and Tartarian, with, their different ^
dialeCts. Afiatic
The Perfian. T Thefe languages are languages.
The Georgian or Iberian. / S
J. he Albanian or Circadian. ( tjie patriarch ofConltan-
The Armenian. J tinople.
The modern Indian.
The Formofan. _ .
The Danifh mimonanes
who go to Tranquebar,
* print books at Hall in
The Warugian.. thefe languages.
TheTalmulic or Damulic.-*
The modern Arabic. v
The Tanguiian.
The Mungalic.
The language of the Nigarian or Akar Nigarian.
The Grufinic or Grufinian.
The Chinefe.
The Japonefe.
We have enumerated here thofe Afiatic languages
only of which we have fome knowledge in Europe, and
even alphabets, grammars, or other books that can give
us information concerning them. There are doublleis
other tongues and di ale its in thofe vaft regions and ad¬
jacent iflands 5 but of thefe we are not able to give any
account.
III. The principal languages of Africa are, African
4 j. The modern Egyptian. languages.
46. The Fetuitic, or the language of the kingdom of
Fetu.
The Moroccan j and,
The jargons of thofe favage nations who inhabit the
defert and burning regions. The people on the
coaft of Barbary fpeak a corrupt dialed! of the
Arabic. To thefe may be added the Chilhic
language, otherwife called Tama%eght; the Ne-
g ritian, and that of Guinea ; the Abyffmian j and
the language of the Hottentots.
IV. The languages of the American nations are but Am2e^cat)
little known in Europe. Every one of thefe, though iaUgUageS.
diftant but a few days journey from each other, have
their particular language or rather jargon. The lan¬
guages of the Mexicans and Peruvians feem to be the
moft regular and polilhed. There is alfo one called
Poconchi or Pocomatta, that is ufed in the bay of Hon¬
duras and towards Guatimal. the words and rules of
which are moft known to us. The languages of North
America are in general the Algonhic, Apalachian, Mo-
hogic, Savanahamic, Virginic, and Mexican : and in
South America, the Peruvian, Caribic, the language of
Chili, the Cairic, the Tucumanian, and the languages
ufed in Paraguay, Brafil, and Guiana. ^
V. We have already faid, that it would be a vain and General re-
fenfelefs undertaking for a man of letters to attempt thefle<Sioilson
ftudy of all thefe languages, and to make his head an |n''dern
univerfal dictionary •, but it would be ftill more abfurd “n&uu^e *
in us to attempt the analyfis of them in this place :
fome general reflections therefore muft here fuffice.
Among the modern languages of Europe, the French
feems to merit great attention ; as it is elegant and
pleafing in itfelf j as it is become fo general, that with
it we may travel from one end of Europe to the other
without
47-
48.
355 PHILO
Modern witlioat fcarce having any occafion for an interpreter j
i ,a ‘S11-1--05- and as in it are to be found excellent works of every
kind, both in verfe and profe, ufeful and agreeable.
There are, betides, grammars and dictionaries of this
language which give us every information concerning it,
and very able matters who teach it; efpecially fuch as
come from thofe parts of France where it is fpoken cor-
redtly j for with all its advantages, the French language
has this inconvenience, that it is pronounced fcarce any¬
where purely but at Paris and on the banks of the Loire.
The language of the court, of the great world, and of
men of letters, is moreover very different from that of
the common people j and the French tongue, in general,
is fubjefl to great alteration and novelty. What pity it,
is, that the ftyle of the great Corneille, and that of Mo-
liere, fhould already begin to be obfolete, and that it
will be but a little time before the inimitable chefs
fVccuvres of thofe men of fublime genius will be no
longer feen on the ftage : The moft modern ftyle of
the French, moreover, does not feem to be the beft.
We are inclined to think, that too much concifenefs,
the epigrammatic point, the antithefis, the paradox, the
1’ententious expreftion, &c. diminifh its force ; and that,
by becoming more polifhed and refined, it lofes much of
its energy.
VI. The German and Italian languages merit like-
wife a particular application j as does the Englifh, per¬
haps above all, for its many and great excellencies (See
Language). Authors of great ability daily labour in
improving them \ and what language would not become
excellent, were men of exalted talents to make conftant
rife of it in their works ! If we had in Iroquois books
like thofe which we have in Engliih, Italian, French,
and German, fhould rve not be tempted to learn that
LOGY.
Sed. X.
language
u . o O   ^w «'*****»-*a*.;u. la-C
Spanifh tongue, though it were only to read the Arau- Languages,
cana of Don Alonzo D’Ercilia, Don Quixote, fome
dramatic pieces, and a fmall number of other Spanifh
ivorks, in the original; or the poem of Camoens in Por-
tuguefe.
VII. The other languages of Europe have each their
beauties and excellencies. But the greateft difficulty in
all living languages conftantly confifts in the pronuncia¬
tion, which it is fcarce poffible for any one to attain un-
lefs he be born or educated in the country where it is
fpoken : and this is the only article for which a mafter
is neceffary, as it cannot be learned but by teaching or
by converfation : all the reft may be acquired by a good
grammar and other books. In all languages whatever,
the poetic ftyle is more difficult than the profaic : in
every language we fhould endeavour to enrich our me¬
mories with great ftore of words (co/ua verboru/a), and
to have them ready to produce on all occafions : in all
languages it is difficult to extend our knowledge fo far
as to be able to form a critical judgement of them. All
living languages are pronounced rapidly, and without
dwelling on the long fyllables (which the grammarians
call morani) ; almoft all of them have articles which di-
ftinguifh the genders.
VIII. Thofe languages that are derived from the
Latin have this further advantage, that they adopt
without reftraint, and without offending the ear, La¬
tin and Greek words and expreffions, and which by
the aid of a new termination appear to be natives of
the language. This privilege is forbidden the Germans,
•who in their beft tranflationfc dare not ufe any foreign
word, unlefs it be fome technical terms in cafe of great
neceffity.
P H I
Philoma- PHILOMATHES, a lover of learning or fcieace.
thes, PHILOMELA, in fabulous hiftory, was a daugh-
Ptn ome a. ^ej. q£ pan(Jion king of Athens, and lifter to Procne,
who had married Tereus king of Thrace. Procne fe-
parated from Philomela, to whom fhe was much attach¬
ed, fpent her time in great melancholy till fhe prevailed
upon her hufband to go to Athens and bring her lifter
to Thrace. Tereus obeyed j but he had no fooner ob¬
tained Pandion’s permiffion to conduft Philomela to
Thrace, than he fell in love with her, and refolved to
gratify his paffion. He difmLTed the guards whom the
fufpicions of Pandion had appointed to watch him \ of¬
fered violence to Philomela 5 and aftenvards cut out her
tongue, that fhe might not difeover his barbarity, and
the indignities fhe had fuffered. He confined her in a
lonely caftle j and having taken every precaution to pre¬
vent a difeovery, he returned to Thrace, and told Proc-
ne that Philomela had died by the way, and that he had
paid the laft offices to her remains. At this fad intelli¬
gence Procne put on meurning for the lofs of Philome¬
la m, but a year had fcareely elapfed before fhe was fe-
cretly informed that her lifter was not dead. Philomela,
in her captivity, deferibed on a piece of tapeftry her mis¬
fortunes and the brutality of Tereus, and privatelv con¬
veyed it to Frocne. She was going to celebrate the or-
4
PHI
gies of Bacchus when fhe received it, but fhe difguifed Philomela,
her refentment j and as during thole feftivals fhe was 1 " v“*'
permitted to rove about the country, fhe haftened to de¬
liver her filler Philomela from her confinement, and con¬
certed with her on the beft mealures of punifhing the
cruelty of Tereus. She murdered her fon Itylus, then
in the fixth year of his age, and ferved him up as food
before her hufband during the feftival. Tereus, in the
midft of his repaft, called for Itylus j but Procne im¬
mediately informed him that he was then feafting on his
flefh, when Philomela, by throwing on the table the
head of Itylus, convinced the monarch of the cruelty of
the feene. He drew his fword to punifh Procne and
Philomela 5 but as he was going to flab them to the
heart, he was changed into a hoopoe, Philomela into a
nightingale, Prccne into a fwallow, and Itylus into a
pheafant. This tragedy happened at Daulis’in Phocis •,
but Paufanias and Strabo, who mention the whole of the
ftory, are filent about the transformation ; and the former
obferves, that Tereus, after this bloody repaft, fled to
Megara, where he laid violent hands on himfelf. The
inhabitants of the place raifed a monument to his me¬
mory, where they offered yearly facrifices, and placed
fmall pebbles inftead of barley. It was on this monu- \
ment that the birds called hoopoes were firft feen j hence
the
PHI C 307 ] PHI
phi?cn’u'v», the fable of his metamorphofis. Procne and Philomela
Pliilopoe- jjgj through exceflive grief and melancholy •, and as the
. 1 nightingale’s and the Aval low’s voice is peculiarly plain¬
tive and mournful, the poets have embellished the fable
by fuppofing that the two unfortunate fillers were chan-
ed into birds.
PHILONIUM, in Pharmacy, a kind of anodyne
opiate, taking its name from Philo the inventor.
Ancient PHILOPOEMEN, a celebrated general of the A-
Vniverfal chaean league, was born in Megalopolis, a city of Ar-
Hiftory, cadia, in Pelopsnnefus} and from his very infancy dif-
covered a ftrong inclination to the profeflion of arms.
He was nobly educated by CaiTander of Mantinea j a
man of great probity, and uncommon abilities. He wras
no iboner able to bear arms than he entered among the
troops which the city of Megalopolis fent to make in-
curfions into Laconia, and in thefe inroads never failed
to give fome remarkable inftance of his prudence and
valour. When there were no troops in the field, he
uled to employ his leifure time in hunting and fuch other
manly exerciies. When Cleomenes king of Sparta at¬
tacked Megalopolis, Philoptemen difplayed much cou¬
rage and greatnefs of foul. He fignalized himfelf no
lets tome time after, in the battle of Sellaua, where An-
tigonus gained a complete viflory over Cleomenes. An-
tigonus, who had been an eye-witnefs of his prudent and
intrepid behaviour, made very advantageous offers to
gain him over to his intereft •, but he rejecled them, hav¬
ing an utter averfion to a court life, which he compared
to that of a Slave, faying, that a courtier was but a flave
of a better condition. As he could not live idle and m-
aolive, he went to the ifle of Crete, which w’as then en¬
gaged in war, and ferved there as a volunteer till he ac¬
quired a complete knowdedge of the military art j for the
inhabitants of that illand were in thofe days accounted
excellent warriors, being fcarce ever at peace among
themfelves. Philopcemen, having fer-ved fome years
among the troops of that illand, returned llime, and was
upon his arrival appointed general of the horfe ; in which
command he behaved fo well, that the Achaean horfe,
heretofore of no reputation, became in a fhort time fam¬
ous all over Greece. He was foon after appointed ge¬
neral of all the Achaean forces, when he applied himfelf
to the re-eifablilhing of military difcipline among the
troops of the republic, which he found in a very low
condition, and univerfally defpiicd by their neighbours.
Aratus, indeed, was the firft that raifed the Achaean
Hate to that pitch of power and glory to which it arriv¬
ed } but the fuccefs of his enterprifes was not fo much
. owing to his courage and intrepidity as to his prudence
and politics. As he depended on the rriendihip of fo¬
reign princes, and their powerful fuccours, he negle&ed
the military ckfcipline at home 5 but the inftant Philo¬
pcemen was created praetor, or commander in chief, he
roufed the courage of his countrymen, in order to put
them into a condition to defend themfelves wfithout the
affnlance of foreign allies. With this view he made
great improvements in the Achaean difcipline ; changing
the manner of their exerciie and their arms, which were
both very defeftive. He had thus, for the fpace of eight
months, exercifed his troops every day, making them
perform all the motions and evolutions, and accuftoming
them to manage with dexterity their arms, when news
was brought him that Machanidas was advancing, at
the head of a numerous army, to invade Achaia. He
w’as glad or this opportunity to try how the troops had PhApci-
profited by his difcipline ; and accordingly, taking the , ir‘en'
field, met the enemy in the territories of Mantinea,
where a battle was fought. Philopcemen, having killed
Machanidas with his own hand, flruck off his head, and
carried it from rank to rank, to encourage his victorious
Achaeans, who continued the purfuit, with great daugh¬
ter, and incredible ardour, to the chy of Tegea, which
they entered together with the fugitives. The Lacedae--
monians loll on this occafion above 8cco men, of which
4000 were killed on the fpot, and as many taken pri-
foners. The lofs of the Achaeans was very inconfiderable,
and thole that fell were moftly mercenaries. This hap-
pened about the year before Chrilt 204.
But what molt of all railed the fame and reputation
of Philopcemen was his joining the powerful city of La¬
cedaemon to the Achaean commonwealth; by which
means the Achaeans came to eclipfe all the other flates-
of Greece. This memorable event happened in the year
191. In this tranfaclion we cannot help taking notice
of one circumllance, which, in our opinion, reflefts great¬
er lullre on Philopoemen than all his warlike exploits,
ihe Lacedaemonians, overjoyed to fee themfelves de¬
livered from the opprelhons they had long groaned under,
ordered the palace and furniture of Nabis to be fold •, and
the him accruing from thence, to the amount of 1 20
talents, to be prefented to Philopcemen, as a token of
their gratitude. Deputies therefore were to be appoint¬
ed, who Iheuld carry the money, and defire Philopoe¬
men, in the name of the fenate, to accept of the prefent.
On this occafion it was that the virtue of the generous
Achaean appeared in its greatetl: luftre; for fo great was
the opinion which the Spartans had of his probity and
difinterehednefs, that no one could be found wmo would
take upon him to offer the prefent: ftruck with venera¬
tion, and fear of difpleafing him, they all begged to be
excukd. At laft they obliged, by a public decree, one
I imolaus, who had formerly been his gueft, to go to
Megalopolis, where Philopoemen lived, and offer him
this teftimony of their regard. Timolaus, with great re-
ludlance, fet out for Megalopolis, where he was kindly
received and entertained by Philopoemen. Here he had
an opportunity of obferving the ftriftnefs of his whole
condufl, the greatnefs of his mind, the frugality of his
life, and the regularity of his manners ; which ftruck
him with fuch awe, that he did not dare once to men¬
tion the prefent he wras come to offer; infomuch that,
giving fome other pretence to his journey, he returned
home With the money. The Lacedaemonians fent him
again ; but he could no more prevail upon himfelf now
than the firft time to mention the true caufe of his jour¬
ney. At laft, going a third time, he ventured, with
the utmoft rtluftance, to acquaint Philorcemen with the
offer he had to make in the name of the Lacedaemonians.
Philopoemen heard him with great calmnefs ; but the in¬
ftant he had done fpeaking, he fet out with him for
Sparta, where, after having acknowdedged his obliga¬
tion to the Spartans, he advifed them to lay out their
money in reforming or purchafing thofe mifereants who
divided the citizens, and fet them at variance by means
of their feditious difeourfes j to the end that, being paid
for their filence, they might not occafion fo many di¬
ffractions in the government: “ for it is much more ad-
vifable (faid he) to flop an enemy’s mouth than a
friend’s j as for me, I (hall always be your friend, and
you •
PHI
t 368 ]
P II I
FhUopce-
men
.11
Philofo-
pher’s
Stone.
you iliall reap the benefit of my friendfhip without ex-
pence.” Such was the difintercilednefs of this noble
Achaean !
About two years after this, the city of Meffene with¬
drew itfelf from the Achaean league. Phiiopoemen at-
' tacked them j but was wounded, taken prifoner, and
poiloned by the magiftrates. Thus died one of the
greatelt heroes that Greece or any other country ever
produced. He was no way inferior in valour, military
knowledge, and virtue, to any of the boafted heroes of
Rome. Had Achaia been nearer to an equality with
Rome, he would have preferved his country from the
yoke which the Roman republic forced it to bear. Both
the Greek and Roman writers put him upon the level
with Hannibal and Scipio, who were his contemporaries,
and happened to die the fame year. They allow him to
have been not only one of the greateft commanders, but
alfo one of the greateft ftatefmen of his age. To his va¬
lour and prudence Achaia owed her glory, which upon
his death began to decline, there being none after him
in that republic able to oppofe her enemies with the like
fteadinefs and prudence : whence Phiiopoemen was called
the laft of the Greeks, as Brutus was afterwards ftyled
the laft of the Romans.
PHILOSOPHER, a perfon verfed in philofophy j
or one who makes profeflion of, or applies himfelf to*
the ftudy of nature.
Philosopher's Stone, the greateft objeft of alchemy,
is a long fought for preparation, which, when found, is
to'convert all the true mercurial part of metal into pure
•gold, better than any that is dug out of mines or perfect¬
ed by the refiner’s art.
Some Greek writers in the fourth and fifth centuries
fpeak of this art as being then known j and towards the
end of the 13th century, when the learning of the Eaft
had been brought hither by the Arabians, the fame pre-
tenfions began to fpread through Europe. It is fuppofed
that this art, called alchemy, was of Egyptian origin 5
and that, when the ancient Greek philofophers travelled
into Egypt, they brought back fome of the allegoric lan¬
guage of this Egyptian art, ill underftood, which after¬
wards palled into their mythology. Alchemy was the
earlieft branch of chemiftry, confidered as a philofophi-
cal fcience : in the other parts of chemical knowledge,
facts preceded reafoning or fpeculation j but alchemy
was originally fpeculative.
The alchemifts fuppofed the general principles of
metals to be chiefly two fubftances, which they called
mercury and fulphur •, they apprehended alfo, that the
pure mercurial, fulphureous, or other principles of
which they imagined gold to be compofed, were con¬
tained feparately in other bodies : and thefe principles,
therefore, they endeavoured to colled, and to concoCt
and incorporate by long digeftions j and by thus con¬
joining the principles of gold, if they could be fo pro¬
duced and conioined, it might be expeded that gold
would be produced. But the alchemifts pretend to a
produd of a higher order, called the elixir, the medicine
for metals, the tinElure, the plnlofopher's Jlone ; which by
being projeded on a large quantity of any of the in¬
ferior metals in fufion, ftrould change them into fine
gold ; which being laid on a plate of filver, copper, or
iron, and moderately heated, Ihould fink into the me¬
tal, and change into gold all the parts to which it was
applied j which, on being properly heated with pure
z
gold, ftiould change the gold into a fubftance of the
fame nature and virtue wdth itfelf, fo as thus to be
fufceptible of perpetual multiplication •, and which, by
continued codion, ihould have its power more arid
more exalted, fo as to be able to tranfmute greater
and greater quantities of the inferior metals, according
to its different degrees of perfedion.
Alchemifts have attempted to arrive at the making
of gold by three methods : the firft by feparation j for
every metal yet known, it is affirmed, contains fome
quantity of gold j only, in moft, the quantity is fo little
as not to defray the expence of getting it out.
The fecond is by maturation; for the alchemifts
think mercury is the bafts and matter of all metals j
that quickfilver purged from all heterogeneous bodies
would be much heavier, denfer, and fimpler, than the
native quickfilver j and that by fubtilizing, purifying,
and digefting it with much labour, and long operations,
it is poffible to convert it into pure gold.
This method is only for mercury. With refped to
the other metals, it is ineffedual, 1. Becaufe their mat¬
ter is not pure mercury, but has other heterogeneous
bodies adhering to it *, and, 2. Becaufe the digeftion,
whereby mercury is turned into gold, would not lucceed
in other metals, becaufe they had not been long enough
in the mines.
Weight is the inimitable charafterof gold, Sec. Now
mercury, they fay, has always fome impurities in it, and
thefe are lighter than mercury. Could they be purged
away, which they think is not impoflible, mercury would
be as heavy as gold, and what is as heavy as gold is
gold, or at leaft might very eafily be made gold.
The third method is by tranfmutation, or by turning
all metals readily into pure gold, by melting them in
the fire, and calling a little quantity of a certain pre¬
paration into the fufed matter 5 upon which the faeces
retire, are volatilized and burnt, and carried off, and
the reft of the mafs is turned into pure gold. That
w-hich works this change in the metals is called the
philofopher's Jlone.
Whether this third method be pofiible or not, it is
difficult to fay. We have fo many teftimonies of it
from perfons who on all other occaficns fpeak truth,
that it is hard to fay they are guilty of dire£l falfe-
hood, even when they fay that they have been mafters
of the fecret. We are told, that it is only doing that
by art which nature does in many years and ages.
For as lead and gold differ but little in weight, there¬
fore there is not much in lead befide mercury and
gold. Now, if we had any body which would fo agi¬
tate all the parts of lead as to burn all that is not mer¬
cury therein, and had alfo fome fulphur to fix the
mercury, would not the mafs remaining be converted
into gold ? There is nothing in nature fo heavy as
lead except gold, mercury, and platina, which was
not known to thefe reafoners j it is evident, threfore,
there is fomething in lead that comes very near to gold.
But in lead there is likewife fome heterogenous mat¬
ter different both from mercury and gold. If therefore
19 ounces of lead be difiblved by the fire, and 8 ounces
be deftroyed by thefe means, it is argued that we lhall
have the reft good gold j the ratio of lead to gold be¬
ing as 11 to 19. If then the philofopher’s ftene can
purify the mercurial matter in lead, fo as that nothing
fliall remain but the pure mercurial body, and you can
fix
Philcfo-
pher’s
Stone.
/
P H I
[ 369 1
PHI
fhilofo-
pher’s
Stone.
fix and coagulate this by means of fulphur, out of 19
ounces of lead you will have 11 of gold : or, if you
reduce the lead from 18 to 14, you will then have
converted it into mercury ; and if you farther purify
this mercury to the proper ftandard, you will have
gold ; provided you have but a fulphur with which to
fix and coagulate it. Such is the foundation of the
opinion of the philofopher’s ftone} which the alche-
mifts contend to be a molt fubtile, fixed, concentrated
fire, which, as foon as it melts with any metal, does,
by a magnetic virtue, immediately unite itfelf to the
mercurial body of the metal, volatilize and cleanfe off
all that is impure therein, and leave nothing but a
mafs of pure gold. Many frauds and artifices have
unqueftionably been praftifed in this operation, and
there might be political reafons why princes and others
ftiould encourage tbofe who pretended to a power of
furnilhing this inexhauftible fource of wealth j but it
would be wrong to cenfure as impoftors all thofe who
have declared themfelves convinced, from their own
experiments, of the tranfmutability of bafe metals in¬
to gold. There are ftrong reafons, however, to be¬
lieve that the authors have been deceived themfelves by
fallacious appearances. Mr Boyle gives an account of
a procefs by which he imagines part of the fubftance
of gold to have been tranfmuted into filver. file alfo
relates a very extraordinary experiment, under the title
of the degradation of gold by an anti-elixir, which
was publilhed in his own life-time, and fince reprinted
in 1739. filence many have been led to conclude in
favour of the alchemical doctrine of the tranfmutability
of metals. See an account of this experiment, with
remarks upon it by Dr Lewis, in his Commerce of Arts,
fe£t. 12. p. 297, &c.
Characters “ ^'^ie °P™on (fays filolt) that one metallic or
of the Kings °ther foreign fubltance might be changed into another,
*?id Queens was, it feems, at this time (reign of Henry VI. of
of England. England) propagated by certain chemifts, whofe ob-
fervations on the furprifing effedts and alterations pro¬
duced in certain fubftances by the force of heat carried Philofophic,
their imaginations beyond w hat found judgement might Philofophi-
warrant. The firft inftance of which on record is c Zm^'
in vol. xi. p. 68. of the Foedera; wherein Henry VI.
grants a licence to John Cobbe, freely to work in me¬
tals \ he having, by philofophical art, found out a me¬
thod of transferring imperfedt metals into perfedt gold
and filver.
“ This pretended fecret, known afterwards by the
name of the Phylofopher'sJlone, or 'powder, was encou¬
raged by four licences, granted to different projedtors
during this reign, and at fundry times after, during this
century particularly, and in fucceeding times, all over
Europe. The frenzy has not entirely ceafed jsven to
this day, although it meets with neither public encou¬
ragement nor countenance from men of fober reafon j
the projedtors having yet found nothing from their airy
fchemes in this mode of fearch but certain ruin to their
property.” See Chemistry.
The fame author, when fpeaking of the commerce
of the kingdom, and the ivonderful increafe and riches
of commercial cities, fpeaks thus : “ This is the true
philofopher’s ftone, fo much fought after in former
ages, the difcovery of which has been referved to ge¬
nius, when ftudying to improve the mechanic arts.
Hence a pound of raw' materials is converted into fluffs
of fifty times its original value. And the metals too
are not, indeed, tranfmuted into gold—they are more :
for the labour of man has been able to work the bafer
metal, by the ingenuity of art, fo as to become wrorth
more than many times its weight in gold.”
PHILOSOPHIC, or Philosophical, fomething
belonging to Philosophy.
PHILOSOPHICAL egg, among chemifts, a thin
glafs body or bubble, of the fliape of an egg, with a long
neck or ftem, ufed in digeftions.
PHILOSOPHIZING,rules of. See NejVTONIAN
Phi/ofophy, n° 16. and the following article.
PHILOSOPHY
*. T S a word derived from the Greek, and literally
S'^hiloro5 %nIfics t^le j°ve °f wifd°m (A)* In its ufual ac-
phy. ceptation, however, it denotes a fcience, or collec¬
tion of fciences, of which the univerfe is the objedlj
and of the term thus employed many definitions have
been given, differing from one another according to
the different views of their feveral authors. By Py¬
thagoras, philofophy is defined rav oyleuti, “ the
knowledge of things exifting by Cicero, after Plato,
fcientia rerum divinarum et humanarum cum CAUSIS;
and by the illuftrious Bacon, interpretatio naturce.
Whether any of thefe definitions be fufficiently pre-
Vol. XVI. Part I.
cife, and at the fame time fufficiently comprehenfive, Hiftor f
may be queftioned ; but if philofophy in its utmoft Philofophy,
extent be capable of being adequately defined, it is 1
not here that the definition fhould be given. Ex¬
planation (fays an acute writer *), is the firft o{-* Tatham's
fice of a teacher j definition, if it be good, is CritChart aml
laft of the inquirer after truth ; but explanation is one Scale °f ■
thing, and definition quite another.” It may be pro- V' *'
per, however, to obferve, that the definition given byP' *
Cicero is better than that of Pythagoras, becaufe the
chief objecl of the philofopher is to afcertain the caufes
of things} and in this confifts the difference between
3 A his
(a) The origin ufually attributed to the term philofophy has been already affigned in the article Philology
M. Chauvm gives it a turn fomewhat different. According to him, the term is derived from defire or ‘dudy
and wifdom ; and therefore he underftands the word to mean the defire or fudy of wifdom • for (fays he) Py
thagoras, conceiving that the application of the human mind ought rather to be called Judy than fcience, fct afide
the appellation of wife as too affummg, and took that ofphilofpher.
PHILOSOPHY.
37°
Hiftory of l^Js ftudles and t’nofe of tlie natural hiftorian, who mere-
Philofoptiy. ]y enumerates phenomena, and arranges them into fepa-
2 rate dalles.
Its objeas. The principal obje&s of philofophy are, God, nature,
and man. That part of it which treats of God is called
• theology ; that which treats of nature, physics and meta¬
physics ; and that which treats of man, logic and ethics.
That thefe are not feparate and independent fciences,
but, as Bacon expreffes it (b), branches from the fame
trunk, we {hall endeavour to (how, after we have given,
agreeably to our ufual plan, a (hort hiftory of philofophy
from the earlieft ages to the prefent day.
To attempt to aflign an origin to philbfophy, would
be ridiculous; for every man endeavours to afcertain the
caufes of thofe changes which he obferves in nature ;
and even children themfelves are inquilitive after that
which produces the found of their drums and their rat¬
tles. Children, therefore, and the moft illiterate vul¬
gar, have in all ages been philofophers. But the firft
people among whom philofophy was cultivated as a pro-
feflion, was probably the Chaldeans. We certainly read
of none earlier ; for though w7e have more authentic ac¬
counts of the Hebrews than of any other nation of re¬
mote antiquity, and have reafon to believe that no peo¬
ple was civilized before them, yet the peculiar circum-
ftances in which they were placed, rendered all phftofo-
phical inveftigation to them ufelefs, and even tended to
fupprefs the very fpirit of inquiry. The Egyptians in¬
deed pretended to be the firft of nations, and to have
Ipread the bleflings of religion and the light of fcience
among every other people j but, from the earlieft re¬
cords now extant, there is reafon to believe that the
Chaldeans were a civilized and powerful nation before
the Egyptian monarchy was founded
Philofophy Of the Chaldean philofophy much has been faid, but
of the Chat very little is knowm. Aftronomy feems to have been
deans. their favourite ftudy ; and at the era of Alexander’s con-
queft of their country, they boafted that their anceftors
had continued their aftronomical obfervations through a
period of 470,000 years. Extravagant claims to anti¬
quity have been common in all nations (c). Califthenes,
who attended the Macedonian conqueror, was requefted
by Ariftotle to inform himfelf concerning the origin of
fcience in Chaldea j and upon examining into the
grounds of this report, he found that their obfervations
reached no farther backwards than 1903 years, or 2234
years before the Chriftian era. Even this is a remoter
antiquity than Ptolemy allows to their fcience •, for he
mentions no Chaldean obfervations prior to the era of
Nabonaffar, or 747 years before Chrift. That they cul¬
tivated fomething xvhich they called philofophy at a
much earlier period than this, cannot be queftioned ; for
t Apud Ariftotle -f, on the credit of the moft ancient records,
Laert
lib. 1. § S.
fpeaks of the Chaldean magi as prior to the Egyptian Hrftoryof
priefts, who were certainly men of learning before the Pbitofophy.
time of Mofes. For any other fcience than that of the v~ J
ftars, we do not read that the Chaldeans were famous ;
and this feems to have been cultivated by them merely
as the foundation of judicial aftrology. Perfuading the
multitude that all human affairs are influenced by the
ftars, and profefling to be acquainted with the nature
and laws of this influence, their wife men pretended to
calculate nativities, and to predict good and bad for¬
tune This was the fource of idolatry and various fu- j Sext.
perftitions ; and wftiilft the Chaldeans wTere given up ioEmp.ad
fuch dotages, true fcience could not be much indebted Math.
to their labours. If any credit be due to Plutarch and
Vitruvius, who quote Berofus, (fee Berosus), it wasj^j^
the opinion of the Chaldean wife men that an eclipfe oicic de Divs,
the moon happens when that part’of its body which is^b. i.§ 1.
deftitute of fire is turned towrards the earth. “ Their
cofmogony, as given by Berofus, and preferved by Syn-
cellus, feems to be this, that all things in the begin¬
ning confifted of darknefs and water j that a divine
power dividing this humid mafs, formed the world j and
that the human mind is an emanation from the Divine
nature ||. || Enfield’*
The large tracft of country which comprehended the Ehil.
empires of Aflyria and Chaldea, wTas the firft peopledvo1, **
region on earth. From that country, therefore, the ru¬
diments of fcience muft have been propagated in every
direftion through the reft of the world j but w-hat parti¬
cular people made the earlieft figure, after the Chalde¬
ans, in the hiftory of philofophy, cannot be certainly
know’n. The claim of the Egyptians is probably beft
founded 5 but as their fcience was the immediate fource
of that of the Greeks, wre {hall defer what we have to
fay of it on account of the conneftion between the pa¬
rent and the offspring, and turn our attention from
Chaldean to Indian philofophy, as it has been cultivated
from a very early period by the Brachmans and Gym-
nofophifts. We pafs over Perfia, becaufe w-e know7 not
of any fcience peculiar to that kingdom, except the
doftrines of the magi, wdiich were religious rather than
philofophical *, and of them the reader wall find feme
account under the wrords Magi, Polytheism, and
Zoroaster.
■ From whatever quarter India received its wufdom, weInclja^
are certain that its philofophers were held in high repute iuf0phy.
at a period of very remote antiquity, fince they were vi-
fited by Pythagoras and other fages of ancient Greece,
wdio travelled in purfuit of knowledge. Yet they feem
to have been in that early age, as w7ell as at prefent,
more diftinguilhed for the feverity of their manners than
for the acquifition of fcience •, and, as Dr Enfield ob¬
ferves, to have more refembled modern monks than an¬
cient
(B) Convenit igitur partiri phxlofophiam in doclrinas tres ; doRrinam de numine, doRrinam de naturd, doRnnam
de ho?nine. Quoniam autem partitiones fcientiarum non funt lineis diverfis fimiles, quae coeunt ad unum angulum ^
fed potius ramis arborum, qui conjunguntur in uno trunco, qui etiam truncus ad fpatium nonnullum integer eft et
continuus, antequam fe partiatur in ramos. De aug. Scicnt. lib. iii. cap. I. .
(c) This claim of the Babylonians is thus rejefted with contempt by Cicero j “ Contemnamus Babylomos, tt
eos, qui e Caucafo coeli figna fervantes, numeris, et motibus, ftellarum curfus perfequuntur ; Condemnemus, m-
quam, hos autfultitice, aut vanitatis, aut imprudent'ue, qui 470 millia annorum, ut ipfi dicunt, monumentis com-
prehenfa continent, et mentiri judicemus, nec feculorum rcXicpxorwm judicium, quod de ipfis futurum fit, pertimejccre,
Ik Divinatione, lib. i. § 19.
PHILO
Hiftoryof cient pliilofopliers. The brachmans or bramins, it is
Philofophy weU known>
are all of one tribe j and the moll learned
** of them are in their own language called Pundits or
Pandits, The Greek waiters, however, mention a fo-
ciety called Samanceans, who, voluntarily devoting
themfelves to the dudy of divine wifdom, gave up all
private property, committed their children to the care of
the date, and their wives to the prote&ion of their rela¬
tions. This fociety was fupported at the public ex¬
pence j and its members fpent their time in contempla¬
tion, in converfation on divine fubjefts, or in a£ls of re-
S ligion.
Ingrafted philofophy of the Indians has indeed from the
on re igion. beginning been engrafted on their religious dogmas,
and feems to be a compound of fanatic metaphyhcs
and extravagant fuperftition, without the fmalleft fea-
foning of rational phyfics. Very unlike the philofo-
phers of modern Europe, of wdiom a great part labour
to exclude the agency of mind from the univerfe, the
Pandits of Hindoftan allow no powers whatever to mat¬
ter, but introduce the Supreme Being as the immedi¬
ate caufe of every elFeid, however trivial. “ Brehm,
the Spirit of God, (fays one of their mod revered Bra¬
mins), is abforbed in felf-contemplation. The fame
is the mighty Lord, wrho is prefent. in every part of
fpace, whofe omniprefence, as expreffed in the Reig Beid
or Rigveda, I (hall now explain. Brehm is one, and to
him there is no fecond ; fuch is truly Brehm. His om-
tiifcience is felf-infpired or felf-intelligent, and its com-
preLenlion includes every poffible fpecies. To illudrate
this as far as I am able j the mod comprehenfive of all
comprehendve faculties is omnifcience; and being felf-
infpired, it is fubjeft to none of the accidents of mortali¬
ty, conception, birth, growth, decay, or death ; neither is
it fubjedl to padion or vice. To it the three didindlions
of time, pafi, prefent, and future, are not. To it the
three modes of being (d) are not. It is feparated from
the univerfe, and independent of all. This omnifcience
is named Brehm. By this omnifcient Spirit the ope¬
rations of God are enlivened. By this Spirit alfo the
24 powers (e) of nature are animated. How is this ?
As the eye by the fun, as the pot by the fire, as iron
by the magnet (f), as variety of imitations by the mi¬
mic, as fire by the fuel, as the diadowr by the man, as
dud by the wund. as the arrow by the fpring of the
bow, and as the diade by the tree •, fo by this Spirit
the world is endued with the powers of intelleft, the
powers of the will, and the powers of aftion : fo that
if it emanates from the heart by the channel of the
ear, it caufes the perception of founds \ if it emanates
from the heart by the channel of the Ikin, it caufes
the perception of touch ; if it emanates from the heart
by the channel of the eye, it caufes the perception of
soph Y. 371
vifible objefls j if it emanates from the heart by the 'Hiftor) of
channel of the tongue, it cauies the perception 0f "hhotophy*
tade $ if it emanates from the heart by the channel of * '
the nofe, it caufes the perception of Imell. This alfo
invigorating the five members of aftion, and invigo¬
rating the five members of perception, and invigora¬
ting the five elements, and invigorating the five ienfes,
and invigorating the three diipofitions of the mind,
&.c. caufes the creation or the annihilation of the uni¬
verfe, while itfelf beholds every thing as an indifferent
fpe&ator * PrelimU
From this paffage it is plain that all the motions nary Difc.
in the univerfe, and all the perceptions of man, are, ^ bathed s
according to the Bramins, caufed by the immediate
agency of the Spirit of God, wdiich leems to be here 6
confidered as the foul of the world. But it appears admits not
from fome papers in the Afiatic Refearches, that the ^ leParat*
mod profound of thefe oriental philofophers, and even
the authors of their facred books, believe not in the ’
exidence of matter as a feparate fubdance, but hold an
opinion refpedting it very fimilar to that of the celebra¬
ted Berkeley. The Vedantis (fays Sir William Jones),
unable to form a didinft idea of brute matter indepen¬
dent of mind, or to conceive that the wrork of Supreme
Goodnefs wras left a moment to itfelf, imagine that the
Deity is ever prefent to his w'ork, and condantly fup-
ports a feries of perceptions, which in one fenfe they call
illufory, though they cannot but admit the reality of all
created forms, as far as the happinefs of creatures can be
affefted by them.
This is the very immaterialifm of Berkeley ; and in
proof that it is the genuine dodlrine of the Bramins,
the learned prefident quotes the Bhdgavat, which is
believed to have been pronounced by the Supreme Be¬
ing, and in which is the following fentence.
“ Except the frfi caufe, whatever may appear, and
may not appear, in the mind, know that to be the
mind’s Maya, or ‘ delufion,’ as light, as darknefs.” 7
We have diown elfewhere (fee Metaphysics, N° Teachesthe
269.) that the metaphyfical doctrines of the Bramins,'”et|mPb*
refpecting the human foul, differ not from thofe ofcao
Pythagoras and Plato j and that they believe it to be
an emanation from the great foul of the world, which*
after many tranfmigrations, will be finally abforbed in
its parent fubftance. In proof of their believing in
the metempfychofis, Mr Halhed gives us the following
tranllation of what (he fays) is a beautiful ftanza in
the Geeta : “ As throwing alide his old clothes, a man
puts on others that are new j fo our lives, quitting the
old, go to other newer animals.” 8
From the Bramins believing in the foul of the world Phyfics of
not only as the foie agent, but as the immediate caufe of lil.e 'Kla',
every motion in nature, we can hardly fuppofe themniin!’
3 A 2 to
(d) To be awake, to deep, and to be abforbed in a ftate of unconfcioufnefs—a kind of trance.
(e) The 24 powers of nature, according to the Bramins, are the five elements, yfre, air, earth, water, and
ahafh (a kind of fubtile aether) ; the five members of aftion, the hand, foot, tongue, anus, and male organ of
generation ; the five organs of perception, the ear, eye, nofe, mouth, and [kin ; the five fenfes, which they diftin-
guifh from the organs of fenfation 3 the three difpofitions of the mind, defre, pajjion, and tranquillity; and the
power of confcioufnefs.
(f) If the work from which this extra# is quoted be of as great antiquity as Mr Halhed fuppores, the Bramins
mull have been acquainted with the phenomena of magnetifm at a much earlier period than any other philofophers
of whom hiffory makes mention.
37 2
riiftoryof
Philofophy.
PHILOSOPHY.
Their astro¬
nomy.
AJiatic
Refearches,
vol. ii.
to have made any great progrcfs in that Tcience which
in Europe is cultivated under the name of phyjlcs.
They have no inducement to inveftigate the laws of
nature 5 becaufe, according to the firrt principles of
their philofophy, which, together with their religion,
they believe to have been revealed from heaven, every
phenomenon, however regular, or however anomalous,
is produced by the voluntary aft of an intelligent
mind. Yet if they were acquainted with the ufe of
fire-arms 4000 years ago, as Mr Halhed feems to be¬
lieve, he who made that difcovery mult have had a
very connderable knowledge of the powers of nature •,
for though gunpowder may have been difcovered by
accident in the Eait, as it certainly was in the Weft
many ages afterwards, it is difficult to conceive how
mere accident could have led any man to the inven¬
tion of a gun. In aftronomy, geometry, and chrono¬
logy too, they appear to have made fome proficiency
at a very early period. (See Astronomy, N° 4.).
Their chronology and aftronomy are indeed full of
thofe extravagant fictions which feem to be effential to
all their fyftems; but their calculation of eclipfes, and
their computations of time, are condufted upon fcienti-
fic principles.
“ It is fufficiently known (fays Mr Davis *) that
the Hindoo divifion of the ecliptic into figns, degrees,
&c. is the fame as ours 5 that their aftronomical year is
fidereal, or containing that fpace of time in which the
fun, departing from a ftar, returns to the fame •, that
it commences on the inftant of his entering the fign
Aries, or rather the Hindoo conftellation Mefha 5 that
each aftronomical month contains as many even days
and fraflional parts as he ftays in each fign ; and
that the civil differs from the aftronomical account of
time only in rejefling thofe fraflions, and beginning
the year and month at funrife, inftead of the interme¬
diate inftant of the artificial day or night. Hence
arifes the unequal portion of time affigned to each
month dependent on the fituation of the fun’s apfis,
and the diftance of the vernal equinoflial colure from
the beginning of Media in the Hindoo fphere } and
by thefe means they avoid thofe. errors which Euro¬
peans, from a different method of adjufting their ka-
lendar by intercalary days, have been fubjeft to.”
Mr Davis obferves, that an explanation of thefe mat¬
ters wmuld have led him beyond his purpofe, wdiich was
only to give a general account of the method by which
the Hindoos compute eclipfes, and to diow that the fci-
ence of aftronomy is as well known among them now as
ever it was among their anceftors. This he does very
completely; but in the prefent fhort hiftorical Iketch,
we can neither copy nor abridge his memoir. Suffice it
to fay, that he has drown the practical part of the Hin¬
doo aftronomy to be founded on mathematical principles^
and that the learned Pandits appear to have truer no¬
tions of the form of the earth, and the economy of the
univerfe, than thofe which are afcribed to their country¬
men in general.
The fame writer ffiows likewife, that the prodigious
duration which the Hindoos attribute to the world, is
the refult of a fcientific calculation, founded indeed on
very whimfical principles. “ It has been common wuth
aftronomers to fix on fome epoch, from which, as from a
radix, to compute the planetary motions) and the an¬
cient Hindoos chofe that p >nt of time counted back, Hi (lory of
when, according to their motions as they had determin- Pialotophy.
ed them, they muft have been in conjunction in the be- 'Y'""
ginning of Media or Aries, and coeval with which cir-
cumftance they fuppofed \\ic ci'eatwn. I his, as it con¬
cerned the planets only, wmuld have produced a mode¬
rate term of years compared with the enormous antiqui¬
ty that will be hereafter dated : but having difcovered
a dow motion of the nodes and apfides alfo, and takei*
it into the computation, they found it would require a
length of time correfponding with 1955884890 years
now expired, when they were fo fituated, and 23 641151 r O
years more before they wmuld return to the fame fituation
again, forming together the grand anomaliftick period
denominated a Ca/pa, and fancifully affigned as the day
of Brahma.”
But though the mathematical part of the aftronomy
of the Pandits is undoubtedly refpedlable, their phyfical
notions of the univerfe are in the higheft degree ridicu¬
lous and extravagant. In the Vedas and Puranas, wri¬
tings of which no devout Hindoo can difpute the divine
authority, eclipfes are faid to be occafioned by the in- IO
tervention of the monfter ; and the earth to be Strange mo-
fupported by a feries of animals. “ They fuppofe (fays tions of the
Mr Halhed) that-there are 14 fpheres, feven below' andumverfe'
and fix above the earth. The feven inferior worlds are
faid to be altogether inhabited by an infinite variety of
ferpents, defcribed in every monftrous figure that the
imagination can fuggeft. I. he firft fphere above the
earth is the immediate vault of the vilible heavens, in
which the fun, moon, and liars, are placed. The fe-
cond is the firft paradife, and general receptacle of thofe
who merit a removal from the lower earth. The third
and fourth are inhabited by the louls of thofe men who,
by the praftice of virtue and dint of prayer, have ac¬
quired an extraordinary degree of fandlity. I he fifth
is the reward of thofe who have all their lives performed
fome wonderful a£f of penance and mortification, or who
have died martyrs for their religion. 1 he higheft fphere
is the refidence of Brahma and his particular favourites,
fuch as thofe men who have never uttered a falfehood
during their whole lives, and thofe women who have vo¬
luntarily burned themfelves with their hulbands. All
thefe are abforbed in the divine effence.’’
On ethics, the Hindoos have nothing that can be 1X
called philofophy. Their duties, moral, civil, and re- Ethics of
ligious, are all laid down in their Vedas and r ,■ the Hin-
and enjoined by what they believe to be divine autho-doos-
rity, which fuperfedes all reafoning concerning their
fitnefs or utility. The bufinefs of their Pandits is to
interpret thofe books, which are extremely ancient, and
written in a language that has long been unintelligible
to every other order of men £ but no Pandit wall alter
the text, however impoffible to be reconciled to princi¬
ples eftabliffied in his own pra&ice of aftronomy. On
fuch occafions, the ufual apology for their facred books
is, that “ fuch things may have been fo formerly, and
may be fo ftill; but that for aftronomical purpofes, aftro¬
nomical rules muft be followed *.” "I he great duties of
morality have been preferibed in every religious code $ * Davis's
and they are not overlooked in that of the Hindoos,-Mmo/r,
though the higheft merit that a Bramin can have confifts
in voluntary a61s of abftinence and mortification, and in vop ^
contempt of death. ^
PHILO
Hiftoiyof Of the ancient philofopliy of the Arabians and Chi-
Ptiilofophy. riefe notbing certain can be i'aid j and the narrow limits
'—' of fuch an abftraft as this, do not admit of our mention-
philofophy ing tlie- conjeftnres of the learned, which contradict each
of the Ara- other, and are all equally groundlefs.
bians and There is indeed fufficient evidence that both nations
Chinefe. 1vere at a very early period obfervers of the ftars} and
that the Chinefe had even a theory by which they fore¬
told eclipfes (fee Astronomy, N° 2, 3.); but there is
reafon to believe that the Arabians, like other people in
their circumftances, were nothing more than judicial
aitrologers, who poffeffed not the fmalleft portion of
aftronomical feience.
Pliny makes mention of their magi, whilfl later wri¬
ters tell us, that they were famous for their ingenuity in
folving enigmatical queftions, and for their fkill in the
arts of divination : but the authors of Greece are filent
concerning their philofophy ; and there is not an Ara¬
bian book of greater antiquity than the Koran extant.
13 (See Philology, SeCfion II.).
Early fci- Leaving therefore regions fo barren of information,
pj!Ce let us pais to the Phoenicians, wliofe commercial ce-
fuaans lebrity has induced many learned men to allow them
great credit for early fcience. If it be true, as feems
highly probable, that the (hips of this nation had
doubled the Cape and almoft encompaffed the penin-
fula of Africa long before the era of Solomon (See
Ophir, N° 10.), we cannot doubt that the Phoenicians
had made great proficiency in the art of navigation,
and in the fcience of aflronomy, at a period of very re¬
mote antiquity. Nor were thefe the only fciences culti¬
vated by that ancient people : the learned Cuuworth
has, in our opinion, fufficiently proved that Mofchus or
Mochus a Phoenician, who, according to Strabo, flou-
rifhed before the Trojan war, was the author of the
atomic philofophy afterwards adopted by Leucippus,
Democritus, and others among the Greeks 5 and that it
was with fome of the fucceffors of this fage that Pytha¬
goras, as Jamblichus tells us, converfed at Sidon, and
from them received his doftrine of Monads (See Py¬
thagoras). Another proof of the early progrefs of
the Phoenicians in philofophy may be found in the frag¬
ments of their hiftorian Sanchoniatho which have been
* Prep-PaJ- preferved by Eufebius *. We are indeed aware that
men of great celebrity have called in queftion the au¬
thenticity of thofe fragments, and even the very exill-
ence of fuch a writer as Sanchoniatho ; but for this
fcepticifm we can difcover no foundation (See Sancho¬
niatho). His hiflory may have been interpolated in
fome places by the tranflator Philo-Byblius j but Por¬
phyry, Eufebius, and Theodoret, fpeak of it as a work
of undoubted credit, and affirm that its author flouriffied
before the Trojan war. Now this ancient writer teaches
that, according to the wife men of his country, all things
arofe at firft from the neceflary agency of an aftive
principle upon a paffive chaotic mafs which he calls mot.
This chaos Cudworth thinks was the fame with the ele¬
mentary water of Thales, who was alfo of Pheenician
extra&ion ; but Moffieim juftly obferves that it was ra¬
ther dark air, fince Philo tranfl^tes it Be
this as it may, nothing can be more evident than that
the Phoenicians mull have made fome progrefs in what
muft furely be conlidered as philofophy, however falfe,
ib early as the era of Sanchoniatho $ for fpeculations
about the origin of the world never occur to untaught
5 O P H Y. . 373
barbarians. Befides Mochus and Sanchoniatho, Cad- Hifloryct
mus, who introduced letters into Greece, may undoubt- ,Phl 0 op ‘y;
edly be reckoned among the Phoenician philofophers ;
for though it is not pretended that the alphabet was of
his invention, and though it is by no means certain that
the Greeks, at the time of his arrival among them, were
wholly deftitute of alphabetic chara&ers (See Philolo¬
gy, N° 130.) •, yet the man who could prevail with il¬
literate favages to adopt the ule of flrange charafters,
muft have been a great mailer of the fcience of human
nature. Several other Phoenician philofophers are
mentioned by Strabo *, but as they flouriihed at a la¬
ter period, and philofophized after the fyftematic mode
of the Greeks, they fall not properly under our no¬
tice. We pafs on therefore to the philofophy of E-
gypt. f # 14
’ It has been already obferved that the Egyptians Egyptian
boafted of being the firft of nations, and the authors Plu!ofopfiy*
of all the fcience which in feparate rays illuminated
the reft of the world. But though this claim was
undoubtedly ill-founded, their high antiquity and early
progrefs in the arts of civil life cannot be controverted.
The Greeks with one voice confefs that all their learn¬
ing and wifdom came from Egypt, either imported im¬
mediately by their own philofophers, or brought through
Phoenicia by the fages of the eaft j and we know from
higher authority than the hiftories of Greece, that at a
period fo remote as the birth of Mofes, the wifdom of
the Egyptians was proverbially famous. Yet the hi-
ftory of Egyptian learning and philofophy, though men
of the firft eminence both ancient and modern have be¬
llowed much pains in attempts to elucidate it, ftill re¬
mains involved in clouds of uncertainty. 'I hat they had
fome knowledge of phyfiology, arithmetic, geonjetry,
and aftronomy, are fafts which cannot be queftioned j
but there is reafon to believe that even thefe fciences
were in Egypt puffied no farther than to the ufes of life.
That they believed in the exiftence of incorporeal fub-
ftances is certain ; becaufe Herodotus allures us that
they were the firft affertors of the immortality, pre-ex¬
iftence, and tranfmigration of human fouls, which they
could not have been without holding thofe fouls to be at
leaft incorporeal, if not immaterial.
The author of Egyptian learning is generally ac¬
knowledged to have been Thoth, Theut, or iaaut, cal¬
led by the Greeks Hermes, and by the Romans Mer- ~
cun/ ; but of this perfonage very little is known. Dio¬
dorus Siculus fays that he was chief minifter to Ofiris,
and that he improved language, invented letters, infti-
tuted religious rites, and taught aftronomy, mufic, and
other arts. The fame thing is affirmed by Sanchojiia-.
tho, whofe antiquity has been already mentioned j by
ManetLo an Egyptian prieft, who flouriffied during the
reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus } and by Plato, whole
authority, as he relided long in Egypt, and was him-
felf an eminent philofopher, is perhaps more to be de¬
pended upon than that of the other two. In the Phi-
lebus we are told that Thoth was the inventor of let¬
ters; and left we ftiould fuppofe that by thofe letters
nothing more is meant than pidlure writing or fymboli-.
cal hieroglyphics, it is added, that he diftinguiffied be¬
tween vowels and confonants, determining the number
of each. The fame philofopher, in his Phaedrus, at¬
tributes to Thoth the invention of arithmetic, geometry,
ajlronomy, and hieroglyphic learning; and fubjoins a
difputa-Y-
374 PHILO
Hiftory of dlfputatioii faid to have beenheld between him and Tha-
Philofo, h\. mus t^en 0f Egypt) concerning the advantage and
difadvantage of his newly invented letters. Thoth
boafted that the invention, by aiding memory, would
greatly contribute to the progrefs of fcience j whilft the
monarch contended, that it would enervate men’s natu¬
ral faculties by making them truft to written charac¬
ters without exerting the powrers of their own minds.
All this, if real, muft have happened before the era
of Mofes •, and fince it is almoft certain that alphabeti¬
cal charaflers were in ufe prior to the exod of the Israe¬
lites from Egypt (See Philology, N° 24, 25.) we
may as well allow the invention to Thoth, as give it to
an earlier author of unknown name. That arithmetic,
geometry, and aftronomy, were cultivated in Egypt
from the molt remote antiquity, is affirmed by all the
ancients, and made in the higheft degree probable by
the fituation of the country. The firft elements of af¬
tronomy have certainly been difcovered by various na¬
tions, whofe habits of life led them to the frequent ob¬
servation of the heavens ; and it is obferved by Cicero,
that the Egyptians and Babylonians, dwelling in open
plains where nothing intercepted the view of the hea¬
venly bodies, naturally devoted themfelves to the fludy
of that fcience. The annual overflowing ©f the Nile,
which broke up the boundaries of their lands, would lay
the Egyptians under the neceffity of adopting fome me¬
thod of fettling thofe boundaries anew ; and neceffity we
know to be the parent of invention. Hence their early
acquaintance •with praftical geometry cannot well be
doubted. Their cuftom of embalming their dead, and
the perfection to which they carried that art (g), ffiows
infallibly their knowledge of the properties of natural
fubftances, and gives fome reafon to believe that they
were not altogether ftrangers to anatomy : but if ive al¬
low them to have been at this early period anatomifts
acquainted with the power of drugs, we can hardly re-
fufe them fome Ikill in the art of phyfic, which they
themfelves traced up to their gods and demigods, to Se-
rapis, IJis, and her fon Horus or Apollo.
The art of alchymy has been faid to have been known
by the ancient Egyptians 5 and from the author of the
Egyptian philofophy it has been called the Hermetic art.
But though this is unqueftionably a fiftion, there is evi-
SOPHY.
dence that they were poffiefled of one art which is even Hiftory of
yet a dejlderatum in the praftice of chemillry. “ Mo- ^hilofophy,
les (we are told *) took the golden calf, which his Exod^
brother had made for idolatrous purpofes, and burnt it
in the Jire, and ground it to powder, and ftrowed it on
the water, and made the children of Ifrael drink of it.”
Had this fa£t been related by Herodotus or Diodorus
Siculus, it would have been deemed fufficient evidence
that the Egyptians were even at that early period no
llrangers to the art of chemiftry: and furely the evi¬
dence Ihould not be the worfe for coming from the pen
of the Hebrew lawgiver, who was himfelf educated in
the court of Egypt. 15
But though it is thus evident that the rudiments of ^Tot.Carried
almoft every ufeful fcience were known in Egypt from j^er"
the remoteft antiquity, it does not appear that any of
them was carried to a great degree of perfection, unlefs
perhaps chemiftry alone muft be excepted. One would
think that no fcience could have been more indifpenfably
requifite to them than geometry. And yet though Py¬
thagoras is faid to have fpent 22 years in Egypt ftudy-
ing that fciencc and aftronomy, he himfelf difcovered
(h) the famous 47th Prop, of Euclid’s firft book after
his return to Samos. This, though a very ufeful, is yet
a Ample theorem j and Ance it was not reached by the
Egyptian geometry, we cannot fuppofe that thofe peo¬
ple had then advanced far in fuch fpeculations. The
fame concluAon muft be drawn with refpeft to aftrono¬
my ; for Thales is faid to have been the flrft that calcu¬
lated an eclipfe of the fun j and we nowhere read that
the Egyptians pretended to difpute that honour with jg
him. To this it pray be replied, that Pythagoras wTas Their
in Egypt undoubtedly taught the true conftitution of know^ei%e
the folar fyftem, and what is more extraordinary, the7i^e^ar
doCIrine of comets in particular, and of their revolutions, ^
like the other planets, round the fun (l). We grant
that he was taught all this •, but it was not fcientiflcally,
but dogmatically, as faCts which the priefts had received
by tradition from their early anceftors, and of which
they had never queftioned the truth nor enquired into
the reafons. Of this we need no better proof than that
the Pythagorean fyftem of the fun was totally negleCted
by the Greeks as foon as they began to frame hypothefes
and to fpeculate in philofophy (k).
» But
(g) It is true that the diffeCHon of fome mummies has leflened the high opinion long entertained of the {kill of
the ancient Egyptians in the art of embalming •, yet it muft be granted that their knowledge of antifeptic drugs
was great, Ance it is now certainly known, even from thefe difleCtions, that by means of fuch drugs they contrived
to preferve rags of cloth from corruption for upwards of 3000 years.
(h) This difcovery he claimed } and his claim wTas admitted by the Greek w'riters without having been direBhj
controverted Ance. An excellent mathematician, however, has ftiowm that the equality between the fquare of
the hypothenufe of a right-angled triangle, and the fum of the fquares on the other twm Ades, wras known to the
aftronomers of India at a period long prior to that of Pythagoras. Notwnthftanding this, it is certainly pcffible
that the fage of Samos may have made the difcovery himfeif, though wre think the contrary much more probable $
for we agree wuth the able writer already mentioned, that Pythagoras, wrho is generally believed to have converfed
wdth Indian brachmans as well as Egyptian priefts, may have derived from them “ fome of the fqlid as well as the
viAonary fpeculations with which he delighted to inftrufl or amufe his difciples.” See Tranfafiions of the Royal
Society of Edinburgh, vol. ii. Memoir xiii. Phyflc Clafs.
(1) This is recorded by Ariftotle and Plutarch ; and thus expreffed by Ammianus Marcellinus.—“ Stellas
4juafdam, ceteris f miles, quarum ortus orbitufque, quibus Ant temporibus prccfituti humanis mentibus ignorari. Lib.
Xxv. can. 10.
(k) Fixas in fupremis mundi partibus immotas perAftere, et planetas his inferiores circa folem revolvi, terram
yaritex moved curfu annuo, diurno vero circa axem propriam, et folem ceu focum univerfi in omnium centro quief-
4 , cere,
PHILOSOPHY.
375
Hiftory of But it may feem flrange, and certainly is fo, that the
Philofophy. Egyptian priefts, in the days of Pythagoras, fliould
}iave preferved fo great a difcovery of their anceftors,
and at the fame time have totally forgotten the princi¬
ples and reafoning which led to a conclufion apparently
contrary to the evidence of fenfe. This is a difficulty
which we pretend not to remove, though the fa£t which
involves it feems to be beyond the reach of controverfy.
Perhaps the following obfervations may throw upon it
a feeble light. According to Manetho, the written
monuments of the firft Thoth were loft or neglefted in
certain civil revolutions or natural calamities which be-
fel the kingdom of Egypt. After many ages great part
of them were recovered by an ingenious interpretation
of the fymbols wrhich he had infcribed upon ancient co¬
lumns •, and the man who made this interpretation was
called the fecond Thoth or Hermes Trifmegijlus. But
thrice illuftrious as this perfonage was, it is at leaft pof-
fible that he may have been much inferior to the former
Hermes, and have read his writings and tranfcribed his
conclufions without being able to comprehend the prin¬
ciples or reafoning which led to thofe conclufions. Any
man who underftands Latin might tranflate into his owrn
tongue the conclufions of Newton ; but much more
would be requifite to make him comprehend the demon-
ftrations of his fublime geometry. By what mode of
reafoning the firft Hermes (l) was led to the true idea
of the folar fyftem, or whether it was by reafoning at
all, cannot now be known 5 but it feems very evident,
that when the intercourfe between the Egyptians and
Greeks firft commenced, the wifdom of the former peo¬
ple confifted chiefly in the fcience of legiflation and civil
policy, and that the philofopher, the divine, the legifla-
tor, and the poet, were all united in the fame perfon.
Their cofmogony (for all the ancients who pretended
to fcience framed cofmogonies) differed little from that
of the Phoenicians already mentioned. They held that
the wmrld w-as produced from chaos by the energy of an
intelligent principle •, and they likewife conceived that
there is in nature a continual tendency towards diffolu-
tion. In Plato’s Timoeus, an Egyptian prieft is intro¬
duced defcribing the deftrudftion of the world, and af-
ferting that it will be effe£ted by means of water and
fire. They conceived that the univerfe undergoes a pe- Hiftor of
riodical conflagration *, after which all things are reftor- phy.
ed to their original form, to pafs again through a fimi-
lar fucceffion of changes. T ^
“ Of preceptive dodtrine the j^ yptians had two Their mo-
kinds, the one facred, the other vulgar. The former, ral fcience.
which refpedted the ceremonies of religion and the du- _
ties of the priefts, was doubtlefs written in the facred
books of Hermes, but was too carefully concealed to
pafs down to pofterity. The latter confifted of maxims
and rules of virtue, prudence, or policy. Diodorus Si¬
culus relates many particulars concerning the laws, cuf-
toms, and manners of the Egyptians } wffience it appears
that fuperftition mingled with and corrupted their no¬
tions of morals. It is in vain to look for accurate prin¬
ciples of ethics among an ignorant and fuperrtitious peo¬
ple. And that the ancient Egyptians merited this cha-
radler is fufficiently evident from this fingle circumtiance,
that they fuffered themlelves to be dece ved by impof-
tors, particularly by the profeffors of the fanciful art of
aftrology ; concerning wffiom Sextus Empiricus jultly
remarks, that they have done much mifchief in the
world, by enflaving men to fuperftition, which wnll not
fuffer them to follow the dictates of right reafon.” See
Egypt, Mysteries, Mythology, &c. Tg
From Egypt and Phoenicia philolophy paffed int >Greuair
Greece ; where it w:as long taught without fyftem, as pialofophy*
in the countries from wffiich it wTas derived. Phoroneus,
Cecrops, Cadmus, and Orpheus, wrere among the ear-
lieft intlruftors of the Greeks ; and they inculcated
Egyptian and Phoenician dodlrines in detached maxims,
and enforced them, not by ftrength of argument, but
by the authority of tradition. Their cofmogonies were
wholly Phoenician or Egyptian, dilguifed under Grecian
names *, and they taught a future ftate of rewards and
puniffiments. The planets and the moon Orpheus con¬
ceived to be habitable worlds, and the ftars to be, fiery
bodies like the fun : but he taught that they are all ani¬
mated by divinities ; an opinion which prevailed both
in Egypt and the eaft : and it does not appear that he
gave any other proof of his doctrines than a confident
affertion that they were derived from fome god. See
Orpheus.
Hitherta
cere, antiquiffima fuit philofophantium fententia. Ab iEgyptiis autem aftrorum antiquiffimis obfervationibus pro-
pagatam effe hanc fententiam verifimile eft. Et etiam ab illis et a gentibus conterminis ad Graecos, gentem magis
philologicam quam philofophicam, philofophia omnis antiquior juxta et fenior manaffe videtur. Subinde docuerunt
Anaxagoras, Democritus, et alii nonnulli, terram in centro mundi immotam ftare, et aftra omnia in occafum, ali-
qua celerius, alia tardius moveri, idque in fpatiis liberrimis. Namque orbis folidi poftea ab Eudoxo, Calippo, Ari-
ftotele, introdufli funt •, declinante indifes philofophia primitus introdufta, et novis Graecorum commentis paulatim
prsevalentibus. Quibus vinculis ANTIQUI planetas in fpatiis liberis retineri, deque curfu reftilineo perpetuo retraclas
in orbem regulariter agi docuere, non conftat. Newton de Mundi SyJIemate.
(l) Some authors, deeply fkilled in the Hebrew language, have thought that the true fyftem of the fun and pla¬
nets may be perceived in the Scriptures of the Old Teftament, and that it is only from the ignorance or careleffnefs
of the tranflators that it does not appear in the Englifli bible and other verfions. The writer of this article con-
feffes that his knowdedge of the Hebrew7 is very limited, wffiich is probably the reafon that to him the arguments
of thefe men appear w'eak and their criticifms fanciful. No man, however, has a higher veneration than he for
the facred volume, which he believes to have been given for nobler purpofes than to teach its readers the fcience of
aftronomy; but could the principles of that fcience be found in it, he fhould be ftrongly inclined to think that the
firft Thoth was Jofeph, and that the monarch to whom he was minifter was the far-famed Ofiris. Were there any
folid foundation for this fuppofition, it wrould be eafy to conceive how Thoth acquired his fcience, and how the
Egyptian priefts might retain-juft notions of the folar fyftem in general, long after they had forgotten the evidence'
upon which he communicated thofe notions to their anceftors*
376 PHILO
rtiftoryof Hitherto we have Teen phiiofophy in its hate of in-
I hiloiophy.fanCy anj childhood, confiding only of a colleftion of
fententious maxims and traditionary opinions 5 but among
the Greeks, an ingenious and penetrating people, it foon
affumed the form of profound fpeculation and fydematic
reafoning. Two eminent philofophers arofe nearly at
the fame period, who may be confidered as the parents
not only of Grecian fcienc*, but of almod all the fci-
ence which was cultivated in Europe prior to the era of
the great Lord Bacon: Thefe were Thales and Pytha¬
goras of whom the former founded the Ionic fchool
and the latter the Italic 5 from which two fprung the
various fedds into which the Greek philofophers were
afterwards divided. A bare enumeration of thefe fedls
is all that our limits will admit of; and rve {hall give it
in the perfpicuous language and juft arrangement of Dr
Enfield, referring our readers for a fuller account than
we can give of their refpeddive merits to his abridged
tranfiation of Brucker’s hiilory.
The Ionic Of the Ionic School were, r. The Ionic fe<d pro-
fchool. per> whofe founder Thales had as his fuccelfors Anaxi¬
menes, Anaxagoras, Diogenes Apolloniates, and Ar-
chelaus. 2. The Socratic fchool, founded by Socrates,
the principal of whofe difciples were Xenophon, Aff-
chines, Simon, Cebes, Ariftippus, Phaedo, Euclid, Pla¬
to, Antifthenes, Critias, and Alcibiades. 3. The Cy-
renaic feft, of wdrich Ariftippus wTas the author: his
followers wrere, his daughter Arete, Hegifias, Anicer-
ris, Theodorus, and Bion. 4. The Megaric or Eriftic
feed, formed by Euclid of Megara; to wThom lucceeded
Eubulides, Diodorus, and Stilpo, famous for their logi¬
cal fubtlety. 5. The Eliac or Eretriac fchool, railed
by Phaedo of Elis, who, though he clofely adhered to
the do<drine of Socrates, gave name to his fchool. His
fucceflbrs wrere Pliftanus and Menedemus } the latter of
whom, being a native of Eretria, transferred the fchool
and name to his owTn country. ,6. The Academic fe<d,
of which Plato wras the founder. After his death, ma¬
ny of his difciples deviating from his doctrine, the fchool
wTas divided into the old, new, and middle academies.
7. The Peripatetic feft, founded by Ariftotle, whofe
fucceffors in the Lyceum wrere Theophraftus, Strato,
Lycon, Arifto, Critolaus, and Diodorus. Among the
Peripatetics, befides thofe who occupied the chair, w’ere
alfo Dicsearchus, Eudemus, and Demetrius Phalereus.
8. The Gynic fe£t, of which the author was Anti¬
fthenes, wdiom Diogenes, Oneficritus, Crates, Metro-
cles, Menipus, and Menedenlus, fucceeded. In the lift
of Cynic philofophers muft alfo be reckoned Hipparchia,
the wTife of Crates. 9. The Stoic fe£l, of which Zeno
was the founder. His fucceffbrs in the porch wTere Per-
faeus, Arifto of Chios, Herillus, Sphaerus, Cleanthes,
Chryfippus, Zeno of Tarfus, Diogenes the Babylonian,
20 Antipater, Panaetius, and Pofidonius.
The Italic Qf the Italic School were, 1. The Italic fe£I
fchool. proper: it was founded by Pythagoras, a difciple of
Pherecydes. The folkwers of Pythagoras were Ari-
ftaeus, Mnefarchus, Alcmaeon, Ecphantus, Hippo, Em¬
pedocles, Epicharmus, Ocellus, Timceus, Archytas,
Hippafus, Philolaus, and Eudoxus. 2. The Eleatic
fed:, of which Xenophanes was the author ; his fuccef¬
fors, Parmenides, Meliffus, Zeno, belonged to the me-
taphyfical clafs of this fed ; Leucippus, Democritus,
Protagoras, Diogoras, and Anaxarchus, to the phyfi-
Cal. 3. The Heraclitean fed, which was founded by
3
SOPHY.
Heraclitus, and foon afterwards expired ; Zeno and Hiftoryof
Hippocrates philofophifed after the manner of Heracli- Fhdofophjr.
tus, and other philofophers borrowed freely from his v
fyftem. 4. The Epicurean fed, a branch of the Elea¬
tic, had Epicurus for its author; among wdiofe followr-
ers were Metrodorus, Polyaenus, Hermachus, Polyftra-
tus, Bafilides, and Protarchus. 5. The Pyrrhonic or
Sceptic fed, the parent of which was Pyrrho : his doc¬
trine was taught by Timem the Phliafian; and after
feme interval was continued by Ptolemy a Cyrenean,
and at Alexandria by Ainefidemus.
Of the peculiar dodrines of thefe feds, the reader will
in this work find a fhort account either in the lives of
their refpedive founders, or under the names of the
feds themfelves. We (hall only obferve at prefent,
that though many of them wTere undoubtedly abfurd,
and many wicked, it w’ould yet perhaps be going too
far to fay with fome, that the phiiofophy of Greece be¬
came impious under Diagoras, vicious under Epicurus,
hypocritical under Ze^o, impudent under Dio¬
genes, covetous under Demochares, voluptuous under
Metrodorus, fantaftical under Crates, fcurrilous under
Menippus, licentious under Pyrrho, and quarrelfome
under Cleanthes. Of the truth of this heavy charge
every reader muft judge for himfelf. We are ftrongly
inclined to think, that there were virtues and vices pe¬
culiar to each fed ; “ and that the feds themfelves had Paunv's
an affinity more or lefs dired with the different tempe- Philofophi-
raments of man ; whence the choice of fedators often cai
depended on phyfical influence, or a peculiar difpofition
of their organs., Nothing appears more natural than
that thofe men wrho wrere born with great force of mind
and ftrong nerves thould difeover a prediledion for ftoi-
cifm ; while mortals, endowed by nature with more de¬
licacy of fibres and keener fenfibility, fled for refuge to
the myrtles of Epicurus. People whofe temperaments
partook of no extremes, were always inclined either for
the Lyceum or the Academy. Such as poffeffed folidity
of underftanding ranged themfelves with Ariftotle;
and thoie who had only genius, or even pretenfions to
that endowment, went to augment the crowd of Plato-
nifts.” 2r
All the fyftematical philofophers, however, purfued Grecian
their inquiries into nature by nearly the fame method, mode of
Of their phiiofophy as well as of ours, the univerte, pbddophi-
wnth all that it contains, was the vaft objed; but theZin^*
individual things wffiich compofe the univerfe are in¬
finite in number and ever changing; and therefore,
according to an eftablilhed maxim of -theirs, incapable
of being the fubjeds of human fcience *. To reduce
this infinitude, and to fix thofe fleeting beings, they Prcedic. et
eftabliffied cerferin definite arrangements or claffes, to Arijl. Phy~
fome of which every thing paft, prefent, or to come,^' ^ i*
might be referred; and having afeertained, as they
thought, all that could be affirmed or denied of thefe
claffes, they proved, by a very ffiort procefs of fyllo-
giftic reafoning, that what is true of the clafs muft be
true of every individual comprehended under it. The
moft celebrated of thefe arrangements is that wffiich is
knowm by the name of categories; which Mr Harris
thinks at leaft as old as the era of Pythagoras, and to
the forming of wffiich mankind would, in his opinion,
be neceffarily led by the following confiderations: 22
Every fubjed of human thought is either fubjiance or The cate.
attribute, but fubjiance and attribute may each of them gories.
be
PHILO
Wiftory of bd tnodified under tbe different charadlers of univerfal
Hiilofophy. or particular. Hence there arifes a quadruple arrange-
v'" ment of things into fubjlance univerfal and fubfancepar¬
ticular ; into attribute univerfal and attribute particular;
to fome one of which four not only our words and
ideas, but every individual of that immenfe multitude
of things which compofe the univerfe, may be deduced.
This arrangement, however, the learned author thinks
too limited $ and he is of opinion, that, by attending
to the fubftances with which they were furrounded,
the Grecian fchools muff foon have diitinguilhed be¬
tween the attributes eJJ'ential to all fubftances and thofe
which are only circunfanlial; between the attributed
proper to natural fubftances or bodies, and thofe which
are peculiar to intelligible fubftances or minds. He
likewife thinks, that the time and place of the exiftence
of fubftances not prefent, mull foon have attra&ed
their attention ; and that in confidering the place of
this or that fubftance, they could hardly avoid think¬
ing of its pqfition or filiation. He is of opinion, that
the fuperindudtion of one fubftance upon another would
inevitably fuggeft the idea of cloathing or habit, and
that the variety of co-exifhng fubfances and attributes
would difcover to them another attribute, viz. that of
relation. Inftead therefore of confining themfelves to
the fimple divifion of fubfance and attribute, they di¬
vided attribute itfelf into nine diftiadft forts, fome ejfen-
tial and others circumfantial; and thus by fetting fub¬
ftance at their head, made ten comprehenfve univer¬
fal genera, called, with reference to their Greek name,
categories, and with reference to their Latin name pre¬
dicaments. Thefe categories are, substance, quali¬
ty, QUANTITY, RELATION, ACTION, PASSION, WHEN,
where, position, and habit j which according to
the fyftematic philofophy of the Greeks, comprehend
every human fcience and every fubjeft of human
thought. Hifory, natural and civil, fprings, fays Mr
Harris, out of substance j mathematics out of quan¬
tity ; optics out of quality and quantity ; medicine
out of the fame ; afronomy out of quantity and mo¬
tion } mufc and mechanics out of the fame; painting
out of quality and site ; ethics out of relation ;
chronology out of WHEN *, geography out of WHERE ;
ele&ricity, magnetifm, and attraction, out of ACTION and
Passion ; and fo in other inftances.
To thefe categories, confidered as a mere arrange¬
ment of fcience, we are not inclined to make many ob¬
jections. The arrangement is certainly not complete :
but this is a matter of comparatively fmall importance}
2^ for a complete arrangement of fcience cannot, we be-
and predi- lieve, be formed. The greateft objection to the cate-
cables gories arifes from the ufe that wras made of them by
almoft every philofopher of the Grecian fchools; for
thofe fages having reduced the objeCts of all human
fcience to ten general heads or general terms, inflead of
fetting themfelves to inquire by a painful induClion in¬
to the nature and properties of the real objefts before
them, employed their time in conceiving what could
be predicated of fubftance in general, of this or that
Vol. XVI. Part I.
SOPHY. 377
quality, quantity, relation, &c. in the abftracl: and they Hiftory ot
loon found, that of fuch general conceptions as the ca-
tegories there are but five predicables or claffes of predi¬
cates in nature. The firft clafs is that in which the
predicate is the genus of the fubjeci ; the fecond, that in
which it is the fpecies of the fubjeci; the third, is when
the predicate is the fpecifc difference of the fubjedi ; the
fourth, when it is a property of the fubjedl; and the
fifth, when it is fomething accidental to the fubjeB (fee
Logic, Part II. chap. ii. and iii.). Having proceeded
thus far in their fyltem, they had nothing to do with
individuals but to arrange them under their proper
categories, which was commonly done in a very arbi¬
trary manner ; and then, with the formality of a fyl-
logifm, to predicate of each the predicable of the ge¬
nus or fpecies to which it belonged. Eut by this me¬
thod of proceeding, it is obvious that no progrefs what¬
ever could be made in phyfical, metaphyfical, or ethi¬
cal fcience •, for if the individual truly belongs to the 24
category under which it is arranged, we add nothing to are no in-
our flock of knowledge by affirming or denying of^ruments
it what we had before affirmed or denied of the wholeoflclcnte*
genus : and if it belong not to the category under which
we arrange it, our fyllogifing will only give the appear¬
ance of proof to what mull, from the nature of things,
be an abfolute falfehood. It is only by experiments
made on various fubftances apparently of the fame kind
that they can be certainly known to belong to the fame
category j and, when this is done, all fyllogiftic reafon-
ing from the genus to the fpecies, and from the fpecies
to the individual, is but folemn trifling, as every pro-
pofition in this retrograde courfe takes for granted the
thing to be proved. 2 ^
Yet this mode of philofophizing fpread from Greece This phi-
almoil over the whole world. It was carried by Alex- l^phy dil¬
ander into Afia, by his fucceffors into Egypt; and it ^rou
found its way to Rome after Greece became a province tlie°whoIe
of the empire. It was adopted by the Jews, by the world;
fathers of the Chriftian church, by the Mahommedan
Arabs during the caliphate, and continued to be cul¬
tivated by the fchoolmen through all Europe, till its
futility was expofed by Lord Bacon (m). The pro-
feffors of this philofophy often difplayed great acute-
nefs; but their fyftems were built on mere hypothefes,
and fupported by fyllogiftic wrangling. Now and
then indeed a fuperior genius, fuch as Alhazen and
our countryman Roger Bacon, broke through the
trammels of the fchodls, and, regardlefs of the authority
of the Stagyrite and his categories, made real difcoveries
in phyfical fcience by experiments judicioufly conduc¬
ed on individual fubftances (fee Bacon, Roger; and
Optics, n° 6.) j but the fcience in repute ftill continued
to be that of Generals.
It was indeed a combination of abfurd metaphyfic*
with more abfurd theology ; and that which is proper¬
ly called phyfes, had in Europe no place in a liberal
education from the end of the eighth century to the
end of the fourteenth. Towards the beginning of this
period of darknefs, the whole circle of inftrucHon, or
3 B the
(m) Scientiae, quas habemus, fere a Grascis fluxerunt. Quae enim feriptores Romani, aut Arabes, aut recentiores
addiderunt, non multa, aut magni moment! funt: et qualiacunque fint, fundata funt fuper bafin eorum quae invents
funt a Graecis. Bacon.
3/8
H itory
1’hilolopl
PHIL O
of the liberal arts as they vrere called, confifted of two
branches, the tritium and the qu&drivium ; of which the
former comprehended grammar, rhetoric, and dialeciics ;
the latter nivftc, arithmetic, geometry, and ajironomy, to
which was added about the end of the eleventh century
the ftudy of a number of mctaplujjical fubtleLies equally
ufelefs and unintelligible.
Hitherto the works of the ancient Greek philofo-
phers had been read only in impel feel Latin tranfla-
tions •, and before the fcholaftic fyflem was completely
etlablifhed, Plato and Ariilotle had been alternately
looked -up to as the oracle in fcience. The rigid
fchoolmen, however, univerfally gave the preference to
the Stagyrite ; becaufe his analyfis of body into mat¬
ter and form is peculiarly calculated to keep in coun¬
tenance the moll incredible dodlrine of the Romilh
church (fee Transuestanttation) : and upon the
revival of Greek learning, this preference was conti¬
nued after the fchool philofephy had begun to fall in¬
to contempt, on account ol much ufelul information
contained in fome of his writings on fubjedls of natu¬
ral hiltory, and his fuppofed merit as a natural philo-
fopher. At laft the intrepid fpirit of Luther and his
• aflociates fet the minds of men free from the tyranny
of ancient names, as well in human fcience as in theo¬
logy ; and many philolbphers fprung up in different
countries of Europe, who profefied either to be eclec¬
tics, or to lludy nature, regardlefs of every authority
but that of reafon. Of thefe the moll eminent be¬
yond all comparifon was Erancis Bacon Lord Veru-
26
exnofed as
futile by
Lord Ba-
con;
27
•who efta-
blifhes a
better me¬
thod of
inquiry.
lam.
This illuftrious man having read with attention the
writings of the moll celebrated ancients, and made
himfelf mailer of the fciences which were then culti¬
vated, foon difeovered the abfurdity of pretending to
account for the phenomena of nature by fyllogiilic
reafoning from hypothetical principles } and with a
boldnefs becoming a genius of the nril order, under¬
took to give a new chart of human knowledge. 1 his
he did in his twTo admirable wrorks, intitled, 1. De chg-
nitate et augment is feientiarum ; and, 2. Novum organum
feientiarum, five Indicia vera de interpretatione Naturce.
In the former of thefe works, he takes a very minute
furvey of the whole circle of human fcience, which he
divides into three great branches, hi/lory, poetry, and
philofophy, correfponding to the three faculties of the
mind, memory, imagination, and reafon. Each of thefe
general heads is fabdivided into minuter branches, and
refleclions are made upon the whole, which, though
we can neither copy nor abridge them, will amply re¬
ward the perufal of the attentive reader. The purpofe
of the Novum Organum is to point out the proper me¬
thod of interpreting nature} which the author lhowTs
can never be done by the logic which w'as then in fa-
fhion, but only by a painful and fair induflion. “ Ho¬
mo naturae miniller (fays he) et interpres tan turn facit
et inteliigit, quantum de naturae ordine re, vel mente
obfervaverit 5 nec amplius fcit aut poteft. Syllogii-
mus ad principia feientiarum non adhibetur, ad media
axiomata fruftva adhibetur, cum fit fubtilitati naturae
Jonge impar. Affenfum itaque conftringit, non res.
.Syllogifmus ex propofitionibus conftat, propofitiones
* ex verbis, verba notionum teffexae funt. Itaque fi no-
iiones ipfae (id quod bafis rei ell) confufae fint et te-
mere a rebus abftraclae, nihil in iis quae fuperftruuntur,
SOPH Y.
ell firmitudinis. Itaque fpes eft una in induclione
veraN
To hypothefes and preconceived opinions, which he
calls idola theatn, this great man was not lels inimical
than to fyllogifms ; and fince Ms days almoft every phi-
lofopher of eminence, except Hefcartes and his followers
(fee Descartes and Cartesians), has proftlled to
ftudy nature according lo the method of induction to
accurately laid down in the Novum Organum. On tins
method a few improvements have perhaps been made j
but notwithftanding thefe, Lord Bacon mull undoubted¬
ly be confidered as the author of that philofophy which is
now cultivated in Europe, and which will continue to
be cultivated as long as men lhall have more regard for
matters of fact than for hypothetical opinions. Of this
mode of philofophiftng we lhall now give a ftiort, though
we hope not inaccurate, view, by Hating its objects,
comparing it with that which it fupeifeded, explaining
its rules, and pointing out its ufes $ and from this view
it will appear, that iis author (hares with Ariiiotle the
empire of fcience.
V itw of
Bauor's
PhiiOioj/hy.
23
The univerfe, that unbounded object of the contem- View of his
plation, the curiofity and the refearches of man, may be philofcphy.
confidered in two different points ol view.
In the full place, it may be confidered merely as a
colletflion of exiftences, related to each other by means
of refemblances and dillinclion, fituation, fucceffion,
and derivation, as making parts of a whole. In this
view it is the fubjecl of pure defeription.
To acquire,an acquaintance with, or a knowledge of,
the univerfe in this point, of view, we mull enumerate
all the beings in it, mention all their fenfible qualities,
and mark all thefe relations for each. But this would
be labour immenfe 5 and when done, an undifhnguilh-
able chaos. A book containing every word of a lan¬
guage would-only give us the materials, fo to (peak, of
this language. To make it comprehenfible, it muff
be put into fome form, which will comprehend the
whole in a fmall ccmpafs, and enable the mind to pals
eafily from one word to another related to it. Oi all
relations among words, the moil obvious are thofe of re-
femblance and derivation. An etymological dictionary,
therefore, in which words are claffed in confequencc of
their refemblances, and arranged by means of their de¬
rivative diftmdtions, will greatly facilitate the acquifi-
tion of the language.
Juft fo in nature : The objecls around- us may be
grouped by means of their refemblance, and _ then_ ar¬
ranged in thofe groups by means of their diftindlions
and other relations. In this claflification we are en¬
abled lo proceed by means of our faculty 01 ablliact-
inp- cur attention from the circuit'd!ances 111 x\ Inch
things differ, and turning it to thofe only in which
they agree. By the judicious employment of this fa¬
culty we are able not only to diftribute the individuals
into" claffes, but alfo to diftribute thofe claffes into
others Hill more comprehenfive, by difeovering circum-
ftances of refemblance among them : for the fewer the
circumftances are which concur to form that refemblance
which has engaged our attention, the greater is the
number of diflimilar circumftances which are neglect¬
ed •, and the more extenfive will be the clafs of indi-
viduals in which the refemblance is obferved. Thus Natural
a number of individuals refembling each other in the Hftoiy
(ingle
*
PHILO
View of jingle circumdance of life, compofes the moft extenfive
Eicon's ■ KINGDOM of ANIMALS. If it be required, that they
rmioiophy. further refemble in the circumftance of having
feathers, a prodigious number of animals are excluded,
and we form the inferior clafs of birds. We exclude
a great number of birds, by requiring a further fimila-
rity of web feet, and have the order of ANSERES. If
we add lingua ciliata, we confine the attention to the
(renus of anates. In this manner may the whole ob¬
jects of the univerfe be grouped, and arranged into
kingdoms, claffes, orders, genera, and fpecies.
Such a claffification and arrangement is called Na¬
tural History ; and muff be confidered as the only
foundation of any extenfive knowledge of nature. To
the natural hiftorian, therefore, the world is a colletlion
of exifiences, the fubjesfl of defcriptive arrangement.
His aim is threefold.
x. To obferve with care, and defcribe with accuracy,
the various objeffs of the univerfe.
2. To determine and enumerate all the great clafles
of objeffs ; to diftribute and arrange them into all their
fubordinate claffes, through all degrees of fubordination,
till he arrive at what are only accidental varieties,
which are fufceptible of no farther diftribution} and to
mark with precifion the principles of this diftribution
and arrangement, and the characteriftics of the various
affemblages.
3. To determine with certainty the particular group
to which any propofed Individual belongs.
Description therefore, arrangement, and refe¬
rence, conftitute the whole of his employment 5 and in
this confifts ail his fcience.
Did the univerfe continue unchanged, this would con¬
ftitute the whole of our knowledge of nature : but we
philofophy. are witneffes of an uninterrupted fucceftion of changes,
and our attention is continually called to the events
which are inceffantly happening around us. Thefe
form a fet of objefts vaftly more interefting to us than
the former •, being the fources of almoft all the pleafures
or pains we receive from external objeffs.
We are therefore much interefted in the ftudy of the
events which happen around us, and ftrongly incited to
profecute it : but they are fo numerous and fo multifari¬
ous, that the ftudy would be immenfe, without fome
contrivance for abbreviating and facilitating the talk.
The fame help offers itfelf here as in the ftudy of what
may be called quiefcent nature. Events, like exiftences,
are fufceptible of claffification, in confequence of refem-
blances and diftinftion *, and by attention to thefe, we
can acquire a very extenfive acquaintance with active
nature. Our attention muft be chiefly directed to thofe
circumftances in which many events refembie each
other, while they differ perhaps in a thoufand others.
Then we muft attend to their moft general diftinctions ;
then to diftinftions of fmaller extent, and fo on.
It is in this way accordingly that we have advanced
In our knowledge of aftive nature, and are gradually,
and by no means llowly, forming affemblages of events
more and more extenfive, and diftributing thefe with
greater and greater precifion into their different claffes.
In the zealous and attentive profecution of this talk
a very remarkable and interefting obfervation occurs :
In defcriblng thofe circumftances of fimilarity among
events, and particularly in diftributing them according
to thofe fimilarities, it is impoffible for us to overlook
.30 .
diftinguifh-
ed from
SOPH Y. 379
that conftancy which is obferved in the changes of na- View df
ture in the events which are the objedls of our con- ph^cf™7
templation. Events which have once been obferved to t v—■■
accompany each other are obferved always to do lo. 31
The riling of the fun is always accompanied by the Conftancy
light of day, and his fetting by the darknefs of night.n’ thc
Sound argument is accompanied by conviction, impuiie 15ature
by motion, kindnefs by a feeling of gratitude, and the
perception of good by delire, i he unexcepted experi¬
ence of mankind informs us, that the events of nature
go on in certain regular trains j and if fometimes ex¬
ceptions feem to contradift this general affirmation,
more attentive obfervation never fails to remove the ex¬
ception. Moft of the fpontaneous events of nature are
very complicated j and it frequently requires great at¬
tention and penetration to dilcover the limple event a-
midft a crowd of uneffential circumftances which are
at once exhibited to our view. But when we fucceed
in this difcovery, we never fail to acknowledge the per-
feft uniformity of the event to what has been formerly
obferved. . 32
But this is not all: We firmly believe that this uni-umverfally
formity will Jlill continue ; that fire will melt wax, vrillexPeClxc1'
bum paper, will harden clay, as we have formerly ob¬
ferved it to do j and whenever we have undoubted
proofs that the circumftances of fituation are precifely
the fame as in fome former cafe, though but once ob¬
ferved, we expedt with irrefiftible and unlhaken con¬
fidence that the event will alfo be the fame.
It is not furely neceffary to adduce many proofs of
the univerfality of this law of human thought. The
whole language and adlions of men are inftances of
the fadl. In all languages there is a mode of conftruc-
tion which is ufed to exprefs this relation as diftinft
from all others, and the converfation of the moft illite¬
rate never confounds them, except- when the concep¬
tions themfelves are confounded. The general em¬
ployment of the adlive and paffive verb is regulated by
it. Turn's everfa ejl a militibus ; turns evsrja eft terne
7>iotu, exprefs two relations, and no fchoolboy will con¬
found them. The diftinclion therefore is perceived or
felt by all who can fpeak grammatically. Nor is any
language without general terms to exprefs this relation,
caufe—effedl—to occafion. Nay, it is a fael in the
mind of bmtes, who hourly fhow that they expeci: the
fame ufes of every fubjecl which they formerly made
of it; and without this, animals would be incapable
of fubfiftence, and man incapable of all improvement.
From this alone memory derives all its value 5 and even,
the conftancy of natural operation would be ultlefs il
not matched or adapted to our purpofes by this expefta-
tion of any confidence in that conftancy.
After all the labours of ingenious men to difeover the
foundation of this irrefiftible expedlation, we muft be
contented with faying that fuch is the conftitution of the
human mind. It is an univerfalfaff in human thought;
and for any thing that has been yet difeovered, it is an
ultimate fa61, not included in any other ftill more gene-
tal. We lhall foon fee that this is fufficient for making
it the foundation of true human knowledge; all of
which muft in like manner be reduced to ultimate facts
in human thought.
We muft confider this undoubted feeling, this per-
fuafion of the conftancy of nature, as an mjhnffive
anticipation of events fimilar to thofe which we have
3 B 2 already
380 PHILOSOPHY.
view of already experienced. The general analogy of nature
Bacon's fljouid have difpofed philofophers to acquiefce in this,
i 11 °‘upi ^. however unwelcome to their vanity. In no inllance
of effential confequence to our fafety or well-being
are we left to the guidance of our boafted reafon ; God
has given us the hirer conduft of natural inftinfts. No
cafe is fo important as this: In none do we fo much
hand in need of a guide which {hall be powerful, infalli¬
ble, and rapid in its decifions. Without it we muft re¬
main incapable of all inttruftion from experience, and
therefore of all improvement.
Our fenfations are undoubtedly feelings of our mind.
.But all thofe feelings are accompanied by an inftinc-
tive reference of them to fomething diftinbl from the
feelings themfelves. Hence arifes our perception of
external objebls, and our very notions of this externeity
(pardon the term). In like manner, this anticipation
of events, this irreflftible connexion of the idea of fire
with the idea of burning, is alfo a feeling of the mind :
and this feeling is by a law of human nature referred,
without reafoning, to fomething external as its caufe ;
and, like our fenfation, it is confidered as &Jjgn of that
external fomething. It is like the conviftion of the
truth of a mathematical propofition. This is 'referred
by us to fomething exifting in nature, to a neceffary and
eternal relation fubfifting between the ideas which are
the fubjebls of the propofition. The convidlion is the
fign or indication of this relation by which it is brought
to our view7. In precifely the fame manner, the irre-
fiftible connection of ideas is interpreted as the fenfation
or fign of a necejfary conneRion of external things or
events. Thefe are fuppofed to include fomething in
their nature which renders them infeparable companions.
To this bond of ccnneblion betwTeen external things wre
Our Sow- g;ve the name Causation. All our knowledge of
ledge of this relation of caufe and effebt, is the. knowdedge or
caufation. confeioufnefs of w7hat paffes in our own minds during the
contemplation of the phenomena of nature. If we ad¬
here to this view of it, and put this branch of know7-
ledge on the fame footing with thofe called the ahJiraR
faiences, confidering only the relations of ideas, we (hall
acquire demonjlratrue fcience. If we take any other
view of the matter, w7e {hall be led into inextricable
mazes of uncertainty and error.
We fee then that the natural procedure of our fa¬
culty of abftrablion and arrangement, in order to ac¬
quire a more fpeedy and comprehenfive knowledge of
natural events, prefents them to our view in another
form. We not only fee them as fmilar events, but as
events naturally and neceflarily conjoined. And the ex-
preflion of refemblance among events is alfo an expref-
fion of concomitancy ; and this arrangement of events in
confequence of their refemblance is in fabt the difeovery
of thofe accompaniments. I he trains of natural ap¬
pearance being confidered as the appointments of the
Author of Nature, has occafioned them to be confi¬
dered alfo as confequences of laivs impofed on his
works by their great author, and every thing is faid
laws of to be regulated by fixed laws. Eut this is the lan-
nature ex- guage of analogy. When a fovereign determines on
plained. certain trains of condubl for his fubjebls, he iffues his
orders. Thefe orders are laws. He inforces the ob-
fervance of them by his authority; and thus a cer¬
tain regularity and conftancy of condubl is produced.
Eut Ihould a granger, ignorant of the promulgation
of thefe laws, and of the exerted authority of the View ®f
magiftrate, obferve this uniformity of condubl, he w7ould ®acon’s
aferibe it to the genius and difpolition of the people; and 1 0,0l'hy'
his oblervation would be as ufeful to him for direbting
the tenor of his own condubl, as the knowledge of the
fubjebt himfelf of the real fource of this conftancy is for
direbting his.
Juft id in nature, while the theologian pretends, from
his difeoveries concerning the exiftence and fuperintend-
ance of God, to know that the conftant accompani¬
ment of events is the confequence of laws which the
great Author and Governor of the univerfe has impofed
on his works, the ordinary philofopher, a ftranger to
this feene, and to the unfearchable operations of the
SUPREME mind, muft aferibe this conftancy to the na¬
ture of the things. There is a great refemblance be¬
tween the expreflion natural law and grammatical rule.
Rule in ftribl language implies command ; but in gram¬
mar it exprefles merely a generality offaR, whether of
flexion or conftrublion. In like manner, a law OF na¬
ture is to the philofopher nothing but the expreflion of
a generality of fabt. A natural or phyfical law is a ge¬
nerally obferved fabt; and whenever we treat any fub-
jebl as a generally obferved fabt, we treat it phyfically.
It is a phyfical law of the underftanding that argument
is accompanied by convibtion ; it is a phyfical law of
the affebtion that diftrefs is accompanied by pity ; it is a
phyfical law of the material world that impulle is accom-
panied by motion.
And thus we fee that the arrangement of events, or
the difeovery of thole general points of refemblance, is
in fabl the difeovery of the laws of nature ; and one of
the greateft and moil important is, that the laws of na¬
ture are conftant.
There is no queftion that this view of the univerfe
is incomparably more interefting and important than
that which is taken by the natural hiftorian ; contem¬
plating every thing that is of value to us, and, in Ihort, 35
the whole life and movement of the univerie. This Objeft of
ftudy, therefore, has been dignified with the name Ofphdofophy.
philosophy and of SCIENCE ; and natural hiftory has
been confidered as of importance only in fo far as it was
conducive to the fuccefsful profecution of philofophy.
Eut the philofopher claims a fuperiority on another
account: he confiders himfelf as employed in the dif¬
eovery of caufes, faying that philofophy is the ftudy of
the objebls of the univerfe as related by caufation, and
that it is by the difeovery of thefe relations that he com¬
municates to the world fuch important knowledge.
Philofsphy, he fays, is the fcience of caufes. The
vulgar are contented to confider the prior of two infe-
parably conjoined events as the caufe of the other ; the
ftroke on a bell, for inftance, as the caufe of found.
But it has been clearly Ihown by the philefopher, that
between the blow on the bell and the fenfation of found
there are interpofed a long train of events. The blow
fets the bell a trembling; this agitates the air in contabl
with the bell; this agitates the air immediately beyond
it; and thus between the bell and the ear may be in- 3^
terpofed a numberlefs feries of events, and as many^au^es
more between the firft impreflion on the ear and that
laft impreflion on the nerve by which the mind is af-
febled. He can no longer therefore follow the nomen¬
clature of the vulgar. Which of the events of this
train therefore is the caufe of the fenfation ? None of
them;
PHILO
Yietir of
Bacon’s
Philotbphy
them : It is that fame thing which infeparably conne&s
any two of them, and conftitutes their bond of union.
, Thefe bonds of union or caufes he confiders as refiding
in one or both of the connefted objefts : diverfities in
this refpeft mufi; therefore conftitute the moft important
diftinftxons between them. They are therefore with
great propriety called the qualities, the properties of
thefe refpedtive fubjedts.
As the events from which we infer the exiftence of
thefe qualities of things referable in many refpects fuch
events as are the confequences of the exertion of our
own powers, thefe qualities are frequently denomi¬
nated POWERS, forces, energies. Thus, in the inftance
juft now given of the found of a bell, we infer the
powers of impulfe, elailicity, nervous irritability, and
animal fenfibility.
In confequence of this inference of a neceflary con¬
nexion between the objeXs around us, we not only in¬
fer the pofterior event from the prior, or, in common
language, the effeX from the caufe, but we alfo infer
the prior from the pofterior, the caufe from the effeX.
We not only expeX that the prefence of a magnet will
be followed by certain motions in iron-filings, but when
we obferve fuch motions, we infer the prefence and
agency of a magnet. Joy is inferred from merriment,
poifon from death, fire from fmoke, and impulfe from
motion. And thus the appearances of the univerfe are
the indications of the powers of the objeXs in it. Ap¬
pearances are the language of nature, informing us of
their caufes. And as all our knowledge of the fenti-
ments of others is derived from our confidence in their
veracity \ fo all our knowledge of nature is derived
from our confidence in the conrtancy of natural opera¬
tions. A veracity and credulity neceffarily refulting
from that law of our mental conftitution by which we
are capable of fpeech, conduX us in the one cafe; and
the conftancy of nature, and the principle of induXion,
by which we infer general laws from particular faXs,
conduX us in the other. As human fentiment is infer¬
red from language, and the exiftence of external things
from fenfation; fo are the laws of nature, and the
powers of natural objeXs inferred from the phenomena.
It is by the fuccefsful ftudy of this language of nature
that we derive ufeful knowledge. The knowledge of
the influence of motives on the mind of man enables
the ftatefman to govern kingdoms, and the knowledge
of the powers of magnetifm enables the mariner to pi¬
lot a fliip through the pathlefs ocean.
Such are the lofty pretenfions of .philofophy. It is
to be wiflied that they be well founded; for we may be
perfuaded that a miftake in this particular will be fatal
to the advancement of knowledge. An author of great
t Ancient reputation f gives us an opportunity of deciding this
Metaphy- queftion in the way of experiment. He fays that the
sics. ancients were philofophers, employed in the difcovery
38 . 0f caufes, and that the moderns are only natural hifto-
ofTriftode rians> contenting themfelves with obferving the laws of
and New- nature, but paying no attention to the caufes of things,
ton com- If he fpeak of their profe[fed aim, we apprehend that
pared. affertion is pretty juft in general. With very few
exceptions indeed it may be affirmed of his favourite
Ariftotle, the philofopher kx-c and of Sir Ifaac
Newton. We feleX thefe two inftances, both becaufe
they are fet in continual oppofition by this author, and
becaufe it will be allowed that they were the moft emi¬
nent ftudents of nature (for we muft not yet call
inferred
f'-om ef¬
fects.
SOPHY. ' 381
them philofophers) in ancient and modern times. Ari- View of
ftotle’s profefied aim, in his moft celebrated writings, is ®a^on’s
the inveftigation of caufes ; and in the opinion of this. 1 0^op y‘.
author, he has been fo fuccefsful, that he has hardly left
any employment for his fucceflors befide that of com¬
menting upon his works. We muft on the other hand
acknowledge that Newton makes no fuch pretenfions,
at leaft in that work which has immortalized his name,
and that his profefled aim is merely to inveftigate
the general laws of the planetary motions, and to ap¬
ply thefe to the explanation of particular phenomena.
Nor will we fay that he has left no employment for fuc-
ceeding inquirers ; but, on the contrary, confefs that he
has only begun the ftudy, has difcovered but one law,
and has enabled us to explain only the phenomena com¬
prehended in it alone. But he has not been unfuccefs-
ful} his inveftigation has been complete •, and he has
difcovered, beyond all poflibility of contradiXion, a faEl
which is obferved through the whole extent of the folar
fyftem ; namely, that every body, nay, that every parti¬
cle in it, is continually deflected toward every other
body j and that this defleXion is, in every inftance, pro¬
portional to the quantity of matter in that body toward
which the defleXion is direXed, and to the reciprocal of
the fquare of the diftance from it. He has therefore
difcovered a phyfical law of immenfe extent. Nor has
he been lefs fuccefsful in the explanation of particular
phenomena. Of this there cannot be given a better in¬
ftance than the explanation of the lunar motions from
the theory of gravity begun by Newton “ Mathefi fua
facem praeferente 5” and now brought to fuch a degree
of perfeXion, that if the moon’s place be computed
from it for any moment within the period of two thou-
fand years back, it will not be found to differ from the
place on which ftie was aXually obferved by one hun¬
dredth part of her own breadth.
Difcimus June tandem qua caufa argentea Phoebe
PaJJibus hand cequis eat, et cur, fubdita nu/h
Hablenus ajlronomo, numerorum frena recufat.
&jice toties animos veterum torfere fophorum,
i'f ueque fcholas hodie rauco certamine vexant,
Obvia confpicimus, nube pellente matheft;
■^ua fuperos penetrare domos, et ardua cceli
Neiotoni aufpiciis jam dat contingere templa.
We may now defire'\the champions of the fcience of
caufes to name any one caufe which has really been dif¬
covered by their great mafter, whether in the operations
of mind or of body. But they muft not. on this occa-
fion adduce the inveftigation of any natural law in which
he has lometimes fiicceeded. With ftill greater confi¬
dence may we challenge them to produce any remark¬
able inftance of the explanation of natural phenomena
either of mind or body. By explanation, we mean an
account of the produXion, and an appreciation of all
the circumftances, fufceptible of a fcrupulous compari-
fon with faX, and perfeXly confiftent with it. It is
here that the weaknefs of this philofopher’s pretenfions
is moft confpicuous 5 and his followers candidly acknow¬
ledge, that in the inquiries which proceed by experiment,
we have not derived great afliftance from Ariftotle“s
philofophy. But this, fay they, does not derogate from
the pre-eminence of his philofophy, becaufe he has
fhown that the particular fields of obfervation are to be
cultivated only by means of experiment. But furely
every field of obfervation is particular. There is no
abjlraci:
P H I L O S O P H Y.
View of
B.'con’s
Philofophy
, . 39
Philolophi-
cal caufes
dift overed
only
4°
in the e-
^ents.
ab/lraEi objeft of pbilofopbical refearch, the ftudy of
which {hall terminate in the philofophy of univerfals.
In every kind of inquiry, that caufe alone mult be fup-.
poied to aft which we underfland fo far as to be able to
appreciate its elfefts in particular circumltances, and
compare them with faft, and fee their perfeft coinci¬
dence. If we have difeovered caufes, they are known
as far as they are difeovered. Their genuine eiTefts are
known, and therefore the phenomena which relult from
their agency are underftood. When therelore it is ac¬
knowledged, as it muft be acknowledged, that mankind
have made but little advances in the knowledge of na¬
ture, notwithftanding the pretended difeovery of caufes
by Ariflotle, and the condufting clue of his philofophy,
till of late years; and wThen it is alfo allowed that now,
while we are every day making great additions to this
flibordinate knowledge, the caufes which Ariftotle has
difeovered are forgotten, and his philofophy is negleft-
ed 5 there is great room for fufpefting (to fay the lead),
that either the caufes which philofophy pretends to have
difeovered are not real, or that Ariftotle and his follow¬
ers have not aimed at the difeovery of caufes, but only
at the difeovery of natural laws, and have failed in the
attempt.
There feems here to be a previous queftion: Is it pof-
ftble to difeover a plnlofophical caufe, that fomething
which is neither the prior nor the pofterior of the twTo
immediately adjoining events, but their bond of union,
and this diftinft from the union itfelf ? It is evident
that, this is an inquiry purely experimental. It is of
human knowledge we fpeak. This mult depend on the
nature of the human mind. This is a matter of con¬
tingency, known to us only by experiment and obferva-
tion. By obferving all the feelings and operations of
the mind, and claffing and arranging them like any
ether objeft of Icience, w7e difeover the general laws of
human thought and human reafoning ; and this is all
the knowledge we can ever acquire of it, or of any
thing elfe.
Much has been written on this fubieft. The moll
acute obfervatlon and found judgment have been em¬
ployed in the ftudy } and we may venture to fay, that
ccnfiderable progrefs has been made in, pneumatology.
Many laws of human thought have been obferved, and
very diftinftly marked ; and philofophers are bufily em¬
ployed, fome of them ■with conliderable fuccefs, in the
diltribulion of them into fubordinate claffes, fo as to
know their comparative extent, and to mark their di-
ftinguiftiing charafters with a precifion fimilar to what
’has been attained in botany and other parts of natural
hiftory ; fo that we may hope that this ftudy will ad¬
vance, like others. But in all thefe refearches, no phe¬
nomena have occurred which look like the perception
or contemplation of thefe feparate objefts of thought,
thefe philofophical caufes, this power in abftrafto. No
philofopher has ever pretended to ftate fuch an objeft of
the mind’s obfervation, or attempted to group them in¬
to claffes.
We may fay at once, without entering into any de¬
tail, that thofe caufes, thofe bonds of neceflary union
between the naturaby conjoined events or objefts, are
not only perceived by means of the events alone, but
are perceived folely in the events, and cannot be diftin-
guifhed .from the conjunftions themfelves. They are
neither the objefts of feparate obfervation, nor the pro-
duftions of memory, nor inferences drawn from reflec¬
tion on the laws by which the operation of our own View ft
minds are regulated } nor can they be derived from Mayor’s
other perceptions in the way of argumentative inference. iJh‘lolo!/iiy'
We cannot infer the paroxyfm of terror from the appear-
ance of impending deftruftion, or the fall of a Hone when
not fupported, as we infer the incommenfurability of the
diagonal and fide of a fquare. This laft is implied in the
very conception or notion of a fquare 5 not as a conlequence
of its other properties, but as one of its effeptial attributes:
and the contrary proportion is not only falie, but incapa¬
ble of being diftinftly conceived. Ibis is not the cafe
with the other phenomenon, or any matter of faft. The
proofs which are brought of a mathematical propofiiion,
are not the reaion of its being true, but the Heps by
which this truth is brought into our view \ and frequent¬
ly, as in the inftance now given, this truth is perceived,
not direftly, but confequentially, by the inconceivable-
nefs of the contrary propofition.
Mr Hume derives this irrefiftible expeftation of events Mr jt* ,
from the known efteft of cuftom, the afi'oeiation of ideas, theory ^ 3
The corelated event is brought into the mind by thispetitio
well known power of cufiom, with that vivacity of con-N'Wft*-
ception which ccnftitutes belief or expectation. But
without infilling on the futility of his theory of belief,
it is fufficient to obferve, that this explanation begs the
very thing to be proved, when it aferibes to cuftom a
power of any kind. It is the origin of this very power
which is the fubjeft in difpute. Befides, on the genuine
principles of fcepticifm, this cuftom involves an acknow¬
ledgement of part events, of a fomething different from
prelent impreflions, which, in this doftrine (if doftrine
it can be called), are the only certain exiftences in na¬
ture : and, laftly, it is known that one clear experience
is a fufficient foundation for this unffiaken confidence
and anticipation. General cuftom can never, on Mr
Hume’s principles, give fuperior vivacity to any parti¬
cular idea.
This certain nonentity of it as a feparate objeft of A 42
obfervaticn, and this impoflibility to derive this notion h^fothefis
of neceffary and caufal conneftion between the events ref],fidting
of the univerfe from any fource, have induced two cf: aufaI ccn-
the moil acute philofophers of Europe, Mr Leibnitz ne<^on'
and Father Malebranchc, to deny that there is any fuch
conneftion, and to affert that the events of the univerfe
go on in correfponding trains, but without any caufal
conneftion, juft as a well-regulated clock will keep
time with the motions of the heavens without any
kind of dependence on them. This harmony of events
was pre-eftabliflred by the Author of the Univerfe, in
fubferviency to the purpofes he had in view in its for¬
mation. ^
All thofe purpofes which are cognifable by us, may
certainly be accomplfthed by this perfeft adjuftment.
But without infilling on the fantaftic wildnels of this
ingenious whim, it is quite enough to obferve, that it
alfo is a begging of the queftion, becaufe it fuppofes cau-
fation when it aferibes all to the agency of the Deity.
Thus have we fearched every quarter, without being
able to find a fource from -which o derive this percep¬
tion of a neceffary conneftion among the events of the
univerfe, or of this confident expeftation of the conti¬
nuance of phyfical laws • and yet we are certain of the
feeling, and of the perfuafion, he its origin what it may :
for we Leak intelligibly on this lubjeft 5 we fpeak fa¬
miliarly of caufe, efteft, power, energy, neceflary ccn-
nefticn, motives and their influence, argument and con-
viftion,
PHILO
View of vision reafens and perfuafion, allurements and emo-
Bacon’s ^onSj Gf gravity, magnetilxn, iirliability, &c.; and we
f v-‘ol"tJ ^ carry on converiations on tbefe uibjeds with much en¬
tertainment and feeming inftru&ion. Language is the
ex predion of thought, and every word expreffes feme
noLioir or conception of the mind 5 therefore it muft be
allowed, that we have fuch notions as are exprefled by
c ufe, power, energy. But it is here, as in many cafes,
we perceive a diilin&ion without being able to exprels
it by a definition •, and that we do perceive the relation
of caufation as diftinft from all others, and in particular
as diitinct from the relation of contiguity in time and
place; or the relation of agent, action, and patient,
mutt be concluded from the uniformity of language,
which never confounds them except on purpofe, and
when it is perceived. But even here we fhall find, that
none of the terms ufed for exprefiing thofe powers of
fubitance which are conceived as the caufes of their cha-
radleriftic phenomena, really exprefs any thing different
from the phenomena fhemfelves. Let any perfon try
i'o define the terms gravity, elafticity, fenfibiiity, and the
like, and he will find that the definition is nothing but
;a defrriptiom of the phenomenon itfelf. The words are
all derivatives, mod of them verbal derivatives, imply¬
ing aclion, gravitation, &c. As the general refemblan-
ces in fhape, colour, &cc. are expreffed by the .natural
hiftorian by generic terms, fo the general refemblances
in event are expreffed by the philosopher in generic pro-
pofitions, which, in the progrefs of cultivation, are alfo
•abbreviated into generic terms.
This abundantly explains the confiftency of our lan-
•guage on this fiibjedtboth with itfelf and with the ope¬
rations of nature, without however affording any argu¬
ment for the truth of the affumption, that caufes are the
objects of philofophic refearch as feparate exigences j
or that this fuppofed neceffary connection is a necejfary
The per- truth, whether lupreme or fubordinate. But fince the
ception of perception of it has its foundation in the ccnftitution of
riec'tion a t^le ^aman mind, it feems intitled to the name of a firji
firft prin- principle. We are hardly allowed to doubt of this,
ciple. when we confider the importance of it, and the care of
nature to fecure us in all things effential to our fafety
and well-being, from all danger, from inattention, igno¬
rance, or indolence, by an indindt infallible in its in¬
formation, and indantaneous in its decifions. “ It would
not be like her ufual care (fays Hume), if this opera¬
tion of the mind, by which we infer like effedts from
like caufes, and vice verfa, were entruded to the falla¬
cious dedudlion of our reafon, which is flow in its ope¬
rations, appears not in any degree during the fird years
of infancy, and in every age and period of human life
is extremely liable to error. It is more conformable to
her ordinary caution (mark the acknowledgment) to
fecure lb neceflary an adt of the mind by fome indindt,
or blind tendency, which may be infallible and rapid in
all its operations, may difeover itfelf at the fird appear¬
ance of life, and may be independent of ail the labour¬
ed dedudfioiis of reafon. As (he has taught us the yfe
of our limbs, without giving us any knowledge of
the nerves and mufcles by which they are adluated ;
fo die has implanted in us an indindl, which carries
forward the thought in a courfe conformable to that
edablifhed among external objedts, though we be igno¬
rant of the powers and forces on which this regularity
depends/’
SOPHY. 383
Such a knowledge is quite unneceffary, and therefore View of
caufes are no more cognofcible by our intedledlual Bacon’i
powers than colours by a man born blind : nay, who-,
ever will be at the pains to confider this matter agree¬
ably *0 the received rules and maxims of logic, will find
■ that necefiary connedlion, or the bond of caufation, can
no more be the iubjedt of philofophical difeudion by
man, than the'ultimate nature of truth. It is precifely
the fame abfurdity or incongruity, as to propofe to exa¬
mine light with a microfcope. Other rational creatures
may perceive them as eafily as we hear founds. AH
that we can fay is, that their exidence is probable, but
by no means certain. Nay, it may be (and we may
never know it) that we are not the efficient caufes of
our own actions, which may be effedted by the Deity or
by minidering fpirits ; and this may even be true in the
material world. But all this is indifferent to the real
occupation of the philofopher, and does not affect either
the certainty, the extent, or the utility of the knowledge
which he may acquire. ^
We are now able to appreciate the high pretenfions The object
of the philofopher, and his claim Vo fcientific fuperiority.of t!ie P^-
We now fee that this can neither be founded on any fei- d^fco
entlfic fuperiority of his objedt, nor of his employment. very of
His objedt is not caufes } and his difeoveries are nothing phyfical
but the difeovery of general fadts, the difeovery of phy- laws,
fical laws : and his employment is the fame with that of
the deferiptive hidorian. He obferves and deferibes
with care and accuracy the events of nature ; and then
he groups them into clafles, in confequence of refem-
bling circumdances, detedted in the midd of many
others which are didimilar and occafional. By gradual¬
ly throwing out more circumdances of refemblance, he
renders his claffes more extenfive ; and, by carefully
marking thofe circumdauces in which the refemblanch is
obferved, he charadterifes all the different claffes : and,
by a comparifon of thefe with each other, in refpedt to
the number of refembling circumdances, he didributes
his clafles according to their generality and fubordina-
tion 5 thus exhauding the whole affemblage, and leaving
nothing unarranged but accidental varieties. In this
procedure it is to be remarked, that every grouping of
fimilar events is, ipfo fatio, difeovering a general fadt,
a phyfical law; and the expreflion of this aflemblage is
the expredion of the phyfical law. And as every obfer-
vation of this condancy of fadt affords an opportunity
for exerting the inftindlive inference of natural connec¬
tion between the related fubjedls, every fuch obforvation
is the difeovery of a power, property, or quality, of na¬
tural fubdance. And from what has been faid, this ob-
fervation of event is all we know of the connedtion, all
we know of the natural power. And when the philofo¬
pher proceeds farther to the arrangement of events, ac¬
cording to their various degrees of complication, he is,
ipfo faBo, making an arrangement of all natural powers
according to their various degrees of fubordinate in-
fiuence. And thus his occupation is perfedlly fimilar to
that of the deferiptive hidorian, claflification and ar¬
rangement } and this conditutes all the fcience attain¬
able by both.
Philosophy may therefore be defined, the dudy ofplfilofophy
the phenomena of the univerfe, with a view' to difeover defined,
tire general laws which indicate the powers of natural
fubffances, to explain fubordinate phenomena, and to'
improve
46
The em¬
ployment
of the phi.
lofopher.
384 ' PHILO
View of improve art: Or, m compliance with that natural in-
Thiiofophy. mucI1 Ipoken of, Philofophy is the ftudy of the
■ v— - phenomena of the univerfe, with a viewT to difeover their
caufes, to explain fubordinate phenomena, and to im¬
prove art.
The talk is undoubtedly difficult, and will exercife
our nableft powers. The employment is manly in itfelf,
and the remit of it important. It therefore juftly merits
the appellation of philofophy, although its objefts are no¬
wife different from what occupy the attention of other
men.
The employment of the philofopher, like that of the
natural hiftorian, is threefold \ descr iption, arrange¬
ment, and REFERENCE ) while the objects are not things
but events.
The defeription, when employed about events, may
be more properly termed hi/lory. A philofophical hi-
llory of nature confifts in a complete or copious enume¬
ration and narration of fa6ts, properly felefted, cleared
of all unneceffary or extraneous circumftances, and ac¬
curately narrated. This conftitutes the materials of
philofophy. We cannot give a better example of this
branch of philofophical occupation than aftronomy.
From the beginning of the Alexandrian fchool to this
day, aftronomers have been at immenfe pains in obferv-
ing the heavenly bodies, in order to detect their true
motions. This has been a work of prodigious difficulty :
for the appearances are fuch as might have been exhibit¬
ed although the real motions had been extremely differ¬
ent. Not that our fenfes give us falfe information 5 but
we form hafty, and frequently falfe judgements, from
thefe informations 3 and call thofe things deceptions of
fenfe, wffiich are in faft errors of judgement. But the
true motions have at laft been difeovered, and have been
deferibed with fuch accuracy, that the hiftory may be
confidered as nearly complete. This is to be found in
the ufual fyftems of aftronomy, where the tables contain
a moft accurate and fynoptical account of the motion 3
fo that we can tell with precifion in what point of the
heavens a planet has been feen at any inftant that can be
named.
Sir Ifaac Newton’s Optics is fuch another per fed! mo¬
del of philofophical hiftory, as far as it goes. This part
of philofophy may be called Phenomenology.
Having in this manner obtained the materials of phi¬
lofophical defeription, wre muft put them into a compen¬
dious and perfpicuous form, fo that a general knowledge
of the univerfe may be eafily acquired and firmly retain¬
ed. This is to be done by claflification and arrange¬
ment, and this claflification muft proceed on refemblan-
ces obferved in the events; and the fubfequent arrange¬
ment muft be regulated by the diftindlions of which
thofe refemblances are ftill fufceptible. This affemblage
of events into groups muft be expreffed. They are facts 3
therefore the expreflion muft be propofitions. Thefe pro-
pofitions muft be wffiat the logicians call general or ab-
fraB propoftwns ; for they exprefs, not any individual
fact of the affemblage, but that circumftance in which
they all refemble. Such propofitions are the following:
Proof is accompanied by belief 3 kindnefs is accompa¬
nied by gratitude 3 impulfe is accompanied by motion.
Thefe are ufually called generalfafts; but there are
none fuch 3 every fatt is individual. This language,
however inaccurate, is very fafe from mi icon ft ruction,
and we may ufe it without fcruple, Thefe propofi-
4
47
Phenome¬
nology.
* 48
Inveihga-
tion.
SOPHY.
tions are natural or physical LAWS 3 and then the View of
detedling and marking thefe refemblances in event, is ^acon’s
the inveltigation of phyfical laws 3 and we may deno- f
minate this employment of the philofopher Investiga¬
tion.
In the profecution of this talk, it will be found that
the fimilarities of fadt are of various extent: and thus
W'e Ihall form phyfical law's of various extent 3 and w7e
lhall alfo find that fome are fubordinate to others 5 for
the refemblance of a number of fadts in one circumftance
does not hinder a part of them from alfo refembling in
another circumftance : and thus we lhall find fubordina-
tions of fadt in the fame w7ay as of quiefeent qualities.
And it is found here, as in natural hiftory, that our al-
femblage of refembling events will be the more extenfive
as the number of relembling circumftances is fmaller j
and thus we lhall have kingdoms, clafl.es, orders, genera,
and fpecies of phenomena, which are expreffed by phy¬
fical laws of all thofe different ranks.
It has been already obferved, that this obfervation of
phyfical laws is always accompanied by a reference of
that uniformity of event to a natural bond of union be¬
tween the concomitant fadts which is conceived by us as
the caufe of this concomitancy ; and therefore this pro¬
cedure of the philofopher is confidered as the difeovery
of thofe caufes, that is, the difeovery of thofe powers of
natural fubftances which conftitute their phyfical rela¬
tions, and may juftly be called their diftinguilhing qua*
lilies or properties. This view7 of the matter gives rife to
a new7 nomenclature and language. We give to thofe
powers generic names, fuch as fenjibility, intelligence, ir¬
ritability, gravity, elaficity, fluidity, magnetifm, &c.
Thefe terms, without exception, mark relembling cir¬
cumftances of event 3 and no other definition can be gi¬
ven of them but a defeription of thefe circumftances.
In a few cafes which have been the fubjedls of more pain¬
ful or refined difeuflion, wre have proceeded farther in
this abbreviation of language.
We have framed the verb “ to gravitate,” and the
verbal noun “ gravitation,” which purely expreffes the
fadl, the phenomenon 3 but is conceived to exprefs the
operation or energy of the caufe or natural pow7er. It is
of importance to keep in mind this metaphyfical remark
on thefe terms 3 for a want of attention to the pure Aitiology.
meaning of the words has frequently occalioned very
great miftakes in philofophical fcience.
We may with propriety call this part of the philofo-
pher’s employment Aitiology.
We fhall give an inftance of its moft fuccefsful appli¬
cation to the clafs of events already adduced as an ex¬
ample of philofophic hiftory or phenomenology.
Kepler, a celebrated Pruflian aftronomer, having ma¬
turely confidered the phenomena recorded in the tables
and obfervations of his predeceffors, difeovered, amidft
all the varieties of the planetary motions, three circum-Kepler’s
fiances of refemblance, which are now known by the laws an in-
name of Kepler's laws. ftance.
, 1. All the planets deferibe ellipfes, having the fun in
one focus.
2. The elliptic areas deferibed by a planet in the dif¬
ferent parts of its orbit, are proportional to the times of
defeription.
3. The fquares of the periodic times ard* propor¬
tional to the cubes of the mean diftances from the
fun,
By
PHILOSOPHY.
385
View of By tins obfervation or d'ifcovery, the ftudy of the pla-
Baeon’s netary motions was greatly promoted, and the calcula-
Phiioiophy. q£ t]iejr appearances was now made with a facility
and an accuracy which furpaffed all hopes: for the cal¬
culation of the place of a planet at any propofed inftant
was reduced to the geometrical problem of cutting off
an area from an eliipfe of known dimenfions, which
ihould bear the fame proportion to the whole arear as
the time for whofe duration the motion is required, has
to the known time of a complete revolution.
Long after this difeovery of Kepler, Sir Ifaac Newton
found that thel'e laws of Kepler were only particular cafes
Compre- of a or law ftill more general. He found that the
Pended un-deileclions of the planets from uniform reftilineal motion
der one were all directed to the fun •, and that the fimultaneous
more genc>-deflexions were inverfely proportional to the fquares of
td aw, £[le dillances from that body.
Thus ^vas etlabliffed a phyfical law of vaft extent:
but further obfervation {bowed him, that the motion of
every body of the folar fyftem was compounded of an
original motion of projection, combined with a delledlion
towards every other body ; and that the fimultaneous de¬
flections were proportional to the quantity of matter in
the body towards which they were direCted, and to the
reciprocal of the fquare of the diltance from it. Thus
was the law made {till more general. He did not Hop
here. He compared the defieCtion of the moon in her
orbit with the fimultaneous defleCtion of a ftone thrown
from the hand, and deferibing a parabola } and he found
that they followed the fame law, that is, that the de¬
flection of the moon in a fecond, was to that of the Hone
in the fame time, as the fquare of the Hone’s diltance
from the centre of the earth, to the fquare of the moon’s
diffance from it. Hence he concluded, that the deflec¬
tion of a Hone from a flraight line was juH a particular
inRance of the delleClions which took place through the
^ whole folar fyitem.
called gra- The defleCHon of a Hone is one of the indications it
’vitation. gives of its being gravis or heavy •, whence he calls it
gravitation. He therefore expreffes the phyfical law
which obtains through the whole folar fyRem, by faying
that “ every body gravitates to every other body; and
the gravitations are proportional to the quantity of mat¬
ter in that other body, and inverfely proportional to the
fquare of the diflance from it.”
Thus we fee how the arrangement of the celeflial phe¬
nomena terminated in the difeovery of phyfical laws;
and that the expreflion of this arrangement is the law it-
felf.
Since the fall of a heavy body is one inflance of the
phyfical law, and fince this fall is confidered by all as
the effeCt of its weight, and this weight is confidered as
the caufe of the fail, the fame caufe is affigned for all
the defleftions obferved in the folar fyRem ; and all the
matter in it is found to be under the influence of this
caufe, or to be heavy ; and thus his doChine has been
denominated the fijstem of univerfalgravitation.
Philofophers have gone farther, and have fuppofed
that gravity is a power, property, or quality, refiding
in all the bodies of the folar fyRem. Sir Ifaac Newton
does not exprefslv fay fo, at leafl in that work where he
gives an account of thefe difeoveries. He contents him-
felf with the immediate confequence of the firR axiom
in natural philofophy, viz. that every body remains in a
Rate of refl, or of uniform reClilineal motion, unlefs af-
V.OL. XVI. Part I.
fefted by fome moving force. Since the bodies of the View of
folar fyRem are neither in a Rate of reR, nor of uniform YV0®’1 *
reClilineal motion, they mufl be confidered as fo afteCt- yi
ed ; that is, that there operates on every one of them a
moving force, direCled towards all the others, and hav¬
ing the proportions obferved in the defleCiion. 53
Other philoibphers have endeavoured to (how, that
this general faCl, deteCled by Sir Ifaac Newton, is e
eluded in another Rill more general, viz. that every bo-underim_
dy moves which is impelled by another body in motion, ■uilfe,
They affert, that all the bodies of the folar fyRem are
continually impelled by a fluid which they call ether,
which is moving in all places, and in all directions, or
in circular vortices, and hurries along with it the planets
and all heavy bodies. It would feem that the familiari¬
ty of motion produced by impulfe, at leaR in thofe m-
flances in which our own exertions are moil employed,
has induced philofophers to adopt fuch notions ; perhaps,
too, they are influenced by an obfeure and indiRinCt no¬
tion affixed to the term aCtion, as applied to changes in
the material world, and which has given rife to an ax¬
iom, “ that a body cannot aft at a diRance, or where it
is not ;” and thus have thought themfelves obliged to
look out for an immediate and contiguous agent in all
thofe phenomena.
But the philofophers who profefs to be moR ferupu-
lous in their adherence to the rules of pbilofophic difeuf-
fion, deny the legitimacy of this pretended invefligation
of eaufes, faying that this doCtrine is in direCt oppofition
to the procedure of the mind in acquiring the knowledge ^
of caufes. Since the fa& of impulfe is not really o^/er-whilftim-
vedm the celeRial defledions, nor in the motions ofpulfe itfdf
heavy bodies, the law cannot be inferred. They fay^ ne^er tk“
that it is not even neceffary to ffiow that the phenomena
of the celeflial motions are unlike the phenomena of im¬
pulfe, although this can be done in the completefl man¬
ner. It is enough that neither the fluid nor the impulfe
are obferved ; and therefore they are in the right when
they affert, that there is inherent in, or accompanies all
the bodies of the fyRem, a power by which they defleCl
to one another. See Optics.
The debate is foreign to our prefent purpofe, which
is only to (how how the obfervation and arrangement of
phenomena terminates in the difeovery of their caufes,
or the difeovery of the powers or properties of natural
fubflances.
This is a talk of great difficulty, as it is of great
importance. There are two chief caufes of this diffi¬
culty.
1. In moft of the fpontaneous phenomena of nature
there is a complication of many events, and fome of them
efcape our obfervatiou. Attending only to the mofl ob¬
vious or remarkable, we conjoin thefe only in our ima-^^^5
gination, and are apt to think thefe the concomitant thc
events in nature, the proper indication of the caufe, andty of philo-
the fubjecls of this philofophical relation, and to fuppofe^ophicai in-
that they are always conjoined by nature. Thus it was ve^12atl0n*
thought that there refided in a vibrating chord a power
by which the fenfation of found was excited, or that a
chord had a founding quality. But it appears clearly
from obfervation that there is an inconceivable number
of events interpofed between the vibration of the chord
and the fenfitive affeftion of our ear ; and therefore, that
found is not the effedl of the vibration of the chord, but
of the very lafl event of this feries: and this is com,-
3 C pletely
385
PHILOSOPHY.
View of
Bacon’s
Philofophy.
S6
Means of
inturing
Aiccefs.
pletely demonftrated by {bowing that the vibration and
the found are not necejfarily connected, becaufe they are
not always conne6ted, but require the interpofition of
air or of fome other elaftic body.
Thefe obfervations (how the neceflity of the moft ac¬
curate and minute obfervation of the phenomena, that
none of thofe intermediate events may eicape us, and we
be thus expofed to the chance of imaginary connexions
between events which are really far afunder in the pro¬
cedure of nature. As the ftudy has improved, miftakes
of this kind have been correXed ; and philofophers are
careful to make their trains of events under one name as
fhort as poffible. Thus, in medicine, a drug is no long¬
er confidered as a Jpecific remedy for the difeafe which
is fometimes cured when it has been ufed, but is deno¬
minated by its molt immediate operation on the ani¬
mal frame : it is no longer called ■& febrifuge, but a fu~
dgriftc.
2. When many natural powers combine their in¬
fluence in a fpontaneous phenomenon of nature, it is fre¬
quently very difficult to difcover what part of the com¬
plicated effeX is the effeX of each j and to ftate thofe
circumflances of fimilarity which are the foundation of a
phyfical law, or intitle us to infer the agency of any na¬
tural power. The moft likely method for infuring fuc-
cefs in fuch cafes is to get rid of this complication of
event, by putting the fubjeX into fuch a fituation that
i he operation of all the known powers of nature fliall be
iufpended, or fo modified as we may perfeXly underftand
their effeXs. We can thus appreciate the effeXs of
fuch as we could neither modify nor lufpend, or we can
difcover the exiftence of a new law, the operation of a
new power.
This is called making an experiment; and is, of all,
the mofl: effeXual way of advancing in the knowledge
of nature, and has been called experimental philo¬
sophy.
It feems, however, at firft fight, in direX oppofition
to the procedure of nature in forming general laws.
Thefe are formed by induXion from multitudes of indi¬
vidual faXs, and muft be affirmed to no greater extent
A feeming than the induXion on which they are founded. T et it
anomaly is a matter of faX, a phyfical law of human thought,
explained. that one finqde, clear, and unequivocal experiment,
gives us the moil complete confidence in the truth of a
general conclufion from it to every fimilar cafe. Whence
this anomaly ? It is not an anomaly or contradiXion of
the general maxim of philofophical inveftigation, but the
moft refined application of it. There is no law more
general than this, that “ Nature is conftant in all her
operations.” The judiXous and fimple form of our ex¬
periment infures us (we imagine) in the complete know¬
ledge of all the circumftances of the event. Upon this
fuppofition, and this alone, we confider the experiment
as the faithful reprefentative of every poffible cafe of the
conjunXion. This will be more minutely confidered af¬
terwards.
The laft branch of philofophic occupation is the ex-
, planation of fubordinate phenomena. This^s nothing
explanation more than the referring any particular phenomenon to
*if fubordi- that clafs in which it is included j or, in the language
nate pheno- Gf philofophy, it is the pointing out the general law, or
Rkena‘ that general faX of which the phenomenon is a particu¬
lar inftance. Thus the feeling of the obligations of vir¬
tue is thought to be explained, when it is ffiown to be a
particular cafe of that regard which every perfon has for View of
his dearefl: interefts. The rife of water in pumps is ex- Bacon’s
plained, when we fliow it to be a particular cafe of the [ ailofophy.
preflure of fluids, or of the air. The general law un¬
der which we (how it to be properly arranged is called
the principle of the explanation, and the explanation
itielf is called the theory of the phenomenon. Thus
Euler’s explanation of the lunar irregularities is called a
theory of the lunar motions on the principle of gravita¬
tion.
This may be done either in order to advance our own
knowledge of nature, or to communicate it to others.
If done with the firft view, we muft examine the pheno¬
menon minutely, and endeavour to deteX every circum-
ftance in it, and thus difcover all the known laws of na¬
ture 'which concur in its produXion ; we then appreciate
the operation of each according to the circumftances of
its exertion •, we then combine all thefe, and compare
the refult with the phenomenon. If they are fimilar,
we have explained the phenomenon. We cannot give a
better example than Franklin’s explanation of the phe¬
nomena of thunder and lightning. See Lightning, and
Electricity Index.
If we explain a phenomenon from known principles,
we proceed fynthetically from the general law already
eftabliihed and known to exert its influence in the pre- ,
fent inftance. We ftate this influence both in kind and
degree according to the circumftances of the cafe \ and >
having combined them, we compare the refult with the
phenomenon, and ftiow their agreement, and thus it is
explained. Thus, becaufe all the bodies of the folar fy~
Item mutually gravitate, the moon gravitates to the fun
as well as to the earth, and is continually, and in a cer¬
tain determinate manner, defleXed from that path which
fhe would deferibe did fire gravitate only to the earth.
Her motion round the earth will be retarded during the
firft and third quarters of her orbit, and accelerated du¬
ring the fecond and fourth. Her orbit and her period
will be increafed during our winter, and diminifhed du¬
ring our fummer. Her apogee will advance, and her
nodes will recede: and the inclination of her orbit will
be greateft when the nodes are in fyzigee, and leaft when
they are in quadrature. And all thele variations will be
in certain precife degrees. Then we ffiow that all thefe
things aXually obtain in the lunar motions, and they are
confidered as explained.
This fummary account of the objeX and employment
in all philofophical difeuffion is fufficient for pointing out
its place in the circle of the fciences, and will ferve to
direX us to the proper methods of profecuting it with
fuccefs. Events are its objeX ; and they are confidered
as conneXed with each other by caufation, which may
therefore be called the philofcphical relation of things.
The following may be adopted as the fundamental pro-
pofition on which all philofophical difeuffion proceeds,
and under which every philofophical difeuflion or difeo-
very may be arranged : ,
“ Every change that we obferve in the fate or condi- Fundamen->
tion oj things IS CONSIDERED BY US as an effect, indi- tal propofi-
cating the agency, charaBerifng the kind, and determin-11011 °f phL
ing the degree of its INFERRED caife.'''1 liifcuffio*
As thus enounced, this propofition is evidently a phy¬
fical law of human thought. It may be enounced as a
neceflary and independent truth, by faying, every change
in the fate and condition of things IS AN EFFECT, &c.
Wind
PHILO
View of And accordingly it has been fo enounced by Dr Reid * j
Bacon’s anci jts titie to,this denomination has been abundantly
Fhiloiophy. fUpp0rte^ by bim. But we have no occafion to confi-
'* EJJhys on der it as poiTeffing this quality. We are fpeaking of phi-
the intellec- lofophy, which is fomething contingent, depending on
tmlPowers the exiftence and conftitution of an intellectual, being
cf Man. fuch as man • and, in conformity to the view which we
have endeavoured to give of human knowledge in the
1'ubjeCts of philofophical relation, it is quite fufficient for
our purpole that we maintain its title to the rank of an
univerfal law of human thought. This will make it a
firft principle, even although it may not be a neceflary
truth.
All the proof neceffary for this purpofe is univerfality
of fad 5 and we believe this to be without exception.
We are not to exped that all mankind have made, or
will ever make, a formal declaration of their opinion ;
but we may venture to fay that all have made it, and
continually do make it, virtually. What have the phi-
lofophers of all ages been employed about but the difco-
very of the caufes of thofe changes that are incefiijntly
going on ? Nil turpius physico (fays Cicero) quamjieri
Jine cavfd qitidyuarn dicere. Human curiofity has been
direCled to nothing fo powerfully and fo conftantly as to
this. Many abfurd caufes have been a digued for the
phenomena of the univerfe •, but no fet of men have ever
laid that they happened without a caufe. This is fo re¬
pugnant to all our propenfities and inftinCts, that even
the atheiftical feet, who, of all others, would have pro¬
fited mod by the doftrine, have never thought of ad¬
vancing it. To avoid fo diocking an abfurdity, they
have rather allowed that chance, that the concourfe of
atoms, are the caufes of the beautiful arrangements of
nature. The thoughtlefs vulgar are no lefs felicitous
than the philofophers to difeover the caufe of things;
and the poet exprefles the natural and inftinCHve paflion
of all men, when he fays,
Felix quipotuit rerum cognofccre caufas. ■
And this anxiety is not to nourilh, but to get rid of fu-
perftitious fears : for thus
  metus omnes, et inexorabile faturn
Subjecit pedibus, Jlrepitumque Acherontis avari.
Had men never fpeculated, their conduCt alone gives
fufiicient evidence of the univerfality of the opinion. The
whole conduCt of man is regulated by it, nay almoft
wholly proceeds upon it, in the molt important matters,
and where experience feems to leave us in doubt : and
to aCt otherwife, as if any thing whatever happened
without a caufe, would be a declaration of infanity. Dr
Reid has beautifully illuftrated this truth, by obferving,
that even a child will laugh at you if you try to per-
fuade him that the top, which he mifles from the place
where he left it, was taken away by nobody. You may
perfuade him that it was taken away by a fairy or a fpi-
rit; but he believes no mere about this nobody, than the
mafter of the houfe when he is told that nobody was the
author of any piece of theft or mifehief. What opinion
would be formed, fays Dr Reid, of the intelleCls of the
juryman, on a trial for murder by perfons unknown,
who Ihould fay that the fraClured fkull, the watch and
money gone, and other like circumltances, might pofii-
bly have no caufe ? he would be pronounced infane or
corrupted
SOPHY. 387
We believe that Mr Hume is the fir if author who has View of
ventured to call the truth of this opinion in queftion ; Baron’s
and even he does it only in the way of mere polhbility. ^‘lofophy.
He acknowledges the generality of the opinion ; and he 60
only objeCts to the foundation of this generality : and Contro-
he objeCts to it merely becaufe it does not quadrate with verte<* by
his theory of belief; and therefore it may happen thatlVtl Hume;
fome men may have no fuch opinion. But it mult be
obferved on this occafion, that the opinion of a philofo-
pher is of no greater wxight in a cafe like this than that
ot a ploughboy. If it be a firit principle, directing the
opinions and aCtions of all, it mult operate on the minds
of all. The philofopher is the only perfon who may
chance to be without it : for it requires much labour,
and long habits refolutely maintained, to warp our natu¬
ral fentiments 3 and experience Ihows us that they may
be warped if -we are at fufficient pains. It is alfo worthy
of remark, that this philofopher feems as much under
the influence of this law as ordinary mortals. It is on¬
ly when he is aware of its not tallying v.ith. his other
doftrines that his fcruples appear. Obferve how he v;th rrrea-3
fpeaks when off his guard: “ As to thofe impreffions nconM-
which arife from the fenfes, their ultimate caule is, in eilty‘
my opinion, perfectly inexplicable by human reafon 3
and it wall always be impoffible to decide with certainty
whether they arife immediately from the object, are pro¬
duced by the creative power of the mind, or are derived
from the Author of our being.”
Among thefe alternatives he never thought of their
not being derived from any caufe.
But it is not enough to fhow that this is a phylical
law of the hifman mind : we have affirmed it as a firll
principle, the foundation of a whole fcience 3 therefore
not included in or derived from any thing more general.
Mr Hume’s endeavours to prove that it is not a necef¬
fary truth, Ihow with fufficient evidence that moll at¬
tempts to derive it in the wray of argument are petitioned
principii; a thing very commonly met with in all at- 62
tempts to prove firll principles. It cannot be proved This pro-
by induClion of faCts that every event has a caufe, be- P0fid°n a
caufe induClion always fuppofes an obferved facl or
event. Now in by far the greateft number of events pable of
the caufes are unknown. Perhaps in no event what-proof,
ever do wre know the real caufe, or that power or
energy which, without any intervention, produces the
effeCt. No man can fay, that in the fimpleft event
which he ever obferved, he wras fully apprifed of every
circumftance which concurred to its production. We
fuppofe that no event in nature can be adduced more
fimple than the motion of a fufpended glafs ball wffien
gently ftruck by another glafs ball 3 and w^e imagine
that molt of our readers will fay that he perfectly fees
every thing which happens in this phenomenon. We
believe, too, that molt of our readers are of opinion
that a body is never put in motion but by the iinpulfe
of another, except in the cafes of animal motion 3 and
that they are difpofed to imagine that magnets put iron
in motion, and that an eleCtrified body moves another
by means of an interpofed though invifible fluid fome-
how circulating round them. Nowt w7e mult inform fuch
readers, that unlefs the Itroke has been very fmart, fo
fmart indeed as to lhatter the glafs balls, the motion of
the fufpended ball was produced without impulfe : that
is, the twro balls w7ere not in contaCt during the Itroke 3
and the diltance between them was not lefs than the
3 C 2 9000th
388
PHILOSOPHY.
View of poooth part of an inch, and probably much greater.
Baron’s mu^ fay farther, than it is not certain that even the
i i moft violent Itroke, fuch as would lhatter them to pieces,
is enough to bring them into real contadh The proofs
of this lingular pofition are too long for this place ; but
the evidence will be fufficiently feen by coniulting the
article Optics.
(Jnlefs, therefore, our readers are willing to allow’
that the fufpended ball was put in motion by a repul-
five force inherent in one or both balls, they muft ac-
knowdedge that they rtb nol fully know all the circum-
Itances of this fo fnnple phenomenon, or all the train
of events which happen in it ; and therefore they are
reduced to the neceffity of fuppoftng, although they do not
lee it, an intervening fluid or matter, by the immediate
adlion of whole adjoining particles the motion is produced.
This being the cafe in the fimpleft phenomenon that
We can pitch upon, what (hall wre fay of the numberlefs
multitudes wdiich are incomparably more complex : Muft
we not acknowdedge that the efficient caufes, even in the
Vulgar fenfe of the wmrd, the immediately preceding
events, are unknown, becaule the conjunftions are not
obferved ? and therefore it cannot be laid that it is from
experimental induction that this truth gains univerfal be¬
lief. Experience, fo far from fupporting it as a direbt
proof, feems rather the ftrongeft argument againft it j
for we have no experiment of unquetiionable authority
but the narrow circle of our own power exerted on our
thoughts and aclions. And even here there are perhaps
cafes of change wdicre wre cannot fay with certainty that
we perceive the efficient caufe.
Nothing feems to remain, therefore, but to allow that
this phyfical law of human judgement is inftinclive, a con-
ftituent of the human foul, a firft principle ; and incap¬
able of any other proof than the appeal to the feelings
of every man.
Simply to fay, that every change is confidered as an
effeib, is not giving the whale characters of this phyfical
law. The caufe is not always-, perhaps never, obferved,
but inferred but is inferred hom the phenomena. The inference is
from the therefore in everydnftance dependant on the phenomenon.
whichTnT Phenomenon is to us the language of nature : It is
tterefore the foie indication of the caufe and of its agen¬
cy : it is therefore the indication of the very caufe, and
of no other. * The obferved change therefore character-
ifts the caufe, and marks its kind. This is confirmed by
every word of philofophical language, where, as has al¬
ready been obferved, the names of the inferred powers
of nature are nothing but either abbreviated deferiptions
of tbe phenomena, or terms wffiich are defined folely by
fuch deferiptions. In like manner, the phenomenon de¬
termines the caufe in a particular degree, and in no other}
and we have no immediate meafure of the degree of the
caufe but the phenomenon itfelf. We take many mea-
fures of the caufe, it is true ; but on examination they
will be found not to be immediate meafures of the caufe,
but of the effeCI. Affuming gravitation as the caufe of
the planetary deviations from uniform reclilineal motion,
we fay that the gravitation of the moon is but -^--g^-th
part of the gravitation of a ftone thrown from the hand :
but we (ay this only from obferving that the defleclion
of the ftone is 3600 times greater than the fimultarecus
defleftion of the moon. In fhort, our whole knowledge
of the caufe is not only founded on our knowledge of the
phenomenon, but it is the fame. Tills will be found, a
63
Caufes not
obferved
the lan¬
guage of
nature.
remark of immenfe confequence in the profecution of View of
philofophical refearches 5 and a ftriCl attention to it will Bat°n’s
not only guard us againft a thoufand miftakes into which jJ!llkfophy.
the realoning pride of man would continually lead us,
but null alio enable us fully to deteCf many egregious
and fatal blunders made in confequence of this philoio-
phical vanity. Nothing can be more evident than that
whenever we are puzzled, it would be folly to continue
groping among thoie obfeure beings called caufes, when
we have their prototypes, the phenomena themfelves, in
our hands.
Such is the account which may be given of philo-
fophy, the ftudy of the works of God, as related by
caufation. It is of vaft extent, reaching from an atom
to the glorious Author of the Univerfe, and contem¬
plating the whole conneried chain of intelligent, fenfi-
tive, and inanimate beings. The philolopher makes ufe
of the deferiptions and arrangements of the natural hifto-
rian as of mighty ule to himlelf in the beginning of bis
career ; confiding in the uniformity of nature, and ex¬
pelling that iimilarity in the quiefeent properties of
things will be accompanied by fome reie'mblances in
thole more important properties which conftitute their
mutual dependences, linking them together in a great
and endlefsly ramified chain of events.
We have endeavoured to afeertain with precifion the
peculiar province of philofophy, both by means of its
obje£f and its mode of procedure. After this it will
not require many words to point out the methods for
profecuting the ftudy with expedition and with fuccefs.
The rules of philofophizing, which Newton premifes
to his account of the planetary motions, which he fo
fcrupuloully followed, and with a fuccefs which gives
them great authority, are all in ftridf conformity to the
view w7e have now given of the fubjeft.
The chief rule is, that fimilar caufes are to be affign- yjie ^,ef
ed to fimilar phenomena. This is indeed the fource of, uie of phi-
all our knowledge of connefted nature ; and without it lotophiling
the univerfe would only prefent to us an incomprehen- explained
'fible chaos. It is by no means, however, necefifary to
enjoin this as a maxim for our procedure : it is an in-
ftimflive propenfity of the human mind. It is abfolutely
neceffary, on the contrary, to caution us in the applica¬
tion of this propenfity. We muft be extremely confident
in the certainty of the refemblance before we venture to
make any inference. We are prone to reafon from ana¬
logy : the very employment is agreeable 5 and we are
ever difpofed to embrace opportunities of engaging in it.
For this reafon we are fatisfied with very flight refemb-
lances, and eagerly run over the confequences, as if the
refemblances were complete ; and our refearches fre¬
quently terminate in falfehood.
This propenfity to analogical reafoning is aided by
another equally ftrong, and equally ufeful, when pro¬
perly direfled } w-e mean the propenfity to form ge¬
neral laws: it is in faft a propenfity to difeover caujes,
which is equivalent to the eftablifhing of general laws.
It appears in another form, and is called a love of or
tafte for fimplicity 5 and this is encouraged or juftified as
agreeable to the uniformity and fimplicity of nature.
“ Natura fernper fibi fimilis et confona,” fays Newton}
“ Fruftra fit per plura, quod fieri poteft per pauciora,”
fays another. The beautiful, the wile economy of na¬
ture, are phrafes in every body’s mouth j and Newton
enjoins us to adopt no more caufes than are fufficient to
explain
PHILO
View of explain the phenomena. All this is very well, and is
Bacon’s true in its own degree 5 but it is too frequently the fub-.
Philofophy^ terfUg.e 0f human vanity and felf-love. This inordinate
v 1 admiration ot the economy and fimplicity ot nature is
generally conjoined with a manifeft love of fyftem, and
with the aftual production of fome new fyltem, where
from one general principle fome extenlive theory or ex¬
planation is deduced and offered to the world. The au¬
thor fees a fort of refemblance between a certain feries
of phenomena and the confequences of fome principle,
and thinks the principle adequate to their explanation.
Then, on the authority of the acknowledged fimplicity
of nature, he roundly excludes all other principles of ex¬
planation ; becaufe, fays he, this principle is fufficient
“ et fruftra fit per plura,” &c. We could point out
many inflances of this kind in the writings of perhaps
the firtl mathematician and the poorefi: philofopher of
this century ; where extendve theories are thus cava¬
lierly exhibited, which a few years examination have
fhown to be nothing but analogies, indittinclly obferved,
and, what is worfe, inaccurately applied.
To regulate thefe hazardous propenfities, and keep
philosophers in the right path, Newton inculcates an¬
other rule, or rather gives a modification of this injunc¬
tion of fimplicity. He enjoins, that no caufe fliall be
admitted but what is real. His words are, that no canfes
6. Jhall be admitted but fitch ax are true, and fujfcient to ac-,
A true count for the phenomena. We apprehend that the mean-
caufe ex- ing of this rule has been miftaken by many philofophers,
plained. wh0 imagine that by true he means caufes which really
exift in nature, and are not mere creatures of the imagi¬
nation. We have met with fome who would boggle at
the doftrines of Ariftotle refpeCling the planetary mo¬
tions, viz. that they are carried along by conducing in¬
telligent minds, becaufe we know oi none fuch in the
univerle ; and who would neverthelefs think the docfline
of the Cartefian vortices deferving of at leaft an exami¬
nation, becaufe we fee fuch vortices exifi, and produce
effe&s which have fome refemblance to the planetary
motions, and have juftly rejefted them, folely becaufe
this refemblance has been very imperfect. We appre¬
hend Newton’s meaning by thefe words is, that no caufe
of any event fhall be admitted, or yven confidered,
which we do not know to be actually concurring or ex¬
erting fome influence tn that very event. If this be his
meaning, he wmuld rejeft the Cartefian vortices, and
the conducting fpirits of Ariftotle for one and the fame
reafon ; not becaufe they uTere not adequate to the ex¬
planation, nor becaufe fuch caufes do not exift in nature,
but becaufe we did not fee them anyhow concerned in
the phenomenon under confideration. We neither fee
a fpirit nor a vortex, and therefore need not trouble
ourfelves with enquiring what effects they wTould pro¬
duce. Now w-e know that this was his very conduct,
and what has diftinguifhed him from all philofophers
who preceded him, though many, by following his
example, have alfo been rewarded by fimilar fuccefs.
This has procured to Newton the charaCIer of the modejl
philofopher and modeft his procedure may, for diftinc-
tion’s fake, be called, becaufe the contrary procedure of
others did not originate fo much from ignorance as from
vanity. Newton’s conductor in this was not modefty,
but fagacity, prudence, caution, and to fay it purely, it
was found judgement.
For the* bonds of nature, the fuppofed philofophical
SOPHY. 3%
caufes are not obferved.} they are inferred from the phe- VLw < f
noraena. When two fubitances are obferved, and on-
ly when they are obferved, to be connected in any fe- ^
ries of events, we infer that they are connected by a
natural power: but when one of the fubftances is not
feen, but fancied, no law cf human thought produces
any inference whatever. For this reafon alone New¬
ton flopped finort at the laft FACT which he could dif-
cover in the folar fyftem, that all bodies were defieCted
to all other bodies, according to certain regulations of
diftance and quantity of matter. When told that he
had done nothing in philofophy, that he had diicovered
no caufe, and that to merit any praife he muft fhow how
this defleCtion was produced he faid, that he knew
no more than he had told them \ that he taw nothing
canting this defleCtion j and was contented with having
defcribed it fo exactly, that a good mathematician could
now make tables of the planetary motions as accurate as
he pleated, and with hoping in a few years to have even
purpofe of navigation and of philofophical curiofity com¬
pletely anfwered j and he was not difappointed. And
when philofophers on all tides were contriving hypothe¬
tical fluids and vortices which would produce thete de-
fleCtions, he cantented himfelf with fhowing the total
inconfiftency of thefe explanations with the mechanical
principles acknowledged by their authors ; thowing that
they had tranfgrefled both parts of his rule, their caufes
neither being real nor fufficient for explaining the pheno¬
mena. A caufe is fufficient for explaining a phenome¬
non only when its legitimate coniequences are perfectly
agreeable to tbefe phenomena.
Newton’s difeoveries remain without any diminution
or change : no philofopher has yet advanced a ftep fur¬
ther. . . ^ 66
But let not the authority, or even the fuccefs, ofThisdoc-
Newton be our guide. Is his rule founded in reafon ? trme Pund¬
it furely is. For if phil*fophy be only the interpreta-rea*
tion of nature’s language, the inference of caufes from
the phenomena, a fancied or hypothetical phenomenon
can produce nothing but a fanciful caufe, and can make
no addition to our knowledge of real nature.
All hypotbefes therefore muft be banithed from phi¬
lofophical difeuflion as frivolous and ufelefs, adminifter-
ing to vanity alone. As the explanation of any appear¬
ance is nothing but the pointing xaut the general faCt, of -
which this is a particular inftance, a hypothefis can give Dangerof
no explanation : knowing nothing of caufe and effeCt hjpothefes.
but the conjunction of two events, we fee nothing ot
caufation where one of the events is hypothetical. Al-
- though all the legitimate confequences of a hypothetical
principle ihould be perfectly fimilar to the phenomenon,
it is extremely dangerous to aiTume this principle as the
real caufe. It is illogical to make ufe of the economy
of nature as an argument for the truth of any hypothe¬
fis : for if true, it is a phyfical truth, a matter of faCt,
and true only to the extent in -which it is obferved, and
we are not entitled to fay that it is fo one ftep farther \
therefore not in this cafe till it be obferved. But the
propontion that nature is fo economical is falfe j and it
is aftonifliing that it has been fo lazily acquiefced in by
the readers of hypothefes : for it is not the authors -who
are deceived by it, they are generally led by their own
vanity. Nothing is more obfervable than the prodigious
variety of nature. That the fame phenomena may be
produced by different means is well known to the aftro-
nomers, „
"39®
PHILO
View of nomers, who mull all ^rant, that the appearances of
prTfo'l rnoti°n will be precifely the fame whether the earth
■ 110>°piy'. moves round the fun like the other planets, or whether
the fun with his attendant planets moves round the
earth •, and that the demonftration of the firft opinion is
had from a faft totally unconnedled with all the deflec¬
tions or even with their caufes : for it may be aflerted,
that Dr Bradley’s difeovery of the aberration of the
* fixed liars, in confequence of the progreflive motion of
light, was the firft thing which put the Copernican fy-
ftem beyond queftion j and even this is ftill capable of
being explained in another way. The Author of Nature
feems to delight in variety *, and there cannot be named
a Angle purpofe on which the moft inconceivable fertili¬
ty in refource is, not obferved. It is the moft delightful
occupation of the curious mind and the fenlible heart to
contemplate the various contrivances of nature in accom-
plifhing fimilar ends.
As a principle therefore on which to found any maxim
of philofophical procedure, this is not only injudicious,
becaufe imprudent and npt to miflead, but as falfe, and
almoft fure to miflead. In conformity to this obfervation,
it mull be added, that nothing has done fo much harm
in philofophy as the introduflion of hypothefes.
Authors have commonly been fatisfled with very
flight refemblances, and readers are eafily mifled by the
appearances of reafoning which thefe refemblances have
countenanced. The ancients, and above all Ariftotle,
were much given to this mode of explanation, and have
filled philofophy with abfurdities. ’I he flighted refem¬
blances were with them fuftkient foundations of theories.
It has been by very flow degrees that men have learned
caution in this refpedl ■, and we are forry to iay that we
are not yet cured of the difeafe of hypothetical fyftema-
tizing, and to fee attempts made by ingenious men to
bring the frivolous theories of antiquity again into
credit. Nay, modern philofophers even of the greateft
name are by no means exempted from the reproach of
hypothetical theories. Their writings abound in ethers,
nervous fluids, animal fpirits, vortices, vibrations, and
other invifible agents. We may affirm that all thefe at¬
tempts may be fhown to be either unintelligible, fruit-
lefs, or falfe. Either the hypothefis has been fuch that
no confequence can be diftindlly drawn from it, on ac¬
count of its obfeurity and total want of refemblance to
-any thing we know; or the juft and legitimate confe-
quences of the hypothefis are inconfiftent with the phe-
SOPHY,
nomena (n). This is remarkably the cafe in the
thefes which have been introduced for the explanat.^.. .
the mechanical phenomena of the univerfe. Thefe can I nlloloPhy-
be examined by accurate fcience, and the confequences
compared without any miftake 5 and nothing elfe but a
perfett agreement ihould induce us even to liften to any
hypothefis whatever.
It may here be afked, Whether, in the cafe of the
moft perfeft agreement, after the moft extenfive com-
parifon, the hypothefis ftiould be admitted ? We believe
that this muft be left to the feelings of the mind. When
the belief is irrefiftible, we can reafon no more. But
as there is no impoflibility of as perfect an agreement
with fome other hypothefis, it is evident that it does not
convey an irrefragable title to our hypothefis. It is
faid, that fuch an agreement authorifes the reception of
the hypothetical theory in the fame manner as we mujl
admit that to be the true cypher of a letter which will
make perfect fenfe of it. But this is not true : in decy¬
phering a letter we know the founds which mujl be re- ^
prefented by the chara&ers, and that they are really the
conftiluents of fpeech : but in hypothetical explanations
the firft: principle is not known to exift 5 nay, it is pof-
fible to make two cyphers, each of which ffiall give a
meaning to the letter. Inftances of this are to be feen
in treatifes on the art of deeyphering; and there has
been lately difeovered a national character (the ogam
difeovered in Ireland) which has this property.
"We conclude our criticifm on hypothetical explana¬
tions with this obfervation, that it is impqfjible that they
can give any addition of knowledge. In every hypothe¬
fis we thruft in an intermediate event between the phe¬
nomenon and fome general law; and this event is not
fecn, but fuppofed. Therefore, according to the true
maxims of philofophical inveftigation, we give no ex¬
planation ; for we are not by this means enabled to af-
fign the general law in which this particular phenome¬
non is included: nay, the hypothefis makes no addition
to our lift of general laws ; for our hypothefes muft be
feleBed, in order to tally with all the phenomena. The
hypothefis therefore is underwood only by and in the
phenomena ; and it muft not be made more general than
the phenomena themfelves. The hypothefis gives no
generalifation of fafts. Its very application is founded
on a great coincidence of fadts ; and the hypothetical
faft is thruft in between two which we really obferve to
be united by nature. The applicability therefore of the
hypothefis
hypo- View of
Bacon’s
(n) It has often been matter of amufement to us to examine the hypothetical theories of ingenious men, and to
obferve the power of nature even when we are tranfgrefling her commands, Naturam expel/at furea, tamen ufque
revertitur. The hypothefis of an ingenious man is framed in perfedl conformity to nature’s diftates: for you will
find that the hypothetical caufe is touched and retouched, like the firft fitting of a piaure,. till it is made to refera¬
ble the phenomena, and the caufe is ftill inferred, nay explained, in fpite of all his ingenuity, from the phenome¬
non ; and then, inftead of defiring the fpedators to pay him his due praife, by faying that the piaure is like the
man, he infifts that they fhall fay, what gives him no credit, that the man is like the piaure. But alas : this is
feldom the cafe: The piaure is generally an anamorphofis, unlike any thing extant in nature, and having parts
totally incongruous. We have feen fuch piaures, where a wood is ftanding on the fea, and an eye is on the end of
an elephant’s trunk ; and yet when 'this was viewed through a proper glafs, the wood became an. eyebrow to the
eye, and the probofeis was a very pretty ringlet of hair. We beg indulgence for this piece of levity, becaufe it is
a moft appofite illuftration of a hypothetical theory. The refemblance between the principle and phenomenon is
true only in detached unconneaed feraps, and the principle itfelf is an incongruous patchwork. But by a perver-
fion of the rules of logic, all thefe inconfiftencies are put out of view, and the explanation is fomelhing like the
phenomenon.
3
V 1
View of
Bacon’s
Philofophy.
68
On what
occafions
they may
be ufefol.
True^mcde " After thefe obfervations, it cannot require much dif-
of philofo- cuffion to mark the mode of procedure which will infure
pineal pro- pr0grefs in all philofophical inveftigations.
cedure. fhe fp^e 0f our intuitive knowledge is very limited ;
and we muft be indebted for the greateft part of our
intelle&ual attainments to our rational powers, and it
muft be dedu&ive. In the fpontaneous phenomena of
nature, whether of mind or body, it feldom happens
that the energy of that natural power, which is the
principle of explanation, is fo immediately conne&ed
with the phenomenon that we fee the connection at
once. Its exertions are frequently concealed, and in all
cafes modified, by the joint exertions of other natural
powers: the particular exertion of each muft be confi-
dered apart, and their mutual connexion traced out. It
is only in this way that we ca-n difeover the perhaps long
PHILO
hypothefis is not mdre extenfive than the fimilarity of
fatts which we obferve, and the hypothetical law is not
more general than the obferved law. Let us then throw
away entirely the hypothetical law, and infert tne ob¬
ferved one in our lift of general laws : it will be in dif¬
ferent language from the hypothetical law, but it will
exprefs the fame facts in nature.
It is in experimental philofophy alone that hypothefes
can have any juft claim to admilhon j and here they are
not admitted as explanations, but as conjedtures feiving
to direft our line of experiments.
Effects only appear •, and by their appearance, and
the previous information of experience, caules are im¬
mediately afeertained by the perfedt limilarity of the
whole train of events to other trains formerly obferved ;
Or they are fuggefted by more imperfedt refemblances
of the phenomena •, and thefe fuggeftions are made with
ftronger or fainter evidence, according as the refem-
blance is more or lefs perfect. Thefe fuggeftions do
not amount to a confidential inference, and only raife a
conjedture. Wiftung to verify or overturn this conjec¬
ture, we have receurfe to experiment} and we put the
fubjedt under confideration in fuch a fituation, that we
can fay what will be the effedt of the conjedtural cauie
if real. If this tallies with the appearance, our conjec¬
ture has more probability of truth, and we vary the fi¬
tuation, which will produce a new fet of effedfts of the
conjedtured caufe, and fo on. It is evident that the
probability of our conjedture will increafe with the in-
creafe of the conformity of the legitimate effedts of the
fuppofed caufe with the phenomena, and that it will be
entirely deftroyed by one difagreement. In this way
conjedtures have their great ufe, and are the ordinary
means by which experimental philofophy is improved.
But conjedtural fyItems are worfe than nonfenfe, filling
the mind with falle notions of nature, and generally
leading us into a courfe of improper condudt when they
become principles of adtion. This is acknowledged even
by the abettors of hypothetical fy Items themfelves, when
employed m overturning thofe of their predeceffors, and
eftabliihing their own : witnefs the fuccefliye maintain-
ers of the many hypothetical fyftems in medicine, which
have had their ftiort-lived courfe within thefe two laft
centuries.
Let every perfon therefore who calls himfelf a philo-
fopher refolutely determine to rejed all temptations to
this kind of fy item-making, and let him never confider
any compofition of this kind as any thing better than
the amufement of an idle hour.
E G
SOPHY. 39i
train of intermediate operations, and alfo fee in what View of
manner and degree the real principle of explanation con-
curs in the oftenfible procefs of nature. Phi o ophy.
In all fuch cafes it is evident that our inveftigation
(and inveftigation it molt ftridtly is) muft proceed by
fteps, condudted by the lure hand of logical method.
To take an inftance from the material world, let us
liften to Galileo while he is teaching his friends the
caufe of the rife of water in a pump. He fays that it
is owing to the preffure of the air. This is his princi¬
ple ; and he announces it in all its extent. All matter,
fays he, is heavy, and in particular air is heavy. He
then points out the conne&ion of this general principle
with the phenomenon. Air be- +—
ing heavy, it muft be fupported •,
it muft lie and prefs on what fup-
ports it: it muft prefs on the lur-
face AB of the water in the cif-
tern furrounding the pipe CD of
the pump 5 and alfo on the water
C within this pipe. He then
takes notice of another general
principle which exerts its fubordi-
nate influence in this procefs.
Water is a fluid j a fluid is a bo¬
dy whofe parts yield to the final-
left impreflion j and, by yielding,
are eafily moved among them¬
felves : and no little parcel of the
fluid can remain at reft unlefs it
be equally preffed in every direc¬
tion, but will recede from that
fide where it fuftains the greateft
preffure. In confequence of this
fluidity, known to be a property
of water, if any part of it is pref¬
fed, the preffure is propagated
through the whole ; and if not
refifted on every fide, the water
will move to that fide where the
propagated preffure is not refifted.
All thefe fubordinate or collate¬
ral propofitions are fuppofed to be
previoufly demonftrated or allow¬
ed. Water therefore muft yield
to the preffure of the air unlefs
preffed by it on every fide, and
muft move to that fide where it
is not withheld by fome oppofite
preflure. He then proceeds to
ftiow, from the itruclure of the
pump, that there is no oppofing prefi’ure on the water
in the infide of the pump. “ For (fays he) fuppofe the
pifton thruft dowrn till it touches the furface of the v7ater
in the pipe; fuppofe the pifton now draw'n up by a
powder fufficient to lift it, and all the air incumbent on
it ; and fuppofe it drawn up a foot or a fathom—there
remains nothing now (fays he) that I know of, to prefs
on the furface of the water. In fliort (fays he), gen¬
tlemen, it appears to me, that the water in the pump s
in the fame fituation that it would be in were there no
air at all, but water poured into the ciftern to a height
AF ; fuch, that the column of water FABG preffes
on the furface AB as much as the air does. Now in
this cafe we know that the water at C is preffed up¬
wards
A
I
PHILOSOPHY.
392
View of wards with a force equal to tlie weight of a column of
E icon’s water, having the fettion of the pipe for its bafe and
1 ‘ ^ ; CH for its height. The water below C therefore will
be prefled up into the pipe CD, and will rife to G, fo that
it is on a level with the external water FG j that is, it
will rife to H. This is a neceffary confequence of the
weight and preflure of the incumbent column FABG,
and the fluidity of the water in the ciflern. Confe-
quences perfectly flmilar muft neceflarily follow from
the weight and preflure of the air •, and therefore on
drawing up the piflon from the furface C of the water,
with which it was in contact, the water muft follow it
* till it attain that height which will make its own weight
a balance for the preflure of the circumambient air.
Accordingly, gentlemen, the Italian plumbers inform
me, that a pump will not raife water quite fifty palms j
and from their information I conclude, that a pillar of
water fifty palms high is fomewhat heavier than a pillar
of air of the fame bafe, and reaching to the top of the
atmofphere.”
T.ie fyn- Thus is the phenomenon explained. The rife of the
thetic me- veater in the pump is ftiown to be a particular cafe of the
thod. general faft in hydroflatics, that fluids in communicating
veflels will Hand at heights which are inverfely as their
denfities, or that columns of equal weights are in equi-
librio.
This way of proceeding is called arguing a priori,
the fynthetic method. It is founded on juft principles j
and the great progrefs which we hare made in the ma¬
thematical fciences by this mode of reafoning fhows to
what length it may be carried with irrefiftible evidence.
It has long been confidered as the only inlet to true
knowledge ; and nothing was allowed to be known with
certainty which could not be demonftrated in this way
to be true. Accordingly logic, or the art of reafoning,
which was alfo called the art of difcovering truth, was
nothing but a fet of rules for fuccefsfully conducing
this mode 'of argument.
Under the direftion of this infallible guide, it is not
finely unreafonable to expeft that philofophy has made
fure progrefs towards perfection 5 and as we know that
the brighteft geniufes of Athens ^nd of Rome were for
ages folely occupied in philofophical refearches in every
path of human knowledge, it is equally reafonable to
fuppofe that the progrefs has not only been fure but
great. We have feen that the explanation of an appear¬
ance in nature is nothing but the arrangement of it into
that general clafs in which it is comprehended. The
clafs has its diftinguithing mark, which, when it is found
in the phenomenon under confideration, fixes it in its
clafs, there to remain for ever an addition to our flock
ot knowledge. Nothing-can be loft any other way but
by forgetting it ■, and the doctrines of philofophers muft
be liable like the laws of nature.
We have feen, however, that the very reverfe of all
this is the cafe \ that philofophy has but very lately
emerged from worfe than total darknefs and ignorance ;
that what pafied under the name of philofophy was no¬
thing but fyftems of errors (if fyflems they could be
called), which were termed dodtrines, delivered with
the moft impofing apparatus of logical demonftration,
but belied in almoft every inftance by experience, and
affording us no afliftance in the application of the powers
of nature to the purpofes of life. Nor will this excite
much wonder in the mind of the enlightened reader of
the prefent day, who refledls on the ufe that in this dia- View of
leftic procefs was made of the categories, and the me- j
thod in which thole categories were formed. From firft :
principles fo vague in themfelves, and lb gratuitoufly
affumed, ingenious men might deduce many different
conclufions ail equally erroneous: and that this was ac¬
tually done, no hirer evidence can be given, than that
hardly a lifetime elapfed in which the whole fyftem of
dodtrines which had captivated the minds of the moft
penetrating, have been oftener than once exploded and
overturned by another fyftem, which flourished for a
while, and then wTas fupplanted by a third which fliared
the fame fate. Here was an infallible proof of their er¬
ror, for inftability is incompatible wuth truth.
It is allowed by all that this has been the cafe in thofe
branches of ftudy at leaft which contemplate the philo¬
fophical relations of the material world, in aftronomy,
in mechanical philofophy, in chemiftry, in phyfiology,
in medicinej in agriculture.. It is alfo acknowledged,
that in the courfe of lefs than two centuries back we
have acquired much knowledge on tbefe very fubjedls,
call it philofophy, or by what name you will, fo much
more conformable to the natural courfe of things, that
the decjudlions made from it by the fame rules of the
fynthetic method are more conformable to fcdl, and
therefore better fitted to direct our condudt and improve
our powers. It is alfo certain that thefe bodies of doc¬
trine which go by the name of philofophical fyftems,
have much more liability than in ancient times ; and
though fometimes in part fuperfeded, are feldom or ne¬
ver wholly exploded.
This cannot perhaps be affirmed with equal confidence
with refpeft to thofe fpeculations which have our intei-
le6I or propenfities for their objecl: and wTe have not
perhaps attained fuch a reprefentation of human nature
as will hear comparifon with the original; nor will the
legitimate deductions from fuch doctrines be of much
more fervice to us for direCling our conduCI than thofe
of ancient times : and while wre obferve this difference
between thefe two general clafles of {’peculations, we
may remark, that it is conjoined with a difference in
the manner of conducing the ftudy. We have pro¬
ceeded in the old Ariftotelian method when inVeftigat¬
ing the nature of mind j but vve fee the material philo-
fophers running about, palling much of their time away
from books in the Ihop of the artifan, or in the open
fields engaged in obfervation, labouring with their
hands, and bufy with experiments. But the fpeculatift
on the intellecl and the active powers of the human foul
feems unwilling to be indebted to any thing but bis own
ingenuity, and his labours are confined to the clofet. In
the firft clafs, we have met with fomething like fuccefs,
and we have improved many arts : in the other, it is to jsfQ Ul|et t0
be feared that we are not much wifer, or better, or hap- truth,
pier, for all our philofophic attainments.
Here, therefore, muft furely have been fome great,
fome fatal miftake. There has indeed been a material
defect in our mode of procedure, in the employment of
this method of reafoning as an inlet to truth. The faCt
is, that philofophers have totally miffaken the road of
difeovery, and have pretended to fet out in their invefti-
gation from the very point where this journey Ihould
have terminated.
The Ariftotelian logic, the fyllogiftic art, that art o
much boafted of as the only inkt to true knowledge,
the
• PHILO
View of the only means of difcovery, is in diredt opposition to
Bacon’s ordinary procedure of nature, by which we every
Philofophy. an(j -n every a^ion 0f our lives, acquire know-
72 ledge and difcover truth. It is not the art of difcover-
But the ing truth, it is the art of communicating knowledge,
art of com- and of detecting error ; it is nothing more than the ap-
municatmg pUca(_lon Gf this maxim, ‘ whatever is true of a whole
now e Se- ciafs 0f objedts, is true of each individual of that clafs.”
This is not a juft account of the art of difcovering truth,
nor is it a complete account of the art of reafoning.
Reafoning is the producing belief} and whatever mode
of argumentation invariably and irreliftibly produces be¬
lief, is reafoning. The ancient logic fuppofes that all
the firft principles are already known, and that nothing
is wanted but the application of them to particular fadts.
But were this true, the application of them, as we have
~ already obferved, can hardly be called a difcovery ; but
it is not true j and the fad! is, that' the firft principles
are generally the chief objedls of our refearch, and that
they have come into view only now and then as it were
by accident, and never by the labour of the logician.
He indeed can tell us whether we have been miftaken j
for if our general principle be true, it muft influence
every particular cafe. If, therefore, it be falfe in any
one of thefe, it is not a true principle. And it is here
that we difcover the fource of that fludluation which is
fo much complained of in philofophy. The authors of
fyftems give a fet of confecutive propofitions logically
deduced from a firft principle, which has been haftily
adopted, and has no foundation in nature. This does
not hinder the amufement of framing a fyftcm from it,
nor this fyftem from pleafing by its fymmetry 5 and it
takes a run : but when fome officious follower thinks of
making fome ufe of it, which requires the companion
with experience and obfervation, they are found totally
unlike, and the whole fabric muft be abandoned as un¬
ibund : and thus the fucceflive fyftems were continually
puffiing out their predeceffors, and prefently met with
the fame treatment.
How was this to be remedied ? The ratiocination was
feldom egregioully wrong *, the fyllogiftic art had ere
now attained a degree of perfedlion. which left little
room for improvement, and was fo familiarly underftood
by the philofophical practitioners, that they feldom com¬
mitted any great blunders. Muft we examine the firft
principles ? This was a talk quite new in fcience j and
there were hardly any rules in the received fyftems of
logic to diredt us to the fuccefsful performance of it'.
Ariftotle, the fagacious inventor of thofe rules, had not
totally omitted it j but in the fervour of philofophic fpe-
culation he had made little ufe of them. His fertile ge¬
nius never was at a lofs for firft principles, which an-
fwered the purpofe of verbal difquilition without much
rilk of being belied on account of its diffimilitude to na¬
ture ; for there was frequently no prototype with which
his fyftematic dodlrine could be compared. His enthu-
liaftic followers found abundant amufement in following
his example; and philofophy, no longer in the hands
of men acquainted with the world, converfant in the
great book of nature, was now confined almoft entirely
to reclufe monks, equally ignorant of men and of things.
But curiofity was awakened, and the men of genius
were fretted as well as difgufted with the difquifitions of
the fchools, which one moment raifed expeditions by
Vol. XVI. Part X.
SOPHY. 395
the fymmetry of compolxtio.n, and the next moment View of
blafted them by their inconfiftency with experience.
They faw that the beft way was to begin de novo, to f!l1 y',
throw away the firft principles altogether, without ex¬
ception or examination, and endeavour to find out nevt
ones, which (hould ftand the tell of logic j that is, Ihould
in every cafe be agreeable to fadt. 73
Philofophers began to refledf, that under the unno-Theme-
ticed tuition of kind nature we have acquired much ufe-in'
ful knowledge. It Is therefore highly probable, thatout
her method is the moft proper for acquiring knowledge, by nature.
and that by imitating her manner we {hall have the like
fuccefs. We are too apt to flight the occupations of
children, whom we may obferve continually bufy turn¬
ing every thing over and over, putting them into every
fituation, and at every diftance. We excufe it, faying
that it is an innocent amufement ; but we fliould fay
with an ingenious philofopher (Dr Reid), that they are
moft ferioufly and rationally employed : they are ac¬
quiring the habits of obfervaiion 5 and by merely indulg¬
ing an undetermined curiofity, they are making them-
felves acquainted wuth furrounding objedls: they are
ftruck by fimilitudes, and amufed with mere claflifica-
tion. If fome new effedt occurs from any of their little
plays, they are eager to repeat it. When a child has
for the firft time tumbled a fpoon from the table, and is'
pleafed with its jingling noife on the floor, if another
lie within its reach, it is fure to {hare the fame fate.
If the child be indulged in this div.erfion, it will repeat
it with greedinefs that deferves our attention. The very
firrt eager repetition fhow\s a confidence in the conftancy
of natural operations, which we can hardly afcribe whol¬
ly to experience ; and its keennefs to repeat the experi¬
ment, fhows the intereft which it takes in the exercife
of this moft ufeful propenfity. It is beginning the ftudy
of nature 5 and Rs occupation is the fame with that of a
Newton computing the motions of the moon by his fub-
lime theory, and comparing his calculus with obferva¬
tion. The child and the philofopher are equally employ¬
ed in the contemplation of a fimilarity of event, and
are anxious that this fimilarity {hall return. The child,
it is true, thinks not of this abftradl objedt of contem¬
plation, but throws down the fpoon again to have the
pleafure of hearing it jingle. The philofopher fufpedls
that the conjundtion of events is the confequence of a
general lawr of nature, and tries an experiment where
this conjundlion recurs. The child is happy, and eager
to enjoy a pleafure which to us appears highly frivolous j
but it has the fame foundation with the pleafure of the
philofopher, who rejoices in the fuccefs of his experi¬
ment : and the fadl, formerly a trifle to both, now ac¬
quires importance. Both go on repeating the experi¬
ment, till the fadl ceafes to be a novelty to either : the
child is fatisfied, and the philofopher has now eftablifti-
ed a new' law of nature.
Such (fays this amiable philofopher) is the education
of kind nature, who from the beginning to the end of
oyr lives makes the play of hef fcholars their moft in-
ftrudtive leffons, and has implanted in our mind the cu¬
riofity and the indudlive propenfity by which we are en¬
abled and difpofed to learn them. The exercife of this
indudlive-principle, by which nature prompts us to in¬
fer general lawTs from the obfervation of particular fadls,
gives us a fpecies of logic new in the fchools, but old
3 D as
394
PHILOSOPHY.
75
I* chief
JUlfe
76
Jbr difco-
vering ge¬
neral prin¬
ciples,
f.s ktjman nature. It is tertainly a method of dlfcovery}
for by thefe means general principles, formerly unknown,
have come into view.
It is a juft and rational logic •, for it is founded on,
and indeed is only the habitual application of, this max¬
im, “ That whatever is true with refpe£l to every indi¬
vidual of a clafs of events, is true of the whole clafs.”
This is juft the inverfe of the maxim on which the Ari-
flotelian logic wholly proceeds, and is of equal authority
in the court of reafon. Indeed the expreffion of the ge¬
neral law is only the abbreviated expreffion of every par¬
ticular inftance.
This new logic, therefore, or the logic of induction,
muft not be confidered as fubordinate to the old, or
founded on it. See Logic, Part III. chap. 5, In faft,
the ufe and legitimacy of the Ariftotelian logic is found¬
ed on the indudtive,
All animals are mortal *,
All men are animals j therefore
All men are mortal.
This is no argument to any perfon who choofes to
deny the mortality of man*, even although he acknow¬
ledges his animal nature, he will deny the major pro-
pofition.
It is beftde our purpofe to (how, how a point fo ge¬
neral, fo congenial to man, and fo familiar, remained
fo long unnoticed, although the difquifition is curious
and fatisfacfory. It was not till within thefe two cen¬
turies that the increafing demand for praftical know¬
ledge, particularly in the arts, made inquifitive men fee
how ufelefs and infufficient was the learning of the fchools
in any road of inveftigation which was connedled wuth
life and bufinefs ; and obferve, that fociety had received
ufeful information chiefly from perfons a finally engaged
in the arts which the fpeculatifts were endeavouring to
illuftrate 5 and that this knowledge confifted chiefly of
experiments and obfervations,. the only contributions
which their authors could make to fcience.
The Novum Organum of Bacon, which points out the
true method of forming a body of real and ufeful know¬
ledge, namely, the ftudy of nature in the wray of de-
fcription, obfervation, and experiment, is undoubtedly
the nobleft prefent that fcience ever received. It may
be confidered as the grammar of nature’s language, and
is a counter-part to the logic of Ariftotle ; not explod¬
ing it, but making it effeflual.
As the logic of Ariftotle had its rules, fo has the Ba¬
conian or inductive; and this work, the Novum Orga¬
num Scientiarum, contains them all. The chief rule,
and indeed the rule from which all the reft are but de¬
rivations, is, that “ the induflion of particulars muft
be carried as far as the general affirmation which is de¬
duced from them.” If this be not attended to, the
mind of man, which from his earlieft years fliows great
eigernefs in fearching for firft principles, will frequently
alcribe to the operation of a general principle events
whiqh are merely accidental. Hence the popular belief
in omens, palmiftry, and all kinds of fortune-telling.
This rule muft evidently give a new turn to the ivhole
track of philofophical inveftigation. In order to difco-
ver firft principles, we muft make extenfive and accu¬
rate obfervations, fo as to have copious inductions of
faCts, that we may not be deceived as to the extent of
the principle inferred from them. We muft extend our
acquaintance with the phenomena, paying a minute at¬
tention to what is going on all around us ; and we muft View df
ftudy nature, not ffiut up in our clofet drawing the pic- Bacon’s
ture from our own fancy, but in the world, copying our . 1 0
lines from her own features.
To delineate human nature, we muft fee how men aft.
To give the philofophy of the material world, we muft
notice its phenomena.
This method of ftudying nature has been profecuted
during thefe two laft centuries with great eagernefs
and fuccefe. Pbilofophers have been bufy in making
accurate obfervations of fafts, and copious colleftions
of them. Men of genius have difeovered points of
relemblance, from which they have been able to infer
many general powers both of mind and body; and re-
femblances among thefe have fuggefted powers ftill more
general.
By thefe efforts inveftigation became familiar j phi-
lofophers ftudied the rules of the art, and became more
expert} hypothefes were baniffied, and nothing was
admitted as a principle which was not inferred from
the moft copious induftion. Conclufions from fuch
principles became every day more conformable to ex¬
perience. Miftakes fometimes happened j but recourle
being had to more accurate obfervation or more copi¬
ous induftion, the miftakes were correfted. In the 77 ,
prefent ftudy of nature, our fteps are more flow, and rei^jT
hefitating and painful *, our conclufions are more limited takes,
and modeft, but our difeoveries are more certain and
progreffive, and the refults are move applicable to the
purpofes of life. This pre-eminence of modern philo¬
fophy over the ancient is feen in every path of inquiry.
It was firft remarkable in the ftudy of the material
world } and there it ftill continues to be moft confpicu-
ous. But it is no lefs to be feen in the later perfor¬
mances of philofbphers in metaphyfics, pneumatology,
and ethics, where the mode of inveftigation by analylis
and experiment has been greatly adopted ; and we may
add, that it is this jufter view of the employment which
has reftored philofophers to the world, to fociety.
They are no longer to be found only in the acade¬
mies of the fophifts and the cloifters of a convent, but
in the difeharge of public and private duty. A phi-
lofophic genius is a genius for obfervation as well as
refleftion, and he fays, Homofum, humani a me nihil
alienum puto.
After faying fo much on the nature of the employ- Eftimate of
ment, and the mode of procedure, it requires no deep the philofo-
penetration to perceive the value of the philofophical
charafter. If there is a propenfity in the human mind
which diftinguithesus from the inferior orders of fentienC
beings, without the leaft circumftance of interference, a
propenfity which alone may be taken for the charafter-
iftic of the Tpecies, and of which no trace is to be found
in any other, it is dilinterefted intelleftual curiefity, a
love of difeovery for its own fake, independent of all its
advantages.
We think highly (and with great juftice do we think
fo) of our rational powers j but we may carry this too
far, as we do every ground of felf-eftimation. To every
man who enjoys the chearing thought of living under
the care of a wife Creator, this bpafted prerogative will
be viewed with more modefty and diffidence ; and He
has given us evident marks of the rank in which He
efteems the rational powers of man. In no cafe that is
ofeffential importance, ofindifpenfable neceffity, not on¬
ly
View of
Bacon’s
'Philofophy.
think mo
deftly of
our rational
powers.
So
Importance
of our in-
ftintfive
principles.
PHILO
ly to our wellbeing but to our very exigence, has He
left man to the care of his reafon alone 5 for in the firft
inftance, He has given us reafon
To guide the helm, while paflion blows the gale.
God has not trufted either the prefervation of the in¬
dividual or the continuance of the race to man’s no¬
tions of the importance of the talk, but has committed
them to the furer guards of hunger and of fexual de¬
fire. In like manner, He has not left the improvement
of his noblell: work, the intellectual powers of the foul
of man, to his own notions how important it is to his
comfort that he be thoroughly acquainted with the
objeCts around him. No : He has committed this alfo
to the fure hand of curiofity : and He has made this fo
ftrong in a few fuperior fouls, whom He has appointed
to give light and knowledge to the whole fpecies, as to
abftraCt them from all other purfuits, and to engage
them in intellectual refearch with an ardour which no
attainment can ever quench, but, on the contrary, in¬
flames it the more by every draught of knowledge.
■ But what need words
To paint its power ? For this the daring youth
Breaks from his weeping mother’s fondling arms
In foreign climes to rove. The penfive fage,
Heedlefs of lleep, or midnight’s hurtful vapour,
Hangs o’er the fickly taper.—Hence the fcorn
Of all familiar profpeCts, though beheld
With tranfport once. Hence th’ attentive gaze
Of young aftonifhment.
Such is the bounteous providence of Heaven,
In every breaft implanting the defire
Of objeCts new and ftrange, to urge us on
With unremitting labour to attain
The facred (lores that wait the rip’ning foul
In Truth’s exhauftlefs bofom. Aihenjide.
But human life is not a fituation of continual necef-
fity 5 this would ill fuit the plans of its beneficent Au¬
thor : and it is from induction of phenomena totally
oppofite to this, and from fuch induCtion alone, that
we have ever thought of a wife Creator. His w’ifdom
appears only in His beneficence. Human life is a fcene
filled with enjoyment; and the foul of man is ftored
with propenfities and powers which have pleafure, in
direft terms, for their objeCt. Another ftriking di-
ItinCtion of our nature is a continual difpofition to re¬
finement, of which few traces are to be found in the
8t aCtions of other animals. There is hardly a gift of
Ourdifpo- nature fo grateful in itfelf as to pleafe the freakifli
fition to mind of man till he has moulded it to his fancy. Not
*e sement. contentecj with food, wdth raiment, and with (helter,
he mult have nice cookery, ornamental drefs, and ele¬
gant houfes. He hunts when he is not hungry, and
he refines fexual appetite into a molt elegant paflion.
In like manner he has improved this anxious defire of
the knowledge of the objeCts around him, fo as to derive
from them the means of fubfiftence and comfort, into
the molt elegant and pleafing of all gratifications, the
accumulation of intellectual knowledge, independent of
all confideration of its advantages. And as every man
has a title to the enjoyment of fuch pleafures as he
can attain without injuring his neighbour; fo it is al¬
lowable to fuch as have got the means of intellectual
improvement, without relinquifhing the indifpenfable
SOPHY. _ 39s
focial duties, to pufh this advantage as far as it will go : ct
and, in all ages and countries, it has been confidered
as forming the greatelt diftinCtion between men of eafy , ;
fortune and the poor, who mult earn their fubfiftence
by the fweat of their brow7. The plebeian muft learn to
work, the gentleman muft learn to think \ and nothing
can be a furer mark of a groveling foul than for a man
of fortune to have an uncultivated mind. Si
Let us then cherifti to the utmoft this diftingufthing Ought to
propenfity of the human foul: but let us do even this as
like philofophers. Let us cultivate it as it is : as the jt 1S fubfen.
handmaid to the arts and duties of life j as the guide vient to the
to fomething yet more excellent. A character is not to duties of
be eftimated from what the perfon knows, but from1^'
w7hat he can perform. The accumulation of intellectual
knowledge is too apt to create an inordinate appetite
for it : and the man habituated to fpeculaticn is, like
the mifer, too apt to place that pleafure in the mere
pojfejjion, wftiich he ought to look for only or chiefly in
the judicious ufe of his favourite objeCt. Like the
mifer, too, his habits of hoarding up generally unfit
him for the very enjoyment which at letting out he
propofed to himfelf. Seldom do we find the man, wftio
has devoted his life to fcientific purfuits for their own
fake, pofleffed of that fuperiority of mind which the ac¬
tive employ to good purpofe in times of perplexity $ and
much feldbmer do w7e find him poffeffed of that promp¬
titude gf apprehenfion, and that decifion of purpofe,
which are neceflary for palling through the difficult
fcenes of human life.
But w7e may ufe the good things of this life wuthout
abufing them j and by moderation here, as in all other
purfuits, derive thofe folid advantages which philefo-
phy is able to bellow7. And thefe advantages are great.
To enumerate and defcribe them w7ould be to w7rite a
great volume. We may juft take notice of one, w hich
is an obvious confequence of that ftriCt and Ample view
which we have given of the fubjeCt \ and<his is a mo-
dell opinion of our attainments. Appearances are all Limits of
that we know ; caufes are for ever hid from our view jonr know*
the powers of our nature do not lead us fo far. Let us
therefore, without hefitation, relinquilh all purfuits
which have fuch things as ultimate principles for obje&s
of examination. Let us attend to the fubordinations of
things wdiich it is our great bufinefs to explore. Among
thefe there is fuch a fubordination as that of means to
ends, and of inftruments to an operation. All will ac¬
knowledge the abfurdity of the projeCt of viewing light
with a microfcope. It is equally abfutd for us to ex-»
amine the nature of knowledge, of truth, of infinite w ifi-
dom, by our intellectual powrers. We have a w ide field
of acceflible knowledge in the works of God ; and one
of the greatell advantages, and of the molt fublime plea-
lures, w7hich we can derive from the contemplation, is
the view which a judicious philofophical refearch will
moft infallibly give us of a w7orld, not confifting of a
number of detached objeCts, connected only by the fleet¬
ing tie of coexiltpnce, but an univerfe, a fyfem of beings,
all connected together by Caufation, with innumerable
degrees of fubordination and fubfervieticy, and all co¬
operating in the production of one great and glorious
purpofe. The heart which has but a ipark of fenfibi-
lity muft be warmed by fuch a profpeCt, muft be pleafed
to find itfelf an important part of this ftupendous ma¬
chine } and cannot but adore the incomprehenfible Ar-
3 D 2 tilt
396
PHILO S O H P Y.
View of tift whp contrived, created, and dire£ls the whole. Let
t us n0{: liden, then, to the timid admonitions of theologi-
!, u ° up y'cai ignorance, v,rhich flirinks with fuperftitious horror
g4 from the thoughts of accounting for every thing by the
Philofophi- powers of.nature, and confiders thefe attempts as an ap-
cal difquifi-proach. to atheifm. Philofophical difquifition will, on
tion gives contrary, exhibit thefe general laws of. the univerfe,
iuft notions n ■, J1 • i i- n r
of Goiand that wonderful concatenation and adjutiment or every
of our own thing both material and intelle&ual, as the mod llrik-
fquU. ing inftance of incomprehenfible wifdom j w7hich, by-
means fo few and fo fimple, can produce effedts which
by their grandeur dazzle our imagination, and by their
multiplicity elude all poflibility of enumeration. Of all
the obiiacles which the weaknefs, the folly, or the finful
vanity of men, has thrown in the way of the theolo¬
gian, there, is none fo fatal, fo hoftile to all his endea¬
vours, as a cold and comfortlefs fyftem of materialifm,
which the reafoning pride pf man firfl: engendered,
which made a figure among a few fpeculatifts in the laft
century, but was foon forgotten by the philofophers
really bufy with the obfervation of nature and of na¬
ture’s God. It has of late reared up its head, being
now cherifhed by all who wilh to get rid of the flings
of remorfe, as the only opinion compatible with the
peace of the licentious and the fenfual: for wTe may fay
to them as Henry IV. faid to the prince of Wales,
“ Thy wfifh was father, Harry, to that thought.” In
vain will the divine attempt to lay this devil with the
metaphyfical exorcifms of the fchools $ it is philofophy
alone that can detedl the cheat. Philofophy fingles
out the charadlerillic phenomena wdrich diflinguifh every
fubflance ; and philofophy never will hefitate in faying
that there is ^ fet of phenomena which charadlerife
mind and another which charadlerife body, and that thefe
are toto ccelo different. Continually appealing to faft,
to the phenomena, for our knowledge of every caufe,
w7e {hall have no difficulty in deciding that thought,
memory, volition, joy, hope, are not compatible attri¬
butes with bulk, weight, elafticity, fluidity. Tula fub
agide Valias; philofophy will maintain the dignity of
human nature, will detect the fophifms of the material-
ills, confute their arguments j and fhe alone will refloxe
to the countenance of nature that ineffable beauty, of
which thofe would deprive her, who w'ould take away
the fiipreme Mind which fhines from within, and gives
life and expreflion to every feature.
View of
Bacon’s
Phiiofophy,
P H I
Philofophy] Natural PhILOSOPHT. See NATURAL Philofophy,
!! Philosophy, and Physics.
Philoftra- Experimental PuiLOSOPHT. See EXPERIMENTAL
. ^ Philofophy.
Moral Philosophy. See Moral Philofophy.
PHILOSTORGIUS, an ecclefiaftical hiflorian of
the 4th century, was born in Cappadocia, and wrote
an abridgment of ecclefiaftical hiftory, in which he
treats Athanafius with fome feverity. This work con¬
tains many curious and interefling particulars. The
belt edition is that of Henry de Valois in Greek and
Latin. There is alfo attributed to him a book againft
Porphyry.
PHILOSTRATUS, Flavius, was an ancient Greek
author. He wrote the Life of Apollonius Tyanenfis,
' and fome other things which have come down to our
time. Eufebius againfl Hierocles calls him an Atheni¬
an, becaufe he taught at Athens •, but Eunapius and
Suidas always fpeak of him as a Lemnian : and he hints,
in his Life of Apollonius, that he ufed to be at Lemnos
when he was young. He frequented the fchools of the
fophifts; and he mentions his having heard Damianus
of Ephefus, Proclus Naucratitas, and Hippodromus of
Lariffa. This feems to prove that he lived in the reign
of the emperor Severus, from 193 to 212, wThen thofe
fophifts flourifhed. He became known afterwards to
Severus’s wife Julia Augufla, and was one of thofe
learned men whom this philofophic emprefs had conti¬
nually about her. It was by her command that he
wrote the Life of Apollonius Tyanenfis, as he relates
ftimfelf in the fame place where he informs us of his
connexions with that learned lady. Suidas and Hefy-
chius fay that he was a teacher of rhetoric, firft at A-
thens and then at Rome, from the reign of Severus to
that of Philippus, who obtained the empire in 244.
Philoflratus’s celebrated work is his Life of Apol-
P H I
lonius 5 which has erroneoufly been attributed to Lu- Philoftra-
cian, becaufe it has been printed with fome of that tus~
author’s pieces. Philoflratus endeavours, as Cyril ob- v
ferves, to reprefent Apollonius as a w onderful and ex¬
traordinary perfon ; rather to be admired and adored
as a god than to be confidered as a mere man. Hence
Eunapius, in the preface to his Lives of the Sophifls,
fays that the proper title of that work would have been,
The Coming of a God to Men; and Hierocles, in his
book againil the Chriflians which w:as called Phila/ethes,
and which was refuted by Eufebius in a w7ork flill ex¬
tant, among other things drew7 a comparifon between
Apollonius and Jefus Chrifl. It has always been fup-
pofed that Philoflratus compofed his wTork with a view
to difcredit the miracles and doXrines of our Lord,
by fetting up other miracles and other doXrines againft
them, and this fuppofition may be true •, but that Apol¬
lonius was really an impoflor and magician may not be
fo.certain. He may, for what we know7, have been a
wife and excellent perfon ; and it is remarkable, that
Eufebius, though he had the worfl opinion of Philo-
flratus’s hiftory, fays nothing ill of Apollonius. He
concluded that that hiftory was written to oppofe the
hiflory of Jefus ; and the ufe which the ancient infidels
made of it juflifies his opinion 5 but he draws no in¬
formation from it with regard to Apollonius. It wrould
have been improper to have done fo ; fince the fophifli-
cal and affected flyle of Philoftratus, the fources from
whence he owns his materials to have been drawn, and,
above all, the abfurdities and contradictions with which
he abounds, plainly fhow his hiflory to be nothing but a
collection of fables, either invented or at leafl embellifh-
ed by himfelf.
The w7orks of Philoflratus, however, have engaged
the attention of critics of the firfl clafs. Graevius had
intended to have given a correX edition of them, as
appears
PHI [ 397 ] PHI
Philuftra- appears from the preface of Meric Cafaubon to a ciifTer-
p, b1?’. tation upon an intended edition of Homer, printed at
i . u>0.lS' < London in 1658, 8vo. So bad Bentley, who defigned
to add a new Latin verfion of his notes j and Fabricius
fays that he faiv the firft* fheet of Bentley’s edition
printed at Leipfic in 1691. Both thefe deiigns were
dropped. A very exact and beautiful edition was
publifhed at length at Leipfic, 1709, in folio, by Ole-
arius, profeffor of the Greek and Latin tongues in that
univerfity ; who has proved himfelf perfectly qualified
for the wTork lie undertook, and fhown all the judge¬
ment, learning, and induftry, that are required in an ex¬
cellent editor.
See A.pol- enc^ Apollonius’s Life there are 95 letters
nonius, and which go under his'name. They are not, however,
Blount believed to be his \ the ftyle of them being very affeft-
(Charles). ed, and like that of a fophift, while they bear in other
refpe&s all the marks of a forgery. Philoftratus fays
that he faw a colleftion of Apollonius’s Letters in Ha¬
drian’s library at Antium, but had not inferted them
all among thefe. They are Abort, and have in them
little elfe than moral fentences. The Lives of the So-
phifts contain many things wdiich are to be met with no¬
where elfe. The Heroics of Philoftratus are only a
dialogue between a vintner of Thracian Cherfonefus and
a Phoenician, in which the former drawrs charafters of
Homer’s heroes, and reprefents feveral things different¬
ly from that poet; and this upon the faith of Prote-
.filaus’s ghoft, who had lately vifited his farm, wThich
w’as not far from the tomb of this hero. Olearius con-
jeflures, with much probability, that Philoftratus’s de-
fign in this dialogue wras fecretly to criticife fome things
in Homer, which he durft not do openly on account of
the great veneration then paid to him, and for fear of
the odium which Zoilus and others had incurred by cen-
furing him too freely. The images are elegant defcrip-
tions and illuftrations of fome ancient paintings and other
particulars relating to the fine arts } to which Olearius has
fubjoined the defcription of fome ftatues by Calliftratus;
for the fame reafon that he fubjoined Eufebius’s book
againft Hierocles to the Life and Letters of Apollonius,
namely, becaufe the fubjefts of thefe refpedtive works
are related to each other. The laft piece is a collection
of Phiioftratus’s Letters; but fome of thefe, though it
is not eafy to determine which, were written by a ne¬
phew to our Philoftratus, of the fame name, as were al-
fo the laft eighteen in the book of images. This is the
reafon why the title runs not Phi/ojlrati, but Fhilojira-
torum quce fuperfunt omnia.
There were many perfons of the name of Philoftratus
among the ancients •, and there were many other works
of the Philoftratus here recorded, but no others are ex¬
tant befides thofe we have mentioned.
PHILOTIS, a fervant maid at Rome, faved her
, countrymen from deftruftion. After the fiege of Rome
by the Gauls, the Fidenates affembled an army, and
marched againft the capital, demanding all the wives
and daughters in the city as the only conditions of
peace. This demand aftonilhed the fenators ; and when
they refufed to comply, Philotis advifed them to fend
all the female Haves difguifed in matrons clothes, and
(he offered to march herfelf at the head. Her advice
was followed j and when the Fidenates had feafted late
in- the evening, and were quite intoxicated and fallen
afleep, Philotis lighted a torch as a fignal for her coun¬
trymen to attack the enemy. The whole wTas - fuccefs-
ful j the Fidenates wrere conquered; and the fenate, to u
reward the fidelity of the female Haves, permitted them
to appear in the drefs of the Roman matrons.
PHILOXENUS, an officer of Alexander, who re¬
ceived Cilicia at the general divifion of the provinces.
 A fon of Ptolemy, who was given to Pelopidas as
an hoftage. A dithyrambic poet .of Cythera. He
enjoyed the favour of Dionyfius tyrant of Sicily for
fome time, till he offended him by feducing one of his
female fingers. During his confinement Philoxenus
compofed an allegorical poem called Cyclops ; in which
he had delineated the charafter of the tyrant under the
name of Polyphemus, and reprefented his miftrefs under
the name of Galataea, and himfelf under that of Ulyffes.
The tyrant, who was fond of writing poetry, and of be¬
ing applauded, removed Philoxenus from his dungeon j
but the poet refufed to purchafe his liberty by faying
things unworthy of himfelf, and applauding the wretch¬
ed verfes of Dionyfius, and therefore he wras fent to the
quarries. Being fet at liberty, he fbme time after was
afked his opinion at a feaft about fome verfes which Di¬
onyfius had juft repeated, and which the courtiers had
received with the greateft applaufe. Philoxenus gave
no anfwer, but he ordered the guards that furrounded
the tyrant’s table to take him back to the quarries.
Dionyfius was pleafed with his pleafantry and with his
firmnefs, and immediately forgave him. Philoxenus
died at Eohefus about 380 years before Chrift.
PHILTER, or Philtre, {Philtrum), in Pharmacy,
&c. a ftrainer.
Philter, is alfo ufed for a drug or preparation,
wffiich it is pretended will excite love.—The word is form¬
ed from the Greek Qiteu, “ I lave,” or “ lover.”
Philters are diftinguilhed into true and fpurious, and
were given by the Greeks and Romans to excite love.
The fpurious are fpells or charms, fuppofed to have an
effedl beyond the ordinary laws of nature by fome ma¬
gic virtue j fuch are thofe faid to be given by old wo¬
men, witches, &c.—The true philters are thofe fup¬
pofed to work their effeft by fome natural and magne-
tical power. There are many grave authors who be¬
lieve the reality of thefe philters, and allege matter of
fa£l in confirmation of their fentiments: among the reft,
Van Helmont, who fays, that upon holding a certain
herb in his hand for fome time, and taking afterwards a
little dog by the foot with the fame hand, the dog fol¬
lowed him wherever he went, and quite deferted his
former mafter ; which he pretends to account for thus :
The heat communicated to the herb, not coming alone,
but animated by the emanations of the natural fpirits,
determines the herb towards the man, and identifies it
to him : having then received this ferment, it attradls
the fpirit of the other objeft magnetically, and gives it
an amorous motion.—But this is mere cant j and all
philters, whatever fa£ts may be alleged, are mere chi¬
meras.
PHILYCA. See Phylica, Botany Index.
PHILYRA, in fabulous hiftory, was one of the O-
ceanides, whom Saturn met in Thrace. The god, to
efcape from the vigilance of Rhea, changed himfelf into
a horfe, to enjoy the company of Philyra, by whom he
had a fon half a man and half a horfe, called Chiron.
Philyra
PHI [ 398 ] PHI
Plillyra was fo afhamed of giving birth to fuch a mon-
fter, that fhe entreated the gods to change her nature.
She was accordingly metarnorphofed into a tree, called
by her name among the Greeks.
PHIMOSIS, in Medicine, a diforder of the penis, in
which the prepuce is fo ilri£t or tenfe, that it cannot be
drawn back over the glans. See Surgery.
PHINEHAS, or, as the Jews pronounce it Pinehas,
was the fon of Eleazar, and grandfon of Aaron. He was
the third high prieft of the Jews, and difcharged this
office from the year of the world 2571, till towards
the year 2590. He is particularly commended in
Scripture for the zeal he Ihowed in vindicating the
glory of God, when the Midianites had lent their
daughters into the camp of Ifrael, to tempt the He¬
brews to fornication and idolatry. For Zimri having
publicly entered into the tent of a Midianitiffi woman
named Cozbi, Phinehas arofe up from among the people
(Numb. xxv. 7, &c.), took a javelin in his hand, en¬
tered after Zimri into that infamous place, and ftabbed
both man and woman at one blow, in thofe parts that
were chielly concerned in this criminal commerce. Upon
which the plague or diltemper ceafed with which the
Lord had already begun to puniffi the Israelites. This
happened in the year of the world 2553,
Then the Lord faid to Mofes, Phinehas the fon of
Elea_zar the high-prieft has turned away my wrath from
the children of Ifrael, becaufe he has been zealous in
my caufe, and ,has hindered me from deftroying them :
wherefore acquaint him, that I give him my covenant
of peace, and the prielthood ffiall be given to his po-
flerity by a perpetual covenant, becaufe he has been
zealous for his God, and has made atonement for the
crime of the children of Ifrael. This promife that the
Lord made to Phinehas, to give" him the priefthood by
a perpetual covenant, interpreters obferve, evidently in¬
cluded this tacit condition, that his children fhould con¬
tinue faithful and obedient j lince we know that the prieft¬
hood paffed out of the family of Eleazar and Phinehas
to that of Ithamar, and that it returned not to the po-
fterity of Eleazar till after about 150 years.
This is what we find concerning the tranflation of
ihe high-priefthood from one family to the other. This
dignity coiitinued in the race of Phinehas, from Aaron
down to the high-prieft Eli, for about 335 years. See
Aaron.
The manner and caufes of this change are unknown.
It re-entered again into the family of Eleazar, under
the reign of Saul, when this prince having put to
death Abimelech, and the other priefts of Nob, he
gave the high-priefthood to Zadok, who was of the race
of Phinehas. At the fame time, David had Abiathar
with him, of the race of Eli, who performed the func¬
tions of high-prieft. So that after the death of Saul,
David continued the priefthood to Zadok and Abiathar
conjointly. But towards the end of David’s reign,
Abiathar having efpoufed the intereft of Adonijah, to
the prejudice of Solomon, he w^as in difgrace, and Zadok
only was acknowledged as high-prieft. The priefthood
continued in his family till after the captivity of Baby¬
lon, and even to the deftnnftion of the temple. But
from the beginning of Zadok’s priefthood alone, and
the exclufion of Abiathar, to the ruin of the temple, is
4084 years.
We re^d of another memorable a&icn of Phinehas,
in which he ftill ftiotved his zeal for the Lord. This f hine'iasj.
was when the Ifraelites that were beyond Jordan had Hiineu. .
raifed upon the banks of this river a vaft heap of earth v *
(Joffi. xxii. 30, 31.). Thofe on the other fide fearing
they were going to forfake the Lord, and fet up another
religion, deputed Phinehas and other chief men among
them, to go and inform themfelves of the reafon of creel¬
ing this monument. But when they had found that it
was in commemoration of their union and common ori¬
ginal, Phinehas took occafion from thence to praife the
Lord, faying, “ We know that the Lord is with us,
fince you are not guilty of that prevarication we fulpeft-
ed you were.”
We do not exa&ly know the time of the death of
Phinehas. ' But as he lived after t^e death of Joffiua,
and before the firft fervitude under Chuffian-rilhathaim,
during the time that there were neither kings nor judges
in the land, and every one did what was right in his
own eyes (Judges xvii. 6. xviii. 1. xxi. 24.) ; his death
is put about the year of the wrorld 2590. It was under
his pontificate that the ftory of Micah happened, as alfc
that of the tribe of Dan, when they made a conqueft of
Laiffi 5 and the enormity that was committed upon the
wife of the Levite of the mountain of Ephraim (Judges
xx. 28.). Phinehas’s fiicceffor in the high-priefthcod
was Abiezer, or Abiftmah.
The Rabbins allow a very long life to Phinehas,
There are fome who believe he lived to the time of
the high-prieft Eli, or even to the time of Samlbn,
Others wall have jt, that he was the fame as Eli, or
rather as the prophet Elias, wffiich wrould ftill prolong
his life for feveral ages.
PHINEUS, in fabulous hiftory, wras a fon of Age-
nor, king of Phoenicia, or according to fome of Nep¬
tune. He became king of Thrace, or, according to the
greater part of mythologifts, of Bithynia. He married
Cleopatra the daughter of Boreas, called by fome C/eo-
bula, by whom he had Plexippus and Pandion. After
her death, he married Idsea the daughter of Dardanus.
Idsea, jealous of his former wife’s children, accufed
them of attempts upon their father’s life and crown, or,
as others affert, of attempts upon her virtue *, on which
they were condemned by Phineus to be deprived of
their eyes. This cruelty was foon after punifhed by thfc
gods j for Phineus fuddenly became blind, and thp Har¬
pies were lent by Jupiter to keep him in continual
alarm, and to fpoil the meats which were placed on his
table. He was afterwards delivered from thefe danger¬
ous monfters by his brothers-in-law Zetes and Calais,
who purfued them as far as the Strophades. He like-,
wife recovered his fight by means of the Argonauts,
whom he had received with great hofpitality, and wffiom
he inftrudled in the eafieft and fpeedieft way of arriving
in Colchis. The caufes of the blindnefs of Phineus are
a matter of difpute among the ancients ; fome fuppofing
that this was inflS6led by Boreas for his cruelty to his
grandfon •, while others attribute it to the anger of Nep¬
tune, becaufe he had dire&ed the fons of Phryxus how
to efcape from Colchis to Greece. Many, howrevef,
imagine that it proceeded from his having ralhly at¬
tempted to develope futurity; while others aflert that
Zetes and Calais put out his eyes on account of his cruel¬
ty to their nephews. The lecond w’ife of Phineus is
called by fome Did, Eunjtia, Danae, and Idothea.—He
was killed by Hercules.
4
PHLEBOTOMY,
Phleboto¬
my,
P H L [ 399 J PH L
PHLEBOTOMY, the opening of a vein with a
proper fharp-edged and pointed inftrument, in order
to let out a certain quantity of blood either for the
prefervation or recovery of a perfon’s health. See
Surgery.
PHLEGM, in the animal economy, one of the four
humours whereof the ancients fuppofed the blood to be
compofed. The chemifls make phlegm or water an ele¬
mentary body *, the characters of which are fluidity, infi-
pidity, and volatility.
• PHLEGMAGOGUES, in Medicine, a term an¬
ciently made ufe of for fuch medicines as were fup¬
pofed to be endowed with the property oi purging
off phlegm ; fuch as hermodaftyls, agaric, turbith, ja¬
lap, &c.
PHLEGMATIC, among phylicians, an appellation
given to that habit or temperament of body whqrein
phlegm is predominant 5 which gives rife to catarrhs,
coughs, Sec.
PHLEGMON, denotes an- external inflammation
and tumor, attended with a burning heat,
PPILEGON, who was furnamed Trallianus, was
born in Trallis a city of Lydia. He was the empe¬
ror Hadrian’s freed man, and lived to the 18th year
of Antoninus.Pius} as is evident from his mentioning
the confuls of that year. He wrote feveral works of
great erudition, of which we have nothing left but
fragments. Among thefe was a Hiftory of the Olym¬
piads, A Treatife of Long-lived Perfons, and another
of Wonderful Things $ the fhort and broken remains
of which Xylander tranflated into Latin, and publiflied
at Bafil in 1568, with the Greek and with notes. Meur-
flus publiflied a new edition of them with his notes at
Leyden, in 1622. The titles of part of the reft of
Phlegon’s writings are preferved by Suidas. It is fup¬
pofed that the Hiftory of Hadrian, publiftied under
Phlegon’s name, was written by Hadrian himfelf, from
this paflage of Spartianus : “ Hadrian thirfted fo much
after fame (fays he), that he gave the books of his
own life, drawn up by himfelf, to his freedmen, com¬
manding them to publifh thofe books under their own
names j for we are told that Hadrian wrote Phlegon’s
books.”
Phlegon’s name has been more familiar among the
moderns, and his fragments have had a greater degree
of regard paid to them than perhaps they deferve,
merely becaufe he has been fuppofed to fpeak of the
darknefs which prevailed during our Lord’s paflion.
The book in which the words are contained is loft ;
but Eufebius has preferved them in his Chronicon. They
are thefe : “ In the 4th year of the 202d Olympiad,
there was a greater and more remarkable eclipfe of the
fun than any that had ever happened before : for at
the fixth hour the day was fo turned into the darknefs
of night, that the very ftars in the firmament were
vifible ; and there wTas an earthquake in Bithynia
which threw down many houfes in the city of Nica;a.”
Eufebius thinks that thefe words of Phlegon related
to the prodigies which accompanied Chrift’s crucifixion j
and many other fathers of the church have thought the
fame : but this opinion is liable to many difficulties; for
no man had ever a ftronger defire than Phlegon to com¬
pile marve’lous events, and to obferve the fupernatural
circumftances in them. HowT was it then poflible that a
man of this turn of mind fhould not have taken notice of
the moft furprifing circumftance in the eclipfe which It is Phlegon;
imagined he hints at, viz. its happening on the day Phlogifton.
when the moon was at the full ? But had Phlegon done ” v ~"'
this, Eufebius would not have omitted it; and Origen
would not have faid that Phlegon had omitted this par¬
ticular.
It wras a matter of controverfy fome time ago, whe¬
ther Phlegon really fpoke of the darknefs at the time of
our Lord’s paflion •, and many diflertations were written
on both fides of the queftion. This difpute was occa-
fioned by the above paflage from Phlegon being left out
in an edition of Clarke’s Boyle’s Leftures, publiflied af¬
ter his death, at the inftance of Sykes, who had fuggeft-
ed to Clarke, that an undue itrefs had been laid upon it.
Whiflon, who informs us of this affair, expreffes great
difpleafure againft Sykes, and calls “ the fuggeftion
groundlefs.” Upon this, Sykes publifhed “ A Differta-
tion on the Eclipfe mentioned by Phlegon : or, “ An
Inquiry whether that Eclipfe had any relation to the
darknefs which happened at our Saviour’s Paflion j
1732,” 8vo. Sykes concludes ii* to be moft probable
that Phlegon had in view a natural eclipfe which hap¬
pened November 24, in the firft year of the 20 2d
Olympiad, and not in the 4th year- of the Olympiad in
which Chrift was crucified. Many pieces were written
againft him, and fo fome of them he replied j but per¬
haps it is a controverfy which concerns the learned
world merely, fince the caufe of religion is but little af-
feffed by it.
Photius blames Phlegon for expatiating too much on
trifles, and for colle&ing too great a number of anfwers
pronounced by the oracles. “ His ftyle (he tells us) is
not altogether flat and mean, nor does 'it everywhere
imitate the attic manner of writing. But otherwife, the
over nice accuracy and care with which he computes
the Olympiads, and relates the names of the contefts,.
the tranfadiions, and even oracles, is not only very tire-
fome to the reader, whereby a cloud is thrown over all
other particulars in that book, but the didtion is thereby
rendered unpleafant and ungrateful) and indeed he is
every moment bringing in the anfwers pronounced by
all kinds of deities.”
PHLOGISTON, a term ufed by chemlfts to denote
a principle which was fuppofed to enter into the compo-
fition of various bodies.
The bodies which were thought to contain it in the
largeft quantity are fuch as are inflammable ; and the
property which thefe fubftances poffefs of being fufcep-
tible of inflammation was thought to depend on this
principle ; and hence it was fometirpes called the Prin¬
ciple of Inflammabilitij. Inflammation, according to
this dodlrine, was the feparation of this principle or
pklogifton from the other matter which compofed the
combuftible body. As its feparation was always at¬
tended with the emlflion of light and heat, fome che-
mifts concluded that it was light and heat combin¬
ed with other matter in a peculiar manner, or that
it was fome highly elaftic and very fubtile matter,
on certain modifications of which heat and light de¬
pended.
Another clafs of bodies which were fuppofed to con¬
tain phlogiflon are the metals j and the chemirts fuppofed
that the peculiar luftre of the metals depended on thisr
principle. Of this they thought themfelves convinced
by the evidence of their fenfes in two ways j viz. firft,
becaufe"
P H L [ 400 1 P H L
Phlogifton. bcCaufe by expofing a metal to tbe action of a long con-
tinned heat, it loft its metallic luftre, and was converted
into an earthy-like fubftance called calx metallicus or
oxide; and fecondly, becaufe by mixing this oxide with
any inflammable fubftance whatever, and fubjccling the
mixture to certain operations, the inflammable matter,
difappeared, and the metal was reftored to its former
ftate and luftre, without fuffering much diminution in
quantity, efpecially if the proceffes had been conduced
with care and attention.
This fa£l relative to the metals was thought to be a
full demonftration of itfelf, independent of other proofs
which were brought to fupport the doctrine. Theie
were, that a combuftible body, by the a cl of inflamma¬
tion (i. e. by the diflipation of its phlogifton in the form
of heat and light), was converted into a body that was
no longer combuftible,- but which might have its proper¬
ty of combuftibility reftored to it again by mixing the
incombuftible remains with any kind of inflammable
matter, and fubmitting the mixture to certain proeeffes.
In this way the body was reftored to its former ftate of
inflammabilily.
They were alfo at fome pains to prove that the phlo¬
gifton or the principle of inflammability was the fame in
all inflammable bodies and in the metals. This identity
of phlogifton they thought to be evident from the fa£l,
that the calx of a metal might be reftored to its metallic
ftate, or that the remains after the combuftion of a
combuftible body might be reftored to its original
ftate of combuftibility by the addition of any inflamma¬
ble body whatever, taken either from the animal, vege¬
table, or mineral kingdoms.
Thefe and feveral other fafls were brought to prove,
not only the exiftence of phlogifton, but its effects in
mixture with other fubftances j and the objections which
were made againft the doClrine were removed with won¬
derful ingenuity. The chief objection againft it was,,
that if the inflammation of a combuftible body, or the
converfion of a metal into calx, depends on the diflipa¬
tion or extrication of phlogifton j then it mull follow,
that the remains of a combuftible body after inflamma¬
tion, and the calx of the metal, mull be lefs than the
matter from which they were produced: but this is
contrary to fa£t \ for when we colled with care all the
vapour into which the pureft inflammable bodies are
converted by combuftion, thefe incombuftible remains
are much heavier than the inflammable body was from
which they were produced, and the calx into which a
metal is converted by long expofure to the adion of
heat is heavier than the metal from which it was pro¬
duced. This confideration made feveral people doubt
of the truth of the doctrine •, but the obje&ion wfas re¬
moved by faying, that phlogifton was fo fubtile, as not
only to have no weight, but to poffefs an abfolute levi-
. ty •, and that -when it was taken from an abfolutely heavy
body, that body muft, by lofing fo much abfolute levity,
become heavier, in the fame manner as the algebraifts
fay, that a pofitive quantity is augmented by the fub-
ftradion of a negative quantity. This fophifm fatisfied
the minds of moft of the chemifts, efpecially thofe who
were algebraifts.
The opinion that phlogifton was heat and light fome-
how combined with other matter, wTas proved, nqt only
by the fad, that heat and light w^ere emitted from a
combuftible body during its combuftion, but from the
xedudion of certain metallic calces to the original me-
Z
tallic ftate again, at leaft in fome degree, by Ample ex- Pldogirton.
pofure to heat and light. The white calx of lilver for —v——"'
inftance, when expofed in clofe fealed glafs veffels to
the light and heat of the fun, re fumes a black tinge,
and is in part reftored to its metallic luftre without
any addition whatever \ but then this reftoration, like
the others above-mentioned, is attended with a lofs of
weight.
Befides conftituting the principal part of inflamma¬
ble bodies and metals, phlogifton was thought to be the
caufe of colour in all vegetable and animal fubftances.
This was concluded from the fad of plants growing
white when defended from the adion of the fun’s rays,
and in having their green colour reftored by expofure
to his rays again } and fo far did the chemifts fuffer
themfelves to be deceived, that they adually thought
the green colouring matter, which they extraded from
frefh plants by certain chemical proceffes, to be an in¬
flammable fubftance. A very material objedion w-as
made to this argument, viz. if plants owe their Colour
to phlogifton imparted by the fun’s rays, why do the
fun’s rays deftroy vegetable colours that are expofed to
them ? for wre know that the fun’s rays are very effec¬
tual in diminiftiing the luftre of cloth dyed with ve¬
getable colours, and in bleaching or taking out various
ftains from linen and other fubftances. All this was
removed by faying, that the fun’s rays poffeffed different
powers on living and on dead vegetable matter, and
that the living vegetables had the power of abforbing
phlogifton from the fun’s rays, which dead vegetable
matter had not.
Since the exiftence of phlogifton, as a chemical prin¬
ciple in the compofltion of certain bodies, is now fully
proved to be falfe, we ftiall not trouble our readers with
any farther obfervations on it, except adding, that al¬
though the chemifts were fatisfied with the proofs they
gave of its reality, they were never able to exhibit it in
a feparate ftate, or Ihow it in a pure form, unmixed wdth
other matter.
Phlogifton feems to have been admitted as a princi¬
ple in the compofition of certain bodies, and to have
been fuppofed the caufe of certain modifications of mat¬
ter, merely with a view to explain fome of thofe natural
phenomena which the authors of it were unable to ex¬
plain on other principles. Subfequent difeoveries in na¬
tural philofophy and in chemiftry have reprefented things
in a very different light from that in which the old che¬
mifts viewed them. The old chemifts knew nothing
but chemiftry *, they feldom extended their views to the
obfervation of objefts beyond their laboratories, and
it was not till philofophers became chemifts, and che¬
mifts philofophers, that chemiftry began to rvear the
garb of fcience. The epoch in which this change be¬
gan was in the time of Lord Verulam, -who firft remov¬
ed the dimnefs from the chemift’s eyes, and to him fuc-
ceeded the honourable Mr Boyle. Sir Ifaac Newton,
with the little afliftance which his predeceflbrs in this
branch of fcience afforded him, is in reality the firft
who eftablilhed chemiftry on fcientific ground. It muft,
however, be acknowledged, that although he made a
great progrefs, he left much, undone j and fubfequent
chemifts, who were lefs accurate obfervers of nature, ad¬
mitted, principles unwarrantably. From the time of Sir
Ifaac Newton till the middle of the 18 th century, no
real improvement was made in fcientific chemiftry 5 and
the progrefs this fcience has made fince that period is
owing