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B R E [ 40
’Breughel marriages, fports, and diverfions j though he fometimes
lU performed pieces from the hiftorical parts of the holy
Brgviarv. ^ Scriptures. At his return from Italy, he fettled at
Antwerp, and in his laft illnefs caufed his wife to gather
together all his immodeft pieces and burn them before
his face. It is uncertain in what year he died.
Of the works of old Breughel, the great duke of Tuf-
cany has, Chriil carrying his crofs, with a great num¬
ber of figures ; and a country feall. The emperor has
the tower of Babel, the maffacre of the Innocents, and
the converfion of St Paul, of his painting : the elector
Palatine, a landfcape, with St Philip baptizing Queen
Candace’s eunuch ; and St John preaching in the wil-
dernefs, with a great many figures. Old Breughel alfo,
for his amufement, is faid to have engraved fome few
plates of landfcapes and grotefque fubjefts.
Breughel, Peter, the younger, was the fon of the
above-mentioned artift, and named HelliJI) Breughel,
from the horrible fubjefts he delighted to reprefent.
He engraved alfo, according to M. Heineken ; but his
works are not fpecified. He died in 1642.
Breughel, John, commonly called Velvet Breughel,
from his generally wearing velvet clothes, was the fon
of Peter Breughel, and born about the year 1575. He
firll applied himfelf to painting flowers and fruit, in
which he excelled j and afterwards had great fuccefs in
drawing landfcapes, and views of the fea, fet off with
imall figures. He lived long at Cologn, where he ac¬
quired great reputation. He travelled to Italy, where
his fame had got before him •, and where his fine land¬
fcapes, adorned with fmall figures, fuperior to thofe of
his father, gave very great fatisfaftion. If a good judge¬
ment may be formed from the great number of pidfures
he left behind him, all highly finilhed, he mufl: have
been exceedingly induftrious. Nor did he fatisfy him¬
felf with embellifliing his own works only, but was
very ufeful in this refpett to his friends. Even
Rubens made ufe of Breughel’s hand in the land¬
fcape part of feveral of his fmall pidlures, fuch as his
Vertumnus and Pomona j the fatyr viewing the deep¬
ing nymph ; and the terreftrial paradife, which is
looked upon as his mafter-piece. He died in 1642.
—Several of his works are to be feen in the archbi-
ihop’s gallery at Milan ; particularly a hunting-piece
with a vaft many figures; a landfcape reprefenting a
defert, with the pifture of St Hierom painted by Ce-
rano, alias Gro Baptifta Crefpi. In the Ambrofian li¬
brary are 20 pieces of this mafterly hand ; particularly
Daniel in the lion’s den, the infide of the great church
at Antwerp, the four feafons on copper, and the burn¬
ing of Gomorrha. In the poffeflion of the eledlor Pa¬
latine at Duffeldorp, Chrirt preaching on the fea-lhore ;
a country-dance j a fea-port, with a great many fi¬
gures : a coach and two chariots, with a multitude of
figures and animals; a landfcape, wdierein Flora is
crowned by a nymph j St John preaching in the wil-
dernefs ; a fmall fea-landfcape, and feveral other pieces.
In the pofleflion of the late king of France, a woman
playing with a dog, the battle between Alexander and
Darius, both in wood : Orpheus in hell, &c.
BREVIARY, a daily office, or book of divine fer-
vice, in the Roman church. It is compofed of matins,
lauds, firft, third, fixth, and ninth vefpers, and the com¬
pline or poll communio.
The breviary of Rome is general, and may be ufed
Vol. IV. Part II.
1
B R E
Brevity.
in all places j but on the model of this various others Breviary
have been built, appropriated to each diocefe, and each
order of religious. v
The breviary of the Greeks is the fame in almofi: all
churches and monafteries that follow the Greek rites :
the Greeks divide the pfalter into 20 parts. In gene¬
ral, the Greek breviary confifts of two parts 5 the one
containing the office for the evening, the other that of
the morning, divided into matins, lauds, firft, third,
fixth, and ninth vefpers, and the compline; that is, of
feven different hours, on account of that faying of Da¬
vid, Septies in die loudem dixi tibi.
The inftitution of the breviary is not very ancient;
there have been infer ted in it the lives of the faints, full
of ridiculous and ill-atteffed ffories, which gave occafiou
to feveral reformations of it, by feveral councils, par¬
ticularly thofe of Trent and Cologn 5 by feveral popes,
particularly Pius V. Clement VIII. and Urban VIII.;
and alfo by feveral cardinals and biffiops, each lopping
off forne extravagancies, and bringing it nearer to the
fimplicity of the primitive offices. Originally, every
body was obliged to recite the breviary every day ; but
by degrees the obligation was reduced to the clergy
only, who are enjoined, under penalty of mortal fin and
ecclefiaftical cenfures, to recite it at home, when they
cannot attend in public. In the 14th century, there
was particular referve granted in favour of bilhops, who
were allowed, on extraordinary occafions, to pafs three
days without rehearfing the breviary.
This office was originally called curfus ; and after¬
wards, the breviarium : which latter name imports that
the old office was abridged } or rather, that this collec¬
tion is a kind of abridgment of all the prayers.
The breviaries now in ufe are innumerable ; the dif¬
ference between them confifts principally in the num¬
ber and order of the pfalms, hymns, paternofters, ave-
Maries, creeds, magnificates, cantemus’s, benedidlus’s,
canticamus’s, nunc dimittis’s, miferere’s, hallelujah’s,
gloria patri’s, &c.
Breviary, in Roman antiquity, a book firft intro¬
duced by Auguftus, containing an account of the ap¬
plication of the public money.
BREVIATOR, an officer under the eaftern empire,
whofe bufinefs it w7as to write and tranflate briefs.—At
Rome thofe are ftyled breviators, or abbreviafors, w'ho
ditlate and draw up the pope’s briefs.
BREVIBUS, a rotulis liberandis, a writ or
command to a ffieriff to deliver to his fucceffor the coun¬
ty, with the appurtenances, and the rolls, -writs, and
other things to his office belonging.
BREVIER, among printers, a fmall kind of type
or letter between bourgeois and minion.
BREVITY, in a general fenfe, that which deno¬
minates a thing brief or ftiort.
Brevity is more particularly ufed in fpeaking of
the ftyle or compofition of difcourfe. Brevity of dif-
courfe is by fome called brachylogia and brevi/oquentia;
fometimes laconifmus. Tacitus and Perfius are re¬
markable for the brevity of their ftyle. There are two
kinds of brevity, one arifing from diynefs, poverty, and
narrownefs of genius; the other from judgment and
refle&ion ^ which latter alone is laudable. Brevity is
fo effential to a tale, a fong, and an epigram, that
without it they neceffarily languifti and become dull.
Rhetoricians make brevity one of the principal marks
3 E or
B R E [ 402 ] B R E
Brevium or conditions of eloquence : but tbe rules they pre-
II fcribe for attaining it, are difficult to apply* fo as ftill
Brewer. ^ kegp jnedium between too much and too
little. A juft brevity is attained by ufing all the words
which are neceffary, and none but thoie which are ne-
ceffiary. Sometimes it may alfo be had, by choofing a
word which has the force of feveral. It is this laft
kind which Quintilian admires fo much in Salluft; and
the imitation of which, by other writers, has caufed fo
much obfcurity.
BREVIUM gustos. See Gustos.
BREVORDT, a town of Guelderland, in the Uni¬
ted Netherlands, fttuated in E. Long. 6. 35. N. Lat.
5 2°.
BREWER, Anthony, a dramatic poet who flou-
riihed in the reign of King Charles I. and appears to
have been held in high eftimation by the wits of that
time, as may be more particularly gathered from an ele¬
gant compliment paid to him in a poem called Steps to
Parnajfus, wherein he is fuppofed to have a magic
power to call the mufes to his affiftance, and is even
fet on an equality with the immortal Shakefpeare him-
felf. There are, however, great difputes among the
feveral writers, as to the number of his works. Thofe
which have been afcribed to him with any certainty
are, 1. The country girl, sa comedy. 2. The love-fick
king, a comedy. And, 3. Lingua: a piece in regard
to which Winftanley records a remarkable anecdote,
which points it out to have been in fome meafure the
innocent caufe of thofe troubles that difturbed the peace
of thefe realms in the middle of the 17th century. He
tells us, that when this play was acted at Cambridge,
Oliver Cromwell (then a youth) adled a part in it. The
fubftance of the piece is a contention among the Senfes
for a crown, which Lingua had laid for them to find.
The part allotted to young Cromwell w'as that of
'Tatlus or Touch ; who having obtained the contefted
coronet, makes this fpirited declamation :
Rofes and bays, pack hence! this crown and robe
My brows and body circles and invefts:
How gallantly it fits me ! fure the flave
Meafur’d my head who wrought this coronet.—
They lie that fay complexions cannot change !
My blood’s ennobled, and I am transform’d
Unto the facred temper of a king.
Methinks I hear my noble parafites
Styling me Cafar, or Great Alexander,
Licking my feet, &c.
It is faid that he felt the whole part fo W'armly, and
more efpecially the above-quoted fpeech, that it was
wffiat firft fired his foul wfith ambition, and excited him,
from the poffeffion of an imaginary crown, to ftretch
Lis views to that of a real one ; for the accompliffi-
ment of which he wras content to wrade through feas of
blood.
Brewer, a perfon who profeffes the art of brewing.
There are companies of brewers in moft capital ci¬
ties 5 that of London was incorporated in 1427 by
Henry VI. and that of Paris is ftill older.
The apparatus and utenfils of a brewer, or a brewr-
houfe, are, A furnace made clofe and hollow for faving
fuel, and with a vent for the fmoke left it taint the li¬
quor-, a copper, which is preferable to lead ; a mafk-
vat near the head} a cooler near the maik-vat j and a
guile-vat under the cooler: adjoining to all are feveral
clean tubs, to receive the w-orts and liquors.
BREfrERS-IIaven, a good harbour at the north end
of the illand of Chiloe on the coaft of Chili, in South
America, and in the South fea. The Dutch landed
forces here in 1643, defigning to get poffeffion of fome
part of Chili ; but they wTere driven from thence by
the Spaniards and the natives. W. Long. 82°. S. Lat.
420.
Brewing*
BREWING, the operation of preparing ale or beer
from Malt. t
Though the art of brewing is undoubtedly a part of No fettlec?
chemiftry, and certainly depends upon fixed and inva-theory of
riable principles as well as every other branch of thatbrewin£’
fcience, thefe principles have never yet been thoroughly
inveftigated. For want of a fettled theory, therefore,
the practice of this art is found to be precarious ; and
to fucceed unaccountably with fome, and mifgive as
unaccountably w ith others. Some few hints, however,
have been thrown out, in order to eftablilh a regular
theory of brewing ; the principal of which we ffiall
lay before our readers. ^
The ufual procefs of brewing is as follows: A quan- Common
tity of water being boiled, is left to cool till the height procefs de*
of the fteam be over; when fo much is poured to
quantity of malt in the maihing tub, as makes it of a
confiftence ftiff enough to be juft well rowed up: after
Handing thus a quarter of an hour, a fecond quantity
of the w7ater is added, and rowed up as before: laftly,
the full quantity of water is added ; and that in pro¬
portion as the liquor is intended to be ftrong or weak.
—This part of the operation is called mafking.—The
whole now ftands twro or three hours, more or leis, ac¬
cording to the ftrength of the wort or the difterence of
w'eather, and is then drawn off into a receiver; and the
maffiing repeated for a fecond wort, in the fame man-
mer as for the firft, only the water muft be cooler than
before, and muft not Hand above half the time. The
two worts are then to be mixed, the intended quantity
of hops added, and the liquor clofe covered up, gently
boiled in a copper for the fpace of an hour or tw7o ;
then let into the receiver, and the hops ftrained from it
into the coolers. When cool, the barm or yeaft is ap¬
plied ; and it is left to work or ferment till it be fit to
tun up. For fmall beer there is a third malhing with the
W’ater near cold, and not left to Hand above three quar¬
ters of an hour; to be hopped and boiled at difcretion.
For double beer or ale, the liquors refulting from the
two firft maffiings muft be ufed as liquor for the third
malhing of frelh malt. 3
From confidering this procefs, and the multiplicity Bifficiilties
of circumftances to be attended to in it, we may eafily Uten(iin8
fee that it muft be a very precarious cne. The fuccefs
of the operation, i. e. the goodnefs of the beer, muft
depend upon the quality of the malt from which it is
made ; on that of the water with which it is infufed ;
on the degree of heat applied in the infufion ; on the
length of time the infufion is continued; on the proper
degree of boiling, the quantity and quality of the hops
employed; on the proper degree of fermentation, &.c.;
all which, as already obferved, have never yet been
thoroughly inveftigated and afcertained. Sir Robert
The manner of making malt Sir Robert Murray de-jyfurray.s
fcribes as follows.—Take good barley newly thraffied, method of
&c.; put about fix Engliffi quarters in a ftone trough malt-ma-
fullking.
B R E [ 4°3 ] B R E
Brewing, full of water, where let it fteep till the water be of a
brio-ht reddilh colour 5 which will be in about three
days, more or lefs according to the moifture or drynefc,
fmallnefs or bignefs, of the grain, the feafon of the
year, or the temperature of the weather. In fummer,
malt never makes well; in winter it requires longer
fteeping than in fpring or autumn. It may be known
when it is fteeped enough by other marks befides the
colour of the water-, as by the exceffive fwelling of the
grain if it be over-fteeped, and by too much foftnefs ;
being, when it is in a right temper, like the barley
prepared to make broth of. When it is fufficiently
ileeped, take it out of the trough, and lay it in heaps
to let the water drain from it; then, after two or three
hours, turn it over with a fcoop, and lay it in a new
heap, 20 or 24 inches deep. This is called the carving
heap, in the right management whereof lies the princi¬
pal {kill. In this heap it may lie 40 hours, more or lefs
according to the forementioned qualities of the grain,
&c. before it come to the right temper of malt; which
that it may do equally, is mainly defired. While it lies
in this heap, it muft be carefully looked to after the
firil 15 or 16 hours: for about that time the grains
begin to put forth roots; which when they have equal¬
ly and fully done, the malt mull, within an hour after,
be turned over with a fcoop; otherwife the grains will
begin to put forth the blade and fpire alfo, which mufl:
by all means be prevented. If all the malt do not
come equally, but that which lies in the middle, being
warmeft, come the fooneft; the whole muft be turned,
fo that w-hat was outmoft may be inmoft ; and thus it
is managed till it be all alike. As foon as the malt is
fufficiently come, turn it over, and fpread it to a depth
not exceeding five or fix inches; and by that time it is
all fpread out, begin and turn it over again three or
four times. Afterwards turn it over in like manner
once in four or five hours, making the heap deeper by
degrees ; and continue to do fo for the fpace of 48
hours at leaft. This frequent turning it over, cools,
dries, and deadens the grain; whereby it becomes mel¬
low, melts eafily in brewing, and feparates entirely from
the hulk. Then throw up the malt into a heap as high
as you can; where let it lie till it grow as hot as your
hand can endure it, which ufually happens in about the
fpace of 30 hours. This perfefrs the fweetnefs and
mellownefs of the malt. After it is fufficiently heat¬
ed, throw it abroad to cool, and turn it over again
about fix or eight hours after; and then lay it on a
kiln w-ith a hair-cloth or wire fpread under it; where,
after one fire which muft laft 24 hours, give it ano¬
ther more flow, and afterwards, if need be, a third :
for if the malt be not thoroughly dried, it cannot be
well ground, neither will it diffblve well in the brew¬
ing ; but the ale it makes will be red, bitter, and unfit
for keeping.
From this account of the procefs of malting, it ap¬
pears, that, befides the proper management in wetting,
turning, &cc. the drying is an article of the utmoft con-
fequence ; and concerning the proper degrees of heat
5 to be employed for this purpofe, Mr Combrune has re-
Mr Com- lated the following experiments. “ In an earthen pan,
brune s ex- 0£ a£,out two fet;t diameter, and three inches deep,
on'thcfclry- ^ Put as rnuch of the paleft malts, very unequally
incrot'malt; grown, as filled it on a level to the brim. This I pla-
F.Jfay on ced over a little charcoal lighted in a fmall ftove, and
Brewing.
kept continually ftirring it from bottom to top ; at
firft it did not feel fo damp as it did about half an hour
after.
“ In about an hour more, it began to look of a
bright orange colour on the outfide, and appeared
more fwelled than before. Every one is fenfible how
long-continued cuftom alone makes us fufticient judges
of colours. Then I macerated fome of the grains,
and found they were nearly fuch as are termed brown
malts. On ftirring and making a heap of them to¬
wards the middle, I placed therein at about half depth
the bulb of my thermometer, and found it rofe to 140
degrees : here the malt felt very damp, and had but
little fmell.
“ At 165 degrees I examined it in the fame man¬
ner as before, and could perceive no damp : the malt
was very brown ; and, on being macerated, fome few-
black fpecks appeared.
“ Now many corns, neareft the bottom, were be¬
come black and burnt; with all the diligence I could
ufe, I placed my thermometer nearly there, and it rofe
to 175 degrees. But the particles of fire, arifing from
the ftove, aft on the thermometer in proportion to the
diftance of the fituation it is placed in ; for which,
through the whole experiment, an abatement of 5 de¬
grees fhould be allowed, as near as I could eftimate ;
fo, a little after, putting my thermometer in the fame
pofition, where nearly half the corns w-ere black, it
(howed 180 degrees. I now judged that the water w7as
nearly all evaporated, and the heap grew black apace.
“ Again, in the centre of the heap raifed in the
middle of the pan, I found the thermometer at 180
degrees; the corn tailed burnt; and the whole, at top,
appeared about one half part a full browm, the reft black:
on being macerated, ftill fome white fpecks appeared ;
wffiich I obferved to proceed from the barley corns
which had not been thoroughly germinated, and w-hofe
parts cohering more together, the fire, at this degree
of heat, had not penetrated them : their tafte was in-
fipid, the malts brittle, and readily parting from the
Ikin: but the thermometer was now more various, as it
was nearer to or farther from the bottom ; and here I
judged all the true malt to be charred.
“ However, I continued the experiment; and, at 190
degrees, ftill found fome white fpecks on macerating
the grain; the acrofpire always appearing of a deeper
black or brow-n than the outward Ikin : the corn now
fried at the bottom of the pan.
“ I next increafed the fire ; the thermometer, pla¬
ced in the mean between the bottom of the pan and
the upper edge of the corn, fhow-ed 210 degrees. The
malt hifled, fried, and fmoked abundantly ; though,
during the whole procefs, the grain had been kept ftir-
ring, yet, on examination, the whole had not been e-
qually affefted with the fire. I found a great part
thereof reduced to perfeft cinders, eafily crumbling to
duft between the fingers, fome of a very black hue
without glofs, fome very black with oil Aiming on
the outfide. Upon the whole, two third parts of the
corn were perfeftly black; the reft were of a deep
brown, more or lefs fo as they were hard, fteely, or
imperfeftly germinated ; which veas' eafily difcovered
by the length of the (hoot. Moft of them feemed to
have loft their cohefion, and had a tafte refembling-that
of high roafted coffee.
3 E 2 “In
B R E t 4°4 1 B R E
Brewing. “ In the laft ftage of charring the malt, I fet there-
'f—on a wine-glafs inverted, into which arofe a pinguious
oily matter, which tailed very fait. Perhaps it may
not be unneceffary to fay, that the length of time this
experiment took up^ was four hours, and that the ef¬
fect it had both on myfelf and the perfon wdio attend¬
ed me was fuch as greatly refembled the cafe of ine¬
briation.
“ Though, from hence, it is not poffible to fix the
exa£t degree of heat in which malts charr, yet w’e fee
fome black appeared when the thermometer was at
165 degrees, that fome were entirely black at 175
and at 180 degrees, that the grains thus affefled were
fuch as had been perfeflly germinated, and that thofe
which bore a greater heat were defedlive in that point j
whence wre may conclude wnth an exaftnefs that will be
fufficient for the purpofes of brewing, that true ger¬
minated malts are charred in heats between 17 ^ and
180 degrees j and that, as thefe correfpond to the de¬
grees in w'hich pure alcohol, or the fineft fpirit of the
grain itfelf boils, or difengages itfelf therefrom, they
may point out to us the xeafon of barley being the fit-
teft grain for the purpofes of brewing.”
From thefe experiments, our author has conftrudted
the follownng table of the different degrees of the dry-
nefs of malt, with the colour occafioned by each de¬
gree.
Deg.
up White.
124. Cream colour.
129 Light yellow.
134 Amber colour.
138 High amber.
143 Pale brown.
148 Brown.
152 High brown.
157 Brown inclining to black.
162 High brown fpeckled with black.
167 Blackifh brown with black fpecks.
171 Colour of burnt coffee.
176 Black.
“ The above table (fays he) not only Ihows us how
to judge of the drynefs of malt from its colour, but
alfo when a grift is compofed of feveral forts of malt,
what effeft the whole will have when blended toge¬
ther by extra&ion ; and although poffibly fome fmall
errors may arife in judgments thus formed by our
fenfes, yet as malts occupy different volumes in pro¬
portion to their drynefs in the practice of brewing, if
the refult of the w^ater coming in contaft with the
malt Ihow the degree expelled, fuch parcel of malt may
be faid to have been judged of rightly in the degree of
drynefs it was eftimated toj fo that the firft trial either
confirms, or lets us numerically right as to our opinion
thereof.”
Mr Rich ^ ^ound by experience, that the lefs heat em-
:irclfon\ob-P^°yed *n drying the malt, the Ihorter time will be re-
fervations. quired before the beer is fit to be ufedj and of this our
author has given the following table.
Deg.
119 2 weeks.
124 a month.
129 3 months.
I34 4 months.
138 6 months.
Deg.
143 8 months.
147 10 months.
152 15 months.
157 20 months.
162 two years.
Laftly, Mr Combrune hath given the following table
Ihowing the tendency beers have to become fine, when
properly brewed from malts of different degrees of dry¬
nefs.
Brewing,
Deg.
Jl9
124
I 29
134
138
143
148
152
157
162
167
I71
176
Colour of malt.
White.
Cream colour.
Light yellow’.
Amber colour.
Thefe when properly brewed,
become fpontaneoufly fine,
even as far as 138° ; when
* brewed for amber by repeated
fermentations, they become
pellucid.
High amber.
Pale brown.
Brown.
High brown.
Browm inclining to'
black.
Brown fpeckled with
black.
Blackilh brown fpec¬
kled with black.
Colour of burnt coffee
Black.
By precipitation thefe grow
1 bright in a fhort time.
With precipitation thefe re-
-quire 8 or 10 months to be
blight.
( With precipitation thefe may
>- be fined, but will never become
bright.
Thefe with difficulty can be
/ brewed without fetting the
> goods, and will by no means
’ I become bright, not even with
J the ftrongelt acid menftruum.
In a pamphlet entitled “ Theoretic hints on an im- Mr Rich-
proved pra&ice of brewing malt-liquors, &c. by Johnfon’s ob-
Richardfon,” we have the following obfervations onffervat‘onS’
the nature and properties of malt.
“ The procefs of making malt is an artificial or
forced vegetation, in which the nearer we approach
the footfteps of nature in her ordinary progrefs, the
more certainly Ihall we arrive at that perfedtion of
which the fubjedl is capable. The farmer prefers a
dry feafon to fow his corn in, that the common moi-
fture of the earth may but gently infinuate itfelf into
the pores of the grain, and thence gradually difpofe it
for the reception of the future fhower, and the aftion
of vegetation. The maltfter cannot proceed by fuch
flow’ degrees, but makes an immerfion in water a fub-
ftitute for the moifture of the earth, where a few hours
infufion is equal to many days employed in the ordi¬
nary courfe of vegetation $ and the corn is according¬
ly removed as foon as it appears fully faturated, left a
folution, and confequently a deftrudlion, of fome of its
parts, Ihould be the effedl of a longer continuance in
water, inftead of that feparation which is begun by
this introdudlion of aqueous particles into the body of
the grain.
“ Were it to be fpread thin after this removal, it
would become dry, and no vegetation w7ould enfue 5
but being thrown into the couch, a kind of vegetative
fermentation commences, which generates heat, and
produces the firft appearance of germination. This
ftate of the barley is nearly the fame with that of many
days continuance in the earth after fowing : but being
in fo large a body, it requires occafionally to be turn-,
ed over, and fpread thinner j the former to give the
outw’ard parts of the heap their lhare of the required
warmth and moifture, both of which are leffened by
expofure to the air ; the latter to prevent the progrefs
of the vegetative to the putrefaflive fermentation,
which w’ould be the confequence of fuffering it to pro¬
ceed beyond a certain degree.
“ To fupply the moifture thus continually decreafing
by evaporation and confumption, an occafional but
fparing
Brewing.
B R E t 1 B R E
fparing fprinkling of water (hould be given to the floor
to recruit the languiflung powers of vegetation, and
imitate the fhower upon the corn-field. But this fliould
not be too often repeated ; for, as in the field, too
much rain, and too little fun, produce rank Items and
thin ears, fo here would too much water, and of courfe
too little dry warmth, accelerate the growth of the
malt, fo as to occafion the extra&ion and lofs of fuch
of its valuable parts, as by a fiowTer procefs would have
been duly feparated and left behind.
“ By the flow mode of condufting vegetation here
recommended, an aftual and minute feparation of the
p irts takes place. The germination of the radicles
and acrofpire carries' off the cohefive properties of the
barley, thereby contributing to the preparation of the
faccharine matter, which it has no tendency to extrafl
or otherwife injure, but to increafe and meliorate, fo
long as the acrofpire is confined within the hufk ; and
by how much it is wanting of the end of the grain, by
fo much does the malt fall fliort of perfeiffion, and in
proportioxr as it has advanced beyond, is that purpofe
defeated.
“ This is very evident to the moft common obfer-
vation, on examining a kernel of malt in the different
flages of its progrefs. When the acrofpire has (hot
but half the length of the grain, the lower part only
is converted into that yellow faccharine flour we are
felicitous about, whilft the other half affords no other
frgns of it than the whole kernel did at its firft germi¬
nation. Let it advance to two-thirds of the length,
and the lower end will not only have increafed its fac¬
charine flavour, but -will have proportionally extended
its bulk, fo as to have left only a third part unmalted.
This, or even lefs than this, is contended for by many
maltfters, as a fufficient advance of the acrofpire, which
they fay has done its bufinefs as foon as it has paffed
the middle of the kernel. But we need feek no far¬
ther for their conviftion of error, than the examination
here alluded to.
“ Let the kernel be flit down the middle, and tailed
at either end, whilft green •, or let the effedfs of ma-
llication be tried when it is dried off *, when the for¬
mer will be found to exhibit the appearances juft men¬
tioned, the latter to difeover the unwrought parts of
the grain, in a body of ftony hardnefs, which has no
other effeft in the malh-tun than that of imbibing a
krge portion of the liquor, and contributing to the
retention of thofe faccharine parts of the malt which
are in contaft with it; whence it is a rational infe¬
rence, that three bulhels of malt, imperfeef in this
proportion, are but equal to two of that which is car¬
ried to its utmoft perfeftion. By this is meant the
fartheft advance of the acrofpire, when it is juft burft-
ing from its confinement, before it has effe&ed its en¬
largement. The kernel is then uniform in its internal
appearance, and of a rich fweetnefs in flavour, equal
to any thing we can conceive obtainable from imper¬
fect vegetation. If the acrofpire be fuffered to pro¬
ceed, the mealy fubftance melts into a liquid fweet,
which foon paffes into the blade, and leaves the hulk
entirely exhaufted.
“ The fweet thus produced by the infant efforts of
Vegetation, and loft by its more powerful aftion, re¬
vives and makes a fecond appearance in the ftem, but
is then too much difperfed and altered in its form to Brewing,
anfwer any of the known purpofes of art. " ljl
“ Were we to inquire, by what means the fame
barley, with the fame treatment, produces unequal
portions of the faccharine matter in different fituations,
■we fhould perhaps find it principally owing to the dif¬
ferent qualities of the water ufed in malting. Hard
water is very unfit for every purpofe of vegetation, and
foft will vary its efi'eCls according to the predomina¬
ting qualities of its impregnations. Pure elementary
water is in itfelf fuppofed to be only the vehicle of the
nutriment of plants, entering at the capillary tubes of
the roots, rifing into the body, and there difperfing its
acquired virtues, perfpiring by innumerable fine pores
at the furface, and thence evaporating by the pure!!
diftillation into the open atmolphere, where it begins
anew its round of collecling frefli properties, in order
to its preparation for frefti fervice.
“ This theory leads us to the confideration of an
attempt to increafe the natural quantity of the faccha-
rum of malt by adventitious means ; but it mull be ob-
ferved on this occafion, that no addition to water will
rife into the veffels of plants, but fuch as will pafs the
filter 5 the pores of which appearing fomewhat fimilar
to the fine ftrainers or abforbing veffels employed by
nature in her nicer operations, wTe by analogy con¬
clude, that properties fo intimately blended with water
as to pafs the one, will enter and unite with the eco¬
nomy'of the other, and vice verfa.
“ Suppofing the malt to have obtained its utmoft;
perfedlion, according to the criterion here inculcated,
to prevent its farther progrefs and fecure it in that
ftate, we are to call in the afliftance of a heat fufficient
to deftroy the a6tion of vegetation, by evaporating
every particle of water, and thence leaving it in a ftate
of prefervation, fit for the prefent or future purpofe of
the brewerr-
“ Thus having all its moifture extracted, and being
by the previous procefs deprived of its cohefive pro¬
perty, the body of the grain is left a mere lump of
flour, fo eafily divifible, that, the hulk being taken
off, a mark may be made with the kernel, as with a
piece of foft chalk. The extraflible qualities of this
flour are, a faccharum clofely united wuth a large
quantity of the farinaceous mucilage peculiar to bread
corn, and a fmall portion of oil enveloped by a fine
earthy fubftance, the whole readily yielding to the
impreffion of water applied at difterent times and dif¬
ferent degrees of heat, and each part predominating
in proportion to the time and manner of its applica¬
tion.
“ In the curing of malt, as nothing more is requi-
fite than a total extrication of every aqueous particle,
if we had in the feafon proper for malting, a folar
heat, fufficient to produce perfeft drynefs, it were
prafticable to reduce beers nearly colourlefs j but that
being wanting, and the force of cuftom having made
it neceffary to give outffieers various tinftures and qua¬
lities refulting from fire, for the accommodation of va¬
rious taftes, w-e are neceffitated to apply fuch heats in.
the drying as (hall not only anfwer the purpofe of pre-
fiervation, but give the complexion and property re¬
quired.
“ To effect this with certainty and precifion, the
introduflion-
B R E
[
Brewing, introdu&ion of the thermometer is necefiary ; but the
v real advantages of its application are only to be known
by experiment, on account of the different conftruc-
tion of different kilns, the irregularity of the heat in
different parts of the fame kiln, the depth of the malt,
the diftance of the bulb of the thermometer from the
floor, &c. &c. for though fimilar heats will produce
fimilar effefls in the fame htuation, yet is the difper-
fion of heat in every kiln fo irregular, that the me¬
dium fpot mu ft be found for the local fituation of the
thermometer ere a ftandard can be fixed for afcertain-
ing effects upon the whole. That done, the feveral
-degrees neceffary for the purpofes of porter, amber,
pale beers, &c. are eafily difcovered to the utmoft ex-
aftnefs, and become the certain rule of future prac¬
tice.
“ Though cuftom has laid this arbitrary injumftion
of variety in our malt liquors, it may not be amifs to
intimate the Ioffes we often fuftain, and the inconveni¬
ences we combat, in obedience to her mandate.
“ The further we purfue the deeper tints of colour
by an increafe of heat beyond that which fimple pre-
fervation requires, the more we injure the valuable
qualities of the malt. It is well known that fcorched
oils turn black, and that calcined fugar affumes the
fame complexion. Similar effefts are producible in
malts, in proportion to the increafe of heat, or the time
of their continuing expofed to it. The parts of the
-whole being fo united by nature, an injury cannot be
done to the one, without affefting the other : accord¬
ingly we find, that fuch parts of the fubjeft, as might
have been feverally extracted for the purpofes of a
more intimate union by fermentation, are, by great
heat in curing, burnt and blended fo effeftually toge¬
ther, that all difcrimination is loft, the unfermentable
are extrafted with the fermentable, the integrant with
the conftituent, to a very great lofs both of fpirituofity
and tranfparency. In paler malts, the extra£ling li¬
quor produces a feparation which cannot be effefted in
brown, where the parts are fa incorporated, that un-
lefs the brewer is very well acquainted with their fe¬
veral qualities and attachments, he will bring over,
with the burnt mixture of facchatine and mucilaginous
principles, fuch an abundance of the fcorched oils, as
no fermentation can attenuate, no precipitants remove;
lor, being in themfelves impediments to the aftion of
fermentation, they leffen its efficacy, and being of the
fame fpecific gravity with the beer, they remain fuf-
pended in, and incorporated with the body of it, an
offence to the eye, and a naufea to the palate to the
^ lateft period.”
The next confideration is the quality of the water
to be employed in brewing; and here foft water is
univerfally allowed to be preferable to hard, both for
the purpofes of maftdng and fermentation. Tranfpa¬
rency is, however, more eafily obtained by the ufe of
hard than foft water : firft, from its inaptitude to ex-
trad fuch an abundance of that light mucilaginous
matter, which, floating in the beer fora long time, oc-
cafions its turpidity ; fecondly, from its greater ten¬
dency to a ft ate of quietude after the vinous fermenta¬
tion is finiflied, by which thofe floating particles are
more at liberty to fubfide ; and, laftly, from the mu¬
tual aggregation of the earthy particles of the water
with thofe of the materials, which by their greater fpe-
Quality of
the water
;to be em¬
ployed in
brewing.
406 ] B R E
cine gravity thus aggregated, not only precipitate Brewing.
themfelves, but carry down alfo that lighter mucilage  *
juft mentioned. For thefe reafons, hard water is not
w'ell adapted to the brewing of porter, and fuch beers
as require a fullnefs of palate, wffien drawn to the great
lengths of the London brewrery, and of feme country
fituations.
The purity of wate 1 IS determined by its lightnefs ;
and in this, diftilled water only can claim any material
degree of perfection. Rain water is the pureft of all
naturally produced : but by the perpetual exhalations
of vegetables, and other fine fubftances floating in the
atmofphere, it does not come down to us entirely free
from thofe qualities wffiich pond and river waters pof-
fefs in a greater degree. Thefe, efpecially of rivers
running through fens and moraffes, from the quantity
of grafs and weeds growing therein, imbibe an abun¬
dance of vegetable folutions which occafions them to
contain more fermentable matter, and confequently to
yield a greater portion of fpirit; but at the fame time
induces fuch a tendency to acidity as will not eafily
be conquered. This is more to be apprehended to¬
wards the latter end of the fummer than at any other
time ; becaufe thefe vegetable fubftances are then in a
ftate of decay, and thence more readily impart their
pernicious qualities to the water which paffes over
them.
At fuch an unfavourable time, ffiould the brewer
be neceffitated to purfue his pradlice, it will behove
him to pay the utmoft attention to the caufe of this
difpofition in his liquor, and thence endeavour to pre¬
vent the ill confequences, by conducing his procefs to
the extraftion and combination of fuch parts of the
materials as his judgment informs him will beft coun-
teradft its effeds.
Where there is the liberty of choice, we would re¬
commend the ufe of that water which, from natural
purity, equally free of the aufterity of imbibed earths,
and the ranknefs of vegetable faturation, has a foft ful-
nefs upon the palate, is totally flavourlefs, inodorous,
and colourlefs ; wffience it is the better prepared for
the reception and retention of fuch qualities as the pro¬
cefs of brewing is to communicate and preferve.
The next thing to be confidered is the proper de¬
gree of heat to be employed in making the infufion ;
and here it is evident, that though this muft be an ob-
jed of the utmoft importance to the fuccefs of the o-
peration, it is extremely difficult, perhaps impcffible,
to fix upon a precife ftandard that fhall at all times
fully anfwer the purpofe. On this fubjed Mr Rich-
ardfon prefents us with the following obfervations. g
“ The quality of the faccharine part of malt refem- Mr Ricli-
bles that of common fugar, to which it is pradicable^ton.’s ob"
to reduce it ; and its charaderiftical properties are en-
tirely owing to its intimate connexion with the other degree of
parts of the malt, from which fuch diftinguilhing fla- heat,
vours of beers are derived as are not the immediate re-
fult of the hop. Were it not for thefe properties, the
brewer might adopt the ufe of fugar, molaffes, honey,
or the fweet of any vegetable, to equal advantage ;
W'hich cannot now be done, unlefs an eligible fucceda-
neum be found to anfwer that purpofe. As w-e are at
prefent circumftanced, a fearch on the other fide would
turn more to the brewer’s account. We have in malt
a fuperabundance of the groffer principles ; and would
government
B R E
t 4° 7 1
B R E
i Brewing, government permit the introduttion of a foreign addi-
tion to the faccharine, which is too deficient, many
valuable improvements might be made from it ; as we
could, by a judicious application of fuch adventitious
principle, produce a fecond and third wort, of quality
very little inferior to the firft.
“ But in thefe experiments a very particular atten¬
tion would be neceffary to the folvent powers of the
water at different degrees of heat, and to the inquiry
how far a menftruum faturated with one principle may
be capable of diffolving another. Such a confideration
is the more neceffary on this occafion to direct us clear
of two extremes equally difagreeable : the firlf is, that
of applying the menfhruum pure, and at fuch a heat as
to bring off an over proportion of the oleaginous and
earthy principles, which would occafion in the beer,
thus wanting its natural {hare of faccharum, a harfli-
nefs and auflerity which fcarce any time the brewer
could allow would be able to diffipate j the other is,
that of previoufly loading the menftruum with the a-
dopted fvveet in fuch an abundance as to deftroy its fol¬
vent force upon the characferiftical qualities we wifh
to unite with it, and thereby leave it a mere folution
of fugar. The requilite mean is that of confidering
what portion of the faccharine quality has been ex¬
tracted in the firft wort, according to the quantity of
water and degree of heat applied ; and then to make
fuch a previous addition of artificial fweet as will juft
ferve to counterbalance the deficiency, and aflimilate
with that portion of the remaining principles we are
taught to expert will be extrafted with the fucceeding
wort.
“ From the nature of the conftituent principles of
malt, it is eafy to conceive, that the former, or fac¬
charine or mucilaginous parts, yield moft readily to
the impreflion of water, and that at fo low a degree of
heat as would have no vifible effeft upon the latter.
If, therefore, we are to have a certain proportion of
every part, it is a rational inference, that the means
of obtaining it reft in a judicious variation of the ex-
tradling heat according to the feveral proportions re¬
quired.
“ A loxv degree of heat, a£ling principally upon the
faccharum, produces a wort replete with a rich foft
fweet, fully impregnated with its attendant mucilage,
and in quantity much exceeding that obtainable from
increafed heat ; which by its more powerful infinuation
into the body of the malt adding upon all the parts to¬
gether, extradls a conftderable portion of the oleagi-
_ nous and earthy principles, but falls fhort in foftnefs,
fulnefs, fweetnefs, and quantity. This is occafioned
by the coagulating property of the mucilage, which,
partaking of the nature of flour, has a tendency to run
into pafte in proportion to the increafe of heat applied ;
by which means it not only locks up a conftderable
part of the faccharum contained therein, but retains
with it a proportionate quantity of the extrafling li¬
quor, which would otherwife have drawn out the im-
prifoned fweet, thence leffening both the quantity and
quality of the worts. And this has fometimes been
known to have had fo powerful an effedd, as to have
occafioned the fetting of the goods, or the uniting the
whole into a pafty mafs; for though heat increafes the
folvent powers of water in moft inftances, there are
fome in which it totally deftroys them. Such is the
prefence of flour, which it converts into pafte j be- Brewing,
fidcs thofe of blood, e^gs, and fome other animal fub- v -
fiances, which it invariably tends to harden.
“ From a knowledge of thefe effedfls, we form our
ideas of the variations neceffary in the heat of the ex¬
trafling liquor : which are of more extenfive utility
than has yet been intimated, though exceedingly li¬
mited in their extent from one extreme to the other.
“ The moft common effefls of too low a heat, be-
fides fometimes producing immediate acidity, are an
infipidity of the flavour of the beer, and a want of ear¬
ly tranfparency, from the fuperabundance of mucilagi¬
nous matter extrafled by fuch heats, which, after the
utmoft efforts of fermentation, will leave the beer tur¬
bid with fuch a cloud of its lighter feculencies as will
require the feparation and precipitation of many months
to difperfe.
“ The contrary application of too much heat, at
the fame time that it leffens this mucilage, has, as we
have feen before, the effedd of diminifhing the faccha¬
rum alio j whence that lean thin quality obfervable in
fome beers ; and, by extrafling an over proportion of
oleaginous and earthy particles, renders the buftnefs
of fermentation difficult and precarious, and impreffes
an aufterity on the flavour of the liquor which will not.
eafily be effaced.
“ Yet the true medium heat for each extrafl cannot
be univerfally afeertained. An attention not only to
the quality of the malt, but to the quantity wetted, is
abfolutely neceffary to the obtaining every due advan¬
tage nor mull the period at which the beer is in¬
tended for ufe be omitted in the account. The qua¬
lity of the wrater alfo claims a lhare in the confidera¬
tion, in order to fupply that deficient thinnefs and
w7ant of folvent force in hard, and to allow for the na¬
tural fulnefs and fermentative quality of foft; a parti¬
cular to which London in a great meafure owes the pe¬
culiar mucilaginous and nutritious quality of its malt
liquors.
Although the variations above alluded to are in-
difpenfable, it is eafy to conceive from the fmall ex¬
tent of the utmoft variety, that they cannot be far di-
ftant. If, therefore, wre know that a certain degree
extrafls the firft principles in a certain proportion, we
need not much confideration to fix upon another de¬
gree that fhall produce the required proportion of the
remaining qualities, and effeft that equal diftribution
of parts in the extraft which it is the bufinefs of fer¬
mentation to form into a confiftent whole.” <j
The principal ufe of boiling, as it refpedls the worts
particularly, is to feparate the grofler or more palpable Worts‘
parts of the extraft, preparatory to that more minute
feparation which is to be effedled in the gyle tun. The
eye is a very competent judge of this effeft ; for the
concretions into which the continued adion of boiling
forms thofe parts are obvious to the flighteft infpec-
tion, whilft the perfeft tranfparency of the interftices
of the worts points out its utility in promoting that de-
firable quality in the beer. Thefe coagulable parts
are formed from the fuperabundant mucilage already
mentioned } and hence they are found in greater pro¬
portion in the firft w’orts than in thofe that come af¬
ter ; at the fame time, they are in thefe laft fo ming-*'
led with a quantity of oleaginous matter, that they be¬
come much more difficultly coagulable in the weak
wort*
4
B R E [ 408 ] B R E
Brewing, worts tlian in fuch as are ftronger, and lienee tliefe re-
* ^ quire to be much longer boiled than the others.
During this operation the hops are generally added,
which are found to be abfolutely neceffary for prevent¬
ing the too great tendency of beer to acidity. The
fine eflfential oil of hops being moft volatile and fooneft
extradled, we are therefore taught the advantage of
boiling the firft wort no longer than is fufficient to
form the extraft, without expofing it to the adlion of
the fire fo long as to diilipate the finer parts of this
mofl valuable principle, and defeat the purpofe of ob¬
taining it. To the fubfequent worts we can afford a
larger allowance, and purfue the means of prefervation
fo long as we can keep in view thofe of flavour; to
which no rules can pofitively dire£f, the procefs vary¬
ing with every variety of beer, and differing as effen-
tially in the production of porter and pale ale as the
modes of producing wine and vinegar.
The confequence of not allowing a fufficient time
for the due feparation of the parts of the wort and ex¬
traction of the requifite qualities of the hop mult be
obvious. If we proceed to the other extreme, we
have every thing to apprehe id from the introduction
of too large a quantity of the groffer principles of the
hop, which are very inimical to fermentation *, and
from impairing the fermentative quality of the wTorts
themfelves, by fuffering their too long expofure to the
action of the fire pafling through them, w7hereby they
are reduced to a more denfe confiftence, and their
parts too intimately blended to yield to the feparating
force of fermentation with that eafe the perfection of
the product .requires.
The lafl: ilep in the procefs of brewing is to ferment
the liquor properly 5 for if this is not done, whatever
care and pains have been taken in the other parts, they
will be found altogether infufficient to produce the li¬
quor defired. The firfl: thing to be done here is to pro¬
cure a proper ferment ; for though all fermentable li¬
quors would in time begin to ferment of themfelves,
yet, being alfo fufceptible of putrefa61ion, the vinous
and putrefaftive ferments would both take place at the
fame time in fuch a manner that the produdl -would be
entirely fpoiled. There are only two kinds of artificial
ferments procurable in large quantity, and at a low
price, viz. beer-yeafl: and wine-lees. A prudent manage¬
ment of thefe might render the bufinefs of the brewery
for diftillation, as in the bufinefs of the malt-diftiller,
*See D//?/7-&c. much more eafy and advantageous*. Brewers
lation. have always found it a confiderable difficulty to pro¬
cure thefe ferments in fufficient quantities, and pre-
ferve them conftantly ready for ufe ; and this has been
fo great a difeouragement to the bufmefs, that fome
have- endeavoured to produce other ferments, or to form
mixtures or compounds of particular fermentable in¬
gredients : but this has been attempted without any
great fuccefs, all thefe mixtures falling fhort even of
common baker’s leaven in their ufe. Whoever has a
turn for making experiments and attempting improve¬
ments of this kind, wdll find it much eafier and more
advantageous to preferve and raife nurferies of the com¬
mon ones, than to devife mixtures of others. Yeafl:
may be preferved by freeing it from its moifter parts.
This may be done by the fun’s heat, but flowly and
imperfe&ly. The bell method is by gently preffing it
jni canvas bags; thus the liquid part, in which there
10
Of fermen¬
tation.
is fcarce any virtue, will be throwp off, and the folid
will remain behind in form of a cake, wffiich may be '
packed in a barrel or box, and will keep for a long
time fvveet and fragrant, and fit for the finelt ufes ;
and the fame method may be taken either with wine-
lees or the flowers of wine. The former may be
brought from abroad with great eafe in this manner :
the latter may be made with us from the lees, by only
diffolving them in water, and ftirring them about with
a flick j by this means, the lighter, more moveable,
and more adlive part of the lees will be thrown up to
to the top, and may be taken off and preferved, in the
manner above mentioned, in any quantity defired. By
this means, an eafy method is found of raifing an in-
exhauftible fund ; or a perpetual fupply of the mofl:
proper ferments may be readily formed in the way of
fucceffive generation, fo as to cut off all future occa-
fion of complaint for want of them in the bufinefs of
diftillation. It muft be obferved that all ferments a-
bound in effential oil much more than the liquors
which produce them whence they very ftrongly re¬
tain the particular flavour and feent of the fubjeCt from
whence they w’ere made. It is requifite, therefore,
before the ferment is applied, to confider what flavour
ought to be introduced, and .accordingly what fpecies
of ferment is mofl: fuited to the liquor. The alteration
thus caufed by ferments is fo confiderable, as to deter¬
mine or bring over any naturally fermentable liquor of
a neutral kind to be of the fame kind with that which
yielded the ferment. The benefit of this, however,
does not extend to malt, or to any other matter that
does not naturally yield a tolerably pure and taftelefs
fpirit, as it otherwife makes not a fimple, pure, and
uniform flavour, but a compound and mixed one.
The greateft circumfpeftion and care are neceffary
in regard to the quality of the ferment. It muft be
chofen perfeflly fweet and frefli : for all ferments are
liable to grow mufty and corrupt j and if in this cafe
they are mixed with the fermentable liquor, they will
communicate their naufeous and filthy flavour to it in
fuch a manner as never to be got off. If the ferment is
four, it muft by no means be ufed for any liquor*, for it
will communicate its flavour to the whole, and even pre¬
vents its rifing to a head, and give it an acetous, in-
ftead of a vinous, tendency. When the proper quan¬
tity is got ready, it muft be put to the liquor in a flate
barely tepid, or fcarce luke-w’arm. The beft method
of putting them together, fo as to make the fermenta¬
tion ftrong and quick, is as follows. When the fer¬
ment is folid, it muft be broken to pieces, and gently
thinned with fome of the -warm liquor ; but a complete
or uniform folution of it is not to be expefied or defired,
as this w7ould weaken its efficacy for the future bufi¬
nefs. The whole intended quantity being thus loofely
mixed in fome of the luke-warm liquor, and kept near
the fire or elfewhere in a tepid ftate, free from too rude
commerce with the external air, more of the infenfibly
•warm liquor ought at proper intervals to be brought
in, till thus by the degrees the whole quantity is fet
at work together. When the whole is thus (et at work,
fecured in a proper degree of warmth, and kept from
a too free intercourie wfith the external air, it be¬
comes as it were the bufinefs of nature to finiftr the
operation.
In the operation of fermentation, however, the de¬
gree
Brewing'.
B R E [ 409
Preying, gree of heat employed is of the utmofl confequence. In
forming the extrafts of the malt, the variation of a few
degrees of heat produces an important difference in the
effeft. In the heat of fermentation, fimilar confequen-
ces refult from fimilar variety. Under a certain regu¬
lation of the procefs, we can retain in the beer, as far
as art is capable, the finer mucilage, and thereby pre-
ferve that fulnefs upon the palate which is by many fo
much admired : on the other hand, by a flight altera¬
tion we can throw it off, and produce that evennefs and
uniformity of flavour which has fcarce any chara&erif-
tical property, and is preferred by fome only for want
of that heavinefs which they complain of in full beers.
If a more vinous racy ale be required, wTe can, by col-
lefting and confining the operation within the body of
the wort, caufe the reparation and abforption of fuch an
abundant portion of the oleaginous and earthy princi¬
ples, as to produce a liquor in a perfedl flate at the
earlieft period, and fo highly flavourous as to create a
fufpicion of an adventitious quality. But though all
this may be done, and often hath been done, the proper
management of fermenting liquors depends fo much
upon a multiplicity of flight and feemingly unimport¬
ant circumftances, that it hath never yet been laid
down in an intelligible manner 5 and no rules, drawn
from any thing hitherto publifhed on the fubjeft of
brewing, can be at all fufficient to dire£f any perfon in
this matter, unlefs he hath had confiderable opportuni¬
ties of obferving the pra&ice of a brewhoufe.
To what we have now faid we fhall only add, from
a pra&ical treatife on brewing lately publifhed, the
names of the materials and their proportions, which
are employed by the London brewers in the manufac¬
ture of the different kinds of malt liquors.
B R E
See Mor-
rict on
Brezving,
London,
1802.
Kinds of Malt,
Weft country pale,
Herts pale
  brown,
—— amber,
Porter.
Hops,
Coculus indie.
Leghorn juice.
Reading Beer.
Pale malt, 20 quarters.
Hops,
Grains of Paradife,
Coriander feed, ground,
Sugar,
Amber Beer.
Kinds of Malt.
Weft country pale, 2^
Herts pale, 12^
  amber, 10
cwt. qrs. lbs.
1 3 o
006
Quarters, 25
Hops,
Leghorn juice, o
Moloffes, o
Grains of Para¬
dife ground,o
cwt. qrs. lbs.
London Ale.
Kinds of Malt. cwt. qrs. lbs.
Herts white, 23 Hops, 1 310
■  amber, 2 Grains of parad. 004
—— Coriander, 004
Quarters, 25 Orange powder, 001
Windsor Ale.
Kind of Malt.
Herts pale, 25 quarters. Hops,
Honey,
Coriander feed,
Grains of parad.
cwt. qrs. lbs.
200
O o 40
D 4
Welch Ale.
Beft pale malt, nine quarters.
cwt. qrs. Iks.
o
1 6
' 30
Hops, beft Kent,
Sugar,
Grains of paradife,
cwt. qrs. lbs.
o 2 14
Kinds of Malt.
Herts pale,
  amber,
WlRTEMBERG AlE.
Quarters, 2 5
This yielded 89 barrels and two firkins of porter.
Another proportion of materials for Porter.
Kinds of Malt. cwt. qrs. lbs.
Herts pale, 11 Hops, 1 2 o
—-—• amber, 7 Coculus indie. 004
Weft country brown, 7 Leghorn juice, o o 30
Quarters, 2 5
This proportion of materials yielded 87 barrels one firkin.
Brown Stout.
Kinds of Malt. Cwt. qrs. lbs.
Herts brown, 12 Hops, 2 c o
  amber, 4 Coculus indie. 004
  white, 4 Sugar, 010
  Bitter bean, 006
Quarters, 20
Vol. IV. Part II.
Quarters, 29
Hops,
Honey, c
Sugar, o
Hartfh. fhavings, o
Ground coriander
feed, o
Caraway feeds, o
cwt. qrs. lbs.
28
Hock.
Kinds of Malt.
Herts pale, 14 Hops,
■" amber, 6 Coculus indi-
—— cus berry,
Quarters, 20 Sugar,
Bitter bean,
Scurvy-Grass Ale.
Kinds of Malt.
Herts pale, 3
■  amber, 3
cwt. qrs. lbs.
1 3 10
Hops,
Molaffes,
25 pounds.
, 10 ditto.
Garden feurvy-grafs 5 bufliels.
Alexandrian fenna, 2 pounds.
Quarters, 6 Horfe-radifti root, 1 ditto.
wrhich is to be lliced into
the working tun.
3 F
Table
3rcy
II
Bribery.
f En. x.
365-
B R I
Table Beer,
Kinds of Malt.
Herts white, 4 Hops, 72 pounds.
■ Pale, 2 Spanilh juice, 12 ditto.
—— amber, 2
Quarters, 8
BREY, a town of Germany, on the frontiers of
Brabant, feated on a rivulet, in E. Long. 5. 35. N. Lat.
51. 6.
BREYNIA, in Botany, a fynonyme of the cappa-
ris. See Capparis, Botany Index.
BRIANCON, a town of France, in Upper Dau-
phmy, capital of the Brianconnois. E. Long. 6. 45.
N. Lat. 44. 46.
BRIANCONNOIS, a teritory of France, in Dau-
phiny, bounded by Grenoblois, Gapenzois, Ambrunois,
Piedmont, and Savoy. It comprehends feveral valleys,
which lie among the mountains of the Alps ; and
though it is extremely cold, yet it is fertile in corn and
paftures. The inhabitants have a great deal of wood j
yet they choofe to be in the ftables with their cattle
fix months in the year, to keep themfelves warm. Bri-
ancon is the capital town.
BRIAR, in Botany, the Englifh name of a fpecies
of rofa. See Rosa, Botany Index.
BRIARE, a town of France, in the Gatinois, feat¬
ed on the river Loire. It is remarkable for nothing
but a long ftreet full of inns and farriers, it being on
the great road to Lyons*, and the canal of Briare,
which is 33 miles in length, and maintains a commu¬
nication between the Loire and the Seine, by means of
the Loing. E. Long. 2. 45. N. Lat. 47.40.
BRIAREUS, in Fabulous Hijiory, a giant; the fon
of iEther, Titan, or Coelus, and Terra. This was his
name in heaven ; on earth he was called JEgeon. He
was of Angular fervice to Jupiter, when Juno, Pallas,
Neptune, and the reft of the gods, endeavoured to bind
him in chains and dethrone him. Afterwards, how¬
ever, he confpired with the reft of his gigantic brethren
to dethrone Jupiter. Virgil, on this occafion, defcribes
him as having 100 hands, 50 heads, and breathing out
fire f. The fable fays that Jupiter, to punifti him,
threw him under Mount JEtna, which, as often as he
moves, belches out fire. See J£tna.
BRIBE, a reward given to pervert the judgment.
See the next article.
The word is French, bribe, which originally de¬
notes a bit, fragment, or relic of meat taken off the
table ; on which footing, bribe imports as much as
panis mendicatus, and ftill keeps up the idea of the
matter whereof bribes anciently confifted. Hence al-
fo the Spaniards ufe bribar and brivar for begging;
and brivia, brivoneria, and brivonifmo, for beggary. In
middle age writers, a bribe given a judge is called quato
litis, and the receiver, campi particeps, or cambi par-
ticeps ; becaufe the fpoils of the field, i. e. the profits of
the caufe, were thus (hared with the giver.
BRIBERY, in Law, is a high offence, where a per-
fon in a judicial place takes any fee, gift, reward, -
or brockage, for doing his office, but of the king on¬
ly. But, taken largely, it fignifies the receiving or
offering any undue reward to or by any perfon con¬
cerned in the adminiftration of public juiftice, whether
B R 1
judge, officer, &c. to aft contrary to his duty; and Bribery
fometimes it fignifies the taking or giving a reward for
a public office. .
In the eaft it is the cuftom never to petition any fu-
perior for juftice, not excepting their kings, without a
prefent. This is calculated for the genius of defpotic
countries ; where the true principles of government are
never underftood, and it is imagined that there is no
obligation due from the fuperior to the inferior, no re¬
lative duty owing from the governor to the governed.
The Roman law, though it contained many fevere in-^aciJ^
junftions againft bribery, as well for felling a man’s Commen**
vote in the fenate or other public affembly, as for the
bettering of common juftice ; yet, by a ftrange indul¬
gence in one inftance, it tacitly encouraged this prac¬
tice ; allowing the magiftrate to receive fmall prefents,
provided they did not on the whole exceed 100 crowns
a-year ; not eonfidering the infinuating nature and gi¬
gantic progrefs of this vice, when once admitted. Plato,
therefore, in his ideal republic, orders thofe who take
prefents for doing their duty to be punifhed in the fe¬
vered manner : and by the laws of Athens, he that of¬
fered a bribe was alfo profecuted, as well as he that re¬
ceived a bribe. In England this offence of taking
bribes is puniftied, in inferior officers, with fine and im-
prifonment; and in thofe that offer a bribe, though not
taken, the fame. But in judges, efpecially the fuperior
ones, it has been always looked upon as fo heinous an
offence, that the chief juftice Thorpe was hanged for
it in the reign of Edward III. By a ftatute 11 Hen¬
ry IV. all judges and officers of the king convifted of
bribery, (hall forfeit treble the bribe, be puniftied at the
king’s will, and be difcharged from his fervice for ever.
And fome notable examples have been made in parlia¬
ment, of perfons in the higheft ftations, and otherwife
very eminent and able, but contaminated with this for¬
did vice. Thus in the reign of King James I. the earl
of M. lord treafurer of England, being impeached by
the commons, for refufing to hear petitions referred to
him by the king, till he had received bribes, &c. was,
by fentence of the lords, deprived of all his offices, and
difabled to hold any for the future, or to fit in parlia¬
ment ; he was alfo fined 50,000!. and imprifoned du¬
ring the king’s pleafure. In the nth year of King
George I. the lord chancellor M had a fomewhat
milder puniftiment: he was impeached by the com¬
mons, with great zeal, for bribery, in felling the places
of mailers in chancery for exorbitant fums, and other
corrupt praftices, tending to the great lofs and ruin of
the fuitors of that court; and the charge being made
good againft him, being before divefted of his office,
he was fentenced to pay a fine of 30,000!. and impri¬
foned till it was paid. It is faid that one of the peers,
if not two, who voted againft him, had been poffeffed
of the office of chancellor, and fold the places of ma¬
ilers in chancery whenever vacant.
Bribery in EleBions. See Elections.
BRICIANI, thofe of the order of that name. This
was a military order, inftituted by St Bridget, queen
of Sweden, who gave them the rules and conftitutions
of thofe of Malta and St Auguftin. This order was
approved by Pope Urban V. They were to fight for
the burying of the dead, to relieve and affift widows,
orphans, the lame, fick, &c.
BRICK, a fat reddilh earth, formed into long
fquares.
[ 410 1
B R I [4
'Brick, fquares, four inches broad, and eight or nine long, by
<«—-Y-—' means of a wooden mould, and then baked or burnt in
a kiln, to ferve the purpofes of building.
Bricks are of great antiquity, as appears by the fa-
cred writings, the tower and wails of Babylon being
built with them.
The Greeks chiefly ufed three kinds of bricks $ the
firft whereof was called \didoron\ i. e. of two palms j
the fecond \jetradoron\ of four palms ; the third [pen-
tadoron~\, of five palms. They had alfo other bricks,
juft half each of thofe, to render their works more fo-
lid, and alfo more agreeable to the fight, by the diver-
fities of the figures and fizes of the bricks.
The dimenfions of the brick chiefly ufed by the Ro¬
mans, according to Pliny, were a foot and a half long,
and a foot broad ; which meafures agree with thofe of
feveral Roman bricks in England, which are about 17
inches long, and 11 broad, of our meafure. Sir Henry
Wotton fpeaks of a fort of bricks at Venice, of which
{lately columns w'ere built; they were firft formed in a
circular mould, and cut, before they w7ere burnt, into
four or more quarters or fides ; afterwards, in laying,
they were jointed fo clofe, and the points concentered
| IVotton's fo exa&ly, that the pillars appeared one entire piece f.
£lem. of The ordinary Paris brick is eight inches long, four
ArchitcSiurc broad, and two thick, French meafure, which makes
*‘1*' fomething more than ours. But this fmallnefs is an ad¬
vantage to a building, the ftrength of which confifts
much in the multitude of angles and joints, at leaft if
well kid, and having a good bond.
Supplement Bricks among us are various, according to their
t<i various forms, dimenfions, ufes, method of making,
&c. The principal are, compafs-bricks, of a circu¬
lar form, ufed in fteyning of walls: concave or hollow
bricks, on one fide flat like a common brick, on the
other hollowed, and ufed for conveyance of water :
feather-edged bricks, w'hich are like common ftatute-
bricks, only thinner on one edge than the other, and
ufed for penning up the brick pannels in timber build¬
ings : cogging bricks are ufed for making the indented
works under the caping of walls built with great bricks:
caping bricks, formed on purpofe for caping of walls :
Dutch or Flemiflr bricks, ufed to pave yards, ftables,
and for foap-boilers vaults and cifterns : clinkers, fuch
bricks as are glazed by the heat of the fire in making :
fandel or f^mel-bricks, are fuch as lie outmoft in a kiln
or clamp, and confequently are foft and ufelefs, as not
being thoroughly burnt: great bricks are thofe twelve
inches long, fix broad, and three thick, ufed to build
fence-walls : plafter or buttrefs bricks, have a notch at
one end, half the breadth of the brick ; their ufe is to
bind the work which is built of great brick : llatute-
bricks, or fmall common bricks, ought, when burnt, to
be nine inches long, four and a quarter broad, and two
and a half thick •, they are commonly ufed in paving
cellars, finks, hearths, &c.
Worlidge, and others after him, have endeavoured to
excite brick-makers to try their {kill in making a new
kind of brick, or a compofition of clay and fand, where¬
of to form window-frames, chimney-pieces, door-cafes,
and the like. It is to be made in pieces fafhioned in
moulds, which, when burnt, may be fet together with
a fine red cement, and feem as one entire piece, by
which may be imitated all manner of {lone work. The
thing {hould feem feafible, by the earthen pipes made
it ] ■ B R 1
fine, thin, and durable, to carry water undet-glound at
Portfmouth ; and by the earthen backs and grates for
chimneys, formerly made by Sir John Winter, of a
great bignefs and thicknefs. If chimney-pieces thus
made in moulds, and dried and burnt, were not found
fmooth enough, they might be polifhed with fand and
water j or were care taken, when they were half dry in
the air, to have them poliflied with an inftrument of
copper or iron, then leave them till they were dry
enough to burn, it is evident they would not want much
polifiiing afterwards. The work might even be glaz¬
ed, as potters do their fine earthen ware, either white
or of any other colour •, or it might be veined in imi¬
tation of marble, or be painted with figures of various
colours, which would be much cheaper, perhaps equal¬
ly durable, and as beautiful, as marble itfelf.
Bricks are commonly red, though there are feme alio
of a white colour, for which fort Walpit in Suffolk is
famous. Bricks may be made of any earth that is clear
of Hones, even fea-oufe $ but all will not burn red, a
property peculiar to earths which contain ferruginous
particles. In England, bricks are chiefly made of a
hazely, yellowiflr-coloured, fatty earth, fomewhat red-
diffi, vulgarly called loam. The earth, according to
Leibourn, ought to be dug before winter, but not made
into bricks before fpring. For the making of fuch
bricks as will Hand the fierceft fires, Stourbridge clay or
Windfor loam are elleemed the belt. In general, the
earth whereof bricks are made, ought not to be too
fandy, which wmuld render them heavy and brittle ; nor
too fat, rvhich would make them crack in drying.
The firft ftep in the procefs of brick-making is call¬
ing the clay, or earth. The next ftep is to tread or
temper it, which ought to be performed doubly of what
is ufually done •, fince the goodnefs of the bricks de¬
pends chiefly upon this firft preparation. The earth it¬
felf, before it is wrought, is generally brittle and dully;
but adding fmall quantities of water gradually to it, and
working and incorporating it together, it opens its
body, and tinges the wdiole with a tough gluey band
or fubftance. If, in the tempering, you overwater
them, as the ufual method is, they become dry and
brittle, almort as the earth they are made of; whereas,
if duly tempered, they become fmooth and folid, hard
and durable. A brick of thislaft fort takes up near as
much earth as a brick and a half made the contrary
wray ; in which the bricks are fpongy, light, and full
of cracks, partly through rvant of due working, and
partly by mixing of afhes and light fandy earth to make
it work eafy and with greater difpatch ; as alfo to fave
culm or coals in the burning. We may add, that for
bricks made of good earth, and well tempered, as they
become folid and ponderous, fo they take up a longer
time in drying and burning than the common ones ;
and that the wrell drying of bricks before they are burned
prevents their cracking and crumbling in the burning.
Bricks are burnt either in a kiln or clamp. Thofe
that are burnt in a kiln, are firft fetor placed in it; and
then the kiln being covered with pieces of bricks, they
put in fome W'ood to dry them wdth a gentle fire ; and
this they continue till the bricks are pretty dry, which
is known by the fmoke’s turning from a darkilh colour
to tranfparent fmoke : they then leave off putting irt
wrood, and proceed to make ready for burning ; which '
is performed by putting in brufh, furze, fpray, heath,
3 F 2 brake
Brick.
15 R I [4
, brake or fern faggots: but before tbey put in any fag-
Sots> they dam up the mouth or mouths of the kiln
•with pieces of bricks ( which they call Jhinlog) piled up
one upon another, and clofe it up with wet brick-earth
inflead of mortar. The fhinlog they make fo high, that
there is but juit room above it to thrufl in a faggot:
then they proceed to put in more faggots, till the kiln
and its arches look white, and the fire appears at the
top of the kiln ; upon which they flacken the fire for
an hour, and let all cool by degrees. This they con¬
tinue to do, alternately heating and flacking, till the
ware be thoroughly burnt, which is ufually effected in
48 hours.
About London they chiefly burn in clamps, built of
the bricks themfelves, after the manner of arches in
kilns, with a vacancy between each brick, for the fire
to play through ; but with this difference, that inftead
of arching, they fpan it over by making the bricks pro-
jeft one over another on both fides of the place, for the
•wood and coals to lie in till they meet, and are bound¬
ed by the bricks at the top, which clofe all up. The
place for the fuel is carried up ftraight on both fides,
till about three feet high ; then they almolf fill it with
wood, and over that lay a covering of fea-coal, and then
over fpan the arch ; but they drew fea-coal alfo over
the clamp, betwixt all the rows of bricks j laftly, they
kindle the wood, which gives fire to the coal *, and when
all is confirmed, then they conclude the bricks are fuf-
ficiently burnt.
* Vol. i. In Dr Percival’s effays*, we have the following ex-
p. 302. periment of the effects of bricks on water. “ Two or
three pieces of common brick were fteeped four days in
a bafon full of dilfilled water. The water was then
decanted off, and examined by various chemical tefts.
It was immifcible with foap, ftruck a lively green with
fyrup of violets, was rendered llightly laftefcent by
the volatile alkali, and quite milky by the fixed alkali
and by a folution of faccharum faturni. The infufion
of torment’ll root produced no change in it.” This ex¬
periment, he obferves, affords a ftriking proof of the
impropriety of lining wells with brick, a practice very
common in many places, and which cannot fail of ren¬
dering the water hard and unwholefome. Clay gene¬
rally contains a variety of heterogeneous matters. The
coloured loams often participate of bitumen, and the
ochre of iron. Sand and calcareous earth are ffill more
common ingredients in their compofition ; and the ex¬
periments of Mr Geoffrey and Mr Pott prove, that the
earth of alum alfo may in large quantity be extra&ed
from clay. Now as clay is expofed to the open air for
a long fpace of time, is then moulded into bricks, and
burnt, this procefs refembles in many refpe£ls that by
which the alum-ffone is prepared. And it is probable
that the white efflorefcence which is frequently obfer-
vable on the furface of new bricks, is of an aluminous
nature. The long expofure of clay to the air before
it is moulded into bricks, the fulphureous exhalations
of the pit-coal ufed for burning it, together with the
iuffocating and bituminous vapour which arifes from
the ignited clay itfelf, fufficiently account for the com¬
bination of a vitriolic acid with the earth of alum.
Oil of Bricks, olive oil imbibed by the fubftance of
bricks, and afterwards diftilled from it. This oil was
once in great repute for curing many difeafes, but is
now juftly laid afide.
2 ] B r 1
BRicK-Layer, an artificer, whofe bufinefs is to build Erick,
with bricks, or make brick work. Bricking;
Lrick-layers work, or bufinefs, in London, includes' v
tyling, walling, chimney-work, and paving with bricks
and tyles. In the country it alfo includes the mafon’s
and plafterer’s bufinefs.
The materials ufed by brick-layers are bricks, tyles,
mortar, laths, nails, and tyle pins. Their tools are a
brick trowel, wherewith to take up mortar; a brick-axe,
to cut bricks to the determined fhape ; a faw, for faw-
ing bricks; a rub-ftone, on which to rub them; alfo a
fquare, wherewith to lay the bed or bottom, and face
or furface of the brick, to fee whether they are at right
angles ; a bevel, by which to cut the under fides of
bricks to the angles required ; a fmall trannel of iron,
wherewith to mark the bricks; a float-ftone, with which
to rub a moulding of brick to the pattern defcribed ;
a banker, to cut the bricks on; line-pins to lay their
rows or courfes by; plumb-rule, whereby to carry their
work upright ; level, to condud it horizontal ; fquare,
to fet off right angles ; ten-foot rod, wherewith to take
dimenfions ; jointer, wherewith to run the long joints ;
rammer, wherewith to beat the foundation ; crow and
pick-axe, wherewith to dig through walls.
The London brick-layers make a regular company,
which was incorporated in 1568 ; and confifts of a ma¬
iler, two wardens, 20 affiftants, and 78 on the livery.
BRiCK-Laying, the art of framing edifices of bricks.
Moxon hath an exprefs treatife on the art of brick¬
laying ; in which he defcribes the materials, tools, and
method of working, ufed by brick-layers.
Great care is to be taken, that bricks be laid joint
on joint in the middle of the walls as feldom as may
be ; and that there be good bond made there, as well
as on the outfides. Some brick-layers, in working a
brick and half wall, lay the header on one fide of the
wall perpendicular to the header on the other fide, and
fo all along the whole courfe ; whereas, if the header
on one fide of the wall were toothed as much as the
llretcher on the other fide, it would be a ftronger tooth¬
ing, and the joints of the headers of one fide would be
in the middle of the headers of the courfe they lie upon
of the other fide. If bricks be laid in winter, let them
be kept as dry as poflible ; if in fummer, it will quit
coif to employ boys to wet them, for that they will then
unite with the mortar better than if dry, and will make
the work ftronger. In large buildings, or where it is
thought too much trouble to dip all the bricks feparate-
ly, water may be thrown on each courfe after they are
laid, as was done at the building the phyficians college,
by order of Dr Hooke. If bricks are laid in fummer,
they are to be covered ; for if the mortar dries too ha-
ftily, it will not bind fo firmly to the bricks as when
left to dry more gradually. If the bricks be laid in
winter, they ftiould alfo be covered well, to protedl
them from rain, fnowr and froft ; which laft is a mortal
enemy to mortar, efpecially to all fuch as have been
wetted juft before the froft affaults it.
BiucK-Maker, is he wLo undertakes the making of
Bricks. This is moftly performed at fome fmall di-
ftance from cities and towns; and though fome, through
ignorance, look upon it as a very mean employ, becaufe
laborious, yet the mafters about London, and other
capital cities, are generally men of fubftance.
BRICKING, among builders, the counterfeiting of
B R I [4
Bride, a brick-wall on plafter : which is done by fmeaving it
Bride- over with red ochre, and making the joints with an
groom‘ edged tool 5 thefe laft are afterwards filled with a fine
plafter.
BRIDE, a woman newly married. Among the
Greeks, it was cuftomary for the bride to be conducted
from her father’s houfe to her hufband’s in a chariot,
the evening being chofen for that purpofe, to conceal
her bluftres ; (he wras placed in the middle, her hufband
fitting on one fide, and one of her moft intimate friends
on the other } torches were carried before her, and fhe
was entertained in the paflage with a fong fuitable to
the occafion. When they arrived at their journey’s end,
the axle-tree of the coach they rode in was burnt, to
fignify that the bride was never to return to her father’s
houfe.—Among the Romans, the bride was to feem to
be raviftied by f®rce from her mother, in memory of the
rape of the Sabines under Romulus : the w'as to be car¬
ried home in the night-time to the bridegroom’s houfe,
accompanied by three boys, one whereof carried a torch,
and the other two led the bride j a fpindle and diftaff
being carried with her : (he brought three pieces of
money called affes, in her hand to the bridegroom,
whofe doors on this occafion w'ere adorned with flowers
and branches of trees: being here interrogated who (he
was, (he wTas to anfwer Caia, in memory of Caia Cecilia,
wife of Tarquin the Elder, who was an excellent lanifica
or fpinftrefs j for the like reafon, before her entrance,
ihe lined the door-pofts with wool, and fmeared them
with greafe. Fire and water being fet on the threfhold,
fhe touched both; but ftarting back from the door refu-
fed to enter, till at length (he pafled the threftrold, be¬
ing careful to ftep over without touching it : here the
keys were given her, a nuptial fupper was prepared for
her, and minftrels to divert her j (he was feated on the
figure of a priapus, and here the attendant boys re-
ligned her to the pronubce, who brought her into the
nuptial chamber and put her to bed. This office was
to be performed by matrons who had only been once
married, to denote that the marriage was to be for
perpetuity.
BRIDEGROOM, a man newly married, the fpoufe
of the bride.
The Spartan bridegrooms committed a kind of rape
upon their brides. For matters being agreed on between
them two, the woman that contrived and managed the
match, having fliaved the bride’s hair clofe to her (kin,
dreffed her up in man’s clothes, and left her upon a
mattrefs : this done, in came the bridegroom, in his u*
fual drefs, having fupped as ordinary, and dealing as
privately as he could to the room wffiere the biide lay,
and untying her virgin girdle, took her to his embra¬
ces •, and having (laid a (hort time with her, returned
to his companions, with whom he continued to fpend
his life, remaining with them by night as well as by
day, unlefs he dole a (hort vifit to his bride, which
could not be done without a great deal of circumfpec-
tion, and fear of being difeovered. Among the Ro¬
mans, the bridegroom was decked to receive his
bride ; his hair was combed and cut in a particular
form \ he had a coronet or chaplet on his head, and
was drefled in a white garment.
By the ancient canons, the bridegroom was to for¬
bear the enjoyment of his bride the firft night, in ho¬
nour of the nuptial benedi&ion given by the pried
3 ']
B R I
on that day*. In Scotland, and perhaps alfo fome Bridewell,
parts of England, a cuftom called marchet, obtained ; Bridge,
by which the lord of the manor was entitled to the firft “■7”’)' ' *
night’s habitation with his tenant’s bride f. L
BRIDEWELL, a work-houfe, or place of correc-an^
tion for vagrants, (trumpets, and other diforderly per- $ 88.
fans.—Thefe are made to work, being maintained with! See Mar*
clothing and diet j and when it feems good to their
governors, they are fent by paffes into their native
countries *, however, while they remain here, they are
not only made to work, but, according to their crimes,
receive once a-fortnight fuch a number ot (tripes as the
governor commands.
Bridewell, near Fleet ftreet, is a foundation of a
mixt and lingular nature, partaking of the hofpital, the
prifon, and rvorkhoufe j it was founded in 1553, by
Edwrard VI. who gave the place where King John had-
formerly kept his court, and which had been repaired by
Henry VIII. to the city of London, with 700 merks
of land, bedding, and other furniture. Several youths
are fent to the hofpital as apprentices to manufadturers,
who refide there ; they are clothed in blue doublets
and breeches, with white hats. Having faithfully
ferved their time of feven years, they have their free¬
dom, and a donation of 1 ol. each, for carrying on their
refpeftive trades.
BRIDGE. A bridge is a mode of conveyance from
one part of fpace to another, the intermediate part be¬
ing either impaffable, of difficult, or otherwife of an-
inconvenient accefs. The ftrength muft be in propor¬
tion to the weight which is to be fupperted 5 the
extent, or width of the paflage, being likewdfe taken
into confideration. This paflage may be of a confider-
able diftance, and the weight to be fupported incon-
fiderable } for example a fpider is the greateil weight
to be fupported ', and (lie can fpin as much matter
from her bowels as wall anfwer her purpofe, and can
find fupports upon which (lie can make the extremities
ot her bridge to reft. But not to .take up time to men¬
tion the ingenuity (or under wdiatever name it may be
defigned) of infefts, birds, or quadrupeds, who difeover
admirable inftances of art fuitable to their nature, and
ufes fitted for their fituation, our chief intention is to
inveftigate the different exertions of the rational part
of the creation, and their manner of accommodating
themfelves to anlwer their neceflary exigences, parti¬
cularly at prefent confining ourfelves to the formation
of bridges of difterent kinds. The moft Ample part
of thefe, we cannot doubt, were in ufe from the
beginning of time. When any paffage exceeded the
ftep or ftretch of a man’s legs, wre cannot imagine, but
his natural invention would lead him to apply a
(lone, if of fufficient length to anfwer his purpofe j but
if not, a piece of wood, or trunk of a tree, would be
employed in the fame way to render the paffage more
eafy for himfelf.
Hiftory does not inform us that this ufeful art was
carried to any great extent, in the ages of the antedi¬
luvians ■, but we can fcarcely imagine but they were
acquainted wdth it, fo far as we have mentioned, and
even to a greater degree. Can we fuppofe that fuch
geniufes as difeovered the method of founding and
working in iron and brafs, and the formation and ufe
of mufical inftruments, would be wanting in difeo-
vering methods fo intimately connected with theis
own
B R I [ 414 ] B R I
BriJoje. own advantage ? We have no accounts handed down
to us, that they occupied houfes compofed of differ¬
ent apartments, and of different ftories or flats j yet
we find the infinitely wife and merciful Governor of
the univerfe, when admonilhing Noah refpefting the
building of an ark for his fafety, fpeak to him of
different rooms and ftories, of which it was to con-
fift, in terms with which Noah was well actpjainted.
As the Almighty always accommodates himfelf to
the capacities of his creatures, if Noah had not been
acquainted with thefe terms, can we doubt that the
Almighty would not have furnifhed his favoured fer-
vant with a perfpe&ive view of thefe rooms and fto¬
ries as he did to Mofes, when giving him inftruc-
tions to raife and conftrudt a fabric of which he for¬
merly never had obtained a view ? But this amounts
to no more than that it might be, and therefore we
will not dwell upon it.
Of what took place after the flood, we have no re¬
mains of antiquity, for many years, of this art being
cultivated to any extent 5 although it is furprifing, that
upon viewing the beautiful and fuperb dome of the
heavens, and the variegated arch that at times made
its appearance, that an imitation of neither of thefe
was not earlier attempted. Among the eaftern na¬
tions, and after them the Egyptians, who have*-left
us fo many monuments of grandeur and art, very lit¬
tle of the arch is to be found in any degree of ele¬
gance. In fome of the late refearches into their an¬
tiquities, a zodiac painted in lively colours, and fome
vaultings cut out in a rock have been difcovered j
but what is formed of different ftone is but of a rude
compofure j yet being of the more early period, we
cannot but conclude, that they gave the idea to the
Greeks, who improved it in a more elegant ftyle.
It is probable that the Chinefe, even at an earlier
period, arrived at a degree of perfection and ele¬
gance in this ait, which neither the Greeks nor the
Romans ever reached. We, who boaft, and not
without fome reafon, of the elegance, and extent to
which we have carried it, have not outdone them ?
We find that they have conftruCted a bridge of one
arch, the fpan 400 cubits, in the ordinary computa¬
tion 600 feet, from one mountain to another ; the
height of this arch is likewife given of 500 cubits,
or 750 feet. It is univerfally allowed, that if Noah
wTas not the founder of that monarchy, it was fome
of his grand-children, at a very early period ; their
form of government refembles the patriarchal, which
is in favour of Noah’s being their founder, and that
they cultivate thefe arts, of which he inftruCled them
in the rudiments : but this is not a place for difcuflion
of this fubjeft.
But to return to the Greeks and Romans, of whofe
hirtory we knowT more than we do of the other : Al¬
though we have admitted the Egyptians to have ftruck
out the plan, yet in point of elegance, in combining
the parts of the arch, we will not deny the Greeks to
have the firft ftiare. On account of an effigy, having
Janus upon the one fide, and a bridge on the oppofite,
fome have afcribed the honour of the art to him ; he
might indeed, on account of his improvements of the
art, {hewn himfelf deferving of having, along with his
effigy, the diftinguiihed art he had excelled in, engra¬
ved on the metal, as a memorial of his merit. Whether
the bridge improved by Janus, were over land or
wrater we are not informed ; but certain it is, that ne-
ceflity, which is the mother of invention, could not
fail to form fchemes for conveyance over waten We
find boats, or fome fpecies of (hips ufed at a pretty early
period ; and we are furprifed not to find them fnore
early than we have account of. A boat or Ihip is an
inverted arch turned down into the w'ater. Of a bridge
of'this kind, we find Darius avail himfelf in paflilpg
the Ilellefpont, or the Bofphorus, for we find different
hiftorians of different opinions wdiich of them he puf¬
fed, and the word Propontis anfwers to either p al¬
though we rather agree with thofe that make' the
paflage at the Dardanelles, or in that ftrait. This
mode of paffage is ftill in ufe, and found very conveni¬
ent ; but we can fcarcely fuppofe that Darius, and his
officers, and court, never heard of a bridge before that
idea ftruck them, in the execution of which they fo
happily fucceeded. It is highly probable that they
were acquainted with, and had formed bridges in their
owm country, and that wrant of materials to make a fo-
lid wall, induced them and others to conftrufl arches,
for the purpofe of aquedufts, of which there is fo much
occafion in Perfia, on account of the fcarcity of wa¬
ter -y and as they knew not the mode of conveying thei*
W'ater in pipes.
Among the Romans we find arches of different
kinds, and particularly triumphal arches ; although
thefe were not always formed of lafting materials, but
their aqueducts were of which the remains of feveral
are found in France, Spain, and others of their ancient
territories. Coefar formed a bridge over the Rhine,
Trajan over the Danube } with many others, the par¬
ticular mention of which would not much amufe our
readers ; at the fame time we hope it will not be
difagreeable to give a fhort account of Trajan’s
bridge, in the words of Dion Caflius. 4< Trajan built
a bridge over the Danube, which in truth one can¬
not fufficiently admire j for though all the works
of Trajan are very magnificent, yet this far ex¬
ceeds all the others. The piers were 20 in num¬
ber, of fquare ftone j each of them 150 feet high
above the foundation, 60 feet in breadth, and di-
llant from one another 170 feet. Though the ex¬
pence of this work muff: have been exceeding great,
yet it becomes more extraordinary by the river’s being
very rapid, and its bottom of a foft nature ; where the
bridge was built was the narroweft part of the river
thereabout, for in other parts of the river it was double
or triple this breadth ; and although on this account
it became fo much the deeper, and more rapid, yet no
other place was fo fuitable for this undertaking. The
arches were afterwards broken down by Adrian ; but
the piers are ftill remaining, which leem as it were to
teftify, that there is nothing which human ingenuity is
not able to eftedl.” From this account, the whole
length of this bridge is 4770 feet, that is 500 feet lels
than an Englifti mile. The architecl of this great
work is faid to be Apollodorus of Damafcus, who, it is
likewife faid, left a defeription of the work ; but how
much it is to be regretted that it is nowhere found on
record.
Among the moderns, the French and German
engineers, and perhaps the Italians, .ought not to be
negleded- Of thofe who have written on the fubjedl,
we
B R I t 4'5 ] B..R 1 .
of whom it is faid, that he had afcent} having 3^ feet of rile in 61 i.if feet ; it is fup-
plied with plainftones for foot pailengers on each fide j
adorned with balultrades, and femi-o£la-
Bridge. we may name Belidor,
... 1 the bell information, from his acquaintance and know¬
ledge of the chief works of France and Germany,
as well as from his experience as an engineer. His di¬
rections as to an arch or bridge are fhortly thus ; that
the piers ought to be one-fifth part of the opening,
and not lefs than one-fixth j that the arch Hones ought
to be one thirty-fourth part of the opening : In gene¬
ral, that the pier ought to be of that ftrength, that it
will fupport its arch as an abutment, which by prac¬
tice he finds one-fifth part of the opening to be fiiffi-
cient; but gives as a rule, one-fixth part, and two feet
more ; that is, an arch of 36 feet, one-fixth is 6+2~8,
the thicknefs of the pier. And where the arch is 72
or more, he deduces three inches for every fix feet
above 48 ; therefore the pier of 72 would be 14, that
is two feet more than the one-fixth part 5 but with the
above allowance the pier is only 13 ; when the width
is 96 or above, he allows the one-fixth part of the open¬
ing as quite fufficient : this he feems only to deduce
from obfervation, without adducing a reaion } now
whv a wide arch fliould be fupported by more flen-
der piers, in proportion, does not appear quite con-
fiftent with his principles } that the pier mult be of
fuch ftrength as to ferve for an abutment to the arch
thrown upon it, independent of the other arches, which,
when thrown, are allowed to be a counterpoile to the
preffure. Although we do not fee why it is applicable to
his principles, we will afterwards have occafion to fliow,
that it tends to corroborate the principles we mean to
advance.
We find another experienced engineer, Mr Gautier,
who only differs from Belidor, in fo far as we obferve,
as to the length of the arch-ftones. Gautier direfts,
that if the arch is 24 feet, the arch-ftone ought to be
2 feet; if 45, 3 feet; if 60, 4 feet if 75, 5 feet ; if
96, 6 feet; if the ftone is of a durable nature : if foft,
of greater dimenfions. Belidor gives the general ruler
one-twenty-fourth part of the opening : this muft cer¬
tainly be confidered under fome limitation 5 for, if the
arch is only 12 feet, the arch-ftone wmuld be only fix
inches, which, we think, will be thought too flight",
and arches over doors and windows would not be three
inches \ but although he mentions no limitation, we
fuppofe, if a 24 feet arch is allowed 2 feet of an arch-
ftone, the rule may with fafety be followed 5 and that
a fix foot ftone of a durable nature, may be an arch-
ftone, although the fpan was 150 or 200 feet.
Under whatever names later engineers have afled,
we find Belidor has in general been followed •, both
by Mr Mylne and others. Peter of Colechurch, a
prieft, architeft of the London bridge, has given his
pier a much greater ftrength, being more than half
the opening ; the piers being from 25 to 34 feet, l 8 in
number } the width of the river only 900 feet over,
which this bridge extends.
An ample reparation is made for thefe inconvenien¬
ces in Weftminfter bridge 5 the piers more flender,
a more eafy paflage for the wrater, the piers being on¬
ly 17 feet. The breadth of the river 1223 feet. The
arches are all femicircular, and fpring from about two
feet above low-water mark 5 they confift of 13 large
arches and two fmaller; the middle arch is 76 feet
fpan, and the other arches decreafe on each fide by
four feet. The paffage for carriages is not of an eafy
Bridge.
the ledges
gonal towers, which form the receffes of the foot-way ;
the whole width is 44 feet. The whole is allowed to
be elegant and well executed.
We now take a view of Blackfriar’s bridge, (fig.
12, Plate CXXX.), which prefents us with fomething
novel, is agreeable to the eye, and no precaution is
neglefted that could contribute to its ftrength, or give
addition to its elegance. Its arches are of the elliptic
form, at leaft nearly fo. Upon examination of the
figure of which we are poffeffed, the middle arch is a
fpan of 100 feet, the flat part of the arch is deferibed
with a radius of about 57 feet ; and the lefier circles
on each fide 35^ or 36 nearly ; this fmall arch is
continued below its diameter till its chord become
16 feet nearly, and its veiled fine 5 feet, which gives
it the degree of novelty alluded to ; and which is
far from being difagreeable to the eye. I he (boul¬
ders are compadlly filled with ruble-work j the bed of
each row tending to the centre of the arch. To the
height the arch can b6 raifed without a fupporting
frame, an inverted femicircle is drawn, the convexity of
the arch refting upon this ruble-work, which is formed
of Kentifh rag, but other hard ftone will equally anfwer
the purpofe, as this cannot be everywhere procured.
This inverted arch anfwers two material ufes ; it pre¬
vents this ruble being raifed by any lateral preffure y
and which we think the moft material is, that it makes
thefe parts of the arch, which form the greateft lateral
preffure, to abut upon one another; of confequence
there is little or no lateral preflure upon the pier.
But we ftrall refer our obfervations upon this as well as'
the preceding arches, till we have given fome account
of other bridges ; as we wifh to make the article con¬
duce to the information of our readers, and at the fame'
time methodical.
The bridge of the greateft extent in England, is‘
that built over the Trent at Burton j its length is
1545 feet, fupported by 34 arches.
The moftftupendous bridge in Europe, is that built
over the Tave in Glamorganftrire, confiding only of
one arch, the fegment of a circle whole diameter is
175 feet j the chord of the fegment or fpan of the
arch is 140 feet; the height 35, and abutments 32
feet ; the architeft of this ftupendous arch was Wil¬
liam Edward, a country mafon ; it was executed in the
year 1756.
We have likewife an account of the famous bridge
the Rialto at Venice, the deftgn of Michael An¬
gelo. On account of its flatnefs and extent, being 98-i
feet fpan, it is reckoned a mafter-piece of art. It
was built in the year 1591. Its height is only 23
feet above the water, but we find it now outdone by
a country mafon in Britain.
The next fpecies of bridge to be noticed is a rufhen
bridge; this fpecies of bridge is formed of bundles of
nifties, which being covered with boards and planks,
form a paffage over marftiy ground. Bridges form¬
ed of ca(ks, bottles, or fometimes bullocks blad¬
ders blown up, and attached to one another, have
been ufed upon occafions by armies. They have been
named afeogafri. The materials are carried along
with the army in their march, which, when joined,
form
B R I [4
form a ready paffage over rivers,, or. other ob-
ftru&ions by water j which they term a portable
bridge : materials of the above kind being light, and
many of them, as barrels, being ufeful for other pur-
pofes. Bridges may be ufed of them to a very great
extent.
Draw-bridges differ only in form and materials, be¬
ing made of wood, and turning upon one end upon hin¬
ges, or, when opening in the middle, at both ends, for
the purpofe of allowing (hips to pafs up and dowm a
river; in this cafe the pafi’age over the middle arch is
formed by a drawr-bridge 5 the manner of raifing them
being fo univerfally known, it would be fuperfluous to
defcribe.
A Flying-bridge, is a bridge formed of one or more
boats joined together, and covered with planks in the
manner of flooring, furrounded wdth a rail or baluf-
trade j according to its breadth it has one or more
marts to iupport a rope at a proper height; one end
turns round a windlafs, the other end of the rope is
faftened to an anchor in the middle of the water ; the
rope is kept from finking in the water, by rerting on
fmall boats at proper diftances, that float and fupport
the rope. The bridge is then wrought by one or more
rudders, from fide to fide of the river; the rope is
lengthened or flrortened by the windlafs, according to
the breadth of the river. Some of thefe bridges are
formed with an upper and lower deck, for conveying
cavalry and infantry at the fame time, or a greater
number of infantry j it being well underftood by mi¬
litary gentlemen, that the greater number that can be
conveyed over at once, they can the fooner form in¬
to defenfible corps, and fupport one another till their
ftrength is fo augmented, that they can aft on the of-
fenfive.
In Plate CXXIX. w'e have reprefented a flying bridge
of this kind. Fig. 1. is the perfpedtive view of the courfe
of a river and its banks ; <7, b, cy d, two long boats, or
batteaux, which fupport the bridge *, GH, KL, two
marts joined at their tops by two tranfverfe beams, and
a central arch fupported in a vertical pofition, by twTo
pair of flrrouds, and two chains LN, HR. M, a horfe,
or crofs-piece, upon which the cable MF e f refts ; the
ufe of this cable is to re-aft upon the working of the
rudders, and prevent the bridge from being carried
dowm by the current of the water. E is the windlafs
formerly mentioned; a, \b, the rudders. AB, CD,
two portions of bridges of boats, faftened to the banks
on each fide of the river, and between wdiich the bridge
traverfes. eyJ, Chains fupported by fmall floats, fome-
times five or fix of them placed at proper diftances j
the number to be ufed will be regulated according to
the length of the cable 5 one of them is placed at the
anchor, fo as the cable may fwing above the furface of
the water as near as the depth of the river will permit.
Fig. 2. is a plan of the fame bridge ; a, by c, dy the
two boats that fupport it. K, G, the two marts. KFG,
the tranfverfe piece, over which the cable pafles ; E,
the windlafs about which the cable is wound ; ay b, the
rudders ; 0, a boat 5 c, one of the floaters that fupport
the chain 5 N, N, pumps for extrafting the water out
of the boat} P, P, capftans.
Fig. 3. A lateral elevation of the biidge, A, c, one
of the boats 5 b, the rudder ; E, the windlafs } M, the
horfe} GH, one of the marts j E, N, H, F, the cable.
16 ] B R I
In this view the baluftrade along the fide of the bridge Bridge,
is in full view.
Fig. 4. is an elevation of the hinder part of the bridge
or ftern. a,b, The two boats; GH, KL, the two marts;
HL, the upper tranfverfe beam ; />, y, the lower tranf¬
verfe beam, over which the cable partes, and occa-
fionally Aides from the one mart to the other ; and mull
on that account be kept well greafed ; pk, gg, (hrouds
extending from the fides of the bridge to the top of the
marts ; M, the crofs-piece, over which the cable partes
to the windlafs.
Befides thefe temporary bridges of boats already
mentioned, there are permanent bridges formed of boats,
as at Rouen, Beaucaire, and Seville. Thofe of Rouen
and Seville are the moll noted ; that at Rouen was
conftru&ed to fupply the ftone bridge built by the Ro¬
mans, faid to have been a ftately fabric. The boats are
very firm, wTell moored wdth ftrong chains, and kept in
.proper repair. It is almoft 300 yards in length, paved
with ftone as a ftreet. A bridge of boats has the ad¬
vantage of other bridges, if well moored, for as the
water rifes, whether by rains or tide, they keep afloat;
this bridge is reprefented by fome as the wonder of the
prefent age ; others fay, it is far furpafled by that of
Seville ; but when we refleft upon that conftrufted by
Darius over the ftraits of the Dardanelles ; and of that
by Caefar over the Rhine, we cannot view either of
them with fo much furprife.
We find fome of a different conftru&ion, called float¬
ing bridges; which w'e think fliould rather be ftiled
Aiding bridges ; they are fo conftrudled that the one
lies above the other, when not in ufe. When intend¬
ed to be ufed, by drawing of ropes turned over pulleys,
the upper one moves forward, till it partes over the
other, when they are joined in one, and form the
intended paffage. It will readily occur to our read¬
ers, that thefe mull be much limited, as to their
length, both on account of their weight, and the
ftrength of the rope that would be neceffary, both to
pufh them over, and return them to their place ; they
can only be of ufe in parting a moat, in befieged
places, or fuch as are of inconvenient accefs and lit¬
tle frequented.
We cannot omit taking notice of fome natural brid¬
ges, in particular two very remarkable ones; the one in
Virginia, defcribed by Mr Jefferfon in his State of Vir¬
ginia ; it commences at the afcent of a hill, which feems
to have been cloven afunder, by fome convulfion of na¬
ture ; the fiffure at the bridge is by fome meafurements
faid to be 270 feet ; by others only 205 ; wfldth at
bottom 45 feet, at top 90, which gives the length of
the bridge ; the thicknefs at the fummit of the arch,
is 40 feet: confiderable part is of earth, upon which
grow many large trees ; the refidue is of the fame ma¬
terials with the hill on both fides, which is afolid lime-
ftone rock, and forms the arch, which is of a femi-ellipti-
cal form, very flat ; the height of this arch above the
water (the wTole being 205, and 40 the thicknefs) is 165
feet ; the breadth at the middle is about 60 feet. It has
no ledges, but wThat is formed on fome parts by the
rock, but even at thefe, few can ftand upon their feet
to look down ; but go on hands and feet to peep over.
On the contrary the view from below is moft delight¬
ful, and enchanting. The fiffure continuing narrow,
and ftraight, both above and below ; and of fuch height
that
B R I [ 4i7 1 B R I
Bridge, that it exhibits a profpeft, for about five miles ; gives a
-—v— fhort but very plealing view of Blue ridge on the one
fide, and North mountain on the other j the ftream that
paffes below it, is called Cedar creek, and falls into
James river. The bridge is in the county of Rock¬
bridge, to which it has given the name. We have no
account of the time when it was produced. It has,
however, formed a paflage between two mountains o-
therwife impaffable, but at a great diftance from it.
The other is in the province Angaraez in S. Ame¬
rica, defcribed by Don Ulloa. It is from 16 to 22
feet wide ; i 11 feet deep, of breadth one and one third
of a mile, and is not fenfibly greater at top than at
bottom. Don Ulloa thinks it has been effected by the
wearing of the water, which runs below it; if fo, it would
have worn down plain and fmooth j or moft to that fide
on its defcent, where the rock was of fofter materi¬
als ; but he informs us that the cavities on the one
fide, where equally hard, fo tally with protuberances
of the other, that if they met they would fit in all their
indentures, fo as to leave no fpace void ; from which
we are rather inclined to conclude, that it has been
formed by fome violent convulfion of nature.
In comparing the two, although we find in the bridge
in Virginia, the fame quality of rock on both fides, and
with the bridge itfelf, we do not find the protuberances
on the one fide anfwering to cavities on the other $ if
any fuch have been, the protuberances muft have been
effaced by time.
Before we proceed to make obfervations on the dif¬
ferent forms already defcribed, and the principles of their
conftru&ion ; we will lay down a theory founded upon
approved philofophical principles ; and we will endea¬
vour to fimplify our expreffion, fo as to be underftood
by the mechanic, and we hope, not defpifed by the
philofopher.
The bridges we have defcribed, are formed of arches
of different curves; thofe of the circle and ellipfe are the
moft prevalent. Thefe are formed of certain materials,
fo joined together, as to retain the curvilineal form of
the original curve from which it is taken, whether cir¬
cle, ellipfe, or other curve j and as it is only a part of
the curve, and compofed of different materials, the ex¬
tremities of the arch muft have fome fufficient fupport,
to retain the materials in the form of the intended curve.
Although authors that have treated upon this fubjeft,
have not agreed upon fixed principles to afcertain the
ftrength of thefe abutments, or fupports j yet all agree,
that they muft be fufficient to fuftain the impreffing force.
It is an univerfal principle in nature, that all bodies,
on or near the furface of the earth, tend by the laws of
gravity towards its centre, unlefs prevented by fome
force, that has the power to refill: them, or change
their dire&jon. If we attend particularly to one body,
having all its parts tending equally to the centre of the
eartn, and fupported in that pofition, it will retain its
pofition. If we fuppofe another body to prefs upon it,
lb as to change that pofition it has on its fupport or
force away its fupport, in whole, or in fuch part, that a
greater part of the body has a tendency to the centre,
more than it has to its fupport; it will fall toward the
earth in a dire&ion to its centre.
Let A, B. Fig 5'. Plate CXXIX. be two fupports,
fuppofe one foot fquare, of height 5 feet, or any other
height lefs or more, Handing perpendicular; and let a
Vol. IV. Part II.
piece of the fame dimenfions, wood or ftone, of three bridge,
feet in length be placed acrofs in equilibrium ; the per- v
pendicular fupport is not preffed by this weight, but in
the perpendicular dire&ion ; if a fecond piece of five
feet is laid upon the other, in the fame way, proje&ing
two feet over on each fide ; they will ftill remain in
equilibrio, and fo on till the two bodies upon the two
uprights meet one another, as in the figure, the planks
or logs DD meet in E, without affedling the fupports,
except in tho perpendicular dire&ion j the equilibrium
being preferved, no force impofed will make the fupports
give way, that will not feparate the particles of matter,
or break its contexture ; neither will any weight puffi
it over, that is not greater than the perpendicular pref-
fure ; for aftion and reaftion are equal, afting in con¬
trary diredtions. The force, then, that it will fupport
before it yield, to prefs upon its fupport, is equal to the
number of fquare feet that refts on the furface, and turns
upon the angular point F. Now fuppofe this operation
.continued the whole length of the bridge, and the whole
level blocks in contaft with one another, received by
the abutments, or landftools, the bridge will fupport
any weight that the ftrength of thefe blocks could fuf¬
tain, and the abutments readl upon; this would be a
bridge formed of the Egyptian arches, * not very ele¬
gant, but of great ftrength, as each, block is fupported
at one foot diftance j and the upper ones, in contadt
with one another, only read! by their own ftrength, at
one foot diftance without fupport j and by the readtion
of the land abutments, cannot yield to give any lateral
preffure upon the pier.
Let us now fuppofe a femicircle or any other arch
defcribed, the fuperfluous matter is carried off, and the
arch remains in ftrength and beauty. Now inftead of
balancing the blocks by counterpoife on each fide of
the fupport, let this be taken off, and applied as weights
above the pier, being equal in weight to thofe that form
the arch, the equilibrium is ftill preferved, without any
lateral preffure. This may be illuftrated by a very fimple
experiment. Let A, B, C, D, fig. 6. be four blocks, the
firft A, a fquare, which reprefents the bafe j the fecond
B, a pentagon, inferibed in a circle of the fame radius
about which the fquare is defcribed, placed with one of
its angles to the perpendicular edge of the fquare, a per¬
pendicular or plumb falls within the bafe, it is therefore
firmly fupported ; let the hexagon C, be placed upon
one of the fides of the pentagon, the two angles like-
wife coinciding j in this the perpendicular falls over
the bafe, it will therefore be no longer firmly fupport¬
ed, but will fall, and if attached to the pentagon, would
carry a part of it along with it, except prevented by
fri&ion and confiftency of the texture of the materials.
In this fituation let it be retained, till a pentagon is
placed on the oppofite fide of the hexagon ; the plumb-
line or perpendicular, as it now Hands, falls within the
bafe, and will be again fupported fo as to carry an ad¬
ditional block raifed upon it, or require a confiderable
force to pull it over to that fide, to which the hexagon
was inclined to fall. 1 he conclufion we would draw
from the above, is that if the column or pier is of fuch
dimenfions at top, where the fpring of the arch rifes,
that a weight of fuch materials as the arch is compofed
of can be railed, not exceeding the height of the vertex
or crown of the arch, as will counterpoife that part of
the arch, that produces the lateral preffure j then a
3 G pier
B R I [ 41'
Bridge, pier of luch dunenfion is of fufEcient ftrengtli, to fup-
port fuch an arch, till the other arches are thrown,
and the whole made to abut upon columns that will
counterpoife the whole with any incumbent weight
propofed.
The manner wTe would recommend to apply the
-arches to their pier, and to one another is, that they
abut upon one another, as in fig. 8, and 9. In fig. 10,
Plate CXXX. we take a femicircular arch of 75 feet
fpan ; our arch-ftone we think of a fufficient llrength at
three feet length ; our pier fix feet, equal to the two
arch-fiones. As every arch can be raifed to a certain
height, without the fupport of the centre arch ; al¬
lowed, to the 30th degree or \ of the diftance to the
crown of the arch. We have divided the quadrant or
half of the arch into 83 equal parts ; and where more
than half of the arch-ftone falls over the perpendicular,
we confider as the height, not to be exceeded without
fupport: the weight of matter upon the pier to this
height, we compare with the weight of matter from
that contained in the arch-ftones } or, rather, what
breadth of pier will contain a quantity ot matter that
■will counterpoife the weight of the arch-ftones, of an
arch of given fpan, and length of arch-ftones to the
crown of the arch.
In inveftigations of this kind, we find recourfe is
had to trigonometrical calculations, and to algebraic
and fluxionary equations. Foreign writers, as Beli-
dor, give us rules, collecled from fuch conftrudiions
as fuited their tafte *, and moft of the algebraic and
fluxionary equations that we have inveitigated, taRe
their data from fome bridge, the conftruaion of
which pleafes them, and bring their refult agree¬
able thereto ; and with fome degree of confidence
tell us that they are right, as it has agreed to the con-
ftruftion of fo able an engineer. If we allow ourlelves
to follow this method, we can never expeft to make
Improvements.
A late writer (Atwood) lias treated learnedly, and
we think judicioufly, upon this fubjeft ; he confiders
each of the arch-ftones, as a wedge abutting upon one
another, and the whole upon the landftool, or upon
the pier of the particular arch, and is reufted by a
force or preflure, with a force which he exprefles by
a line placed at right angles to an arch-ftone, at that
part of the arch which would begin to reft upon the
centre arch, which here he calls BS, but fays,, that
the length of the line or the point S is not determined :
this, we hope, will be found to be determined in the
refult of our theory.
We hope our readers will excufe us in departing
from the method of inveftigation formerly mentioned ;
and, in following that plain geometrical method,
which every mechanic is able to underftand, and
judge.of-, ’and which, at the fame time, we flatter
ourfelves the learned will not find caufe to chal-
lenge.
The thicknefs of our pier we have taken is, Al> fig.
10. fix feet; each divifion of our arch is equal to two feet
on the outfide, and tending to the centre of the circle as a
wedge: the infide meafures 1.8feet-, the mean is 1.9 X 33
the length of the ftone is 5.7 feet of furface ; we luppofie
it taken three feet into the arch, equal 17.1 folid feet, in
each of our divifions ; the fcale half an inch to 10 feet.
The folid meafure, on the whole, is eafily found) the
] B R I
30° is at a, but the arch will rife without the fupport Bridge,
of the centre arch to c. Now-, the number of divi-
fions from a, to the centre of the arch, is 22.23 I7*1
folid feet each, is 374.75 folid feet 3 our pier of fix
feet contains to the height a, the furface Abda ; at
a mean, taken as in the table, a, is 72.75, being
each two feet, is 145-5 fuperficial feet, X 3, the af-
fumed depth is 436.5 folid feet, being fully in equili¬
brium with the arch-ftones 3 but, as the arch will rife
to c, there is an additional weight of 229.5 folid feet,
which will be allowed more than a counterpoife to the
preffure of the arch, without any aid from the pier,
which has only the perpendicular preffure to fupport.
The counterpoife is, therefore, by this afeertained,
which will fupport this arch till the other arches are
raifed 3 which, as they all abut upon one another, the
land-ftool muft be made of fuch ftrength as to counter¬
poife the whole 3 which is afeertained upon the fame
principles, and leaves no ftrefs upon the piers but the
perpendicular preffure alone. This pier is fcarce TTth
part of the opening, by which, the river having fo
free a paffage, will affeft the bridge by preffure but
very little : but this will fall in our way to confider
afterwards. Fig. 7. is a perfpe&ive view of one arch
of a bridge, on this conftruftion, wdth part of an ad¬
joining arch on each fide.
When the fituation of the river, or other circum-
ftances, or when a fegment of a circle is made choice
of for the eafe of the paffage, or economy in the ufe
of materials and mafon work ; or the bafe of the arch,
or furface of the pier, wall not admit of mafon work to
bear upon the fpring of the arch, of luch w-eight as to
produce a fufficient counterpoife to the arch-ftones that
produce the lateral prtffure, the pier muft be made of
greater breadth 3 as, if much flatter than fig. 8, the
pier, in that cafe, ought to have been, of the breadth
as reprefented by the dotted line ab, ab y but this is
afeertained in projefting the plan. Fig. 8. is a per-
fpe&ive view of one arch, with its adjoining arch, and
part of the abutment on the land fide, wdrich wdll be
confidered afterwards. At the fame time, as the.fall of
an arch is attended with very great lofs, both in mo¬
ney, time, and lofs of materials 3 which might prove
hurtful to many ingenious undertakers of fuch works 3
by way of precaution, if they flrall doubt that the flen-
dernefs of our pier will fupport the arch, till the others
are thrown, for none can doubt them afterwards,
beams may be made to abut upon one another, and
upon each pier, as in fig. 8. : this is no lofs of time or
materials, as it will fupply, in part, the fupports of
the centre arches, upon w’hich the arch of the bridge
is raifed 3 and it is a precaution ufed, upon a fmaller
fcale, when in front walls of houfes 3 the whole is of¬
ten fupported upon arcades of ffiop-doors and windows,
many of their piers not exceeding nine or ten inches:
a crols-bar or piece of wood is laid acrols, to prevent
their yielding or lofing the perpendicular, till the whole
is completed. Now, the preffure upon the arch is not
fo great, as moft writers have affigned to it.3 that is,
the whole incumbent weight of all the materials above
it, together with that of paffage. The art of mafonry
is fuch, that the beds or rows of ftones fo bound
one with another, that each makes a preffure on its
contiguous part, fo as to form an arch of them-
fetyes. We fee in well-built walls a vaft excavation
made
Bridge.
B R I [ 419 ] B R 1
made in the lower part, or in the middle of the wall,
and the upper part of the building not affe&ed. In
like manner, the arches being all raifed to the height
that they can be, without fupport of the centre arch,
they are completed and filled up to the level of
the keyftone, but not higher. The arch is properly
fecured, if the principles of equilibration, in filling
up, are properly attended to; but if one fide is
overloaded either in filling up, or in building, it muft
twill the arch, and if not inftantly to break it, mull
tend to an uncertainty as to its durability. For al¬
though fome have concluded, they fay, from a refult
of their calculation, that the mathematical theory of
equilibrated arches is of little value to the engineer ;
we do not hefitate to aflert, that, if preferving the
equilibrium, both in railing the arch, and filling up
the haunches, is not attended to, we would not af-
fert it to be in favour of its durability ; and we know
of no principles in philofophy that will fupport the
opinion, that thefe can be negledled with propriety 5
neither do we think fuch a praftice will be readily
adopted by a Ikilful engineer.
Among the various writers upon bridges, fome pre¬
fer the circular arch, both for llrength and elegance.
Others contend, that it is exceeded in both by the el¬
liptic arch. Others will give the preference to the
Catenarian arch ; and we are told, that the excel¬
lency lies on the fide of the parabolic curve. We do
not think it incumbent on us to combat each of thefe,
neither do we think our readers would thank us for fo
doing. It may, however, be expedled that wre ftiould
not pafs them entirely unnoticed. In the firft place
then, we are of opinion, that the arch that bears moll
equably throughout the whole, one part upon another,
has the bell claim to flrength. Our reafon is, W'hich
we illuftrate thus, let AB, AC, be placed as in fig. 11.
Suppofe a weight placed upon them in fuch manner as
to prefs equally upon the point A, the two bodies AB,
AC, will in that point fupport the greatefl weight :
if the fame weight is laid on the middle, between A
and C, or A and B, they will each yield to the pref-
fure j for the weight is not equally divided between
them. But if thefe bodies are fo placed, that in eve¬
ry pofition on which a weight can be applied to them,
that the weight being equally fupported by both, this
being the cafe with the circle (fig. 7.), inclines us to
give it the preference as to flrength. As to elegance,
we know, that regularity is a qualification that fuits
every tafte : and here the circle cannot be outvied.
It is not, however, without its difadvantages ; with
regard to expediency, the femicircular arch is fome-
times too high for the fituation of fome bridges. In
this cafe, the elliptic arch (fig. 9.), formed upon the
greater axis, offers itfelf, in point of expediency, and
refufes to yield in point of elegance. It is bold
enough to affert, that if flrength of materials forms its
compofition, and be properly abutted, that it will not
yield, in point of flrength, in any exigence to which
it may be oppofed. In point of economy, it claims a
preference to the femicircular arch ; for our part, we
are inclined to own the reafonablenefs of its claim,
and to give it the preference to the fegment of a
circle (fig. 8.), which might perhaps be preferred
in point of expediency, as it can be rendered as flat as
the ellipfe j but its flatnefs we rather confider as a dif-
advantage, as in the rife of the water, it is apt to
choke its courfe and overturn it j whereas, the ellipfe
being nearly formed of twm fegments of circles of dif¬
ferent radii, the fmaller arches at its extremity rile
more in the perpendicular, and give more fcope to
the current of the water ; and likewife, it does not
require a flronger pier than a femicircle of the fame
diameter. The fegment, on the other hand, if flat,
requires a ftronger pier, and therefore tends more to
choke the current of the river, which ought always to
be avoided when it can be done.
In the Catenarian arch, as every one will obferve,
when a chain or rope is fixed at each end, and
allowed to fall down in the middle, the curvature is
not equal throughout ; and we therefore cannot think
it entitled to equal claim with the circle or ellipfe.
The fame objedlion may, with equal propriety, be
made to the parabola. This curve, near its vertex,
has nearly the property of a circle ; but every one
who knoivs a parabola, is convinced how much it de¬
viates from it afterwards ; although everywhere it re¬
tains the property of its own curve.
We nowT take a review of the different bridges we
have mentioned, and make fome obfervations upon,
them. In general, we remark, that all the writers
upon this art, have formed the abutments of each par¬
ticular arch, to be placed in the pier below the fpring
of the arch $ on which account many have conflrudl-
ed their piers of greater flrength than neceffary. The
firfl wre mentioned, wTas that by the Roman emperor
Trajan, over the Danube : the arches being broke
down by the emperor to impede the paffage of his in¬
vaders, we cannot, with certainty, compute the late¬
ral preffure upon the piers ; but their height being 150
feet from the foundation, muff have confiderable
flrength to rea6l upon an arch of 170 feet fpan •, which
would aft upon this column as upon a lever of 150 feet
length. We find this pier is 60 feet of thicknefs,
more than one-third of the opening ; one-fifth would
have been 34 feet: we cannot think this architeft has
afted without principles 5 but it is unneceffary for us
to conjefture wThat thofe were. If vre had been in¬
formed of the figure of the arch, we might have come
near; it probably wras a femiciicle, and if fo, perhaps
20 feet thick of pier, even at that height, might have
been of fufficient flrength.
The next wTe have mentioned, are thofe formed up¬
on the principles, or rather by.the rules, given by Be-
lidor ; for although he has not condefcendcd to lay
down his principles, it does not appear that he has
proceeded without principles. Upon invefligating
what muft be the breadth of a pier that will form
an abutment to an arch of 75 feet fpan, we have for¬
merly ftated that this arch can be raifed to c (fig. 10.),
without applying the centre arch : from the centre of
this arch-ftone we raifed a perpendicular /> e, and from
the lower part of the arch-ftone drewT the line f g pa¬
rallel to it: this line fg we fuppofed to cut the centre
of the pier in g. Suppofe him to have allowed a part of
the pier equal to the length of his arch-ftone, w;hich W’e
have in this figure taken three feet, one-twenty-fourth
of the opening nearly, viz. h h, Ak, for the perpendi¬
cular fupport of the arch-ftones to c. We find g
meafures five and a half feet, we therefore extend hg
to /, which is 11 feet, and A / 14 feet for the breadth
3 G 2 * of
Bridgfc.
B R I [ 420 ] B R I
in place of taking the whole width of the buts upon the arch-ftones at E, it preffes their joints
Bridge, of the pier
'1'" v ' bridge, we take only three feet as formerly. The
number of equal divifions from c to the vertex or mid¬
dle of the keyftone, is 20^: each of the equal divi-
lions at three breadth contains 17.1 folid feet, as by
our former mealure, which multiplied by zo\ is 350.155
folid feet. The pier, 14 feet breadth by fix in height, viz.
the height he luppofes his pier, and three deep, is 252
folid feet: the lolid building ///being fupported
in the perpendicular, he confiders as a part of his a-
butment, of which f g meafures 26 feet, by cf 3, and
by 3 in depth, is 234-f 252—486 folid feet, to coun-
terpoife 350,55 fchd feet, wrhich he confiders more
than fufficient. Suppofe then the pier is 13 feet, at
the above height it contains 234 feet -f 234 as before
~ 468 feet, which to account for accidents, and from
his praftice and obfervation gives his rule, which w’e
fuppofe is fully accounted for. If the height of the
pier is more than fix feet, he would add to the breadth
of his pier in proportion, which he does not take no¬
tice of, but afferts, that when the fpan is above 80,
that cne-fixth of the opening is fufficient in flrength to
refill every exigence 5 but if the arch is a fegment, the
fame rule we have given will find the breadth of the
pier, but would give it more than 14 feet. Belidor
confines his rule to the femicircular arches. We have
already mentioned what we think a proper limitation
to his rule for taking the 24th part of the arch for the
length of his arch-ltone.
. London bridge w'as executed in Hone, under the
dire6lion of Peter of Colechurch, a pried j it was
33 years in building, being begun by King Henry
in 1176, and finiffied by King John in 1209. The
piers are 18 in number, from 25 to 34 feet thick.
In what manner this pried executed' fo great an under¬
taking at that time, and in thefe days of ignorance,
we are not informed } he has, however, given it fu-
perabundant drength of pier, and choked up the
courfe of the river, from 900 feet to 194: but as this
objection is about to be removed, we need fay no more
about it.
Wedminder bridge is generally allowed to be an
elegant and noble fabric. The height of the pier
is only eight feet from the bed of the river ; the
thicknefs, for a fufficient counterpoife to the arch,
could not exceed 14 feet: the architedl, Mr Labley,
has given it 17 ; his arches are femicircular, the mid¬
dle 76 feet fpan ; his afcent one-twentieth part of the
half width of the river, which is here 1223 feet, one-
half is 601.15, rBre 3°t feet in that extent.
I he next we notice is Blackfriars (fig. 12.), executed
by Mr Mylne, whole ingenuity and ability as an en¬
gineer are univerfally acknowledged. The middle
arch is a fpan of 100 feet, of the elliptic form •, by
which, with other advantages, the paffage is rendered
more commodious, the afcent being more eafy j the
quicknefs of the rife of the arches of the fmall circles,
with the fiatnefs of the large circle, are particularly
well adapted to give a more eafy palfage to the river,
jifing either from a tide or other accidental caufes,
renders the choice of the elliptic arch here very judi¬
cious : we are likewife much pleafed with the inge¬
nuity of the inverted arch ; it effe&ually prevents any
riling of the ruble work that fills the interftices be¬
tween the arches, by any prelfure whatever ) as it a-
upon one another, in a more effe£tual manner than
perhaps could be accomplifhed by any other method ;
but the effedl produced by it, and in which we think
its excellency moftly confifts, is, that it makes the
arches, at that point, where they produce the great-
eft lateral preffure, to abut upon one another, and thus
take oft the lateral preffure from the pier. It does
not a little furprife us, that Mr Mylne did not avail
himfelf of this, by which his pier would have been at
leaft one-half thinner : in place of this, he has made
it at the extremity of the greater axis, A a, B b, 19
feet, and increaled it in a circular form to 22 feet j
experience having proved, that wffien the refilling force
is placed in the pier, one fifth of the opening is more
than fufficient for the refilling force j why, he, after
taking off the refilling force, ffiould contrail the courfe
of the river from 100 feet to 70, when 19 feet, as has
been Ihewn, by many experiments in pradlice, was
more than fufficient, although he had not taken off
this refiftance, by making the two arches abut upon
one another. The depth of the water, at ordinary
tides, is not lefs than 16 feet, and by the principles of
hydroftatics, the preffing force of a iolid foot of water,
at that depth, is equal to 8500 lb. X 30 the number
of feet contradled, is 255,000 lb. or 113.8 tons upon
the found of his pier, more than neceffary 5 and
which he might have avoided. We hope we lhall be
excufed for thefe remarks, as a wrork of this kind
is executed for general ufe, and to point out what
might efcape the moll eminent 5 and far fuperior
to what we can pretend to \ we mull likewife point
out, under the fame apology, and at the fame time
apologize for our own ignorance, in not underftand-
ing the fignification of the word joggle, as here ap¬
plied \ we underftand the Scots phrafe to joggle,
which is loofe and infirm in pofition, when a mafon is
bedding a Hone, if it is too heavy for trial by his
arms, he Hands upon it with his feet; if he do not find it
firm, he fays it is not firm, it joggles in fuch a pofition,
and we think the Teutonic favours this Scoticifm.
Now, how a phrafe that fignifies infirm, ftiould be
ufed to give firmnefs, may be owing to our ignorance
of that language that gives it fuch a fignification ; but
this does not all derogate from the method. It is, be¬
yond doubt, that each Hone is fo bound with another
by it, that they are rendered as one ftene \ and that
one cannot be forced from its place without carrying
the whole along with it, or pulling the Hone afunder,
wffiich no weight that can come upon a bridge would do.
That the above may be the better underftood, wre
have given a drawing of the middle arch, and part of
the adjoining arches: AB fig. 12. is the length of the
greater axis of the ellipfe, and fpan of the arch 100
feet 5 C the centre of the ellipfe ; c the centre of the
circle, that deferibes the flat part of the arch \ f, f re-
prefent the two foci, or in this, the centres of the
leffer circles ; D,D the inverted arches abutting upon
the arch-ftones E,E j V the vertex or crowm of the
arch ; F,F the thicknefs of the pier at the bed of the
river j A # B the thicknefs of the pier at the extre¬
mity of the greater axis. We have put on the bolt¬
ing in one of the arches, done with the Kentiffi rag-
ftone j the bolts about a cubic foot funk halfwTay into
each ftone j the ftenes in the pier are bolted with firm
oak.
Bridge.
B R I [421] BRI
oak, of a folid foot, dovetailed into" each done, which
renders the whole pier firm as if one ftonc.
What has been faid on the breadth of piers, renders
any obfervations on the bridge over the Trent at Bur¬
ton, or the fingle arch over theTave in Glamorganfirire,
unneceffary ; the abutments of the laid being on land,
the method of obtaining their ftrength, will be point¬
ed out wdren we fpeak of the abutments of iron
bridges, of which there are now feveral in England.
The firft as defcribed in the Philofophical Magazine,
over the Severn near Coalbrookdale in Shropihirc, was
built by Mr Abraham Darley ; the iron work was
call at Coalbrookdale in 1779. It confifts of one arch
of 100 feet fix inches of fpan } rifes to the height of 45
feet 5 confifts of ribs, each caft in two pieces, fecured
at the crown by a caft iroa key-plate ; and connected
horizontally and vertically, by caft iron braces formed
with dovetails, and forelocks the ribs are covered
with caft: iron plates ; the railing is of iron 5 the
weight of the whole is 3874 tons. The iron work
executed by MeflT. Wilkifon and Darley, iron-mafters,
of which they have great credit, being the firft inftance
of that material being applied in the bridge-w'ay. In
1801 it appeared as perfeft as when put up, except
what wras owing to the failure in the ftone abutments,
which had occafioned fome cracks in fome of the
fmall pieces.
The fecond bridge of this kind, was built over the fame
river at Builtwas, at the expence of the county of Salop,
agreeable to a plan under the direction of Mr Telford
furveyor of the public works in that county ; the iron
work was caft at Coalbrookdale in 1795, and 1796 : it
confifts of an arch of 130 feet fpan ; the rife of the arch
27 feet from the fpring to the foffit. The fituation of
the road here rendered it neceflary to be kept low; the
outfide ribs are made to go up as high as the tops of
the railing, and are connected with the ribs that bear
the covering plates by bars of iron caft with deep
flanches clofe to each other, and form an arch of them-
felves ; fo that the bridge is made upon the whole,
compadi and firm: the weight of the whole is 173
tons 18-J- cwt. Some fmaller arches and an aque-
duft at Longdon, have been made under Mr Telford’s
diredHon in the fame county.
The next upon a large fcale made of iron, is that
over the river Wear at Monk-Wearmouth, in the
county of Durham. This bridge, fig. 13. is the feg-
ment of a circle, whofe radius is 443 or 444 feet *, the
fpan of the arch, or length of the bridge is 236 feet ;
the height of its vertex above the fpring of the arch is
34 feet; and height above the furface of the water 60
feet, fo that veflels of confiderable burden may pafs be¬
low it without interruption. The width of the bridge
or breadth of the road-way is 32 feet; it is formed of
fix ribs, placed about five feet diftant from one another j
each rib confifts of 1 25 blocks of caft iron, five feet in
height, and two feet broad at the middle ; the lines
drawn from this to the centre of curvature, determine
the length of the block above and below', and a circle
defcribed with the radius of curvature gives the con¬
vexity of the upper part of the block, and the concavi¬
ty in the lower, agreeable to the curvature of the whole
arch of the bridge j the parts of the block are reprefent-
>ted in fig. 14. upon a large fcale.
In each of the three longitudinary parts of the block,
there is a fquare groove one inch deep, into which is
fitted a bar of wrought iron of the fame dimen-
fions with the groove, into which it is inferted marked
b, b, b, by which the blocks are joined together to form
the rib. Thefe ribs are connected laterally by a hol¬
low bar of caft iron, fig. 15. about four inches diame¬
ter, and five feet long, wfith flanches, through which
iron bolts are made to pafs it, and the fides of the
ribs fixed with fcrew'S or forelocks; two of the
blocks are joined by the bars of wrought iron, and con-
nedled with a bar of another rib by the iron hollow
bar, as reprefented in fig. 16. All the ribs joined to¬
gether and connected in the fame manner as in fig. 16.
complete the arch of the bridge. To fupport the beams
that form the road-way, circular pieces are formed of
caft iron, to abut upon one another at their horizontal
diameter, the beams that form the road-w'ay refting up¬
on the circular pieces at the vertical diameter j which
gives a firmnefs to thefe fupports, that no weight com¬
ing upon the bridge can injure. The beams or planks
are then covered with plates of iron, and fuch materials
as are reckoned to be beft adapted to form the road,
and prevent water pafting through to the injury of the
bridge ; we have therefore no doubt of the ftrength of
the circular fupports, and this figure is always pleafing to
the eye •, but perhaps in point of economy the form of
a fupport we have given in fig. 13. and added a Ihort
defeription, might be fufficiently ftrong, and we think
contains lefs metal, which will produce a faving. As we
have at the end of this paragraph given a defeription of
the parts agreeable to the figure, we only add, that it
w'as conftrufted under the dire&ion, and chiefly at the
expence of Rowland Burdon, Efq. then M. P. for
that county j it was caft at the manufactory of Meff.
Walker of Rotherham in Yorkfhire, and does honour
to the projeftor and iron-mafters; it is nearly double
the fpan of that at Builtwas, and more than double the
middle arch of Blackfnars Bridge. We have feen what
is called a perfpeCtive drawing of this bridge, but as it
is in many inftances faulty, and in fome inftances ri¬
diculous, we wmuld not with fuch a piece to appear in
our work ; in the back ground drawing, the houfes va-
nifti in the direCHon quite oppofite to the point of
fight, and the view which is allowed to be from below,
the eye is made to fee quite through between the arch,
and the road-way at both ends of the bridge, although
at the height of 60 feet, and diftance of 236. Our draw¬
ing we deferibe thus : A, fig. 14. is one of the blocks,
b, b, b, arc bars of wrought iron funk into their grooves,
B, fig. 15. is the hollow crofs bar which joins the ribs
in the manner as reprefented fig. 16. which {hews two
pieces joined, and bolted by the wrought iron bars,
and the bolts reprefented at 1, 2, 3, and the two ribs
joined by B, B, B, in which manner the whole bridge
is conneded } the front of the ribs in length is reprefent¬
ed on fig. 9. by a, a, a, a, the other ribs by the different
lines, which appear in the perfpeCtive; E is an arch
through w'hich a road paffes, and ftretches along be¬
hind the three houfes by the fide of the hill. The
blocks placed in a vertical pofition, in the fame man¬
ner as in the front of the bridge, are to be confidered
as curvilineal; but the great extent of the radius could
not be conveniently applied, and at that fmall diftance
would differ little from a right line when viewed fepa-
rately. Tig. 17. is the fupport we propofed in point
B R I [ 422 J B R I
Bridge. 0f ceeonomy to fupply the place of the circles, the
flanches retiing and coinciding with the curvature of
the arch, and all abutting with one another form a co¬
vering arch, by which the blocks perhaps might be
thought of fufficient ftrength, although fomewhat lefs
than five feet in height, the upright, g, of fuch height
along, as the beams of the road-way might reft at the
diftance of five feet, or thereby, from one another.
Our only doubt of the durability of iron bridges is,
that the water being blown in by ftorms, refts on the
flats of the iron, and tends to corrode it and wafte its
parts 5 and what will be of the worft confequence, find
its way into the joints. Perhaps if between thefe, thin
plates of lead were placed, the two pieces might have
their joints clofed, by abutting upon the lead, and
the fame precaution being taken wfith the wrought
iron, where inferted into the grooves of the call metal,
the water would be prevented from entering, or fet¬
tling in the interftice.
Two other bridges we find deferibed, for both of
which patents are obtained, the one by Mr Jordan for
a fufpended bridge, inrolled in December 1796, the
patent obtained, and defeription January 1797, which
exhibits the principle of the invention with its advan¬
tages, and a perfpe&ive drawing. It confifts of trvo
fufpending ribs, one on each fide of the bridge, which
are to extend over the whole breadth of the river, if
this diftance is thought to be too great for one ftretcb,
it is propofed to raife two other ribs on the oppofite fide,
to meet and abut upon one another; on this account
a pier is required, upon -which the two abutting ends
may reft, and as it bears only the perpendicular
preffure, it may be fo thin, as to make little ob-
ftruftion to the current of the river. The fufpend¬
ing arch being erefted, is to be underftood to be
of fuch ftrength as to bear the bridge fufpended to it
from the arch', bars defeend on each fide to which crofs
beams or bars of iron are fixed on each fide of the
bridge at proper diftances ; along thefe others are ex¬
tended in a direftion acrofs the river, and covered in
fuch a way as to form a paffage for carriages, and paf-
fengers of every defeription. It has this particular ad¬
vantage, that it admits of a draw-bridge.
The advantages propofed by the patentee are: That
the fpan may be greater by this than by other con-
ftrudlions, and that the diftances between the abutrefles
and intermediate pier, may be greater than heretofore,
or if more piers are requifite between pier and pier :
more particularly, 1. A bridge of this conftru&ion re¬
quires lefs time to execute, it not being fubjedl to the
interruption of tides. 2. That it is done at lels ex¬
pence. 3. The afeent eafier. 4. They are not fo li¬
able to decay. 5. They may be repaired wfith more
certainty and facility, and at lefs expence. 6. They
will not be fubjeft to the accidents which have de-
ftroyed others. 7. They may be erefted at any extent,
in regard to length and width. 8. They can be fe-
cured as to form one entire piece. 9. They can be
preferved in their parts from decays of an accidental
nature, and aflifted in their durability, by the applica¬
tion of different prefervatives. 10. And laftly, It is
clearly evident on infpe&ion of the figure, that bridges
of this conftru&ion whatever their length be, are in no
£efpe& fubjeft to the continual accidents which arife to
bridges on the common conftruftfion, from currents,
tides, fwells, inundations, &c. &c.
In this bridge, there is much ingenuity difplayed ;
and very confiderable advantages attached to the ufe
of it j as it is a level, the paffage over it is eafy, it
being u'ell adapted for a draw-bridge where requifite,
renders it w’orthy of attention, and in feveral fituations
it might be advifable to adopt it 5 but at fame time,
w7e are not certain, that fo many advantages w7ould ac¬
crue from the ufe of it, as is propoied by the patentee j
for inftance the fufpending arch muft be raifed by fcaf-
folding as wTell as other arches j and this fcaffolding
we apprehend, muft be preferved till the whole of the
bridge is finifhed. On the other hand, if piers are to be
raifed they may be flender, having only the perpendi¬
cular weight to fuftain, and will on that account be
little interruption to the courfe of the river.
The other patent is obtained by Mr John Nafh, archi-
tedl, Dover-ftreet, London, for his invention of an iron
bridge, Feb. 7. 1797, on a new and improved conftruc-
tion. What the patentee here propofes, is that in forming
the arches and piers for a bridge, in place of arch-ftones,
that boxes of call iron, or plate iron, be formed to the
fize and figure of the arch-ftone •, and that thefe boxes
be call with a bottom, or that the bottom may be put
in before ufing. The piers are raifed by like boxes,
the firft row of boxes being laid for the found of the
bridge, and fixed to the bed of the river by piles
driven into the ground ; the boxes are then filled with
clay, fand, fand mixed with lime, ftone of any kind,
fmall or great, brick, with or without lime ; being thus
filled, another row of boxes is placed, and bedded as
if ftone •, filled up in the fame manner till prepared for
throwing the arch. The arch-boxes being prepared
as already mentioned, are placed in the fame manner
as arch-ftones are placed in an arch \ and being filled
as before directed, the arch is completed and formed
of folid materials cafed w ith iron, and that iron may
not abut on iron, he propofes plates of lead laid be¬
twixt each box, and in this manner the bridge is finifli-
ed, forming one folid mafs cafed with iron.
In fome parts of this, and other countries, the fitua-
tion is fuch, that neither ftone nor lime can be procured,
but at an enormous expence j in fuch a fituation the in¬
vention would be meritorious j as a bridge could be
erefted forming a convenient paffage, the boxes being
filled with fuch earthy or ftony materials as the place
could fupply, and if filled with fmall or round ftones,
the interftices might be filled with mortar, to ren¬
der them folid. In fome places fo lituated, that al¬
though ftone is to be got in quantity and quality fufli-
cient, yet lime cannot eafily be procured, the inven¬
tion might fucceed 5 but we fuppofe that when both
ftone and lime can be procured, few would think of
cafing it with iron, which is lefs durable than ftone,
wfiien conftantly expofed to the air, in wTet and dry.
A body of folid iron is very different from a thin
plate, expofed on both fides to materials different from
itfelf.
We come now to the defeription of the greateft un¬
dertaking of this kind, that ever graced the Britilh
annals, or w’as accompliftied in Europe or the world,
that wre have accounts of, except in China, as former¬
ly mentioned. The London Bridge, which, though
clumfily
B R I [ 423 ] B R I
clumfily executed, and with no great judgment, has per¬
formed its fei vice faithfully for near 600 years j but
on account of the advance in trade, and neceffary im¬
provements, it muft now be fuperfeded by this noble
fabric, that will even dazzle the eyes of the enlighten¬
ed world.
This interefting project has fo far engaged the atten¬
tion of the legiflature, that a feleft committee has been
appointed of fuch members as were no ways concern¬
ed in any of the plans brought forward 5 they have
made three valuable reports, that refpe£ting this bridge
being contained in the third report, viz. the rebuilding
of London bridge, by which colliers, and coalling
veffels, and all veffels of light burden, are to be admit¬
ted to pafs the new London bridge, and to (hip and
difcharge goods immediately at wharfs, and warehoufes,
to be conftrufted along the banks of the river, and op-
pofrte to the centre of the city; for which purpofe this
new bridge is to be formed of call iron 65 feet high,
clear above high water, with inclined planes connect¬
ing it with the prefent ftreets, and fuch other improve¬
ments as may grow out of this alteration. I he bed of
the river is to be deepened, fo as to admit (hips of 2CO
tons lying afloat at low water; and that no incroachment
may be made on the property of thofe connefted with
the (bore, it is propofed to contradl the courfe of the
river to 600 feet, according to Mr Jeflbn’s report, by
which room wall be procured for the inclined plane, or
wharfs, and warehoufes. The plan of the bridge is
projected by Meffrs Telford and Douglas j the fpan
600 feet, equal to the width of the river when contrac¬
ted, which is now accomplifhed, and we underftand
the plan is far advanced in the execution j but a
plan of fo great extent mud be fubjeft to many un¬
avoidable interruptions.
A flrort account of the plan of the bridge will not be
unacceptable to our readers, as it will enable them to
form a more perfedl judgment of this magnificent
ftru£lure. The whole is of cad iron, which is lefs
liable to corrode than hammered iron } the ribs are
cad in as large portions, as can conveniently be mould¬
ed ; they are connedled together by crofs and diagonal
tie-braces, in fuch a manner, that any of the pieces
of the ribs, or braces can be taken out, and replaced,
without injuring the whole, or interrupting the paflage,
thus the bridge can be kept in repair with eafe, and con¬
venience *, all the frames are fo connedled vertically
and horizontally, from the fofht of the arch, to the
road-way, that the whole will aft as one folid frame ;
and are fo difpofed from the middle of the arch, to the
abutment, as to give a greater width to the bridge at
entrance from the (hore, from the different inclined
planes, which enter to the bridge from three different
direftions, by which the public wall be accommodated
by three different bridges, as to entrance and egrefs.
The inclined planes which afford entrance to the
bridge from the (hore, and ftreets, will give ample
room for warehoufes, vaults, and other conveniences
for depofiting the goods, before they can be put on
board, or after they are unihipped, till they can be
conveniently carried off by the proprietors.
We come now, as propofed, to afcertain the (Length
of an abutment that will fupport, orcounteraft the pref-
fure of any number of arches, abutting upon one ano¬
ther, in the manner we have propofed. Throw up the Bridge,
contents of the number of feet in all the arch-ftones,—v”—
from the one end of the bridge to the other; divide
this between the two abutments, and find wdrat bafe is
neceffary to contain a number of feet equal to the half,
upon each pier from the fpring of the arch to the
height of the road-way with one fourth or one third
added, for allowance made for fuperincumbent weight
upon the bridge, or any default in equilibration or
otherw’ays, care being always taken to fecure a proper
found to abutments. To find the abutments of iron
bridges, being of fo great extent as thofe now raifed,
or may be railed j take a bafe that will contain a weight
of done, equal to half the weight of the bridge from
the fpring to the road-way with what is thought necef¬
fary to add for extra weight upon the bridge •, here it
is (till more neceffary to attend to a proper found, and
further it may be neceffary in large arches of ftone, or
an iron arch, to bolt the (tones together according to
Mr Mylne’s method j as the great preflure is laid upon
them before the cement has fattened the (tones, this
may be the caufe of the failure in the abutment in the
Shroplhire bridges; and alfo of others. Such mag¬
nificent ftruftures are worthy of every attention.
We have already treated, and we hope with fatisfaftion
to our readers, of the principles upon which this theory
is founded. We (hall now adduce fome undeniable in-
ftances, from the praftice of modern and antient ar-
chitefts. Firft, upon a fmall (dale, we find vaults
thrown, of 8, 10, or more feet of arches abutting up¬
on one another, upon thin walls ; (ome not exceeding
10 inches, and 6 feet in height ; and arches from 18
to 20 feet, the fupporting wall from which the arch
fprings not exceeding 14 inches, the arches below the
femicircle, the main abutments being of fufficient
(Length. Upon a larger fcale, in the Gothic archi-
tefture, it has univerfally been praftifed to (up-
port the arches by abutments on the outfide of the
wall, but not without exception, and where this ex¬
ception has been made, we find the arch equally well
fecured, and with much fupetior grandeur and ele¬
gance. In that fuperb ftrufture of Gothic architefture,
St Giles’s Church, commonly known by the name of
the High Church, Edinburgh, the fteeple (lands upon
four columns, not (Longer in proportion to its weight
than the fix feet pier we propofe for an arch of 75 feet
fpan ; this centre part of the building is fupported
by the parts to the eaft and weft, and by arcades, form¬
ing aides in the other direftion, none of them exceed¬
ing half its height or thereby; it rifes above them wdth
its majeftic head, adorned with an imperial crown; and
for fupporting the (lately arches that form this crown, no
outfide abutments are prepared ; in this, the exception
above referred to confifts; it feems as if by the artift in¬
tended for the fupport of our theory. The weight is
laid upon the (houlder at the fpring of the arch, but with
fo much elegance as if it were only intended, to form
an ornamental part of the propofed figure ; and under
the appearance of an orrament concealing its real ufe.
Some of the arch-ftones likewife are projefted outward,
in the horizontal direftion, ornamented at their extre¬
mity, and, at the fame time that they enrich the
crown with an additional ornament, they are a coun-
terpoifeto the arch at that place. To complete the de¬
ception,,
B R I
Bridge, ception, to adorn the propofed figure throughout, and to
 v finifh a well proportioned and elegant crown, the fum-
mit is put upon it, at the fame time fecuring the key-
ftone, which without this precaution would by the fide
preflure have fprung upwards, and have brought the
whole arches to ruin.
That thefe arches are as well protected by the weight
placed at the fpring of the arch, as any that are fup-
ported by abutments, we need only as a proof produce
their liability, in refilling, notwithllanding of its
great height and expofure in fituation, the boillerous
effedls of the elements, and the concuflion arifing from
the vibration of large bells, fufpended in it, and fo fre¬
quently rung.
From the principles formerly laid down, and the
authority now adduced in fupport of our theory, we
hope that it has received ample confirmation. And
we venture to conclude, that we have pointed out a
method to every mafon, and engineer, how in drawing
his plan, he may be able to afcertain the weight to be
laid on the Ihoulder of his arch, to counterpoife the
weight, according to the intended fpan, and what thick-
nefs he has occafion to make his pier, without incumber¬
ing it, not only with ufelefs matter, but what is materi¬
ally injurious to the ftrength of his bridge, by choking
the current, and caufing it a£l with 10 times more force
upon it, than it otherways wmuld do, as we have for¬
merly Ihown.
We cannot pafs the inllance of ancient architeflure
lall mentioned, without obferving what attention has
been paid to the principles of equilibration; and,
although the architedls have not communicated the
principles upon which they executed their plans, they
give evident proofs of their having followed fome
regular theory. Can we fuppofe that the projedlor of
St Giles’s Church, Wellminlter abbey, and innumera¬
ble others, could have produced fuch elegant and well
proportioned llrudlures accidentally, without a well re¬
gulated principle to adl upon, or that the projeftor of
this imperial crown we have been defcribing, had not
thoroughly digefted all its parts and ornaments, be¬
fore it began to be eredled. The ancient architedls
have, however, thought proper to leave to pollerity to
colledl their principles, from the works that have been
executed. The moderns are aftuated with more liber¬
ality of fentiment, in laying down their principles, as
well as executing their projedls, many of which will
do honour to the age, and leave pollerity both principles
and examples to follow, and improve upon.
After having treated upon the rife and progrefs of
bridges, from what we know, from the molt early pe¬
riods j it may appear fomewhat awkward that the foun¬
dation is neglected, and the manner of preparing; but
when it is confidered that this mull be regulated by
the fuperllrufture, to be raifed upon it ; that al¬
though it mull be the firft part, with which we begin,
it mull be the lall in the plan; and in founding a
bridge there is indeed much to be confidered: and as
we propofe to offer fome methods for founding, which
fo far as we know have not appeared, we will be at¬
tentive to lay them before our readers, under the arti¬
cle Foundation.
We have defcribed bridges of different materials,
but have mentioned none of wood ; this will come pro-
[ 424 1
B R I
perly to offer itfelf under the article Centre, in which
we intend to offer fome concife and fimple conllruc-
tion, and fome forms of wooden bridges, that in point
of elegance, and llrength, may not only vie with, but
fuperfede the ufe of iron bridges in many inllances.
Table referred to in fig. 10.
Bridge.
N°.
Extent.
6.4
6.8 13.2
Sum.
Arith.
Mean.
12.4
6.8
7
7
7-5
7-5
8.8
9.5
9-5
10
10
11-5
iJ-8
14-5
15-5
16.8
18.3
19-5
21.5
6.2
6.6
6.9
7-25
7*75
8.4
9-15
9-75
10.75
72-75
N°.
Extent.
11-5
12.x
Sum.
23.6
12.1
13-3
13-3
14.2
25-4
27-5
Arith.
Mean.
12.7
I3-75
38.25
Deficiency of 2 feet between 8.9 divifions,
Between 9 and 10,
Sum, -
Mean,
Feet.
.lO
.015
.025
.0125
.0125X mean of extent 10.5=1.13125
By the depth - - 3
Solid content,
Deficiency of 2 feet between 10 and
Between 11 and 12
Between 12 and 13
•39375
11,
•05
.06
Mean,
3)-*8
.06
38.25X2 = 76.5 Surface.
3 Depth.
229.5 Solid feet.
Sum of Ale an.
Extent 3 8.25,
Mean 1 2.75 X-p6=:.885 Superficial.
3 Depth.
2.655 Solid.
Explanation
'
li UJ I) G h: .
Plate f' X X I X .
V " y/^V v/ .
■ ■lj|Wi«.rrw
BRIDGE
FI ate CXXX
B R I [ 425 ] B R I
Bridge- Explanation of the above Table referred to in
town." fig- 10-
From the fpring of the arch, (fig. 10.) parallel lines
are drawn from the divifions of the arch, to the per¬
pendicular db, being each two feet at the outer part of
the arch-ftone. Thefe divifions are marked in the fi¬
gure I, 2, 3, &c. j the meafures of each of thefe lines
are inferted in column 2d; the firft and fecond are ad¬
ded together as marked in column ift, their fum is in¬
ferted in column 3d, the half or arithmetical mean in
column 4th. In the fame manner the 2d and 3d, the
3d and 4th, &c. The fum of the means when added
make 72.75, being each 2 feet dillant, is 145.5 fuper-
ficial feet, X 3 in depth is 436.5 folid feet j but as thefe
parallel divifions decreafe in breadth as they afcend
from the fpring of the arch, the mean deficiency in
folid meafure, as above, in the work, -39375) being de¬
ducted from the 436.5, leaves the remainder 436.; fo¬
lid feet. Between the 10th and 13th divifion the defi¬
ciency is greater, as above, amounting to 2.655 klid
feet, to be deduCted from 229.5 : remains 226.845
folid feet, which added to 436.1 is 662.945 the refill¬
ing force, to counteract the lateral preffure of the arch-
Itones 374-75) reckoned from a; but reckoned from c,
which the counterpoife is raifed to, there being only
20\ divifions, the lateral preffure only amounts to
347.55 folid feet, little more than one half of the op¬
posing force. The arch then mult be fufficiently fe-
cured without any addition to the pier, more than fur-
nilhing a bafe for this weight.
We have chofen to exprefs both forces by folid feet,
in place of weight, as the weight will differ according
to the quality of the Itone ; whereas the folid foot is
applicable to every quality of Itone, of which an arch
is raifed, Hones from the fame quarry being nearly of
the fame fpecific gravity, and of confequence a folid
foot will be as nearly of the fame weight. If from diffe¬
rent quarries, the weight of a folid foot of each can be
eafily afcertained. The above tables, and wrork of means
and deficiency, we might have expreffed in algebraic and
fluxionary equations, the fmall increment of deficiency
being the fluxions. We Ihould have had the appearance
of being more learned, but whether we Ihould have been
more ufeful to the generality of our readers, we leave
them to judge j but we think it becoming in every
learned man, to exprefs himfelf fo, as to be univerfal-
ly underltood, otherwife we think his learning is mif-
applied, if not fufpicious.
Bridge, in Gunnery, the two pieces of timber which
go between the two tranfums of a gun-carriage, on
which the bed relts.
Bridge, in Mujic, a term for that part of altringed
inltrument over which the firings are firetched. The
bridge of a violin is about one inch and a quarter high,
and near an inch and a half long.
BkiDGE-Town, the capital of the ifland of Barba-
does, fituated in W. Long. 6i°. N. Lat. 130. It
ftands in the inmoft part of Carlifle bay. This origi¬
nally was a moft unwholefome fituation, and was chofen
entirely for its convenience for trade ; but is now deem¬
ed to be as healthy as any place in the ifland. The
town itfelf would make a figure in any European king¬
dom. It is faid to contain 1500 houfes, and fome con¬
tend that it is the fineft the Britifli poffefs in America.
Vol. IV. Part II.
The houfes in general are well built and finiflied) and Bridge,
their rents as high as fuch houfes would let for in Lon-
don. The wharfs and quays are well defended from .
the fea, and very convenient. The harbour is fecured
from the north-eaft wind, which is the conftant trade-
wind there 5 and Carlifle-bay is capable of containing
500 fliips, and is formed by Needham and Pelican
points. But what renders Bridge town the fineft and
moft defirable town in the Weft Indies, is its fecurity
againft any attacks from foreign enemies. It is defend¬
ed on the weftwrard by James-fort, which mounts 18
guns. Near this is Willoughby’s fort, which is built
upon a tongue of land running into the fea, and mounts
I 2 guns. Needham’s fort has three batteries, and is
mounted with 20 guns ; and St Anne’s fort, which is
the ftrongeft in the ifland, ftands more within land.
In fhort, according to Mr Douglas, there is all along
the lee-fhore a breaft-wrork and trench, in which, at
proper places, were 29 forts and batteries, having 308
cannon mounted, while the windward ftiore is fecured
by high rocks, fteep cliffs, and foul ground. Such
was the ftate of the fortifications in 1717 ; but fince
that time they have been much ftrengthened. Bridge¬
town is deftitute of few elegancies or conveniences of
life that any city of Europe can afford. The church
of St Michael exceeds many Englifti cathedrals in
beauty, largenefs, and conveniency; and has a fine
organ, bells, and clock. Here alfo is a free-fchool for
the inftru£tion of poor boys, an hofpital, and a college.
The latter was credited by the fociety for propagating
the Chriftian religion, in purfuance of the will of Co¬
lonel Chriftopher Codrington, who left about 2000I.
a-year for its endowment, for maintaining profeffors
and fcholars to ftudy and pradtife divinity, furgery, and
phyfic. See Codrington. .
BRIDGENORTH, a town of Shropfhire in Eng¬
land, feated on the river Severn, which divides it into
two parts but they are united by a handfome ftone
bridge, and thefe are called the up[)er and the lower
town. It is faid to have been built by Ethelfleda, wt-
dow of Etheldred king of the Mercians, about the year
675. Robert de Belizma, fon of Robert de Montgo¬
mery, built the caftle, and maintained it againft King
Henry I. by which means it was forfeited to the crown,
and remained fotill the reign of Richard III. who gave
it to John Sutton lord Dudley. This town has under¬
gone feveral fieges \ and in the civil war it fuffered
very much, many fine buildings, and the xvhole town,
being almoft deftroyed by fire, when Sir Lewds Kirke
defended the citadel for King Charles. There are
now no other remains of the cattle than a fmall part of
the towers, and a place yet called the cafle, within the
walls of the old one within which ftands one of the
churches, dedicated to St Mary Magdalen, which was
made a free chapel, and exempted from epifcopal jurif-
diftion. The other church is at the north end of the
town, on the higheft part of the hill, near to whofe
church-yard flood a college, which was deftroyed by
fire in the civil wars, together with the church juft
mentioned ; which has been fince rebuilt by the inha¬
bitants. In this town is a free-fchool which fends and
maintains eighteen fcholars at the univerfityof Oxford.
On the weft bank of the river are the remains of an an¬
cient and magnificent convent, under w hich were fe¬
veral remarkable vaults and caverns running to a great
3 H length.
*
Bridge-
water
II
Bridport.
B R I f 4*6 ]
lengtli. Part of the Cow-gate ftreet Is a rock, rifing for flapping
perpendicularly, in which are feveral houfes and tene¬
ments that form a very agreeable though grotefque
i group. In many other places there are alfo caves and
dwellings for families, in the rocks j and indeed the
•whole torvn has a very Angular appearance. This
town fends two members to parliament. W. Long. 2.
30. N. Lat. 52. 40.
BRIDGEWATER, a town of Somerfetlhire in
England, feated on the river Parret, over which there
is a flone-bridge, near which {hips of 100 tons burden
may ride with eafe. It is a large well frequented place,
with the title of a duchy, and fends two members to
parliament. There are in it feveral large inns, and the
market is well fupplied with provifions. W. Long.
3. o. N. Lat. 51. 15. .
BRIDLE, in the manege, a contrivance made ot
ftraps or thongs of leather and pieces of iron, in order
to keep ahorfe infubjeftion and obedience.
The feveral parts of a bridle are the bit or fnaffle ;
the head-ftall, or leathers from the top of the head to
the rings of the bit; the flllet, over the fore-head and
under the fore-top 5 the throat-band, which buttons
from the head-band under the throat; the reins, or long
thongs of leather that come from the rings of the bit,
and being caft over the horfe’s head, the rider holds
them in his hand ; the nofe-band, going through loops
at the back of the head-ftall, and buckled under the
cheeks ; the trench ; the cavefan ; the martingal 5 and
the chaff-halter.
Pliny affures us that one Pelethronius Aril invented
the bridle and faddle } though Virgil sdcribes the in¬
vention to the Lapithce, to whom he gives the epithet
Pelethronii, from a mountain in Theflaly named Pele-
thronium, where horfes were Arft begun to be broken.
The Arft horfemen, not being acquainted with the art
of governing horfes with bridles, managed them only
with a rope or a fwitch, and the accent of the voice.
This was the praftice of the Numidians, Getulians,
Libyans, and Maflilians. The Roman youth alfo learn¬
ed the art of Aghting without bridles, which was an ex-
ercife or leffon in the manege } and hence it is, that on
Trajan’s column, foldiers are reprefented riding at
full fpeed without any bridles on.
Scoldiw?-Bridle* See Brank.
BRIDLINGTON, a fea-port town in the eaft ri¬
ding of Yorkfliire in England. It is feated on a creek
of the fea near Flamborough-head, having a commo¬
dious quay for (hips to take in their lading. It has a
fafe harbour, and is a place of good trade. It is more
generally known by the name of Burlington, as it gave
Title to an earl of that name, though the earldom is now
extinft. E. Long. O. 10. N. Lat. 54.
BRIDON. or Snaffle, after the Englifh faflnon,
is a very {lender bit-mouth without any branches.
The Englifh make much ufe of them, and fcarcely ufe
any true bridles except in the fervice of war. The French
call them bridons, by way of diftinftion from bridles.
BRIDPORT, a town of Dorfetlhire in England.
It has a low’ dirty Atuation between tw^o rivers, wdftch,
at a little diftance, joining a fmall ftream, formerly
made a convenient harbour ; but it is now quite choked
■up with fand. It fends two members to parliament,
who are chofen bv the inhabitants who are houfe-
keepers. It is noted for making of ropes and cables
B R I
..0 whence arifes a proverb of a man that is
hanged, that he is Jlabbed with a Bridport dagger.
W. Long. 3. o. N. Lat. 50. 40. u—
BRIEF, in Law, an abridgment of the client’s cafe,
made out for the inftruflion of counfel on a trial at lawj
wherein the cafe of the plaintiff, &c. is to be briefly but
fully ftated : the proofs muft be placed in due order,
and proper anfwers made to whatever may be objected
to the client’s caufe by the oppoAte Ade •, and herein
great care is requiAte, that nothing be omitted, to en¬
danger the caufe.
Brief, in Scots Law, a writ iffued from the chan¬
cery, diredled to any judge-ordinary, commanding and
authorizing that judge to call a jury to inquire into the
cafe mentioned in the brief, and upon their veidift to
pronounce fentence.
Jfiojlohcal Briefs, letters which the pope difpatches
to princes, or other magiftrates, relating to any public
affair.—-Thefe briefs are diftinguifhed from bulls, in re¬
gard the latter are more ample, and always written on
parchment, and fealed with lead or green wax ; where¬
as briefs are very concife, written on paper, fealed with
red wTax, and with the feal of a Alherman, or St Peter
in a boat.
BRIEG, a town of SileAa in Germany, Atuated in
E. Long. 17. 35. N. Lat. 50. 40. It might have
paffed for a handfome place before the laft Aege ; the
caftle, the college, and the arlenal, being very great
ornaments, and moft of the houfes very well built. But
the Pruffians, who beAeged it in 1741, threw 2172
bombs into it, and 4714 cannon bullets, which reduced
a great part of the town to allies, and quite ruined a
wing of the caftle. It wTas obliged to furrender, after
fuftaining feven days continual Are. The Pruflians, to
whom this place was ceded by the peace, have augment¬
ed the fortiflcations, and built a new fuburb—The
town {lands upon the Oder j on the other Ade of which
there are plenty of fallow-deer, and large forefts of
beech and oak trees. They have a yearly fair, at which
they fell above 12,000 horned cattle. Since 1728,
they have begun to manufafture Ane cloth.
BRIEL, a maritime town of the United Provinces,
and capital of the ifland of Vuorn. It was one of the
cautionary towns which w’ere delivered into the hands
of Queen Elizabeth, and garrifoned by the Englifli du¬
ring her reign and part of the next. The Dutch took
it from the Spaniards, in 1572, which was the founda¬
tion of their republic. It is feated at the mouth of the
river Meufe, in E. Long. 3. 56. N. Lat. 52. 53.
BRIESCIA, a palatinate in the duchy of Lithua¬
nia, in Poland. The name given to it by fome is Po-
le/ia. It is bounded on the north, by Novogrode and
Troki; on the weft, by thofe of BielAco and Lublin ;
on the fouth, by that of Chelm and Upper Volhinia ;
and on the eaft, by the territory of Rziczica. This
province is of conftderable extent from eaft to weft, ar|d^
is watered by the rivers Bug and Pripefe : it is full of
woods and marfties j and there are lakes that yield large
quantities of ftfti, that are failed by the inhabitants,
and lent into the neighbouring provinces.
BRIEUX, St, a town of France, in Upper Brit¬
tany, now called the department of the North Coaft,
with a biftiop’s fee. It is feated in a bottom, furround-
ed with mountains, which deprive it of a profpea of
the fea, though it is not above a mile and a quarter
Brief
II
Brieux.
B R I [ 427 ] B R I
Brig from it, and there forms a fmall port. The churches,
!1 ftreets, and fquares, are tolerably handfome 5 but the
Bngantrailstown jg vvit;llout walls and ditches. The church of
W‘’V“’W Michael is in the fuburb of the fame name, and is
the largeft in the place. The convent of the Corde¬
liers is well built, and the garden is fpacious. The
college, which is very near, is maintained by the town
for the inftruftion of youth. W. Long. 2. 58. N. Lat.
48. 33.
BRIG, or Brigantine, a merchant fhip with two
mails. This term is not univerfally confined to veffels
of a particular conftruclion, or which are mailed and
rigged in a manner different from all others. It is va-
rioufly applied, by the mariners of different European
nations, to a peculiar fort of veffelof their own marine.
Among!! Britiih feamen, this veffel is diitinguiilied by
having her main-fails fet nearly in the plane of her keel;
whereas the main-fails of larger ihips are hung athwart,
or at right angles with the ihip’s length, and faitened
to a yard which hangs parallel to the deck : but in a
brig, the foremoil edge of the mainfail is failened
in different places to hoops which encircle the main-
mail, and Aide up and down it as the fail is hoiited or
lowered : it is extended by a gaff above and a boom
belpw.
BRIGADE, in the military art, a party or divifion
of a body of foldiers, whether horfe or foot, under the
command of a brigadier.—An army is divided into
brigades of horfe and brigades of foot: a brigade
of horfe is a body of eight or ten fquadrons; a
brigade of foot confiils of four, five, or fix batta¬
lions. The eldeil brigade has the right of the firil
line, and the iecond the right of the fecond ; the two
next take the left of the two lines, and the youngeft
fland in the cen\
Brigade Major, is an officer appointed by the bri¬
gadier, to affiil him in the management and ordering
of his brigade.
BRIGADIER, is the general officer who has the
command of a brigade. The eldeil colonels are gene¬
rally advanced to this poil. He that is upon duty is
brigadier of the day. They march at the head of
their own brigades, and are allowed a ferjeant and ten
men of their own brigade for their guard.—But the
rank of brigadier-general in the Britiih fervice is now
aboliihed.
Brigadiers, or Sub-brigadiers, are poils in the
horfe-guards.
BRIGANDINE, a coat of mail, a kind of ancient
defenfive armour, confiiling of thin jointed fcales of
plate, pliant and eafy to the body.
BRIGANTES, (Tacitus), a people of Britain,
reaching from fea to fea, the whole breadth of the
ifland (Ptolemy). Now Yorkfhire, Lancafhire, Dur¬
ham, Weilmorland, and Cumberland (Camden). Al-
fo a people of Ireland, of uncertain poiition.
BRIGANTIA, or Brigantium, in Ancient Geogra¬
phy, a town of Vindelicia ; now Bregent%. in Tyrol,
at the eail end of the lake of Conilance.—Another
Brigantium in the Alpes Cottiae; which lait is proba¬
bly Briancon, a town on the borders of Dauphiny.
BRIGANTINE. See Brig.
BRIGANTINUS lacus, in Ancient Geography,
a lake of Rhaetia, or Vindelicia, which Tacitus in¬
cludes in Rh*etia. Ammian calls the lake Brigantia,
It took its name either from the Brigantii, the people Bngantmus
inhabiting on it, or from the adjoining town. Now
the lake of Conjlance or Bodensee. „ >n^ ‘ *
Brigantinus Portus, in Ancient Geography, a port
of the Hither Spain; fo called from Elavium Brigan¬
tium. Now El Puerto de la Corunna, commonly the
Groyne. '
BRIGG, by fome called Clamford Bridges, a town
of England, in Lincolnihire, feated on the river Ankam.
W. Long. o. 20. N. Lat. 53. 40.
BRIGGS, Henry, one of the greateil mathemati¬
cians in the 16th century, was born at Warley Wood
in the pariih of Halifax in Yorkfhire, in 1536. In
1592, he was made examiner and lecturer in mathe¬
matics, and foon after reader of the phyfic leflure
founded by Dr Linacre. When Greiham college in
London was eilabliffied, he was chofen the firil pro-
feflbr of geometry there, about the beginning of March
1596. In 1609, Mr Briggs contracted an intimacy
with the learned Mr James Uiher, afterwards archbiiliop
of Armagh, which continued many years by letters,
two of which, written by our author, are yet extant.
In one of thefe letters, dated in Auguil 1610, he tells
his friend he was engaged in the fubjedl of eclipfes;
and in the other, dated March 10th 1615, he acquaints
him with his being wholly employed about the noble
invention of logarithms, then lately difcovered, in the
improvement of which he had afterwards a large ffiare.
In 1619, he was made Savilian profeiTor of geometry
at Oxford ; and refigned his profeiToriliip of Greiham
college on the 25th of July 1620. Soon after his going
to Oxford, he was incorporated mailer of arts in that
univerfity ; where he continued till his death, which
happened on the 26th of January 1630. Dr Smith
gives him the charadler of a man of great probity ; a
contemner of riches, and contented with his own ila-
tion ; preferring a iludious retirement to all the fplen-
did circumilances of life. He wrote, 1. Logarithrno-
rumchiliasprima. z. Ariihmetica logarithmica. 3. Pri-
gonometria Britannica. 4. A fmall tra£l on the north-
weft paffage ; and fome other works.
Briggs, William, an eminent phyfician in the
latter end of the 17th century, was the fon of Auguftin
Briggs, Efq. four times member for the city of Nor¬
wich, where our author was born. He ftudied at the
univerfity of Cambridge ; and his genius leading him
to the ftudy of phyfic, he travelled into France, where
he attended the ledlures of the famous anatomift M.
Vieuflens at Montpelier. After his return, he pub-
liilied his Ophthalmographia in 1676. The year fol¬
lowing he was created dodlor of medicine at Cambridge,
and foon after was made fellow of the college of phy-
ficians at London. In 1682, he quitted his fellow-
ffiip to his brother ; and the fame year, his Theory of
Vifon was publiihed by Hooke. The enfuing year he
fent to the royal fociety a continuation of that difcourfe,
which was publiffied in their Tranfadtions; and the fame
year, he was by King Charles II. appointed phyfician
to St Thomas’s hofpital. In 1684, he communicated
to the royal fociety two remarkable cafes relating to
vifion, which were likewife printed in their Tranfac-
tions ; and in 1685 he publiihed a Latin verfion of his
Theory of Vifion, at the defire of Mr Newton, after¬
wards Sir Ifaac, profefibr of mathematics at Cam¬
bridge, v/ith a recommendatory epiftle from him pre-
3 H 2 fixed
B R I [ 428 ] B R I
Bright- fixed to It. He was afterwards made phyfician in or-
helmftone binary to King William, and continued in great efteem
Brihuega ^or profeffion till he died September 4th
1—v—^ I7°4-
BRIGHTHELMSTONE, a fea-port town of Suf-
fex in England. It is a pretty large and populous
town, though ill built, and has a pretty good harbour.
W. Long. o. 10. N. |Lat. 50. 50. It was at this
place King Charles II. embarked for France 1651,
after the battle of Worcefter. It has lately been con-
fiderably extended and embellifhed, in confequence of
its having become a place of great refort for fea:bath-
ing.
BRIGITTINS, or Bridgetins, more properly
Brigittins, a religious order, denominated from their
founder St Bridget or Birgit, a Swedilh lady in the
14th century ; whom fome reprefent as a queen ; but
Fabricius, on better grounds, as a princefs, the daugh¬
ter of King Birgenes, legiflator of Upland, and famous
for her revelations. The Brigittins are fometimes alfo
called the Order of our Saviour ; it being pretended,
that Chrift himfelf dictated the rules and conftitutions
obferved by them to St Bridget. In the main, the
rule is that of St Auguftin ; only with certain addi¬
tions fuppofed to have been revealed by Chrift, whence
they alfo denominate it the Rule of our Saviour.—The
firft monaftery of the Bridgetin order was erected by
the foundrefs about the year 1344, in the diocefe of
Lincopen ; on the model of which all the reft were
formed. The conftitution of thefe houfes was very fin-
gular : though the order was principally intended for
nuns, who were to pay a fpecial homage to the holy
Virgin, there are alfo many friars of it, to minifter
to them fpiritual afiiftance. The number of nuns is
fixed at 60 in each monaftery, and that of friars to 13,
anfwerable to the number of apoftles, of whom St Paul
made the 13th ; befides which there are to be four dea¬
cons, to reprefent the four dodlors of the church, St
Ambrofe, St Auguftin, St Gregory, and St Jerome j
and eight lay-brothers •, making together, fays our au¬
thor, the number of Chrift’s 72 difciples.—The order
being inftituted in honour of the Virgin, the direction
is committed to an abbefs, who is fuperior not only
of the nuns, but alfo of the friars, who are obliged to
obey her. Each houfe confifts of two convents or mo-
nafteries, feparately inclofed, but having one church in
common 5 the nuns being placed above, and the friars on
the ground. The Bvidgetins profefs great mortifica¬
tion, poverty, and felf-denial, as well as devotion 5
and they are not to poffefs any thing they can call their
own, not fo much as a halfpenny *, nor even to touch
money on any account. This order fpread much
through Sweden, Germany, the Netherlands, &c. In
England we read but of one monaftery of Brigittins,
and this built by Henry V. in 1415, oppofite to Rich¬
mond, now called Sion houfe; the ancient inhabitants
of which, fince the diffolution, are fettled at Lifbon.
The revenues were reckoned at 1495k per annum.
BRIGNOLES, a town of France, in the department
of Var, formerly Provence, famous for its prunes. It
is feated among mountains, in a pleafant country, 275
miles S. S. E. of Paris. E. Long. 6. 35. N. Lat. 43.
24.
BRIHUEGA, a town of Spain, in New Caftile,
where General Stanhope with the Englifti army -were
taken prifoners, after they had feparated themfelves Bril
from that commanded by Count Staremberg. It is g -
feated at the foot of the mountain Tajuna, 43 miles , A
north-eaft of Madrid. W. Long. 3. 20. N. Lat. 41. o. v
BRIL, Matthew and Paul, natives of Antwerp,
and good painters.—Matthew was born in the year
1550, and ftudied for the moft part at Rome. He
was eminent for his performances in hiftory and land-
fcape, in the galleries of the Vatican ; where he was
employed by Pope Gregory XIII. Fie died in 1584,
being no more than 34 years of age.—Paul was born
in 35^4^ followed his brother Matthew to Rome:
painted feveral things in conjunftion with him \ and,
after his deceafe, brought himfelf into credit by his
landfcapes, but efpecially by thofe which he compofed
in his latter time. The invention of them was more
pleafant, the difpofition more noble, all the parts more
agreeable, and painted with a better gufto than his
earlier produftions in this way ; which w’as owing to
his having ftudied the manner of Hannibal Carrache,
and copied fome of Titian’s works in the fame kind.
He was much in favour with Pope Sixtus V. ; and for
his fucceffor Clement VIII. painted the famous piece,
about 68 feet long, wherein the faint of that name is
reprefented call: into the fea with an anchor about his
neck. He died at Rome in the year 1626, aged 72.
BRILLIANT, in a general fenfe, fomething that
has a bright and lucid appearance.
Brilliant in the Manege. A brifk, high-mettled,
ftately horfe is called brilliant, as having a raifed neck,
a fine motion, and excellent haunches, upon which he
rifes, though ever fo little put on.
Brilliants, a name given to diamonds of the fineft
cut. See Diamond.
BRIM denotes the outmoft verge or edge, efpecially
of round things. The brims of veifels are made to
project a little over, to hinder liquors, in pouring out,
from running down the fide of the ve’fiel. The brim¬
ming of veffels was contrived by the ancient potters,
in imitation of the fupercilium or drip of the cornices
of columns : it is done by turning over fome of the
double matter when the work is on the wheel.
Brim, in country affairs. A fow is faid to brim, or
to go to brim, when (he is ready to take the boar.
BRIMSTONE. See Sulphur, Chemistry In¬
dex.
Brimstone Medals, Figures, &c. may be caft in
the following manner : Melt half a pound of brimftone
over a gentle fire : with this mix half a pound of fine
vermilion ; and when you have cleared the top, take
it off the fire, ftir it well together, and it w ill diffolve
like oil : then caft it into the mould, which ftiould be
firft anointed with oil. -When cool, the figure may
be taken out} and in cafe it fhould change to a yellow-
ifti colour, you need only wipe it over with aquafortis,
and it wdll look like the fineft coral f. f Smith’s
BRIN, a ftrong town of Bohemia, in Moravia. It Laboratory),
is pretty large, and wrell built: the affembly of the P" 3*
ftates is held alternately there and at Olmutz. The
caftle of Spilberg is on an eminence, out of the town,
and is its principal defence. It was inverted by the
king of Pruflia in 1742, but he wras obliged to raife
the fiege. It is near the river Swart, in E. Long. 7. 8.
N. Lat. 49. 8.
BRINDISI, an ancient celebrated town of Italy,
in
B R I l A
Brlfldifi. in the Terra d’Otranto, and kingdom of Naples, with
■“*—■V'—an archbitliop’s fee. Its walls are Hill of great extent,
but the inhabited houfes do not fill above half the en-
clofure. The flreets are crooked and rough 5 the
buildings poor and ruinous ; no very remarkable church
or edifice. The cathedral, dedicated to St Theodore,
is a work of King Roger, but not equal in point of ar¬
chitecture to many churches founded by that monarch,
who had a ftrong paiTion for building. Little remains
of ancient Rrundufium, except innumerable broken
pillars fixed at the corners of ftreets to defend the
houfes from carts 5 fragments of coarfe mofaic, the
Hoors of former habitations •, the column of the light-
houfe; a large marble bafon, into which the water
runs from brazen heads of deer •, fome infcriptions,
ruins of aquedufts, coins, and other fmall furniture of
an antiquary’s cabinet. Its caftle, built by the empe¬
ror Iredenck II. to proteft the northern branches of
the harbour, is large and {lately. Charles V. repaired
it. The port is double, and the fineft in the Adriatic.
The outer part is formed by two promontories, which
ftretch off gradually from each other as they advance
into the fea, leaving a very narrow channel at the bafe
of the angle. The ifland of St Andrew, on which Al-
phonfus I. built a fortrefs, lies between the capes, and
fecures the whole road from the fury of the waves. In
this triangular fpace, large fhips may ride at anchor.
At the bottom of the bay the hills recede in a femicir-
cular drape, to leave room for the inner haven j which,
as it were, clafps the city in its arms, or rather encir¬
cles it, in the figure of a flag’s head and horns. This
form is faid to have given rife to the name of Brundu-
Jium, which, in the old Meffapian language, fignified
the head of a deer. In ancient days, the communica¬
tion between the two havens was marked by lights
placed upon columns of the Corinthian order, Hand¬
ing on a rifing ground, in a direfl line with the chan¬
nel.
Of thefe one remains entire upon its pedeftal. Its
capital is adorned with figures of Syrens and Tritons,
intermingled with the acanthus leaf, and upon it a
circular vafe, which formerly held the fire. A mo¬
dern infcription has been cut upon the plinth. Near
it is another pedeftal of fimilar dimenfions, with one
piece of the (haft lying on it. The fpace between
thefe pillars anfwered to the entrance of the harbour.
“ The whole kingdom of Naples (fays Mr Swinburne)
cannot fliow a more complete fituation for trade than
Brindifi. Here goodnefs of foil, depth of water, fafe-
ty of anchorage, and a centrical pofition, are all unit¬
ed ; yet it has neither commerce, hufbandry, nor po-
puloufnefs. From the obftruflions in the channel,
which communicates with the two havens, arifes the
tribe of evils that affiidl and defolate this unhappy
town. Julius Caefar maybe faid to have begun its
ruin, by attempting to block up Pompey’s fleet. He
drove piles into the neck of land between the two
ridges of hills 5 threw in earth, trees, and ruins of
houfes ; and had nearly accompliflred the blockade,
when Pompey failed out and efcaped to Greece. In
the 15th century, the prince of Taranto funk fome
{hips in the middle of the pafiage, to prevent the roy-
alifts from entering the port, and thereby provided a
refting place for fea weeds and fand, which foon accu¬
mulated, choked up the mouth, and rendered it im-
29 ] B R I
practicable for any veffels whatfoever. In 1752 the Brinclifi.
evil was increafed, fo as to hinder even the waves from —-
beating through ; and all communication was cut off,
except in violent eafterly winds, or rainy feafons, when
an extraordinary quantity of frefh water raifes the le¬
vel. From that period the port became a fetid green
lake, full of infection and noxious infects; no filh but
eels could live in it, nor any boats ply except canoes
made of a fingle tree. They can hold but one perfon,
and overfet with the leaft irregularity of motion. The
low grounds at each end were overflowed and convert¬
ed into marlhes, the vapours of which created every
fummer a real peftilence ; and in the courfe of very
few years, fwept off or drove away the largeft portion
of the inhabitants. From the number of eighteen
thoufand, they were reduced in 1766 to that of five
thoufand livid wretches, tormented with agues and
malignant fevers. In 1775 above fifteen hundred per-
fons died during the autumn ; a woful change of cli¬
mate ! Thirty years ago, the air of Brindifi was e-
fteemed fo wholefome and balfamic, that the convents
of Naples were wont to fend their confumptive friars
to this city for the recovery of their health. This
ftate of mifery and deftruclion induced the remaining
citizens to apply for relief to Don Carlo Demarco, one
of the king’s minifters, and a native of Brindifi. In
confequence of this application, Don Vito Caravelli
was ordered to draw up plans, and fix upon the means
of opening the port afrefli: Don Andrea Pigonati was.
laft year fent to execute his projedls; and, by the help
of machines and the labour of galley-flaves, has fuc-
ceeded in fome meafure. The channel has been partly
cleared, and has now two fathom of water. It can
admit large boats, a great ftep towards the revival of
trade 3 but what is of more immediate importance, it
gives a free paffage to the fea, which now nifties in
with impetuofity, and runs out again at each tide 3 fo
that the water of the inner port is fet in motion, and
once more rendered wholefome. The canal or gut is
to be feven hundred yards long, and drawn in a ftraight
line from the column. At prefent its parapets are de¬
fended by piles and fafcines 3 but if the original plan
be purfued, ftone piers will be erefled on both fides.
When the canal fhall be fcooped out to a proper depth,
and its piers folidly eftablifhed, veffels of any burden
may once more enter this land-locked port, which af¬
fords room for a whole navy. Docks wet and dry
may be dug, goods may be (hipped at the quay, and
convenient watering-places be made with great eafe.
If merchants ftiould think it a place of rifing trade, and
worthy of their notice, there is no want of fpace in the
town for any faflory whatever. Circulation of cadi
would give vigour to hufbandry, and provifions would
foon abound in this market. The fands at the foot of
the hills, which form the channel, are to be laid out
in beds for muffles and oyfters. Some ecclefiaftics are
raifing nurferies of orange and lemon trees ; and other
citizens intend introducing the cultivation of mulber¬
ry-trees, and breeding of filk-worms. The engineer
would have done very little for the health of Brindifi,
had he only opened a paffage, and given a free courfe
to the waters 3 the marfhes at each extremity of the
harbour would {till have infefted the air : he, there¬
fore, at the expence of about a thoufand ducats, had
the fens filled up with earth, and a dam raifed to con¬
fine
Brindifi
II
Brindley.
B R I [ 430 ] B R I
fine tne waters, and prevent their flowing back upon
the meadows. The people of Brindifi, who are fenfi-
ble of the bleflings already derived from thefe opera¬
tions, who feel a return of health, and fee an opening
for commerce and opulence, feem ready to acknow¬
ledge the obligation. They intend to ere£t a ftatue to
the king, with infcriptions on the pedeftal in honour
of the minifter and agents. The workmen, in clean¬
ing the channel, have found fome medals and feals,
and have drawn up many of the piles that were driven
in by Caefar. They are fmall oaks ftripped of their
bark, and ftill as frelh as if they had been cut only a
month, though buried above eighteen centuries feven
feet under the fand. The foil about the town is light
and good. It produces excellent cotton, with which
the Brindifians manufacture gloves and ftockings.
“ It is impoflible to determine who were the found¬
ers of Brundufium, or when it was firft inhabited.
The Romans took early poffeflxon of a harbour fo con¬
venient for their enterprifes againft the nations dwell¬
ing beyond the Adriatic. In the year of Rome 509,
they fent a colony hither. Pompey took refuge here ;
but finding his poll untenable, made a precipitate re¬
treat to Greece. In this city OCtavianus firfl affumod
the name of Cafar, and here he concluded one of his
fhort-lived peaces with Antony. Brundufium had been
already celebrated for giving birth to the tragic poet
Pacuvius, and about this time became remarkable for
the death of Virgil. The barbarians, who ravaged
every corner of Italy, did not fpare fo rich a town ;
and, in 836, the Saracens gave a finifhing blow to its
fortune. The Greek emperors, fenfible of the necef-
fity of having fuch a port as this in Italy, would have
reftored it to its ancient ftrength and fplendour, had
the Normans allowed them time and leifure. The
Greeks ftruggled manfully to keep their ground ; but,
after many varieties of fuccefs, were finally driven out
of Brindifi by William I. The frenzy for expeditions
to Paleftine, though it drained other kingdoms of their
wealth and fubjefts, contributed powerfully to the re-
citablifhment of this city, one of the ports where pil¬
grims and warriors took (hipping. It was alfo benefited
by the refidence of the emperor Frederick, whofe fre¬
quent armaments for the Holy Land required his pre¬
fence at this place of rendezvous. The lofs of Jerufa-
lem, the fall of the Grecian empire, and the ruin of
all the Levant trade after the Turks had conquered the
Eaft, reduced Brindifi to a (fate of inactivity and de¬
flation, from which it has never been able to emerge.”
E. Long. 18. 5. N. Lat. 40. 52.
BRINDLEY, James, a mod: uncommon genius
for mechanical inventions, and particularly excellent
in planning and conducing inland navigations, was
born, 1716, at Tunfted in Derbyftiire. Through the
mifmanagement of his father (for there wras fome little
property in his houfe) his education was totally ne-
gleCIed ; and, at feventeen, he bound himfelf appren¬
tice to a mill-wright, near Macclesfield, in Chefihire.
He ferved his apprenticefhip ; and, afterwards, fetting
up for himfelf, advanced the mill-wright bufinefs, by
inventions and contrivances of his own, to a degree of
perfeftion which it had not attained before. His
fame, as a moft ingenious mechanic, fpreading widely,
his genius was no longer confined to the bufinefs of his
urofeffion ; for, in 1752, he ere&ed a very extraordi¬
nary water-engine at Clifton, in Lancalhire, for the Brindley,
purpofe of draining coal-mines *, and, 1755, was em- —v——
ployed to execute the larger wheels for a new filk mill,
at Congleton, in Chefhire. The potteries of StafiFord-
fhire were alfo, about this time, indebted to him for
feveral valuable additions in the mills ufed by them
for grinding flint-ftones. In 1756, he undertook to
ereft a fleam-engine near Newcattle under Line upon
a new plan j and it is believed that he would have
brought this engine to a great degree of perfection, if
fome interefted engineers had not oppofed him.
His attention, however, was feon afterwards called
off to another objeft, which, in its confequences, hath
proved of high importance to trade and commerce j
namely, the projecting and executing “ Inland navi¬
gations.” By thefe navigations the expence of car¬
riage is leffened ; a communication is opened from one
part of the kingdom to another, and from each of thefe
parts to the fea j and hence products and manufactures
are afforded at a moderate price. The duke of Bridge-
water hath, at Worlley, about feven miles from Man-
chefter, a large eftate abounding with coal, which had
hitherto lain ufelefs, becaufe the expence of land-car¬
riage was too great to find a market for confumption.
The duke, wifhing to work thefe mines, perceived the
neceflity of a canal from Worfley to Manchefler ; up¬
on which occafion Brindley, now become famous, was
confulted ; and declaring the fcheme practicable, an
aCl for this purpofe was obtained in 1758 and 1759.
It.being, however, afterwards difeovered, that the na¬
vigation would be more beneficial, if carried over the
river Irwell to Manchefter, another aCt was obtained
to vary the courfe of the canal agreeably to the new
plan, and likewife to extend a fide-branch to Long-
ford-bridge in Stretford. Brinley, in the mean time,
had begun thefe great works, being the firft of the
kind ever attempted in England, #wrth navigable fub-
terraneous tunnels and elevated aquedufts; and as, in
order to preferve the level of the water, it (hould be
free from the ufual obftru&ions of locks, he carried
the canal over rivers, and many large and deep val¬
leys. When it was completed as far as Barton, where
the Irwell is navigable for large veffels, he propoled
to carry it over that river, by an aqueduft of thirty-
nine feet above the furface of the water j and though
this projeCl was treated as wild and chimerical, yet,
fupported by his noble patron, he began his work in
Sept. 1760, and the firft boat failed over it in July
1761. The duke afterwards extended his ideas to Li¬
verpool j and obtained, in 1762, an aCt for branch¬
ing his canal to the tideway in the Merfey •, this part
of the canal is carried over the rivers Merfey and Bol-
land, and over many wide and deep valleys.
The fuccefs of the duke of Bridgewater’s undertak¬
ings encouraged a number of gentlemen and manufac¬
turers in Sta'ffordlhire, to revive the idea of a canal-
navigation through that county •, and Brindley was,
therefore, engaged to make a furvey from the Trent
to the Merfey. In 1766, this canal was begun, and
conducted under Brindley’s direction as long as he li¬
ved ; but finifhed after his death by his brother-in-law
Mr Marftiall, of whom he had a great opinion, in
May 1777. The proprietors called it, “ the canal
from the Trent to the Merfey but the engineer,
more emphatically, “ the Grank Trunk Navigation,”
B R I [ 43« ] B R I
Brindley, on account of the numerous brandies, which, as he
juftly fuppofed, would be extended every way from it.
It is 93 miles in length ; and, befides a large number
of bridges over it, has 76 locks and five tunnels. The
moft remarkable of the tunnels is the fubterraneous
paflage of Harecafile, being 2880 yards in length, and
more than 70 yards below the furface of the earth.
The fcheme of this inland-navigation had employed the
thoughts of the ingenious part of the kingdom for up¬
wards of 20 years before ; and fome furveys had been
made : but Harecaftie hill, through which the tunnel
is conftrufted, could neither be avoided nor overcome
by any expedient the moft able engineers could devife.
It was Brindley alone who furmounted this and other
the like difficulties, arifing from the variety of ftrata
and quickfands, as no one but himfelf would have at¬
tempted to conquer.
Brindley wras engaged in many other fimilar under¬
takings •, for a fuller account of which, not being con-
fiftent with our plan, we refer the reader to the “ Bio-
graphia Britannica $” or rather to a curious and va¬
luable pamphlet, publiffied fome years fince, and en¬
titled, “ The Hiftory of Inland-Navigations, particu¬
larly that of the duke of Bridgewater.” He died at
Turnhurft in Staffordffiire, September 27. 1772, in his
56th year; fomewhat immaturely, as it Ihould feem :
but he is fuppofed to have ffiortened his days by too
intenfe application, and to have brought on a hedtic
fever, which continued on him for fome years before
it confirmed him. For he never indulged and relaxed
himfelf in the common diverfions of life, as not having
the leaft reliih for them ; and, though once prevailed
on to fee a play in London, yet he declared that he
would on no account be prefent at another ; becaufe it
fo difturbed his ideas for feveral days after, as to ren¬
der him unfit for bufinefs. When any extraordinary
difficulty occurred to him in the execution of his works,
he generally retired to bed ; and has been known to
lie there one, two, or three days, till he has furmount¬
ed it. He would then get up, and execute his defign
without any drawing or model : for he had a prodi¬
gious memory, and carried every thing in his head.
As his ftation in life was low, and his education to¬
tally neglected, fo his exterior accompliftiments were
fuitable to them.. He could indeed read and write,
but both very indifferently ; and he was perhaps, in
his way, as abnormis fapiens—“ of mother-wit, and
wife without the fchools”—as any man that ever lived.
“ He is as plain a looking man as one of the bo#rs
in the Peake, or one of his own carters : but when
he fpeaks, all ears liften ; and every mind is filled with
wonder, at the things he pronounces to be practica¬
ble.” The fame author gives us alfo no ungracious
idea of his moral make ; “ being great in himfelf, he
harbours no contracted notions, no jealoufy of rivals :
he conceals not his methods of proceeding, nor alks
patents to fecure the foie ufe of the machines, which
he invents and expofes to public view% Senfible that
he muft one day ceafe to be, he feleCts men of genius
teaches them the powmr of mechanics, and employs
them on carrying on the various undertakings in which
he is engaged. It is not to the duke of Bridgewater
only that his fervices are confined : he is of public uti¬
lity, and employs his talents in rectifying the miftakes
of defpairing workmen, &c. His powers ftiine moft
in the midft of difficulties ; when rivers and moun- Brine,
tains feem to thwart his defigns, then appears his valt '—’■v -
capacity, by which he makes them fublervient to his
will.”
BRINE, or Pickle ; w?ater replete with faline par¬
ticles.
Brine taken out of brine-pits, or brine-pans, ufed
by fome for curing or pickling of fifh, without boil¬
ing the fame into fait ; and rock fait, without re¬
fining it into white-falt; are prohibited by 1 Ann.
cap. 21.
Brine is either native, as the fea-water, which by
coCtion turns to fait; or factitious, formed by diffolv-
ing fait in wmter. In the falt-wTorks at Upwick in
Worcefterfiiire, there are found, at the fame time, and
in the fame pit, three forts of brine, each of a different
ftrength. They are drawm by a pump ; and that in
the bottom, firft brought up, is called firjl man ; the
next, tniddle man ; and the third, laji man.
Leach-BRiNE, a name given to what drops from the
corned fait in draining and drying, which they preferve
and boil again ; being ftronger than any brine in the
pit. There is fand found in all the Staffordffiire brines
after coCtion : but naturalifts obferve, it did not pre-
exift in the water, but rather is the produCt of the
boiling. Some fteep their feed-wheat in brine, to pre¬
vent the fmut. Brine is alfo commended as of efficacy
againft gangrenes.
Brine alfo denotes a pickle pregnant with fait,
wherein things are fteeped to keep.
Brine Pans, the pits wherein the falt-water is retain¬
ed, and fuffered to ftand, to bear the a&ion of the fun,
whereby it is converted into fait. There are divers
forts of falt-pans, as the water-pans, fecond-pan, fim-
pan ; the water being transferred only from one to
another.
Brine Pit, in falt-making, the fait fpring from
whence the water to be boiled into fait is taken. There
are of thefe fprings in many places ; that' at Nampt-
wich in Chefliire, is alone fufficient, according to tb*
account of the people of the place, to yield fait for the
wffiole kingdom ; but it is under the government of
certain lords and regulators, who, that the market may
not be overftocked, will not fuffer more than a cer¬
tain quantity of the fait to be made yearly. See the
next article
BkiNE-Springs, are fountains wffiich flow with falt-
water inftead of frefti. Of thefe there are a good num¬
ber in South Britain, but though not peculiar to this
illand, are far from being common in the countries on
the continent. There are fome of them in feveral dif¬
ferent countries; and perhaps, on a due fearch, others
might be difcovered *. The moft remarkable of thefe
already knowm are, one at Eaft Chennock in Somer- p°‘:t‘cal
fetffiire, about 20 miles from the fea. Another at*'™.01’
Leamington in Warwickffiire, very near the river
Learn ; which, however, is but w^eak. Such a fpring
likewife runs into the river Chenvell in Oxfordffiire,
and feveral more in Weftmorland and Yorkfliire : but
as they are but poor, and the fuel in moft of thofe
counties fcarce and dear, no fait is prepared from them.
At Borrowdale near Grange, three miles from Kef-
wick in Cumberland, a pretty ftrong fpring rifes in a
level near a mofs, 16 gallons of the water of which
yield one of pure fait; which is the more remarkable,
when.
«
B R I . [ 43
Brine when it is confidered that the fame quantity of fait can-
jl not be obtained from lefs than 2 2 gallons of the waters
. ■Bn"g’ of the German ocean. At a place called Salt-Water
* * Haugh, near Butterpy, in the bifliopric of Durham,
there are a multitude of falt-fprings w^hich rife in the
middle of the river Weare, for the fpace of about 40
yards in length and ten in breadth •, but particularly
one out of a rock, which is fo flrong that in a hot fum-
mer’s day the furface will be covered with a pure wdiite
fait. At Wefton, in Staffordlhire, there are brine
pits which afford about a ninth part of very fine white
fait. There are others at Enfon, St Thomas, and in
the parilh of Ingeftre, but fo weak that they are not
wrought 3 though it is believed, that by boring, ftrong-
er fprings might be found in the neighbourhood. In
Lancafinre there are feveral fait fprings, (but if we
except that at Barton, which is as rich as the fpring
at Norwich) by no means fo famous as thofe of Che-
fhire, called in general by the name of the 'ii'iches.
Namptwich on the river Weever, has a noble fpring
not far from the river, which is fo rich as to yield one
fixth-part of pure wliite fait. At fix miles diftant
Hands Northwich, at the confluence of the Weever
and the Dan 3 where the brine is ftill richer, fince they
obtain fix ounces of fait from 16 of water. There are
even at this day, fome vifible remains of a Roman
caufewray between thefe twTo towns. The inhabitants
of Wales, who, before that country wras incorporated
into England, wTere fupplied chiefly, if not folely,
with that neceflary commodity from thefe two towns,
called the former Hellalh Wen, and the latter Hel/atb
Du; i. e. the white and black fait pit. In 1670, a
rock of fait was difeovered at a fmall difiance from
Norwich, which has been wrought to a great depth,
and to a vaft extent, fo as to be juftly efteemed one of
the greateft curiofities in England 3 and it is highly
probable, that there is an immenfe body of fofiil fait
in the bowTels of the earth, under this whole county 3
fince, upon boring, brine pits have been found in many
places on both lides the river Weever. This is the
more likely, fince at Middlewich, which Hands at
the confluence of the Croke and the Dan, there are
fait fprings with a frefh brook running between them.
The brines from thefe pits are of unequal firength 3
but when mixed, they commonly obtain four ounces
of fait from a pound of brine. Experience ihows, that
in thefe fprings the w7ater is firongefi nearefi the bot¬
tom, richer in dry w’eather than in wet, and when
long drawn than when firfi wrought. But thefe are
no rules in refpeft to other falt-fprings, fince in thofe
of Franche Compte the brine is flrongefl in wet wea¬
ther. There are feveral other bodies diffolved in thefe
brines befides fait 3 in fome a fulphureous lubfiance,
which fublimes as the brine heats 3 a fort of dirty
ochre which difcolours the brine, but, if fuffered to
Hand, fpeedily fubfides 3 and in mofi brines a calcare¬
ous, or rather felenitic earth, which fettles to the bot-
•{ See Salt, tom of the pans f.
and Spring. To BRING-to, in Navigation, to check the courfe
of a {hip when (he is advancing, by arranging the fails
in fuch a manner, that they fhall counteract each o-
ther, and prevent her either from retreating or mov¬
ing forward. In this fituation the Hup is faid to lie
by, or lie to 3 having, according to the fea-phrafe,
fome of her fails aback, to oppofe the force of thofe
2 ] B R I
w hich are full 3 or having them othenvife fhortened by Bringing-
being furled, or hauled up in the brails. Brifach
Bringing-Io, is generally ufed to detain a fliip in . _
any particular flation, in order to wait the approach of
fome other that may be advancing towards her 3 or to
retard her courfe occafionally near any port in the
courfe of a voyage.
BRiNGtNG-in a Horfc, in the manege, the fame as to
fay, keep down the nofe of a horfe that boars and tof-
fes his nofe in the wind : this is done by means of a
branch.
BRINING of corn, in huibandry, an operation
performed on the wheat-feed, in order to prevent the
fmut. A liquor is to be prepared for this purpofe, by
putting 70 gallons of wTater into a tub (like a mafh-
tub ufed for brewing), and a corn-bufliel of unflaked
limeilone. This is to be well flirred till the whole is
diffolved, and left to Hand for 30 hours 3 after which
it is to be drained off into another tub, in the manner
praClifed for beer. In this way about a hogfliead of
flrong hme-wTater will be obtained, to w’hich muff be
added three pecks of fait. The wheat muff be ffeep-
ed in this pickle, by running it gently, and in {mail
quantities, into a broad-bottomed balket of about 24
inches in diameter, and 20 inches deep, and ffirring
it. The light feed that floats muff be Hrained off with
a Hrainer, and muff not be fown. W hen the balket
has been drawn up, and drained of the pickle, the
wheat will be fit for fowing in two hours after the
brining.
Brining of hay-ricks, a praftice common in Ameri¬
ca, of mixing fait with the hay as it is Hacked.
BRIONNE, a town of France in Normandy,
feated on the river Rille. E. Long. o. 51* Lat.
49. 51.
BRIOUDE, a town of France, in the department
of Upper Loire, formerly Lower Auvergne. There
are tw7o Bnoudes, three quarters of a mile from each
other 3 the one is called Church Brioude, the other
Old Brioude. The houfes are built after the antique
manner, and are badly difpofed. The canons are all
temporal lords and counts. It is in no dioceie, but
depends immediately on the pope. 1 here are feveral
convents 3 and, among the reff, the church of St Fer-
rol, which is highly celebrated. Near the Old i own
is a Hone-bridge on the river Allier, which confiffs of
one arch : this is effeemed a flupendous Hrucluie,
and is thought to be a w7ork of the Romans. The in-
hfbitants have no manufaftures. It is fituated in E.
Long. 3. 25. N. Lat. 45. 14.
BRIQUERAS, a town in Piedmont, feated in the
valley of Lucern, three miles from the towrn of that
name, and four fouth of Pignerol. It had a very
flrong caflle towards the latter end of the 16th centu¬
ry 3 but when the French got footing in it, it was
ruined, that is, before they delivered it up to the
duke of Savoy in 1696. E. Long. 7. 24. N. Lat.
44. 41.
BRISACH, a town of Germany, and capital of
Brifgawu It was twice in poffeflion of the French 3 but
reflored to the houfe of AuHria, in confequence ol
treaties of peace. It w7as a very flrong place, but the
fortifications have been demoliflied. It is feated on the
Rhine, where there is a bridge of boats. E. Long.
7. 49. N. Lat. 48. 5.
Brisach,
B R I [ 433 ] B R I
Bafach BrjsaCH, New, a town of France, in the depart-
II ment of the Upper Rhine, built by order of Louis
JBnitol. ^ over againft Old Brifach, and fortified by Vau-
ban. It is 5 2 miles fouth of Stralburg. E. Long;. 7.
46. N. Lat. 48. 5.
BRISEIS, or Hippodamia, in fabulous hiftory,
the wife of Mynes king of Lyrneffa. After Achilles
had taken that' city, and killed her huiband, ihe be¬
came his captive. That hero loved her tenderly 5 but
Agamemnon taking her from him, (he became the ac¬
cidental caufe of numberlefs diforders in the Grecian
army. Achilles, enraged, retired to his tent j and,
till the death of Patroclus, refufed to fight againft the
Trojans. The refentment of this prince is finely paint¬
ed in the Iliad.
BRISGAW, a territory of Germany, in the circle
of Suabia, on the eaftern bank of the Rhine, about
50 miles in length, and 30 in breadth. The princi¬
pal places are Old Brifach, New Brifach, Freyburgh,
Rhinmarck, and an ifland in the Rhine.
BRISIACUS moss, in Ancient Geography, a town
on the right or eaft fide of the Rhine. Now Brifach,
iituated on a round hill ; a fortified town of Suabia, and
diftinguilhed by the name of Old Brifach. E. Long. 7.
15. N. Lat. 48. 10.
BRISSOT, Peter, one of the ableft phyficians of
the 16th century, wras born at Fontenai le Comte in
Poiftou. He ftudied at Paris j and, having taken his
doftor’s degree, bent his thoughts to the reforming of
phyfic, by reftoring the precepts of Hippocrates and
Galen, and exploding the maxims of the Arabians : to
this purpofe he publicly explained Galen’s works, in-
ftead of thofe of Avicenna, Rhafis, and Meflue. He
afterwards refolved to travel to acquire the knowledge
of plants} and going to Portugal, pra&ifed phyfic in
the city of Ebora. His new method of bleeding in
pleurifies, on the fide where the pleurify was, raifed a
kind of civil war among the Portuguefe phyficians 5 it
was brought before the univerfity of Salamanca, who
at laft gave judgment, that the opinion afcribed to
Briffot was the pure doftrine of Galen. The parti-
zans of Denys, his opponent, appealed in 1529 to the
emperor, to prevent the praftice, as being attended
with deftru&ive confequences’, but Charles III. duke
of Savoy happening to die at this time of a pleurify,
after^having been bled on the oppofite fide, the profe-
cution dropped. He 'wrote an Apology for his prac¬
tice •, but died before it w^as publiihed, in 1552 ; but
Anthony Luceus, his friend, printed it at Paris three
years after. Renatus Moreau procured a new edition
of it at Paris, in 1622 •, and annexed to it a treatife
entitled De mijfione fanguinis in pleuritide, together
■with the Life of Brifibt.
BRISTLE, a rigid gloffy kind of hair found on
fwine, and much ufed by brulh-makers, &c.
BRISIOL, a city of England, and inferior to
none, except London, for wealth, trade, and number
of inhabitants. Briftol is a corruption of Brightjiow, as
it was called by the Saxons. It is thought to have
flood-anciently altogether on the weft or Somerfetfliire
fide of the Avon, before the bridge wras built 5 but af¬
ter that, it came to be partly in Somerfetftnre and
partly in Gloucefterfhire, until it was made a county of
itfelf, though even before that, in the parliament rolls,
it was always placed in Somerfetftiire. At prefent, the
Vol. IV. Part II.
eaft fide is by much the largeft and moft populous. It
had anciently a caftle, built by Robert earl of Glou-
cefter, natural fon to Henry I. which was demohflied
by Cromwell; and the ground is now laid out into
ftreets. The corporation confifts of a mayor 5 recorder;
twelve aldermen, of ■whom the recorder is one ; two
fherifrs ; and twenty-eight common council men. The
recorder is generally a ferjeant at law, and fits as judge
in capital and all other criminal cauies. The mayor, to
fupport his dignity, and defray his extraordinary ex¬
pence, is entitled to certain fees from ftiips, which
long ago amounted to 5C0I. or 600I. Briftol is a
bifhop’s fee, being one of the fix erefted by King
Henry VIII. out of the fpoils of the monafteries and
religious houfes wdiich that monarch had got diflolved.
The cathedral church wTas the church of the abbey of
St Aurtin in Briftol, founded by Robert Fitzharding
fon to a king of Denmark, once a citizen here, by'
him filled with canons regular in the year 1148. At
the reformation King Henry VIII. placed therein a
dean and fix prebendaries, which mode of government
ftill continues. During a great part of Queen Eliza¬
beth’s reign, his fee was held in commendatn by the
bifhop of Gloucefter. This diocefe w'as formed chief¬
ly out of the diocefe of Salilbury, with a fmall part
from the diocefes of Wells and Worcefter. It contains
raoft of the city of Briftol, and all the county of Dor-
fet, in which are 236 parifties, of which 64 are impro¬
priated. It hath only one archdeaconry, viz. of Dor-
fet ; is valued in the king’s books at 338I. 8s. 4d. and
is computed to be annually worth 1500I. including
its commendams. The tenths of the clergy are 353I.
18s. ojrd. This fee hath yielded to the ftate one
lord privy feal. The revenues of the abbey of St
Auguftine, or St Auftin, in Briftol, were valued at
the dilfolution at 6700I. 13s. xid. wdien it was eredled
into a cathedral by King Henry VIII. by the name of
the Cathedral Church of the Holy ’Trinity. To this
cathedral belong a bilhop, a dean, an archdeacon, a
chancellor, fix prebendaries, and other inferior officers
and fervants. Befides the cathedral, there are 18 pa-
rilh-churches ; and here are diffenters of all denomi¬
nations, of whom the Quakers are very refpeftable both
for their wealth and numbers. Of the parifh-churches,
St Mary Ratcliff is reckoned one of the fineft, not only
here, but in the whole kingdom. In this church, be¬
fides twm monuments of the founder William Cannings,
who had been five times mayor of this city, one in the
habit of a magiftrate, and another in that of a prieft
(for in his latter days he took orders), there is one of
Sir William Penn, father to the famous Quaker. The
old bridge over the Avon confifted of four broad arches,
wfith houfes on both fides like thofe formerly on Lon¬
don bridge ; but this has been lately pulled down, and
another erefted in its place. No carts or waggons are
admitted into Briftol, for fear of damaging the vaults
and gutters made under ground for carrying the filth
of the city into the river. Queen’s-fquare, in this city,
is larger than any in London, except Lincoln’s Inn-
fields, and has in the centre an equeilrian ftatue of
King William HI. All the gates of the city remain en¬
tire, and a part of the walls; the reft were razed in
the reign of William Pvufus. It is almoft as broad as
long, about feven miles in circumference, and contains
about 95,000 inhabitants. Of the hofpitals, the chief
3 I are
Briftoi.
BrilloL
B R I [ 434 J B R I
are, I. That called Queen Elizabeth’s, in which 100
boys are taught reading, writing, arithmetic, and navi¬
gation ; fix of whom, when they go out, have lob and
the reft 81. 8s. to bind them apprentices: the mafter
is allowed 450I. a year, for the maintenance of the
boys. 2. Colfton’s hofpital *, in which 100 boys are
maintained for feven years, and taught and apprenticed,
as in Queen Elizabeth’s. 3. Another founded by the
fame gentleman in 1691, for 12 men and 12 women,
with an allowance of 3s. per week, and 24 facks of coals
in the year. This charity coft the founder 25,000b
4. Another founded partly by Mr Colfton and partly
by the merchants, in which 18 men on account of the
merchants, and 1 2 men and women on account of Mr
Colfton, are maintained. 5. An infirmary, which was
opened in 1736 for the lick, lame, and diftrefied poor
of the city, which is maintained by fubfcription, be-
fides 5000b bequeathed to it by John Eldridge, Efq j
formerly comptroller of the cuftoms at this port. There
are, beftdes thefe, a bridewell, feveral alms-houfes, and
charity-fchools. There is alfo a guildhall for the fef-
fions and aftizes 5 the mayor’s and fheriffs courts ; a
council-houfe, where the mayor and aldermen meet
every day, except Sundays, to adminifter juftice j a
handfome new exchange, with three entrances, about
two-thirds as large as that in London, and a quay half
a mile in length, the moft commodious in England for
/hipping and landing goods, for which purpofe it is
provided with feveral cranes. In College-green is a
/lately high crofs, with the effigies of ieveral kings
round it. In Winch-ftreet is a guard-houfe, with bar¬
racks for foldiers. As to the trade of this city, it wras
computed many years ago to be much greater in pro¬
portion, efpecially to America and the Weft Indies,
than that of London. Fifty fail, fome of them (hips of
confiderable burthen, have arrived here at one time, or
very near one another, from the Weft Indies. For this
trade, and that to Ireland, it is much better fituated
than London, beiides the great advantages it poffeffes
of an inland navigation by the Wye and Severn. Their
trade extends to the Baltic, Norway, Holland, Ham¬
burgh, Guinea, and the Straits. The largeft /hips
are difeharged at Kingroad, four miles belowT the city,
and the goods are brought to the quay by lighters.
For building, equipping, and repairing (hips, there are
clocks, yards, rope-walks, and fhip-w'rights. Here are
iome confiderable woollen manufactures 5 and no lefs
than 15 glafs-houfes, for which Kingfwood and Mendip
furniflr the coals. The city companies are 13 : 1. The
merchant adventurers. 2. The merchant tailors. 3. The
mercers. 4. The foap-boilers. 5. The tobacconifts.
6. The butchers. 7. d'he barbers. 8. The tylers. 9. The
holliers, who are the fled-men. 10. Shoemakers. II.
Coopers. 12. Bakers. 13. Smiths. For fupplying the
city with water there are fix public conduits : and
handfome hackney coaches may be hired at very rea-
fonable rates, but they do not ply in the ftreets. There
are alfo ftage coaches, which let out every day for
Bath, London, and other places. A mile below the
city, clofe by the river is the hot wrell, whofe waters
are fpecific for the diabetes, and good in phthifical,
fcorbutic, and inftammatory diforders. Hither is a
great refort in the fummer of invalids, as well as other
company j for whofe accommodation and entertainment
there is a pump-room, ball-room, coffee-houfe, with
taverns, and a great number of elegant lodging houfes,
both below on-a level with the well, and above in the
delightful village of Clifton, which is fituated on the
brow of a hill, from whence there are downs extending
feveral miles, wdrere the company ride out for exercife.
Nothing can be more pure and falutary than the air of
thefe downs, which afford a variety of the moft roman¬
tic and agreeable profpedls, comprehending Kingroad,
with the fhips at anchor, the mouth of the Severn, and
the mountains of Wales. In the rocks above the well are
found thofe fix-cornered ftones called BriJlol-Jlones; but
they are not fo plentiful nowT as in Camden’s days,
■when, he fays, vdiole bufhels might have been eafily
gathered. In this city is a theatre, wdiere plays are
a&ed almoft every night during the recefs of the come¬
dians from the metropolis. There are two annual fairs,
to wdiich the concourfe is fo great, that the neighbour¬
ing inns have filled 10c beds a piece with their guefts.
In the winter feafon there is an affembly every Thurf-
day for the gayer part of the citizens of both fexes.
About half way betwixt Briftol and Bath, at a place
called Warmly, a company of Briftol merchants have
creeled a noble manufacture of pins and other brafs
utenfils, which employs a great number of hands, inclu¬
ding about 200 children of both fexes from feven to
twelve or thirteen years of age. All the different ope¬
rations of melting, plitting, drawing, hammering, turn ¬
ing, &c. are performed by wheels worked with wa¬
ter, which is raifed by two fire engines of a very-
curious mechanifm. The city of Briftol gives the
title of earl to the family of Hervey, and fends two
members to parliament. It is worth obferving, that
whoever marries a citizen’s daughter becomes free of
the city.
Neiv-Bnisroi, the capital of the county of Bucks
in Pennfylvania, fituated on the river Delawar, about 20
miles north of Philadelphia, in W. Long. 75. N. Lat.
4°- 45-
Bristol Water. Of the four principal warm waters
naturally produced in England this is the leaft fo. As
the Bath waters are proper where the fecretions are
defective, fo the Briffol water is of fervice where they
exceed the requirements of health. 1 he Bath water
warms •, the Briftol cools. Bath water helps the Zto-
mach, intellines, and nerves j the Briftol favours the
lungs, kidneys, and bladder. Except a jaundice attend,
the Briftol water may be of ufe in dropfies by its dry¬
ing and diuretic qualities. Dr Winter afferts, that
there is no iron in Briffol water 5 and that its mineral
contents are chalk, lapis calcareus and calaminaris.
Five gallons of this water, after evaporation, afforded
only 3 iii. and gr. 2. of mineral fubftances. The
difeafes in which this water is ufeful are internal hae-
morrhagies, immoderate menfes, internal inflammations,
fpitting blood, dyfentery, purulent ulcers of the vifeera,
confumption, dropfy, feurvy with heat, ftonev gravel,
ftrangury, habitual gout, atrophy, flow fever, fero-
phula, gleets, and diabetes, in which laft it is a fpe¬
cific, and may be drank as freely as the thirft requires
it. The hotter months are the heft forufing it. The
Briftol and Matlock waters are of exaftly the fame
qualities. Doflors Mead and Lane firft eftablilhed
the reputation of Briftol wraters in difeafes of the kid¬
neys and bladder.
BRITAIN, or Great Britain, the moft confider¬
able
Briftol,
Britain.
Britain,
Albion the
ancient
name.
2
Origin of
the differ¬
ent names.
Eochart’s
opinion.
B R I [ 435 1 B R I
able of all the European illand?, extends from the Li¬
zard Point, in the latitude of about 50°, to Dunefbay-
head in latitude 58. 30. N. or, taking it in a ftraight
line from north to fouth, about eight degrees or 550
miles •, and from Dover-head on the call: to Land’s-
end on the weft comprehends about feven degrees of
longitude, which may be computed at about 290 miles;
but the form being very irregular, and leflening con¬
tinually towards the north, proper allowances muft be
made in computing its dimenfions.
The ancient name of this iiland was Albion, the name
Britain being then common to all the iilands round it.
Hence Agathemerus, fpeaking of the Britifti iilands :
“ They are many in number (fays he) ; but the molt
conliderable among them are Hibernia and Albion.”
And Ptolemy, to the chapter wherein he defcribes the
iiland now called Great Britain, prefixes the following
title : “ The fituation of Albion a Britilh illand.” But
as this far excelled the other Britilh illands, the name
of Albion in procefs of time was laid quite alide, and
that of Britain ufed in its Head. By this name it was
known in Pliny’s time, and even in Caftar’s. The origin
of both thefe names is very uncertain. Some derive that
of Albion from the Greek word alphon, which, accord¬
ing to Feftus, fignifies white, the chalky cliffs, that
in feveral places rife on the fouthern coafts having
that colour 5 while others pretend this name to have
been borrowed from a giant feigned to have been the
fon of Neptune, and mentioned by feveral ancient au¬
thors. Some etymologifts have recourfe to the Hebrew,
and others to the Phoenician ; alben in the former fig-
nifying white, and in the latter fignifying The
origin of the name Britain is no lefs uncertain than
that of Albion. Nennius and fome other Britilh wri¬
ters derive it from Brutus, whom they likewjfe call
Brito, the fifth in defcent from the celebrated Atneas.
Others derive it from the Britilh words prycl cain, that
is, a white form, foftened by degrees into Britannia.
Camden derives it from the wrord brith, which, in the
ancient language of the illand, fignifies paintedj and
tania, importing, in Greek, a region or country ; fo
that the word Brithania, changed in procefs of time
into Britannia, expreffes what the Britons really were,
that is, painted. Somner, dilliking Camden’s etymolo¬
gy, propofes another, viz. that the name Britain comes
from brydio ; fignifying, in the Britith tongue, rage,
and pointing out the violent motion of the fea that lur-
rounds the ifland. Mr Whittaker, in his Hiftory of
Manchefter, derives it from the word brith, briet, brit,
bris, or brig, which, he fays, fignifies divided orfriped.
Againft.the firft of thefe etymologies it may be objeft-
ed, that it is founded on a fable : and againft the other
four lies one common and unanfwerable objeflion ;
rvhich is, that the name of Britain was given to the
illand by foreigners, who could not borrow it from
the Britilh tongue, with which they wTere in all like¬
lihood unacquainted. That the illand received the
name of Britain from foreigners is evident, fince the
natives never ftyled themfelves Britons, nor their coun¬
try Britain ; their true name being Cumri, or Cumbri;
whence Cambria the name of Wales to this day amono-
the Wellh.
The learned Bochart, fpeaking of the colonies and
language of the Phoenicians, offers a conjecture which
molt of our modern writers have adopted as the moft
natural. The Phoenicians, according to that writer, Britain,
called this illand and fome others near it, Barat Anac,
that is, the land or country of tin or lead, and more cou-
traCtedly Bratanac ; which name, palling from the Phoe¬
nicians to the Greeks, and from thefe to the Romans,
might have been foftened into that of Britannicce, and
Britannia. That the Phoenicians firft dilcovered thefe
illands, wdiich were afterwards by the Greeks called
Cafiterides, and are proved by Camden to be our Scilly
illands, appears both from Strabo and Pliny ; of whom
the former tells us, that the Phoenicians firft brought
tin from the Caftiterides, which they fold to the Greeks;
but kept the trade to themfelves, and the place private ;
and the latter writes, the Mediocritus was the firft
who brought lead from the Caffiteiidts; where Bochart
fhows that we ought to read Melichartus, who is the
Phoenician Hercules of Sanchoniatho, to whom that
nation afcribes their firft weftern difcoveries. But not-
withftanding the care of the Phoenicians to conceal
thefe illands, the Greeks at laft difcovered them ; and
give them the name of Cajjiterides, which, in the Greek
tongue, fignifies the lame with Barat Anac in the Phoe¬
nician. This name was at firft given to the illands of
Scilly already mentioned, but by degrees communicated
to all the others lying in the fame fea. Thus Bochart.
But after all, his opinion, however plaufible in appear¬
ance, may be as foreign to the purpofe as any of the
reft ; many inftances of names given to newr difcovered
countries Ihowing that the origin of fuch names is not
always owing to reafon, but often to chance or ca¬
price.
The general divifion of Britain is into England,
Scotland, and Wales ; for a particular delcription
and hiftory of which, fee thefe articles., ^
In the year 1603, the kingdoms of Scotland and James VI.
England fell under the dominion of one fovereign, by ot Scotland
the acceftion of James VI. of Scotland to the throne ^t(e(e{c(( ^0
of England. He derived his title to the latter from 0f E-naia^],
being the grandfon of Margaret eldeft daughter to
Henry VII. of that kingdom ; and, on the failure of
all the male line, his hereditary right remained incon-
teftable. Queen Elizabeth, with her lateft breath,
had recognized him for her fucceffor ; fo that fewr fo-
vereigns ever afcended a throne wuth more approbation
of their fubjecls, or greater hopes of a peaceable and
happy reign.
Thefe hopes, however, were foon blafted ; and the
hiftory of this monarch’s reign confifts of little elfe
than a detail of difputes and contentions between him
and his parliament. A particular and minute account
of fuch tranfaclions could afford very little entertain¬
ment ; but it is of importance to know their origin, as
they are to be reckoned the ultimate caufes of thofe
fucceeding events which make fo confpicuous a figure
in the annals of Britain.
In thofe barbarous ages which preceded the period General
wre are now entering upon, the human mind, enervated ftate of the
by fuperftition, and obfcured by ignorance of every artnat’on. at
and fcience, feemed to have given up all pretenfions tot^,u t™e''
liberty, either religious or civil. Unlimited and uncon-
trouled defpotifm prevailed everywhere ; and though
England fuffered lefs in this refpeht than almoft any
other nation, the many examples or arbitrary power
exerted by her fovereigns, Queen Elizabeth herfelf,
James’s immediate predeceffor, not excepted, fliow that
3 I 2 they
Britain.
B R I [
they were very far from being then a free people.
6
Parlia¬
ments of
little confx-
deration.
. .7 „
Origin ot
the patrio¬
tic party.
Grievances
the nation
at that
time la¬
boured un¬
der.
inconteftable proof of this, and an evidence how little
reftraint at that time the people could lay upon the au¬
thority of the fovereign, is, that the proceedings of
parliament were accounted, even by themfelves, of fo
little confequence, that they were not at the trouble to
keep journals of them. It was not till the year
1607, four years after the acceiTion of James, that
parliamentary journals were kept, at the motion of
Sir Edwin Sandys, a member of great authority in
the houfe.
The proceedings of the parliament being at that time
of fo little confequence, it is no wonder that the feffions
were not regular, or that little attention was paid to
the choice or continuance of the members. In the reign
of Elizabeth, and her predeceffors, the feflions of par¬
liament did not continue above the twelfth part fo long
as the, vacations. It was then ufual, after parliaments
had been prolonged beyond one feflion, for the chan¬
cellor to exert a diferetionary authority of ilTuing new
writs to fupply the place of any members whom he
judged incapable of attending, either on account of
their employment, ficknefs, or other impediment. No
pradlice could be more dangerous to liberty than this,
as it gave the chancellor, and confequently the fove¬
reign, an opportunity of garbling at pleafure the re-
prefentatives of the nation : yet fo little was liberty at
that time underftood, that the commons, of their own
accord, without the leaft court influence or intrigue, and
contrary to fome former votes of their own, confirmed
the chancellor’s power in this refpeft in the 23d of E-
lizabeth. Nor did they proceed any farther in the af-
fertion of their privileges, than to vote, that “ during
the fitting of parliament there do not, at any time, any
writ go out for the choofing or returning any member
without the warrant of the houfe.”
Towards the end of the I 6th or beginning of the
17th century, a great revolution took place, though in-
fenfibly, throughout all Europe. Arts and fciences
began to flourifo, commerce and navigation were greatly
extended, and learning of all kinds began to diffufe it-
felf. By more enlarged views, the love of freedom be¬
gan, in England efpecially, to take place in the breads
of mod people of birth and education *, and this was
greatly promoted by an acquaintance with' the ancient
Greek and Latin hidorians. From the example of the
republics of Greece and Rome, whole members had fo
often facrificed their lives for the lake of liberty, a pa¬
triotic fpirit began to arife $ and a defire of circumfcri-
bing the exceffive prerogative and arbitrary proceed¬
ings of the crown began fecretly to take place through¬
out the nation.
Nor was the delire unreafonable, or without a folid
foundation. During the lalTyears of Queen Elizabeth’s
reign, the commerce, navigation, and number of fea-
men in England, had fenfibly decayed. A remondrance
from the Trinity-houfe in 1602 fays, that fince 1588,
the number of feamen and dripping had decayed about
a third part. Every fpecies of domedic indudry was
fettered by monopolies ; and by exclufive companies,
which are only another fpecies of monopoly, almod all
foreign trade,^except that to France, was brought into
the hands of a few rapacious engroffers, and all profpeft
of future improvement in commerce was for ever facri¬
ficed to a little temporary advantage of the fovereign.
436 ] B R I
An Thefe companies, though arbitrarily ere£ted, had car¬
ried their privileges fo far, that almod all the com¬
merce of England centered in London •, the cudoms of
that port alone amounted to 1 io,ocol. a-year 5 while
thofe of all the kingdom befide amounted only to
17,000!. } nay, the whole trade of London was confi¬
ned to about 200 citizens, who were eallly enabled, by
combining among themfelves, to fix whatever price they
pleafed both on the exports and imports of the nation.
Befides this, the fubjeds were burdened by wardfhips
and purveyances. The latter was an old prerogative of
the crown, by which the officers of the houfehold wrere
empowered to take, without confent of the owners,
provifions for the king’s family, and carts and horfes
for the removal of his baggage, upon paying a dated
price for them. The king had alfo a power of fend¬
ing any perfon, without his confent, on whatever mef-
fage he plealed ; and thus he could eafily force any in¬
dividual to pay him whatever money he chofe, rather
than be fent out of the country on a difagreeable er¬
rand. Money extorted from individuals, by this or
any other method, was called a benevolence.
Thefe were fome of the grievances under which the
nation at this time laboured, and thefe the rifing Ipirit
of patriotifm tended to redrefs. This difpofition, how¬
ever, the fevere government of Elizabeth had confined
within very narrow bounds : but when Janies fucceed-
Britain.
ed to the throne j a foreign prince, lefs dreaded and
lefs beloved ; fymptoms of a more free and independent ^
genius immediately appeared. Happily James neither James’s^ar-
perceived the alteration, nor had fufficient capacity to j*trary 1
check its early advances. He had eftablifhed in his ^rnment?
owm mind a fpeculative fyftem of abfolute government,
which few of his fubje&s, and none but traitors and
rebels, he thought, would make any fcruple to admit.
He confidered himfelf as entitled to equal prerogatives
with other European fovereigns, not confidering the
military force with which their defpotifm was fupported.
The ahnoft unlimited power which, for upwards of a
century, had been exercifed by the Englifo fovereigns,
he confidered as due to royal birth and title, not to
the prudence and fpirit of thofe monarchs, or the con¬
junctures of the times. In his perfon, therefore, he
imagined all legal power to be centered by an heredi¬
tary and a divine right ; nay, fo fully was he perfuaded
that he was the ahfolute proprietor of his fubje&s, that
in his fpeech to the parliament in 1621, he told them,
that he “ wiflied them to have faid that their privileges
were derived from the grace and permiflion of him and
fiis anceftors.” And when the fame parliament pro-
tefted that “ the liberties, franchifes, privileges, and
jurifdiclions of parliament, are the ancient and undoubt-
ted birthright and inheritance of the fubjecls of Eng¬
land,” he was fo enraged, that fending for the journals
of the commons, he, with his own hand, before the
council, tore out this proteftation •, and ordered his rea-
fons to be inferted in the council book.
Such were the oppofite difpofitions of the prince
and parliament, at the commencement of the Scottifo
line j difpofitions juft beginning to exift and to appear
in parliament, but thoroughly eftabliftied, and openly
avowed on the part of the king, throughout his whole
reign.
The confequence of fuch oppofite difpofitions pre¬
vailing in the king and paxliaxnent was, that during this
B R I
Britain.
xo
Reafons of
the diflen-
fions be¬
tween the
king and
parliament.
II
Averfion of
James to
the Puri¬
tans.
IJ
He favours
the Epifco-
pals and
.Papifts.
13
Attempts
to eltablifh
Epifcopacy
in Scotland.
reign the prerogatives of the crown were violently and
openly attacked •, but the chief grounds of difcontent
were money and religion. 7he king’s high notions
of the royal prerogative made him imagine he had a
right to whatever fums he pleafed to demand ; and his
profulion caufed him to difTipate in a Ihort time the
fcanty fupplies he could extort from the parliament,
who feem to have behaved as unreafonably on the one
hand as James himfelf did on the other. With regard
to religious matters, the nation was at that time great¬
ly infefted with puritamfm. Though the feverities of
Elizabeth had almofl: totally fupprefled the Papifts, it
had been otherwife with the Puritans. So much had
they increafed by the very means which had diminithed
the number of Catholics, that no lefs than 750 clergy¬
men of that perfuafion figned a petition to James on
his fucceffion. They hoped that the king, having re¬
ceived his education in Scotland, and having always
profeffed an attachment to the church eftablilhed there,
would at lead: abate the rigour of the laws enacted
againft the Puritans, if he did not (how them particu¬
lar favour and encouragement. But in this they were
miftaken. He had obferved in their Scots brethren a
violent turn toward republicanifm, and a zealous at¬
tachment to civil liberty. In the capacities both of
monarch and theologian, he had experienced the little
complaifance they were difpofed to (how him. They
controuled his commands 5 difputed his tenets; and to
his face, before the whole people, cenfured his conduit
and behaviour. This fuperiority aflumed by the pref-
byterian clergy, the monarchic pride of James could
never digeft. Though he had been obliged while in
Scotland to court their favour, he treafured up on that
account the ftronger refentment againft them ; and was
determined to make them feel in their turn the weight
of his authority. He therefore not only rejetted the
petition of the 750 clergymen above mentioned, but
throughout his whole reign refufed to relax in the lead
the feverity of the laws againft Proteftant nonconfor-
mifts, though very often petitioned in their favour by
his parliament?!
The fame principles wdiich occafioned in James fuch
an averfion to the Puritans, prompted him greatly to
favour the Epifcopals, and even the Papifis, as being
greater friends to defpotifm. In his youth he had been
fufpecled of a bias towards the religion of the latter 5
and when he afcended the throne of England, it is cer¬
tain he often endeavoured to procure fome mitigation
of the laws againft them, if not an abfolute toleration.
But in this he was conftantly oppofed by the parlia¬
ment ; and indeed the ftrong inclination (hown by James
to eftablifti Epifcopacy throughout every corner of his
dominions, tended very much to alienate the minds of
the generality of his fubjecls, efpecially in Scotland,
entirely from him.
In May 1617, the king ftt out for Scotland, ex-
prefsly with the defign of eftabliftiing Epifcopacy in
that kingdom. He did not, however, propofe to a-
bolfth Prefbytery entirely, and fet up abfolute Epifco¬
pacy in its room. Pie deftgned to content himfelf
with eftabliftiing the royal authority above the eccle-
fiaftical, and introducing fome ceremonies into the
public worfhip, fuch as kneeling at the facrament, pri¬
vate communion, private baptifm, confirmation of chil¬
dren, and on the obfervance of Chriftmas, &c. But as
[ 437 1
D R I
his defign was fully feen from the beginning, every ad- Britain,
vance towards Epifcopacy gave the greatett difcontent, 1'—J'
and thofe trivial ceremonies were reje&ed as fo many
mortal fins. 14
At this time the pow-er of the Scots clergy was ex-Tyranny of
ceedingly great j and the gloomy enthuliaftic {pint with t^ie Scots
which they were actuated, prompted them to exercifec er^'‘
it in fuch a manner as to make their tyranny infupport-
able to thofe who were of a different way of thinking
Bom themfelves. Every ecckfiaffical court poffeffed
the power of excommunication ; which was then at¬
tended with fome very ferious temporal confequences,
befides the fpiritual ones which are fuppofed to (low
from it. The perfon excommunicated was (hunned by
every one as profane and impious : his whole eftate du¬
ring his life-time, and all his moveables for ever, were
forfeited to the crown. A fentence of excommunica¬
tion was fometimes pronounced in a fummary manner,
by any ecclefiaftical court however inferior, againft any
perfon whether he lived within the bounds of their ju-
rifdiftion or not. And by this means, the whole ty¬
ranny of the inquilition, though without its orders, was
introduced into Scotland. But the clergymen were not
fatisfied with this unbounded authority in ecclefiaftical
matters ; they affumed a cenforial power over every
part of adminiftration j and in all their fermons ancf
even prayers mingling politics with religion, they in¬
culcated the moll feditious and turbulent principles. Ir
One Black, a minifter of St Andrew’s, went fo far as Anecdotes
to pronounce in one of his fermons, that all kings were0*iome ot~
the devil’s children 5 and in his prayer for the queen he
ufed thefe words, “ We muft pray for her for the fa-
(hion’s fake, but we have no caufe : (he will never do us
any good.” Another minifter preaching in the prin¬
cipal church of that capital, laid, that the king was
poffeffed wfith a devil j and that, one devil being ex¬
pelled, feven worfe had entered in his place. To
which he added, that the fubjefts might lawfully
rifer and take the fword out of the hands of their
fovereign. 1(j
We can fcarcely wonder that James ftiould be defirous The king’s
of fubjugating fuch rebellious and turbulent fpirits as^S11 nill“
thefe; and, on the other hand, confidering the ex-
treme weaknefs of this monarch’s underftanding, and
that he imagined himfelf able to manage not only fu¬
rious religionifts, but even the moil powerful foreign
nations, with no other weapon than mere argumenta¬
tion, we can as little wonder at his want of fuccefs.—•
In (hort, fo far was James from being able to eftablifh
his royal authority above the ecclefiaftical, that he found
himfelf unable to introduce a (ingle ceremony. He re¬
turned therefore with the mortification not only of fee¬
ing his fchemes entirely baffled with regard to Scotland,
but of having difgulled even the few of that nation over
whom religious prejudices did not prevail : for they,
confidering the ceremonies fo much infilled on by the
king as trivial and infignificant, could not help think¬
ing the national honour facrificed by a fervile imitation
of the modes of worftiip pradlifed in England, and
that their fovereign betrayed equal narrownefs of mind,
though in an oppofite manner, with thofe he fo much
condemned. ^ ^ 7
The like bad fuccefs attended James when he at-fuccefs a-
tempted fome oppofition to the puritanical innovations gainft the
in England. He had obferved in his progrefs throughiJuritans in
B It I
[ 438 1
B R I
Britain.
18
Sir Walter
Raleigh’s
confpiracy.
19 T
Account of In
the gun¬
powder
treafon.
tliat kingdom, that a judaical obfervancc of the ban-
day gained ground every day : and that by this means,
under colour of religion, the people were debarred from
fuch fports and recreations as contributed to their
health as well as amulement. Imagining, therefore,
that it would be eafy to infufe cheerfulnefs into the
dark fpirit of devotion which then prevailed, he iffued
a proclamation to allow and encourage, alter divine
fervice, all kinds of lawful games and exercifes ; and
this proclamation his fubjedfs regarded as an inllance of
the utmofl profanenefs and impiety. In 1620. a bill
was brought in by the commons for the more llridl ob-
fervance of the Sunday, which they afredled to call the
fabbath. One Shepherd oppofed this bill, objefted to
the appellation of fabbath as puritanical, and feems
even to have juflified fports on that day. For this
he was expelled the houfe by the fuggeftion of Mr
Pym 5 and in the fentence pronounced againft Shep¬
herd, his offence is faid to be great, exorbitant, and
unparalleled.
This Iketch, we hope, will be fufficient to give the
reader a tolerable idea of the fituation of allairs during
the reign of James I. We now proceed to give an ac¬
count of the few remarkable tranfaflions which occur¬
red in this period.
The firft thing of any confequence was a confpiracy
formed, the very year of the king’s acceffion to the
throne, to difplace him, and bellow the kingdom on
Arabella Stuart, a near relation of James’s, and equal¬
ly defcended from Henry VII. With regard to this
confpiracy every thing remains Hill mylferious, as it
was at the time when the confpiracy itfelf was difco-
vered. What renders it remarkable is the concern
Sir Walter Raleigh was faid to have in it *, for which
Ire was tried, condemned without luflicient proof,
fuflfered 13 years imprifonment in the tower, and was
afterwards executed out of complaifance to the Spa¬
niards. See Raleigh.
1605 was dilcovered the famous gunpowder trea¬
fon, the anniverfary of which difcovery hath ever, a.f-
terwards been celebrated with rejoicings. Its origin
was as follows : On the acceffion of James, great ex-
pedlations had been formed by the catholics, that he
would prove favourable to them, both as that wras the
religion of his mother, and as he liimfelf had been
fufpefted of a bias towards it in his youth. . It is even
pretended that he had entered into a pofitive engage¬
ment to grant them a toleration as foon as ne fhould
mount the throne of England. Here, however, they
found their hopes built on a falfe foundation. James
on all occafions expreffed his intention of executing
ltri£lly the laws enafled againft them, and of perleve-
ring in all the rigorous meafures of Queen Elizabeth.
A plan of revenge was firft thought of by one Catefhy,
a gentleman of good parts, and of an ancient family.
He communicated his mind to Percy, a defcendant of
the houfe of Northumberland. The latter propofed to
affaflinate the king ; but this feemed to Catefhy very
far from being adequate to their purpofe. He told
Percy, that the king would be fucceeded by his chil¬
dren, who would alfo inherit his maxims of govern¬
ment. He told him, that even though the whole royal
family were deftroyed, the parliament, nobility, and
"entry, who were all infefted wdth the tame herefy,
would raife another Proteftant prince to the throne.
Britain.
“ To ferve any good purpofe (fays he), tve muft de-^
ftroy, at one blow, the king, the royal family, the' ^
lords and commons; and bury all our enemies in onecilte%’s
common ruin. Happily they are all affembled on thefpeech.
firft meeting of parliament; and afford us the oppor¬
tunity of glorious and ufeful vengeance. Great pre¬
parations will not be requifite. A few of us may run
a mine belotv the hall in which they meet; and choof-
ing the very moment wrhen the king harangues both
the houfes, conlign over to deftrudlion thofe determined
foes to all piety and religion. Mean while, we our-
felves Handing aloof, fafe and unfufpcfted, fhall tri¬
umph in being the inftruments of divine wrath, and
fhall behold with pleafure thofe facrilegious walls, in
which were paffed the edicts for profcribing our church
and butchering her children, toffed into a thoufand
fragments ; while their impious inhabitants, meoita-
ting perhaps ftill new perfecutions againft us, pafsfrom
flames above to flames below7, there tor ever to endure
the torments due to their offences.” _ at
This terrible fcheme being approved of, it was re-prepara.
folved to communicate it to a few more. One I homastions tor
Winter was fent over to Flanders in queft of Fawkes,
an officer in the Spanifh fervice of approved zeal and pk)t>
courage. A.11 the confpirators were bound by the mok
folemn oaths, accompanied wTith the facrament; and
to fuch a degree had fuperftition effaced every principle
of humanity from their minds, that net one of them
ever entertained the fmalleft compunclion for the cruel
maffacre they were going to commit. Some indeed
were ftartled at the thoughts of deftroying a number of
catholics who muft neceffarily be prefent as {peftators,
or attendants on the king, or as having feats in the houfe
of peers. But Tefmond a Jefuit, and Garnet fuperior of
that order in England, removed thofe fcruples,by fhow-
ing that the intereft of religion required in this cafe the
facrifice of thednnocent with the guilty.
This happened in the fpring and fummer of 1604
when the confpirators alfo hired a houfe in Percy s
name, adjoining to that in which the parliament was to
affemble. Towards the end of that year they began to
pierce through the wall of the houfe, in order to get in
below that where the parliament was to fit. The w all
was three yards thick, and confequently occafioned a
great deal of labour. At length, however, they ap¬
proached the other fide, but were then ftartled by a
noife for which they could not well account. Upon
inquiry, they found that it came from a vault below the
houfe of lords ; that a magazine of coals had been kept
there ; and that the coals w7ere then felling oft, after
which the vault would be let to the higheft bidder.
Upon this the vault was immediately hired by Percy ;
36 barrels of powder lodged in it; the whole covered
up with faggots and billets; the doors of the cellar
boldly llung open ; and every body admitted as if it
contained nothing dangerous.
Being now, as they thought, affured of luccels, the
confpirators began to plan the remaining part of their
enterprife. The king, the queen, and Prince Henry,
were expe&ed to be prefent at the opening of the par¬
liament. The duke, by reafon of his tender age would
be abfent, and it was refolved that Percy fhould feize
or murder him. The princefs Elizabeth likewife a
child, was kept at Lord Harington’s houfe m \\ ar-
wickfhire ; and feme others of the confpirators engaged
I
t
2Z
Confpiracy
difcovered.
B R
Britain, to affemble their friends on pretence of a hunting
match, when they were to feize that princefs, and im¬
mediately proclaim her queen. The day fo long wilhed
for at la,ft approached ; the dreadful fecret, though,
communicated to more than 20 perfons, had been re-
ligioufiy kept for near a year and a half 5 and nothing
could be forefeen which could poflibly prevent the fuc-
cefs of their delign. Ten days before the meeting of
parliament, however, Lord Monteagle, a catholic, fon
to Lord Morley, received the following letter, which
had been delivered to his fervant by an unknown hand.
My lord, out of the love I bear to fume of your
friends, I have a care for your prefervation. Therefore
I would advife you, as you tender your life, to devife
fome excufe to drift off your attendance on this parlia¬
ment. For God and man have determined to puniih
the wickednefs of this time. And think not dightly
of this advertifement; but retire yourfelf into die
country, where you may expeft the event in fafety.
For though there be no appearance of any dir, yet, I
fay, they ihall receive a terrible blow this parliament;
and yet they daall not fee who hurts them. This coun-
fel is not to be contemned, becaufe it may do you good,
and can do you no harm : for the danger is over as foon
as you have burned this letter. And I hope God will
give you the grace to make good ufe of it, to whole
holy protefHon I commend you.”—Though Monteagle
imagined this letter to be only a ridiculous artifice to
frighten him, he immediately carried it to Lord Salif-
bury, fecretary of date; who laid it before the king on
his arrival in town a few days after.
The king looked upon the letter in a more ferious
light. From the manner in which it was wrote he
concluded that fome dedgn was forming to blow up
the parliament-houfe with gunpowder, and it wras
thought advifable to fearch the vaults below. The
lord chamberlain, to whom this charge belonged,
purpofely delayed the fearch till the day before the
meeting of parliament. He remarked thofe great
piles of wood and faggots which lay in the vault un¬
der the upper-houfe $ and cading his eye upon Fawkes,
who dood in a corner and paded himfelf for Percy’s
fervant, he took notice of that daring and determined
courage which was confpicuous in his face, and fo
much didinguilhed this confpirator even amongd the
other heroes in villany that were concerned in the
fcheme. Such a quantity of fuel, alfo, for one who
lived fo little in the town as Percy, appeared fome-
what extraordinary j and, upon comparing all circum-
dances, it was refolved to make a further fearch. A-
bout midnight, Sir Thomas Knevet, a judice of peace,
was fent with proper attendants •, and before the door
of the vault, finding Fawkes, who had jud finidied all
his preparations, he immediately feized him, and, turn¬
ing over the faggots, dilcovered the powder. The
matches and every thing proper for felting fire to the
tram were taken in Fawkes’s pocket j who feeing now
no refuge but in boldnefs and defpair, expreded the
utmod regret that he had lod the opportunity of firmer
the powder at once, and of fweetening his own death
with that of his enemies. For two or three days he dif-
played the fame obdinate intrepidity; but, on being con¬
fined in the tower, and the rack jud diovrn to him, his
courage at lad failed, and he made a full difeovery of
all the confpirators.
B R I
Britain.
23
j’awkes
Sized.
his 24
ms Confpira-
439 ]
Cateihy, Percy, and the other criminals, on learning
that Fawkes was arreded, hurried away to Warwick-
diire ; where Sir Edward Digby, imagining that  f onnna
confederates had fueceeded, was already in arms, to tors pu-
feize the princefs Elizabeth. She had efcaped intonifhed.
Coventry ; and they were obliged to put themfelves in
a podure of defence againd the country-people, who
were raifed from all quarters and armed by the dieriffs.
The confpirators, with all their attendants, never ex¬
ceeded the number cf 80 perfons ; and being fur-
rounded on every fide, could no longer have any hope
either of prevailing or efcaping. Having therefore
confeded themfelvesr and received abfolution, they
boldly prepared for death, and refolved to fell their
lives as dear as pofllble. Lut even this miferable con-
folation was denied them. Some cf their powder took
fire, and dilabled them from defending themfelves.
The people then rudied in upon them. Percy and Ca-
tediy were killed with one diot. Digby, P^ookwood,
Winter, and others, being taken prifoners, weie tried,
confeffed their guilt, and died, as well as Garnet, by
the hands of the common executioner. The lords
Stourton and Mordaunt, two catholics, were fined, the
former of 4000I. the latter of io,ocol. by the ftar-
chamber ; becaufe their abfence from parliament had
occafioned a fufpicion of their being made acquainted
with the confpiracy. The earl of Northumberland was
fined 30,000]. and detained feveral years a prifoner in
the tower ; becaufe, not to mention other grounds cf
fufpicion, he had admitted Percy into the number of
gentlemen penfioners,. without his taking the requifite
oaths.
In 1612, James appears in his mod; advantageous JamesV
point of view, namely, as legillator of Iieland, and wife con-
the perfon who undertook to civilize the barbarous in- C'LU^ in tlie
habitants of that kingdom, and to render their fubjec- leglfl^tion
tion durable and ufeful to the crown of England. In° lre and'
this work, James proceeded by a Heady, regular, and
well-concerted plan. He began with abolithing the
ancient Irifh cuftoms which fupplied the place of laws,
and which were exceedingly barbarous and abfurd. By
the Brehon law, every crime however enormous was
punifhed, not with death, but by a fine. Murder itfelf
was compenfated in this way. Every one had a value
affixed to him, called his eric ; and whoever was able
to pay this, might kill him when he pleafed. As for
fuch (light offences as oppreffion, extortion, or other
things of that nature, no penalty was affixed to them
nor could any redrefs for them ever be obtained. By
the cuftom of gavelkindc, upon the death of any perfon
his land was divided among all the males of the fept or
family, both baftard and legitimate: and after partition
made, if any of the fept died, his portion was not
(hared out among his fons ; but the chieftain at his
diferetion made a new partition of all the lands be-
longing to that fept, and gave every one his (hare : as
no man, by reafon of this cuftom, enjoyed the fixed
property of any land ; to build, cultivate, or improve,
muft have been fo much loft labour. Their chieftains
were eftablilhed by eledion, or, more properly fpeak-
mg, by force and violence. Their authority was ab-
folute ; and, notwithftanding certain lands were affigned
to the office, its chief profit refulted from exaftions,
duces, affeffments, for which there was no fixed law,
and which were levied at pleafure.
After
Britain.
B R I [
After abolitliing thefe cuftoms, and fubftituting En-
glifh law in their place ; James having taken all the
natives under his proteflion, and declared them free
citizens, proceeded to govern them by a regular ad-
miniftration, military as well as civil. A fufficient
army was maintained, its difcipline infpefted, and its
pay tranfmitted from England, in order to prevent the
foldiery from preying upon the country, as had been
ufual in former reigns. When O’Doghartie raifed an
infurreffion, a reinforcement was fent over, and the
rebellion immediately extinguilhed. All minds being
firil quieted by an univerfal indemnity, circuits were
eltablilhed, juftics adminiftered, and crimes of every
kind feverely punilhed. As the Irifli had been univer-
fally engaged in a rebellion againft Elizabeth, a refig-
nation of all the rights formerly granted them to fe-
parate jurifdi&ions was rigoroudy exafted j a refigna-
tion to private eftates was even required j and when
they were reilored, the proprietors received them un¬
der fuch conditions as might prevent all future tyranny
and opprefiion over the common people. The whole
province of Ulfter having fallen to the crown by the
attainder of rebels, a company was eftablilhed in Lon¬
don for planting new colonies in that fertile coun¬
try. The property was divided into moderate (hares,
the larged not exceeding 2000 acres : Tenants were
brought over from England and Scotland : The Irifir
were removed from the hills and fallneffes, and (ettled
in the open country: Hufbandry and the arts were
taught them ; and by thefe means Ulfter, from being
the moft wild and diforderly province in Ireland, foon
became the beft cultivated and moft civilized.
This year was alfo remarkable for the death of Hen¬
ry prince of Wales, who died fuddenly on the 6th of
November, not without ftrong'fufpicions ofpoifon, for
which the king himfelf w’as blamed. On opening his
body, however, no fymptoms of poifon appeared; but
his death diffufed an univerfal grief throughout the
nation, he being reckoned a prince of extraordinary ac-
complifhments.
The marriage of the princefs Elizabeth with Frede-
ofthe prin-iic eledfor palatine, which was celebrated February
cefs Eliza- 1613, ferved to diftipate the grief which had arifen
the'eledtor on account Prince Henry’s death. But this mar-
palatine. riage, in the event, proved unhappy to the king as well
as his fon-in-law. The eleftor, trufting to fo great an
alliance, engaged in enterprifes beyond his ftrength j
and James, not being able, and indeed perhaps not
willing, to afiift him in his diftrefs, loft entirely what
28 remained of the affeftions of his people.
The elector Thefe bad confequences did not begin to appear till
choienkingthe year 1619. At that time the (fates of Bohemia
oi Bo lemia. ^ving taken arms againft the emperor Matthias, in
defence of the Proteftant religion, and continued their
revolt againft his fuccefibr Ferdinand II. and being a-
larmed at his mighty preparations againft them, made
an offer of their crown to the eleftor palatine. To
this they were induced by the greatnefs of his connec¬
tions, as being fon-in-law to the king of England,
and nephew to Prince Maurice, whole authority in
the United Provinces was almoft abfolute ; and the
young palatine, ftimulated by ambition, without con-
fulting either James or Maurice, whofe oppofition he
fqrefaw, immediately accepted the offer, and march-
26
Death of
Henry
prince of
Wales,
27
Marriage
440 ] B R ~£
ed all his forces into Bohemia, in fupport of his new Britain,
fubjedls. u—
The affairs of the new king were not long of co-
ming to an unfortunate crifis. It was known almoft anci driven
at one time in England, that Frederic being defeated out of his
in the great and decifive battle of Prague, had fleddonmikm5*
with his family into Holland 5 and that Spinola the
Spanifh general had invaded the palatinate, where meet¬
ing with little refiftance, except from one body of
2400 Englifhmen commanded by the brave Sir Horace
Vere, had in a little time reduced almoft the whole
principality. In 1621, the ban of the empire was
publiftied againft the unfortunate eleffor, and the ex¬
ecution of it was committed to the duke of Bavaria.
The upper palatinate was in a little time conquered by
that prince j and meafures were taken in the empire
for bellowing on him the electoral dignity of which
the palatine was defpoiled. Frederic was now obliged
to live with his numerous family in poverty and dif¬
trefs, either in Holland, or at Sedan, with his uncle
the duke of Bouillon ; and the new conquefts of the
catholics throughout all Germany were attended with
perfecutions againft the Protellants.
At this news the religious zeal of the Enghfti wasEngliih in-
xnflamed to the higheft degree ; and they wmuld havefiftfor a
plunged headlong into a war with the houfe of tli^houfe
tria, without refledling in the lead on the confequencesofAuftriaj
that might enfue. The fufterings of their Proteftant
brethren in Germany were the only objedls of confi-
deration, and the neutrality and inadlive (pirit (hown 3I
by James was loudly exclaimed againft. But though His rulicu-
James might have defended his pacific meafures by lous mo-
very plaufible arguments, it is certain that fome of his^^Jj^
motives were the moft ridiculous that can be imagined. ing ^ ^
Such was the opinion that he himfelf entertained ofin_iaw>
his owTn wifdom, that he imagined himfelf capable of
difarming hoftile nations by dint of argument j and that
the whole power of Auftria, though not awed by the
power of England, would fubmit to his arbitration,
merely out of refpeft to his virtue and moderation.—
So much alfo he was wedded to his opinion concerning
the prerogative of kings, that he imagined, wherever
there was a contention between any fovereign and his
fubjedls, the latter behoved always to be in the wrong-,
and for this reafon, from the very firft he had denied
his fon-in-law the title of h'ng- of Bohemia, and forbade
him to be prayed for in the churches under that appel- ,,
lation. Befides thefe reafons, James was on another He is defi-
account extremely averfe to come to a rupture with rous of a
Spain. He had entertained an opinion peculiar to him-Sp^1/11
felf, which was, that any alliance below that of a king 01
wras unworthy a prince of Wales 5 and he never would
allow any princefs but a daughter of France or Spain
to be mentioned as a match for his fon. 'I his piece of
pride, which really implied meannefs as if he could
have received honour from any alliance, gave Spain an
opportunity of managing this monarch in his moft im¬
portant concerns. With a view" to engage him to a
neutrality with regard to the fucceftion of Cleves, the
eldeft daughter of the king of Spain had been indi-
reftly offered during the life of Prince Henry. The
bait, however, did not then take -, James, in confe-
quence of his alliance with the Dutch, marched 4000
men to the afliftance of the Proteftants, by which means
the
B R I r 441 1 B R I
Britain, the fucceflion was fecured to the Proteftant line. In
1618, Gondomar the Spanifli ambaffador made offer
of the king’s fecond daughter to Prince Charles 5 and,
that he might render the temptation irreliftible to the
neceflitous James, gave hopes of an immenfe fortune
that (hould attend the princefs. Upon this match
James had built great hopes, not only of relieving his
own neceflities, but of recovering the palatinate for his
fon-in-law ; which lafl, he imagined, might be procured
from the mere motive of friendftiip and perfonal attach-
33 ment.
Commons This laft ftep was equally difagreeable to the com-
averfe to mons with the reft j and, joined to the other pieces of
furemea" James’s conduct, at laft blew into a flame the conten¬
tion which had fo long fubfifted between their fovereign
The^frame anC^ t^em’ t^le °f November 1621, the com-
a remom*16 mons framed a remonftrance which they intended to
ftrance a- carry to the king. They reprefented, that the enor-
gainftit. mous growth of the Auftrian power threatened the
liberties of Europe j that the progrefs of the Catholic
religion in England bred the moft melancholy appre-
henfions left it fticuld again acquire an afcendant in
the kingdom; that the indulgence of his majefty to¬
wards the profeffors of that religion had encouraged
their infolence and temerity j that the uncontrouled
conquefts made by the Auftrian family in Germany
raifed mighty expe&ations in the Englifli Papifts 5 but
above all, that the Spanifli match elevated them fo far
as to hope for an entire toleration, if not a final re-
eftabliftiment, of their religion. They therefore in-
treated his majefty, that he would immediately under¬
take the defence of the palatinate, and maintain it by
force of arms j that he would turn his fword againft
Spain, whofe armies and treafures were the chief fup-
port of the Catholic intereft in Europe j that he would
enter into no negociation for the marriage of his fon
but with a Proteftant princefs ; that the children of
Popifti recufants (hould be taken from their parents,
and committed to the care of Proteftant teachers and
fchoolmafters ; and that the fines and confifcations to
which the Catholics by law were liable, {hould be levied
35 with the utmoft feverity.
Contention The king, who was then at Newmarket, hearing of
the'king t^ie *ritencle^ remonftrance, wrote a letter to the fpeak-
and com- fr> *n which he fliarply rebuked the houfe for debat-
mons. ing on matters far above their reach and capacity j
and he ftri&ly forbade them to meddle with any thing
that regarded his government, or deep matters of ftate,
and efpecially not to touch on his fon’s marriage with
the Spanifli princefs. Upon this the commons framed
a new remonftrance, in which they afferted their right
of debating on all matters of government, and that
they pofleffed entire freedom of fpeech in their debates.
The king replied, that their remonftrance was more
like a denunciation of war, than an addrefs of dutiful
fubje&s ; that their pretenfion to inquire into all ftate
affairs without exception, was fuch a plenipotence as
none of their anceftors, even during the reign of the
W’eakeft princes, had ever pretended to j that public
tranfa&ions depended on a complication of views and
intelligence, with which they were entirely unac¬
quainted ; that they could not better fliow their wif-
dom, as w'ell as duty, than by keeping within their
proper fphere ; and that in any bufinefs which depend¬
ed on his prerogative, they had no title to interpofe
Vol. IV. Part IL
with their advice, unlefs when he pleafed to alk it, &c. Britain.
The commons in return framed the proteftation alrea- ' v
dy mentioned, which the king tore out of their jour¬
nals, and foon after diffolved the parliament. The
leading members of the houfe, Sir Edwrard Coke and
Sir Robert Phillips, were committed to the tower j
three others, Selden, Pym, and Mallory, to other
prifons; and, as a lighter puniftunent, fome others
were fent into Ireland to execute the king’s bufinefs.
Sir John Saville, however, a powerful man in the
houfe of commons, and a zealous oppofer of the court,
was made comptroller of the houfehold, a privy coun-
fellor, and foon after a baron. This event is memo¬
rable ; as being the firft inftance in the Englifti hifto-
ry, of any king’s advancing a man on account of par¬
liamentary intereft, and of oppofition to his meafures. ^
This breach between the king and parliament foon Origin of
made politics become a general fubjeft of difcourfe, the factions
and every man began to indulge himfelf in reafonings °^whigan^
and inquiries concerning matters of ftate 5 and the fac-torjr*
tions which commenced in parliament were propagated
throughout the nation. In vain did James, by reite¬
rated proclamations, forbid difcourfes of this kind.
Such proclamations, if they had any effe&, ferved ra¬
ther to inflame the curiofity of the public. In every
company or fociety the late tranfaftions became the
fubjeft of argument and debate ; fome taking the fide
of monarchy, others of liberty; and this was the ori¬
gin of the two parties fince known by the names of
Whigs and Tories. ^
For five years, James continued the dupe of the Jamesgains
court of Spain. Though firmly refolved to contraft the favour
no alliance with a heretic, the king of Spain had con- °f the court
tinued to procraftinate and invent one excufe after an- ° " 1 *
other, while he pretended to be very willing to con¬
clude the match. At laft the king of England, find¬
ing out what was really the matter, refolved to remove
that obftacle if poflible. He iffued public orders for
difcharging all Popifti recufants who were imprifoned ;
and it was daily apprehended that he would forbid,
for the future, the execution of the penal laws againft
them. For this conduct he w7as obliged to apologize,
and even pretend that it was done in order to procure
from foreign princes a toleration for the Proteftants j
the feverity of the Englifti laws againft Catholics, he
faid, having been urged as a reafon againft {bowing
any favour to Proteftants refiding in catholic kingdoms.
Thefe conceflions in favour of the Catholics, how¬
ever ill reliftied by his fubje&s, at laft obtained James’s
end with regard to the marriage. The earl of Briftol,
ambaffador at the court of Spain, a minifter of vigi¬
lance and penetration, and who had formerly oppofed
the alliance wuth Catholics, being now fully convinced
of the Spanifli fincerity, w as ready to congratulate the
king on the completion of his projeffs. The Spanifli
princefs is reprefented as very accompliflied ; (he was
to bring with her a fortune of 6oo,oool. ; and, what
was more, not only Briftol confidered this match as an
infallible prognoftic of the palatine’s reftoration, but
the Spaniards themfelves did the fame. All things be- 38
ing therefore agreed upon between the parties, nothing Marriage
was wanting but the difpenfation from Rome, which withthein-
might be confidered as a matter of mere formality. Q
The king exulted in his pacific counfels, and boafted^ uPon*
of his fuperior fagacity and penetration } when all his
3 K flattering
B R. I
[ 44* 1
B R I
39
Prince
■Britain, flattering profpefts were blafted by the temerity of the
"'■"'v duke of Buckingham, who governed both court and
nation with almoft unlimited fway.
This nobleman had fuddenly been raifed to the high-
eft honours. Though poffeiTed of fome accomplifh-
ments of a courtier, he was utterly devoid of every ta¬
lent of a minifter ; but at once partook of the infolence
which attends a fortune newly acquired, and the im-
petuofity which belongs to perfons born in high fta-
tions, and unacquainted with oppofition. Among thofe
who had experienced the arrogance of this overgrown
favourite, the prince of Wales himfelf had not been
entirely fpared ; and a great coldnefs, if not enmity,
had for that reafop taken place between them. Buck¬
ingham being defirous of putting an end to this cold-
neis, and at the fame time envious of the great reputa¬
tion of the earl of Briftol, perfuaded the prince to un¬
dertake a journey to Madrid j which, he faid, would
Charles and be an unexpedfted gallantry j would equal all the fic-
Eucking- t;on3 0f Spanilh romance ; and, fuiting the amorous
ham refolve ancj enterpr{fing charafter of that nation, muft imme-
intoJSpain.y diately introduce him to the princefs under the agree¬
able chura&er of a devoted lover and daring adventu¬
rer. Little perfuafion was neceffary to prevail with
Prince Charles to undertake this journey ; and the im-
petuofity of Buckingham having extorted a confent
from James, our two adventurers fet out, Prince
Charles as the knight-errant, and Buckingham as the
fquire. They travelled through France in difguife,
affuming the names of Jack and I om Smith. I hey
went to a ball at Paris, where the prince firft faw the
princefs Henrietta whom he afterwards married, who
was then in the bloom of youth and beauty, and wuth
whom the novelifts of that time fay he then fell in
TTielrkmd love. On their arrival at Madrid, every body was
reception in furprifed by a ftep fo little ufual among great princes,
that king- qqle Spanilh monarch made Charles a vifit, exprefted
^omi’ the utmoft gratitude for the confidence he repofed in
him, and made w’arm proteftations of a correfpondent
confidence and friendftup. He gave him a golden key
which opened all his apartments, that the prince might,
without any introdudftion, have accefs to him at all
hours : he took the left hand of him on every occafion,
except in the apartments afligned to Charles; for
there, he faid, the prince was at home : Charles was
introduced into the palace with the fame pomp and ce¬
remony which attend the kings of Spain on their co¬
ronation : the council received public orders to obey
him as the king himfelf: Olivarez too, the prime mi¬
nifter, thdugh a grandee of Spain, who has the right
of being covered before his own king, would not put
on his hat in the prince’s prefence : all the prifons of
Spain were thrown open, and all the prifoners received
their freedom, as if an event the moft honourable and
moft: fortunate had happened to the monarchy ; and
every fumptuary law with regard to apparel wTas fuf-
pended during Prince Charles’s refidence in Spain.
The infanta, how’ever, was only fhown to her lover in
public 5 the Spanilh ideas of decency being fo ftritft,
as not to allow any farther intercourfe till the arrival
of the difpenfation. The point of honour was carried
fo far by thefe generous people, that no attempt w7as
made, on account of the advantage they had acquired
by having the prince of Wales in their power, to im-
pofe any harder conditions of treaty : their pious zeal
Britain.
only prompted them on one occafion to defire more
conceflions in the religious articles ; but, on the oppo-
fition of Briftol, they immediately defifted. The pope,
however, hearing of Charles’s arrival in Madrid, tack¬
ed fome new claufes to the difpenfation ; and it be¬
came neceffary to tranfmit the articles to London, that
the king might ratify them. This treaty, which was Articles of
made public, confifted of feveral articles, chiefty re- f1’6 mar*
garding the exercife of the catholfc religion by the in- tl.e^ty,
fanta ; and, among thefe, nothing could reafonably be
found fault with, except one article, in which the
king promifed that the children ftiould be educated by
the princefs till they were ten years of age •, which
undoubtedly was infilled upon with a view of feafon-
ing their minds with catholic principles. But, befides
this public treaty, there were fome private articles
fworn to by James, which could not have been made
public without grievous murmurs. A fufpenfion of
the penal laws againll the Englilh Catholics was pro¬
mifed, as likewife a repeal of them in parliament, and
a toleration for the exercife of that religion in private
houfes. Meanwhile Gregory XV. who granted the
difpenfation, died ; and Urban VIII. was chofen in
his place. Upon this event, the nuncio refufed to de¬
liver the difpenfation till it Ihould be renewed by Ur¬
ban. This the crafty pontiff delayed, in hopes that,
during the prince’s refidence in Spain, fome expedient ^
might be fallen upon to effedl his converfion. The xhe prince
king of England, as well as the prince, became impa-returns,
tient: but, on the firrt hint, Charles obtained leave
to return ; and Philip graced his departure with all
the circumftances of civility and refpedft which had at¬
tended his arrival. He even erefled a pillar on the
fpot where they took leave of each other, as a monu¬
ment of mutual friendfhip : and the prince, having
fworn to the obfervance of all the articles, embarked
on board the Englifti fleet at St Andero.
The modeft, referved, and decent behaviour of
Charles, together with his unparalleled confidence in
them, and the romantic gallantry he had praftifed with
regard to their princefs, had endeared him to the whole
court of Madrid. But in the fame proportion that
Charles was beloved and efteemed, was Buckingham
defpifed and hated. His fallies of paffion } his inde¬
cent freedoms with the prince ; his diffolute pleafures;
his arrogant impetuous temper, which he neither could
nor would difguife ; were to the Spaniards the objects
of peculiar averfion. They lamented the infanta’s fate,
who muft be approached by a man whofe temerity ^
feemed to refpeft no laws divine or human. Bucking-
ham, on the other hand, fcnfible how odious he was ham pre¬
become to the Spaniards, and dreading the influence
which that nation would naturally acquire after the aly gaj,,ft the ~
rival of the infanta, refolved to employ all his credit
in order to prevent the marriage. By what arguments
he could prevail on the prince to offer fuch an infult to
the Spanifh nation, from whom he had received fuch
generous treatment} by what colours he could difguife
the ingratitude and imprudence of fuch a meafure 5
thefe are totally unknown to us: certain it is, however,
that when the prince left Madrid, he was firmly de¬
termined, in oppofition to his moft folemn promifes, to
break off the treaty with Spain. On their arrival at
London, therefore, the prince and Buckingham af-
jfumed the entire direction of the negociation j and it
was
B R I
44
Pliihp ob¬
liges him-
felf to pro
cure the re
Henrietta
princefs of
France.
Britain, was their bufinefs to feek for pretences by which they
“—* could give a colour to their intended breach of treaty.
At laft, after many fruitlefs artifices were employed to
delay or prevent the efpoufals, Briftol received politive
orders not to deliver the proxy which had been left in
his hands, or to finifh the marriage, till fecurity was
given for the full reftitution of the palatinate. Philip
underftood this language : but being determined to
throw the whole blame of the rupture on the Englilh,
ih'tution of delivered into Briftol’s hand a written promife, by
the palati- which he bound himfelf to procure the reftoration of
the palatinate either by perfuafion or by every other
poffible means ; and when he found that this conceffion
gave no fatisfaftion, he ordered the infanta to lay afide
the title of princefs of Wales, which (he bore after the
arrival of the difpenfation from Rome, and to drop the
ftudy of the Englilh language ; and as he knew that
fuch ralh counfels as now governed the court of Eng¬
land would not flop at the breach of the marriage-trea¬
ty, he immediately ordered preparations for war to be
45 made throughout all his dominions.
Match with A match for Prince Charles was foon after nego-
ciated with Henrietta, daughter of the great Henry
IV. and this met with much better fuccefs than the
former. However, the king had not the fame allure¬
ments in profecuting this match as the former, the por¬
tion promifed him being much fmaller; but, willing
that his fon fhould not be altogether difappointed of a
bride, as the king of France demanded only the fame
terms that had been offered to the court of Spain,
James thought proper to comply. In an article of
this treaty of marriage, it was ftipulated, that the edu¬
cation of the children till the age of r 3 fhould belong
to the mother •, and this probably gave that turn to¬
wards popery which has fince proved the ruin of the
unfortunate family of Stuart.
James now, being deprived of every other hope of
relieving his fon-in-law but by force of arms, declared
war againft Spain and the emperor, for the recovery
of the palatinate } 6000 men were fent over into Hol¬
land to aflift Prince Maurice in his fchemes againft
thofe powers 5 the people were everywhere elated at
the courage of their king, and were fatisfied with any
Unfuccefs- war which was to exterminate the Papifts. This army
tiorfofe<^1” WaS ^°^owe^ ^7 another confifting of 12,000 men,
Count commanded by Count Mansfeldt; and the court of
(Mansfcidt. France promifed its aftiftance. But the Englifh were
difappointed in all their views : the troops being em¬
barked at Dover, upon failing to Calais, found no or¬
ders for their admiflion. After waiting for fome time,
they were obliged to fail towards Zealand, where no
proper meafures were yet confulted for their difembar-
kation. Meanwhile, a peftilential diforder crept in
among them, fo long cooped up in narrow vefiels : half
the army died while on board ; and the other half,
weakened by ficknefs, appeared too fmall a body to
march into the palatinate •, and thus ended this ill-con¬
certed and fruitlefs expedition. Whether this misfor¬
tune had any effeft on the king’s conftitution or not,
is uncertain 5 but he was loon after feized with a ter¬
tian ague, which put an end to his life on the 27th of
March 1625, after having lived 59 years, and reign-
49 ed over England 22, and over Scotland almoft as loner
Succeeded as he lived.
CharlesT JameS was Succeeded by his fon Charles I. who -a-
[ 443 ]
B R I
Britain.
War decla¬
red agair.ft
Spain.
47
4S
Death of
King
James.
5®
feended the throne amidft the higheft praifes and ca-
refl'es of his fubjefts, for what was perhaps the moft
blame-w'orthy adlion of his life, namely, his freaking
off the match with the Spanilh princefs, and procuring
the rupture with the houfe of Auftria. Being young His affec-
and unexperienced, he regarded thefe praifes as fin-b01! for hi-
cere ; and therefore was fo impatient to affemble the
great council of the nation, that he would gladly, for
the fake of defpatch, have called together the fame
parliament which fat under his father, and which lay
at that time under prorogation. But being told that
fuch a meafure would appear unufual, he ilTued writs
for fummoning a new parliament on the 7th of May 5
and it wras not without regret that the arrival of the
princefs Henrietta, whom he had efpoufed by proxy,
obliged him to delay, by repeated prorogations, their
meeting till the 18th of June, when they affembled at
Weftminfter for the defpatch of bufinefs. ^
Charles inherited from his father great diftrefs for TIis charac^
money, very high notions of the royal prerogative, and ter.
a violent attachment to Epifcopacy. As to his charac¬
ter, he feems to have been obftinate, though not refo-
lute ; and therefore, though it was fcarce ever pofiible
to make him give up his point, he never could carry
on his defigns with that fpirit which wTas neceffary for
their fuccefs. In other refpefts, he appears to have
poffeffed every virtue requifite to conftitute the cha-
rafter of a good man. At prefent believing his fub-
jefts to be in perfect friendlhip with him, as he w as
with them, he refolved that their bounty to him1 fhould
be entirely unalked, and the genuine effedt of mutual
confidence and regard. Accordingly, his difeourfe to His firlt
the parliament was full of fimplicity and cordiality, fpeech to
He lightly mentioned the occafion he had for fupply. Insparlia*
He employed no intrigue to influence the fuffrages of ment‘
the members. He would not even allow the officers
of the crotvn, who had feats in the houfe, to mention
any particular fum which he had cccafion for 5 but
trufted entirely to the wifdom and affedlion of his par¬
liament, wdio perfectly well knew his circumftances. ^
It is almoft impoffible to read without indignation Their lean,
an account of the return made by the commons to this^a,ol.lsPro*
generous behaviour of their fovereign. They knewGeetllnss*
that all the money granted by the laft parliament had
been expended on military and naval preparations j
and that great anticipations were likewife made on the
revenues of the crown. They wrere not ignorant that
Charles was loaded with a debt contracted by his fa¬
ther, who had borrowed money both from foreign
princes, and from his own fubjeCts. They had learn¬
ed by experience, that the public revenues could with
difficulty maintain the dignity of the crown, even un¬
der the ordinary charges of government. They were
fenfible that the prefent w’ar w7as, very lately, the re-
fult of their own importunate applications and entrea¬
ties, and that they had folemnly engaged to fupport
their fovereign in the management of it. They were '
acquainted with the difficulty of military enterprifes
dire&ed againft the whole houfe of Auftria •, againft
the king of Spain, poffeffed of the greateft riches and
moft extenfive dominions of any prince in Europe 5 a-
gainft the emperor Ferdinand, hitherto the mod for¬
tunate monarch of the age, who had fubdued and afto-
nifhed Germany by the rapidity of his vidories. Deep
imjpreffions they law muft be made by the Britifh
3 K 2 fword,
%
B R I
[ 444 1
B R I
Britain.
54
King’s re-
folution to
favour the
Catholics.
^ 55
Parliament
diflblved.
His fcheme
to raife mo-
ttey.
fwofd, and a vigorous offenfive war be waged againft
thefe mighty potentates, ere they would refign the pa¬
latinate which they had now fully fubdued, and which
they held in lecure poffeffion by its being furrounded
with all their other territories. To anfwer, therefore,
all thefe great and important ends; to fatisfy their
young king in the firft recjuelf he made them} to
prove their fenfc of the many royal virtues, particu¬
larly economy, with which Charles was endued ; the
commons thought proper to confer on the king a fup-
ply of 112,oool. To fearch for the reafons of fuch
an extravagant piece of conduct would be needlefs j it
is impoffible they could be good.
It is not to be fuppofed that Charles, or any perfon
of common fenfe, could be infenlible of fuch treatment
as this 5 he behaved, however, with great moderation.
He reprefented in the mod explicit manner the necef-
fity there was for a large fupply : he even condefcend-
ed to ufe entreaties: he faid that this requelt was the
firft he had ever made them ; that he was young, and
in th^ commencement of his reign 5 and if he now met
with kind and dutiful ufage, it would endear him to
the ufe of parliaments, and would for ever preferve
an entire harmony between him and his people.—To
thefe reafons and entreaties, the commons remained in¬
exorable } they even refufed the addition of two fif¬
teenths to the former fuppiy. Inftead of this, they
renewed their ridiculous complaints againft the growth
of Popery, which was now their only grievance.
They Ihowed their intolerant fpirit by demanding a
ftrift execution of the penal laws againft the Catholics;
and remonftrated againft fome late pardons granted to
priefts. They attacked Montague, one of the king’s
chaplains, on account of a moderate book which he
had lately compofed, and which, to their great dif-
guft, faved virtuous Catholics as well as other Chri-
ftians from eternal torments. Charles gave them a
gracious and complaifant anfwer •, but firmly refolved
to abate fomewhat of the rigorous laws againft that un¬
fortunate party, which his engagements with France
abfolutely required. No meafure, however, through¬
out the whole reign of this prince, was more difguft-
ful to his bigotted fubjeifts, or by its confequences more
fatal to himfelf, than this refolution. The Puritans had
continued to gain ground during the whole reign of
fames, and now formed the majority of the houfe of
commons •, in confequence of which, petitions were
prefented to the king for replacing fuch able clergy¬
men as had been filenced for want of conformity to the
ceremonies. They alfo enabled laws for the ftribl ob-
fervance of Sunday, which they affebfed to call the
fabbatb, and which they fanbfified with the moft me¬
lancholy indolence j and it is worthy of notice, that
the different appellations of Sunday and fabbath were
at that time known fymbols of the different parties.—
In confequence of this behaviour in Charles’s firft par¬
liament, it was diffolved on the 12th of Auguft 1625,
and a new one called on February 6. 1626.
During this interval Charles had been obliged to
borrow from his fubjebts on privy-feals 5 the advan¬
tage of which was but a fmall compenfation for the
difguft it occafioned. By means, however, of that
fupply, and fome other expedients, he was enabled to
equip his fleet, though with difficulty. It was defign-
ed againft Spain, but performed nothing -worth notice,
Britain,
and its bad fuccefs increafed the clamours againft the
court. v——-
Charles’s fecond parliament immediately adopted the pj.^^
fame views with the former-, however, they voted himingsof his
a fupply of three lubfidies (t68,cool.), and three-fif-fecoml par-
teenths j but the pafling this vote into a law -was re-^a:nent•
ferved until the end of the feffion, that in the mean
time they might have an opportunity of forcing the
king to make what conceftions they pleafed. This
harfh and undutiful conduit was greatly refented by
Charles j but he found himfelf obliged to fubmit, and
wTait the event with patience. In the mean time they
attacked the duke of Buckingham, who w'as become
generally obnoxious and he was alfo impeached by
the earl of Briftol, on account of his conduit with re¬
gard to the Spanilh negociation. The earl’s impeach¬
ment, however, was entirely overlooked, and the com¬
mons were able to prove nothing otherwife of any con¬
fequence againft him. The king imagining that Buc¬
kingham’s greateft crime was the having been fo much
in favour with his fovereign, commanded the houfe
exprefsly not to meddle with his minifter and fervant,
but to finifh in a few days the bill they had begun for
the fubfidies ; otherwife they muft expebt to fit no
longer. g
Suggeftions of this kind had a bad effebl 5 and when jhe com.
the king proceeded further to throw into prifon twTomonsdif.
members of the houfe who had managed the impeach-gutted,
ment againft Buckingham, the commons declared that
they would proceed no further in bufinefs till they had
fatisfablion in their privileges. Charles alleged as the
reafon of this meafure, certain feditious expreffions,
which, he faid, had, in their accufation of the duke,
dropped from thefe members. Upon inquiry it ap¬
peared that no fuch expreflions had been ufed, and the
members were accordingly releafed. Soon after, the
houfe of lords, moved by the example of the commons,
claimed liberty for the earl of Arundel, who had been
lately confined in the tower ; and after many fruitlefs
evafions the king was obliged, though fomewhat un¬
gracefully, to comply.
The next attack made by the commons would have
proved decifive, had it fucceeded, and would have re¬
duced the king to an abfolute dependence on his par¬
liament. They were preparing a remonftrance againft
the levying of tonnage and poundage without confent
of parliament. This article, together with the new
impofitions laid on merchandife by James, conftituted
near one-half of the crown-revenues \ and after having
gained this point, they were to petition the king,
which then wmuld have been the fame thing with
commanding him, to remove Buckingham from his ^
prefence and councils. The king, however, being a- Parliament
larmed at the yoke they were preparing for him, dif-diffolved.
folved his parliament a fecond time, June 15. 1626.
Charles having thus made fuch a breach with his
parliament as there was no hopes of repairing, w;as
obliged to have recourfe to the exercife of every branch
of his prerogative in order to fupply himfelf with money.
A commiffion was openly granted to compound with
the Catholics, and agree for difpenfing with the penal
laws enabled againft them and by this expedient the
king, indeed, filled his coffers, but gave univerfal dif¬
guft to his fubjebls. Fiom the nobility he defired af-
fiftance : from the city he required a loan of ioo,oool.
Tho
6i
A general
loan re¬
quired.
B.R I [ 445
Britain. The former contributed (lowly : but the latter, cover¬
ing themfelves under many pretences and excuies, gave
at laid a Hat denial. In order to equip a fleet, a di-
llribution by order of the council was made to all the
maritime towns •, and each of them was required, with
the afliftdfice of the adjacent counties, to arm as many
veffels as were appointed them. The city of London
was rated at 20 (hips : and this is the firft appearance,
in Charles’s reign, of (hip-money j a taxation which
had once been impofed by Elizabeth, but which,
when carried fome fteps farther by Charles, produced
the moft violent difcontents.—Thefe methods of fup-
ply were carried on with fome moderation, till news
arrived of the kind of Denmark being totally defeated
by Count Tilly the imperial general ; but money then
becoming more than ever neceflary, it was fuggefled
in council, that the moft fpeedy, equal, and conveni¬
ent method of fupply was by a general loan from the
fubjeft, according as every man was affelTed in the
rolls of the lad fubfidy. That precife fum was re¬
quired which each would have paid, had the vote of
four fubfidies been paffed into a lawT: care, however,
was taken, that the firms thus exacted were not to be
called fublrdies but loans j but it w'as impoffible to
avoid obferving, that thus the liberty of the (ubjedt
was entirely deftroyed, and all parliaments rendered at
once fuperfluous.
Many people throughout England refufed thefe Ipans,
and fome were even aflive in encouraging their neigh¬
bours to infift upon their common rights and privileges.
By warrant of the council, thefe were thrown into pri-
fon. Mod of them patiently fubmitted to confinement,
or applied by petition to the king, who commonly re-
Fivegentle-leafed them. Five gentlemen, howTever, Sir Thomas
men refolve Darnel, Sir John Corbet, Sir Walter Earl, Sir John
Heweningham, and Sir Edmond Hambden, demand¬
ed releafe, not as a favour from the court, but as their
due by the laws of their country. No particular caufe
was afligned for their commitment. The fpecial com¬
mand of the king and council alone w?as pleaded. And
it was alleged, that by law this was not fufficient rea-
fon for refufing bail or releafement to the prifoners.
The quedion was brought to a folemn trial before the
court of king’s bench •, and the whole kingdom was
attentive to the iffue of the caufe. By the debates on
this fubjeft it appeared, that perfonal libery had been
fecured by no lefs than fix different ftatutes, and by an
article in magna charta itfelf. It appeared, that, in
times of turbulence and fedition, the princes infringed
upon thefe laws ; and of this alfo many examples wTere
produced. The difficulty then lay to determine when
fuch violent meafures wrere neceffary ; but of that the
court pretended to be the fupreme judge. As it was
legal, therefore, that thefe five gentlemen fhould plead
the (latute, by which they might demand bail, fo it
was expedient in the court'to remand them to prifon,
without determining on the neceflity of taking bail for
the prefent. This was a cruel evafion of juftice j and,
in fa£l:, fatisfied neither party. The court infifted that
no bail could be taken : the country exclaimed that
- the prifoners ought to be Tet free..
War decla- While the king was thus embroiled with his parlia-
red againft ment at home, and with powerful nations abroad, he
France. raflrly engaged in a war with France, a kingdom with
which he had but lately formed the moft natural alli-
62
to ftand
trial
] B R I
ance. All hiftorians agree that this war proceeded Britain,
from the rivalffrip of the duke of Buckingham and Car-
dinal Richelieu 5 both of whom were in love with the
queen of France ; and an inveterate enmity being thus
produced between thefe favourites, they relolved to in¬
volve their refpe&ive nations in the dilpute. However
this be, war was declared againft France 5 and Charles
was taught to hope, that hoftilities with that kingdom
would be the fureft means of procuring tranquillity at ^
home.—The fuccefs of this war was proportionable to Bad fuccefe
the wifdom with which it -was commenced. Bucking-of Bucking
ham was appointed commander 5 and he being entirely am*
unacquainted both with (ea and land fervice, managed
matters fo ill, that he loft two-thirds of his army, and
returned in total diferedit both as an admiral and ge¬
neral.
The difcontents in England now rofe to fuch a
height, that there was reafon to apprehend an infurrec-
tion or rebellion. Charles was alfo reduced to the
greateft diftrefs for want of money. That which he
had levied by virtue of his prerogative came in very
(lowly, and it was dangerous to renew7 the experiment
on account of the ill humour of the nation in general-
A third parliament therefore was called, March 17th \ third *
1628 ; whom Charles plainly told at the beginning of parliamcnl
the feflion, that “ if they ffrould not do their duties, incallc ‘
contributing to the neceflities of the (late, he muft, in
difeharge of his confcience, ufe thofe other means which
God had put into his hands, in order to fave that which
the follies of fome particular men might otherwfffe put
in danger.” This parliament behaved in a much more
reafonable manner than either of the two former ones.
The nation was now really aggrieved by the late ar¬
bitrary proceedings. They began with voting againft
arbitrary imprifonments and forced loans ; after which,,
five fubfidies (280,000k) were voted to the king. With
this fum, though much inferior to his wants, Charles
declared himfelf well fatisfied j and even tears of affec¬
tion (farted in his eye when informed of this conceffion:
the commons, however, refolved not to pals this vote
into a law, before they had obtained from the king a
fufficient fecurity that their liberties ffrould be no long- 66
er violated as they had formerly been. They refolved Petition o£
to frame a law, which they were to call a petition o/'r'S^t tra'’
right, in which they (hould collefll all the arbitrary ex¬
ertions of the prerogative which Charles had expofed
to their view, and thefe they were to affault at once by
their petition. The grievances now complained of
W'ere, forced loans, benevolences^ taxes without confent
of parliament,, arbitrary imprifonments, billeting fol-
diers, and martial law. They pretended not,, as they
affirmed, to any unufual power or privileges j nor did
they intend to infringe the royal prerogative in any re-
fpetft : they aimed only at fecuring thofe rights and pri¬
vileges derived from their anceftors. ^
The king, on his part, now began plainly to flrow, Duplicityc-f
that he aimed at nothing lefs than abfolute power, the king.
This reafonable petition he did his utmoft to evade, by
repeated meffages to the houfe, in which he always of¬
fered his royal word that there (hould be no more in¬
fringements on the liberty of the fubj^ff. Thefe mef¬
fages, hov.ever, had no effect on the commons: they
knew how infufficient fuch promifes were, without fur¬
ther fecurity j and therefore the petition at la ft palled
both houfes, and nothing was wanting but the royal
afleni
tSrltam.
63
He at laft
gives his af-
fent to the
petition.
69
.Parliament
prorogued.
70
Bucking¬
ham mur¬
dered.
Conten¬
tions about
tonnage and
poundage
B R I
afient to give it the force of a law. The king accord¬
ingly came to the houfe of peers, fent for the commons,
and being feated in the chair of Hate, the petition was
read to him. In anfwer to it, he faid, “ The king will-
eth, that right be done according to the laws and cu-
ftoms of the realm, and that the flatutes be put into
execution ; that his fubjedls may have no caufe to com¬
plain of any wrong or oppreffion contrary to their juft
rights and liberties, to the prefervation whereof he
holds himfelf in confcience as much obliged as of his
own prerogative.”
This equivocal anfwer wras highly refented. The
commons returned in very ill humour. Their indigna¬
tion would undoubtedly have fallen on the unfortunate
Catholics, had not their petition againft them already
received a fatisfaftory anfwer. To give vent to their
prefent w^rath, therefore, they fell on Dr Mamvaring,
who had preached a fermon, and, at the fpecial com¬
mand of the king, printed it j wdiich was now found
to contain doflrines fubverfive of all civil liberty. It
taught, that though property was commonly lodged in
the fubjeft, yet, whenever any exigency required fup-
ply, all property was transferred to the fovereign ; that
the confent of parliament was not neceffary for the im-
pofition of taxes; and that the divine laws required
compliance with every demand, however irregular,
which the prince fhould make upon his fubjedts. For
thefe dodtrines Manwaring was fentenced to be impri-
foned during the pleafure of the houfe •, to be fined
1000I. to the king 5 make fubmiftion and acknow¬
ledgment for his offence; be fufpended three years ; be
incapable of holding any ecclefiaftical dignity or fecu-
lar office ; and that his book be called in and burnt.
No fooner, however, wras the feflion ended, than Man-
waring received a pardon, and was promoted to a living
of confiderable value. Some years afterwards he was
promoted to the fee of St Afaph. At laft, the king,
feeing it was impoffible to carry his point, yielded to
the importunities of parliament. He came to the
houfe of peers, and pronouncing the ufual form of
words, “ Let it be law as is defired,” gave full fanc-
tion and authority to the petition. The houfe re¬
founded with acclamations, and the bill for five fub-
fidies immediately paffed.
The commons, however, were not yet fatisfied ; they
began again to attack Buckingham, againft whom they
were implacable : they alfo afferted, that the levying of
tonnage and poundage without confent of parliament
was a palpable violation of the ancient liberties of the
people, and an open in' ’ngement of the petition of right
fo lately granted. The king, in order to prevent a re-
monftrance on that fubjeft, fuddenly prorogued the
parliament, on June 26. 1628.
The commons foon got rid of their enemy Bucking¬
ham ; who was murdered on the 23d of Auguft this
fame year, by one Felton who had formerly ferved un¬
der him as a lieutenant. The king did not appear much
concerned at his death, but retained an affedion for his
family throughout his whole lifetime. He defired alfo
that Felton might be tortured, in order to extort from
him a difcovery of his accomplices ; but the judges de¬
clared, that though that pradiice had been formerly
very common, it was altogether illegal.
In 1629, the ufual contentions between the king
and his parliament continued. The great article on
[ 446 ]
B R I
which the commons broke with their fovereign, and Britain,
which finally created in him a difguft at all parlia-—v—^
ments, was their claims wuth regard to tonnage and
poundage. The difpute wTas, whether this tax could
be levied without confent of parliament or not. Charles,
fupported by multitudes of precedents, maintained that
it might; and the parliament, in confequence of their
petition of right, afferted that it could not. The
commons w'ere refolved to fupport their rights : and
the difputes concerning tonnage and poundage went
hand in hand wfith fome theological controverfies ; par¬
ticularly concerning Arminianifm, which the Puritans,
who now' formed the majority of the nation, oppo-
fed with the greateft violence ; and which confequent-
ly crept in among thole who profeffed Epilcopacy,
wffiere it hath Hill maintained its ground more than in
any other party.
The commons began wuth fummoning before them
the officers of the cuftom-houfe, to give an account by
what authority they had feized the goods of thofe mer¬
chants who had refufed to pay the duties of tonnage
and poundage. The barons of exchequer were que-
ftioned with regard to their decrees on that head. The
fheriff of London was committed to the Tower for his
a&ivity in fupporting the officers of the cuftom-houfe.
The goods of Rolles, a merchant, and member of the
houfe, being feized for his refufal to pay the duties,
complaints were made of this violence, as if it were a
breach of privilege. Charles, on the other hand, fup¬
ported his officers in all thefe meafures, and the quar¬
rel between him and the commons became every day
higher. Sir John Elliot framed a remonftrance againft;
tonnage and poundage, which he offered to the clerk
to read ; but it w7as refufed, and he then read it him¬
felf. The queftion being called for, Sir John Finch
the fpeaker faid, that he had a command from the king
to adjourn, and to put no queftion ; upon which he
rofe and left the chair. The whole houfe was in an up¬
roar ; the fpeaker w7as pufhed back into the chair, and
forcibly held in it, till a Ihort remonftrance was formed,
wffiich was inftantaneoufly paffed by almoft univerfal
acclamation. Papifts and Arminians were now decla¬
red capital enemies to the commonw'ealth. Thofe who
levied tonnage and poundage wrere branded with the
fame epithet. And even the merchants, who fhould vo¬
luntarily pay thefe duties, w'ere declared betrayers of
Englith liberty, and public enemies. The doors being
locked, the gentleman-uflier of the houfe of lords, who
w7as fent by the king, could get no admittance till this
remonftrance was finilhed. By the king’s order he took Parliament
the mace from the table, which put an end to their pro-dillblved.
ceedings, and on the 10th of March the parliament
was diffolved. Some of the members were imprifoned
and fined ; but this feverity ferved only to increafe the
general difeontent, and point out the fufferers as proper
leaders for the popular party. ^
Charles being now difgufted with parliaments, refol-Peace with
ved to call no more ; but finding himfelf deftitute F13!106 an^
of refources, was obliged to make peace with the two SPain‘
pow7ers with -which he was at war. A treaty was figned
with Fiance on the 14th of April, and another with
Spain on the 5th of November 1630, by w’hich Charles
bound himfelf to obferve a neutrality with regard to the
affairs on the continent. His conduct to his fubjedts
cannot now appear entirely blamelefs, nor the general
difeontent
B R I [ 447 1 B R I
Britain, difcontent altogether without foundation. As if, how- feemed ratner to encourage than repress thole encroacn- i Bnui.<
“v ‘ ever, he had refolved to ruin himfelf, and to lofe the
fmall degrees of affe6lion which remained among his
fubje&s, Charles now began to fet about making inno-
The king vat‘ons religion. Arcltbifhop Laud had obtained a
attempts to prodigious afcendency over the king ; and, by his fu-
introduce perflitious attachment’to foolifh ceremonies, led him into
new religi- a condu6l that proved fatal to himfelf and to the king-
ous :ere‘ dom in general. The humour of the nation ran at that
time in a channel perfedlly the reverfe of fuperilition.
The ancient ceremonies which had been fan&ified by
the permiflion and pra&ice of the firft reformers, could
fcarce be retained in divine fervice. Laud chofe this
time, of all others the moll improper, for renewing the
ceremonies of the fourth and fifth century, when the
Chridian church, as is well known, was funk into the
fuperflitions which were afterwards continued and aug¬
mented by the policy of the church of Rome. So open¬
ly were thefe tenets efpoufed, that not only the dilcon-
tented Puritans believed the church of England to be
relapfing fad into the Romilh fuperftition, but the court
of Rome itfelf entertained hopes of regaining its au¬
thority in this ifland. To forward Laud’s good inten¬
tions, an offer was twice made him, in private, of a
cardinal’s hat; which he declined accepting. His an-
fwer was (as he fays himfelf), that “ fomething dwelt
within him which would not fuffer his compliance till
Rome was other than it is.” It mud be confeffed,
however, that though Laud deferved not the appella¬
tion of a Pa/>i/?, the genius of his religion was, though
in a lefs degree, the fame with that of the Romiih. The
fame profound refpeft was exacted to the facerdotal
charadler ; the fame fubmidion to the creeds and de¬
crees of fynods and councils required •, the fame pomp
and ceremony was affedled in worfhip; and the fame fu-
perditious regard to days, podures, meats, and ved-
ments. Orders were given, and rigoroufly infided on,
that the communion-table fiiould be removed from the
middle of the area wdiere it had hitherto dood in all
churches except cathedrals. It was placed at the ead
end, railed in, and denominated an altar; as the cler¬
gyman who officiated commonly received the appella¬
tion of prioj}. All kinds of ornaments, efpecially pic¬
tures, were introduced. Some of thefe, upon inquiry,
were found to be the very fame that were to be met
with in the mafs-book. The crucifix too, that per¬
petual confolation of all pious Catholics, and terror
to all found Protedants, was not forgot on this occa-
lion.
In return for Charles’s indulgence towards the
church, Laud and his followers took care to magnify
on every occafion the regal authority, and to treat
with the utmod difdain or detedation all puritanical
pretenfions to a free and independent conditution.
From this fubje&ion, however, they took care to ex¬
clude themfelves, and infided upon a divine and apo-
dolical charter in preference to a legal and parliamen¬
tary one. The facerdotal charafler was magnified as
facred and indefeafible ; all right to fpiritual authority,
or even to private judgment in fpiritual fubjefls, was
refufed to profane laymen : ecclefiadical courts were
held by bifhops in their own name, without any notice
taken of the king’s authority : and Charles, though ex¬
tremely jealous of every claim in popular affcmblies,
ments of his clergy.
The principles wdrich exalted prerogative w'ere Put H;s a7rbitra-
in pra&ice during the whole time that Charles ruled ry ancj un_
without parliaments. He wanted money for the fup- popular go.
port of government} and he levied it, either by the re- vernment,
vival of obfolete laws, or by violations of the privileges.
Though humane and gentle in his nature, he gave v7ay
to feverities in the dar-chamber and high commidion,
-which feemed neceffary in order to fupport the prefent
mode of adminidration, and lupprefs the rifing fpirit of
liberty throughout the kingdom. Tonnage and pound¬
age wrere continued to be levied by royal authority
alone. The former arbitrary impofitions were dill ex¬
acted ; and even new impofitions laid upon the differ¬
ent kinds of merchandife. The cudomdioufe officers
received orders from the council to enter into any
houfe, v^arehoufe, or cellar 5 to fearch any trunk or
ched ; and to break any bulk whatever, in default of
the payment of cudoms. In order to exercife the mi¬
litia, each county, by an edi£l of the council, was ai-
feffed in a certain fum for maintaining a muder-mader
appointed for that fervice. Compofitions w’ere open¬
ly made with recufants, and the Popiffi religion became
a regular part of the revenue. A commiffion was
granted for compounding wdth fuch as w7ere poffeffed
of crown-lands on defeflive titles; and on this pretence
fome money was exadled of the people, &c. 7#
While the Engliffi were in the utmod difcontent, to
and almod ready to break out in open rebellion by
thefe arbitrary proceedings, Charles thought proper Epifcopacy
to attempt fetting up Epifcopacy in Scotland. The in Scotland*
canons for edabliffied ecclefiadical jurifdi£lion were
promulgated in 1635, and were received without much
appearance of oppofition ; yet with great inward ap-
prehenfion and difcontent. The fird reading of the
liturgy was attempted in the cathedral church of St
Giles in Edinburgh, in 1637 ; but this produced fuch
a tumult, that it was not thought fafe to repeat the
experiment. An univerfal combination againd the re¬
ligious innovations began immediately to take place j
but Charles, as if obdinately bent on his own dedruc-
tion, continued inflexible in his purpofe, though he
had nothing to oppofe to the united force of the king¬
dom but a proclamation, in which he pardoned all pad
offences, and exhorted the people to be more obedient
for the future, and to fubmit peaceably to the ufe of the 77
litursw. This proclamation hadened forward the in- w*llch 0Cw'
furrefhon which had been llowly advancing betore. in(-urrec_
Four tables, as they were called, were formed in Edin-tion.
burgh. One confided of nobility, another of gen¬
try, a third of miniders, and the fourth of burgeffes.
The table of gentry was divided into many fubordinate
ones, according to the different counties. In the hands
of the four tables, the authority of the whole kingdom
was placed. Orders were iffued by them, and every¬
where obeyed with the utmod regularity 5 and among
the fird a£ls of their government was the produdlion of
the Covenant. 7S
This famous covenant confided of a renunciation of
Popery, formerly figned by James in his youth, and jh^ovc'
filled with many virulent inveftives againd that party.
A bond of union followed, by which the fubfcribers
obliged themfelves to refill all religious innovations,
and-,
✓
/
Britain.
79
Charles at¬
tempts to
B R I [
and to defend each other againft all oppofition what
foever : And all this for the greater glory of God, and
the greater honour and advantage of their king and
country. The covenant was fubfcribed by people of
all ranks and conditions. Few difapproved of it in their
hearts, and ftill fewer dared openly to condemn it.
The king’s minifters and counfellors themfelves were
moftly of the fame way of thinking ; and none but
rebels to God, and traitors to their country, it was
thought, would withdraw themfelves from fo falutary
and pious a combination.
The king now began to be alarmed. He fent the
ai'.af th mar<lu*s ^■am^t;on» as commiflloner, with authority
cove nan- C to treat wlt^ t^ie covenanters. He required the cove-
.ters. nant to be renounced and recalled $ and he thought
that on his part he made very fatisfa&ory conceflions,
when he offered to fufpend the canons and liturgy till
in a fair and legal way they could be received, and fo
to model the high commiflion that it ffiould no longer
give offence to his fubjefts. In anfwer to this demand
the covenanters told him, they would fooner renounce
their baptifm •, and invited the commiffioner himfelf to
fign it. Hamilton returned to London j made another
fruitlefs journey wuth new conclufions to Edinburgh ;
returned again to London, and was immediately fent
back with ftill more fatisfaftory conceflions. The
king was now willing to abolifti entirely the canons,
the liturgy, and the high commiflion court; he even
refolved to limit extremely the power of the bifhops,
and was content if on any terms he could retain that
order in the church of Scotland. And to enfure all
thefe gracious offers, he gave Hamilton authority to
lummon firft an aflembly, and then a parliament, where
every national grievance ftrould be redrefled.—Thefe
fucceflive conceflions only (bowed the weaknefs of the
king, and encouraged the malcontents to rife in their
ffemands. The offer, however, of an affembly and a
parliament, in which they expefted to be entirely ma¬
ilers, was very willingly embraced by the covenanters.
Charles, perceiving what advantage his enemies had
reaped from their covenant, refolved to have a cove¬
nant alfo on his fide ; and he ordered one to be drawn
up for that purpofe. It confided of the fame violent
renunciation of Popery with the other j which, though
the king did not approve of it, he thought proper to
adopt, in order to remove all the fufpicions entertained
againft him. As the covenanters, in their bond of
mutual defence againft all oppofition, had been care¬
ful not to except the king ; Charles had formed a
bond which was annexed to this renunciation, and
which expreffed the fubferibers loyalty and duty to his
majefty. But the covenanters perceiving that this
new covenant was only meant to weaken and divide
them, received it with the utmoft fcorn and detefta-
tion. And, without delay, they proceeded to model
the affembly from which fuch great achievements were
expefted.
The aflembly met at Glafgow in 1638. A firm de-
«fThTaf-25term’nat*on keen entered into of utterly aboliftiing
Epifcopacy •, and, as a preparative to it, there was laid
before the prefbytery of Edinburgh, and folemnly read
in all the churches of the kingdom, an accufation againft
So
Covenant
entered in
to by the
toyalilts.
81
Violent
f>roce<
fif the
fcmbly.
the biftrops, as guilty, all of them, of herefy, fimony,
bribery, perjury, cheating, inceft, adultery, fornica-
448 ] B R 1'
tion, common-fwearing, drunkennefs, gam'ng, breach Britain,
of the fabbath, and every other crime which had oc- ''' ' v~—™
curred to the accufers. The biftrops fent a proteft,
declining the authority of the affcmbly ; the commif¬
fioner too protefted againft that court, as illegally con-
ftituted and elefted ; and, in his majefty’s name, dif-
folved it. This meafure was forefeen, and little re¬
garded. The court ftill continued to fit and do bufi-
nefs. All the afts of affembly, fince the acceflion of
James to the crown of England, were, upon pretty
reafonable grounds, declared null and invalid. The
afts of parliaments which affefted ecclefiaftical affairs
were on that very account fuppofed to have no autho¬
rity. And thus the whole fabric which James and
Charles, in a long courfe of years, had been rearing
with much care and policy, fell at once to the ground.
The covenant likewife was ordered to he figned by
every one, under pain of excommunication. g ^
In 1639, t^ie covenanters prepared in earneft forPrepara-
war. The earl of Argyle, though he long feemed to tions for
temporife, at laft embraced the covenant 5 and he be-warky ^
came the chief leader of that party. The earls ofcovenantei*
Rothes, Caflils, Montrofe, Lothian, the lords Lin-
defey, Loudon, Yefter, and Balmerino, alfo diftin-
guiftied themfelves'. Many of their officers had acquired
reputation in the German wars, particularly under
Guftavus; and thefe were invited over to affift their
country in its prefent neceffity. The command was
entrufted to Lefly, a foldier of experience and ability.
Forces were regularly enlifted and difeiplined. Arms
were commiflioned and imported from foreign coun¬
tries. A few caftles which belonged to the king, be¬
ing unprovided of victuals, ammunition, and garrifons,
were foon feized. And the whole country, except a
fmall part where the marquis of Huntly ftill adhered
to the king, being in the covenanters hands, was foon
put into a tolerable pofture of defence.
Charles, on the other hand, was not deficient in his By the king
endeavours to oppofe this formidable combination. By
regular economy he had not only paid all the debts
contrafted in the French and Spanifti wars, but had
amaffed a fum of 200,000!. which he had referved
for any hidden exigency. The queen had great in-
tereft with the Catholics, both from the fympathy of
religion, and from the favours and indulgences which
ftie had been able to procure them. She now employed
her credit, and perfuaded them, that it wras reafonable
to give large contributions, as a mark of their duty to
the king, during this urgent neceffity : And thus, to
the great fcandal of the Puritans, a confiderable fup-
ply w^as gained. The king’s fleet w'as formidable and
well fupplied. Having put 5000 land forces on board,
he intruded it to the marquis of Hamilton, who had
orders to fail to the frith of Forth, and caufe a diver-
fion in the forces of the malcontents. An army was
levied of near 20,000 foot and 3000 horfe ; and was
put under the command of the earl of Arundel, a no¬
bleman of great family, but celebrated neither for mi¬
litary nor political abilities. The earl of Effex, a man
of ftri6l honour, and extremely popular, efpecially a-
mong the foldiery, w?as appointed lieutenant-general:
The earl of Holland was general of the horfe. The
king himfelf joined the army, and he fummoned all
the peers of England to attend him. The whole had
the
S3
s4
Peace con.
eluded.
B R I [ 449 ]
Britain, the appearance of a fplendid court rather than a mili- the convocation to
—"V"—' tary armament, and in this fituation the camp arrived
at Berwick.
The Scottilh army was equally numerous with that
of the king, but inferior in cavalry. The officers had
more experience; and the foldiers, though ill difei-
plined and armed, were animated, as well by the na¬
tional averfion to England, and the dread of becoming
a province to their old enemy, as by that religious en-
thufiafm which was the occafion of the war. Yet fo
prudent were their leaders, that they immediately fent
very fubmiffive meflages to the king, and craved leave
to be admitted to a treaty.—Charles, as ufual, took
the worft courfe. He concluded a hidden pacifica¬
tion, in which it was ftipulated, that he ffiould with¬
draw his fleet and army j that within 48 hours the
Scots fliould difmifs their forces ; that the king’s forts
fhould be reftored to him ; his authority be acknow¬
ledged ; and a general aflembly and parliament be im¬
mediately lummoned, in order to compofe all differ¬
ences.
This peace was of no long duration. Charles could
sot prevail on himfelf to abandon the caufe of Epifco-
pacy, and fecretly intended to feize every favourable
opportunity to recover the ground he had loft. The
affembly, on the other hand, proceeded with the ut-
moft fury and violence. They voted Epifcopacy to be
unlawful in the church of Scotland : they ftigmatized
the canons and liturgy as popifti: they denominated
the high commiffion tyranny. The parliament, which
fat after the affembly, advanced pretenfions which tend¬
ed to diminiffi the civil power of the monarch ; and,
what probably affe&ed Charles ftill more, they were
proceeding to ratify the a£!s of affembly, when by the
king’s inftruftions Traquaire the commiffioner pro¬
rogued them. And on account of thefe claims, which
might have been eafily forefeen, war was recommenced
the fame year.
No fooner had Charles concluded the peace, than he
found himfelf obliged to difband his army, on account
of his want of money j and as the foldiers had been
held together merely by mercenary views, it was not
poffible, without great trouble, expence, and lofs of
time, to reaffemble them. On the contrary, the cove¬
nanters, in difmiffing their troops, had been careful to
preferve nothing but the appearance of a pacification.
The officers had orders to be ready on the firft fum-
mons: The foldiers were warned not to think the na¬
tion fecure from an Englifh invafion : And the religi¬
ous zeal which animated all ranks of men made them
immediately fly to their ftandards, as foon as the
trumpet was founded by their fpiritual and temporal
leaders.
In 1640, however, the king made fhift to draw an
^etn calledarmy toget^er i hut finding himfelf unable to fupport
them, was obliged to call a parliament after an inter-
miffion of about 11 years. As the foie defign of the
king’s calling this parliament was to obtain a fupply,
and the only reafon they had for attending was to pro¬
cure a redrefs of grievances, it is not to be fuppofed
there could be any good agreement between them.
The king accordingly infifted for money, and the par¬
liament on their grievances, till a diffolution enfued.
.—To add to the unpopularity of this meafure, the king,
■notwithftanding his diffolving the parliament, allowed
You. IV. Part II.
B R I
fit j a pradlice of which, fince the Britain.
Reformation, there had been very few examples, and
which was now by many deemed very irregular. Be-
fides granting to the king a fupply from the fpiritual-
ty, the convocation, jealous of innovations fimilar to
thofe which had taken place in Scotland, impofed an
oath on the clergy and the graduates in the univerfities,
by which every one fwore to maintain the eftablifhed
government of the church, by archbiffiops, billiops,
deans, chapters, &c. Thefe fteps were deemed illegal,
becaufe not ratified by confent of parliament; and the
oath, containing an &c. in the middle of it, became a
fubjeft of general ridicule. 88
85 .
War again
declared.
S6
_ 87
Diflolved.
The king difappointed of parliamentary fubfidies, paries dii-
was obliged to have recourfe to other expedients. The1 e tl or
ecclefiaftical fubfidies ferved him in fome ftead *, and it
feemed but juft that the clergy ffiould contribute to
the expence of a war which had been in a great mea¬
fure of their own raifing. He borrowed money from
his minifters and courtiers; and fo much was he be¬
loved among them, that above 300,000!. were fub-
feribed in a few days. Some attempts were made to¬
wards forcing a loan from the citizens *, but ftill repel¬
led by the fpirit of liberty, which was now become
unconquerable. A loan of 40,000!. was extorted from
the Spaniftr merchants who had bullion in the tower.
Coat and condudt money for the foldiery was levied on
the counties j an ancient pradftice, but which was fup¬
pofed to be abolifhed by the petition of right. All the
pepper was bought from the Eaft India Company upon
truft ; and fold, at a great difeount, for ready money,
A fcheme was propofed for coining two or three hun¬
dred thoufand pounds of bafe money. Such were the
extremities to which Charles was reduced. The frelh
difficulties, which amidft the prefent diftreffes were
every day raifed, with regard to the payment of ftiip-
money, obliged him to exert continual adts of autho¬
rity, augmented extremely the difeontents of the peo¬
ple, and increafed his indigence and neceffities.
The prefent expedients, however, enabled the king,
though with great difficulty, to march his army, con-
fifting of 19,000 foot and 2000 horfe. The earl of
Northumberland was appointed general ; the earl of
Strafford, who was called over from Ireland, lieutenant-
general j Lord Conway, general of the horfe. A fmall
fleet was thought fufficient to ferve the purpofes of this
expedition. The Scots, though fomewhat fuperior,
were fooner ready than the king’s army, and marched
to the borders of England. Notwithftanding their war¬
like preparations and hoftile attempts, the covenanters
ftill preferved the moft fubmiffive language to the king;
and entered England with no other defign, they faid,
than to obtain accefs to the king’s prefence, and lay
their humble petition at his royal feet. At Nev burn
upon Tyne they were oppofed by a detachment of 4500 R0yai^.g
men under Conway, who feemed refolute to difpute defeated at
with them the paffage of the river. The Scots firft en- Newburn,
treated them, with great civility, not to flop them in
their march to their gracious fovereign ; and then at¬
tacked them with great bravery, killed feveral, and
chafed the reft from their ground. Such a panic feized
the whole Engliftr army, that the forces at Newcaftle
fled immediately to Durham ; and not yet thinking
themfelves fafe, they deferted that town, and retreated
into Yorkftiire,
3 L The
Britain.
B R 1 ..[45
The Scots continued to advance : they dilpatched
meffengers to the king, who was now arrived at York,
i hey took care, after the advantage they had gained,
to redouble their exprcffions of loyalty, duty, and fub-
midion to his perfon ; and they even made apologies
full of forrow and contrition for their late victory.
Charles was in a very diitrelfed condition ; and, in or¬
der to prevent the further advance of the Scots, agreed
to a treaty, and named 16 Englifh noblemen to meet
with 11 Scots commiflioners at Rippon. Strafford, up¬
on whom, by reafon of Northumberland’s ficknefs, the
command of the army had devolved, advifed Charles
rather to put all to hazard, than fubmit to fuch'un-
worthy terms as he faw would be impofed upon him.
He advifed him to pufh forward and attack the Scots,
and bring the affair to a quick deciflon ; and if he was
ever fo unfuccefsful, nothing worfe could befalhim than
what from his inactivity he would certainly be expofed
to ; and, to fhow how eafily this projeCt might be exe¬
cuted, he ordered an affault to be made on fome quarters
of the Scots, and gained an advantage over them. This
falutary advice Charles had not refolution to follow.
He therefore refolved to call a council of the peers;
and as he forefaw' that they would advife him to call a
parliament, he told them in his firft fpeech, that he had
already taken that refolution. In order to fubfifl
both armies (for the king was obliged to pay his ene¬
mies, in order to fave the northern counties), Charles
wrote to the city, defiring a loan of 200,000k And
the peers at York, whole authority was now much
greater than that of their fovereign, joined in the fame
requeft.
The parliament met November 3. 1640 : the houfe
of commons had never been obferved lo numerous ; and,
that they might flrike a decifive blowr at once againft
  VV} the court, they began with the impeachment of the earl
(Ituarion of °f Strafford. T hat nobleman, who was confidered as
Strafford, prime minifter, both on account of the credit he polfef-
fed wfith his. mafter, and his own uncommon vigour and
capacity, had now the misfortune of having incurred
the hatred of all the three kingdoms. The Scots looked
u^on him as the capital enemy of their country. He
had engaged the parliament of Ireland to advance large
fubfidies to be employed in a war againft them ; he had
levied an army of 9000 men, with which he had me¬
naced all their weftern coaft : he had obliged the Scots
who lived under his government to renounce the cove¬
nant, &.c.: he had governed Ireland, firft as deputy, and
then as lord-lieutenant, during eight years, with great
vigilance, a&ivity, and prudence, but with very little
popularity. In a nation fo averfe to the Englifh govern¬
ment and religion, thefe very virtues u^ere fufficient to
uraw on him the public hatred. His manners, befides,
were at bottom haughty, rigid, and fevere ; and no
fooner did adverfity begin to feize him, than the con¬
cealed averfion blazed up at once, and the Irifh parlia¬
ment ufed every expedient to aggravate the charge
againft him.
I ne umverfal difeontent which prevailed throughout
the Englifh nation was all pointed againft the earl of
Strafford ; though for no other reafon but becaufe he
tvas tire minifter of ftate whom the king moft favoured
and trufted. His extraction was honourable, his pater¬
nal fortune confiderable : yet envy attended his hidden
and great elevation j and his former alfociates in popu-
90
Parliament
meets.
91
Unhappy
o ] B R I
lar counfels, finding that he owed his advancement to Britain,
the defertion of their caufe, reprefented him as the great v ■—v—
apoftate of the commonwealth, whom it behoved them
to facrifice as a victim to public juftice.
From fo terrible a combination againft a tingle per-
lon, nothing elfe could be expeCtcd than what really
happened. Strafford was impeached, moft unjuftly con- executed,
demned, and at laft executed, in the year 1641. It was
not without extreme difficulty that the king could be
brought to confent to his execution. He came to the
houfe of lords, where he exprelfed his refolution never 0f
to employ Strafford again in any public bufinefs j but thekingon
wdth regard to the treafon for which he was con- account of
demned, he profeffed himfelf totally diffatisfied. rphe hls exccu-
commons voted it a breach of privilege for the king totl0n’
take notice of any bill depending before the houfe.
Charles did not perceive, that his attachment to Straf¬
ford was the chief motive for the bill; and the greater
proof he gave of this attachment to his favourite mini¬
fter, the more inevitable did he render his deftru&ion.
The houfe of lords were intimidated, by popular vio¬
lence, into pafling the bill of attainder againft the un¬
fortunate earl. '1 he fame battery was next employed
to force the king’s affent. The populace flocked about
Whitehall, and accompanied their demand of juftice
■with the loudeft clamours and moft open menaces. A
thoufand idle reports of confpiracies, infurredions, and
invafions, were fpread abroad. On whatever fide the
king call his eyes, he favv no refource nor fecurity. All
his fervants, confulting their own fafety rather than
their mafter’s honour, declined interpofing with their
advice between him and his parliament. The queen,
terrified at the appearance of fo great danger, preffed
Charles, w ith tears, to fatisfy his people in this demand,
W'hich it was hoped would finally content them. Arch-
bifliop Juxon alone had the courage to advife him, if
he did not approve of the bill, by no means to confent
to it.
Strafford, hearing of the king’s irrefolution and an¬
xiety, wrote to him a letter, in which he defired his
own execution, in order to give peace to the nation :
and at laft, after the moft violent anxiety and doubt,
Charles granted a commiflion to four noblemen, in his
name, to give the royal affent to the bill ; flattering
himfelf perhaps, that as neither his will confented to
the deed, nor was his hand immediately engag .1 in it,
he was the more free from all the guilt which attended
it. Thefe commiflioners he empowered at the fame
time to give his affent to a bill yet more fatal to him¬
felf, viz. That the prefent parliament fliould not be dif- Charks
folved, prorogued, or adjourned, without their own renders the
confent. parliament
By this laft bill Charles rendered the power of hisPerPetuafi
enemies perpetual, as it was already uncontroulable. ^
The reafon of this extraordinary ftep was, that theHisrea-
commons, from policy, more than neceftity, had em-*°ns f°r this
braced the expedient of paying the two armies by bor-ReP'
rowing money from the city. Thefe loans they repaid
afterwards by taxes levied on the people. At laft the
citizens, either of themfelves, or by fuggeftion, began
to ftart difficulties with regard to a farther loan which
was demanded. “ We make no fcruple of trufting the
parliament (faid they), were we certain that the par¬
liament was to continue till our repayment. But, in the
prefent precarious fituation of affairs, what fecurity can
be
(>6
Laud im-
prifoned.
97
New crime
of delin¬
quency.
B R I [45
Britain, be given us for our money ?” In order to obviate this
"v—" ' objeftion, the above-mentioned bill was fuddenly brought
in, and having paffed both houfes with great rapidity,
was at lafl: brought to the king; who, being oppreffed
with grief on account of the unhappy fate of Straf¬
ford, did not perceive the pernicious confequence of the
bill.
All this time the commons had ruled in other refpedls
with an uncontroulable fway. Soon after the impeach¬
ment of Strafford, Laud was accufed of high treafon,
and committed to curtody. To avoid the like fate,
lord keeper Finch and fecretary Windebank fled, the
one into Holland, the other into France. The houfe
inftituted a new fpecies of guilt, termed delinquency:
thofe who had exercifed the powers neceffary for the
defence of the nation during the late military opera¬
tions, wTere now called delinquents. In confequence
of this determination, many of the nobility and prime
gentry of the nation, while only exerting, as they juft-
ly thought, the legal powers of magiftracy, found
themfelves unexpectedly involved in this new crime of
delinquency. The commons, howrever, by their infti-
tution, reaped this multiplied advantage-, theydifarmed
the crown, they eftablifhed the maxims of rigid law
and liberty, and they fpread the terror of their own
authority. All the fheriffs wTho had formerly exaCted
fhip money, though by the king’s exprefs command,
were now declared delinquents. The farmers and officers
of the cuftoms who had been employed during fo many
years in levying tonnage, poundage, &c. w'ere like-
wife denominated criminals of the fame kind, and were
afterwards glad to compound for a pardon, by paying
l jo,oool. Every difcretionary or arbitrary fentence
of the flar-chamber and high commiffion courts, which
from their very nature were arbitrary, underwent a fe-
vere fcrutiny ; and all thofe who had concurred in fuch
fentences, were voted to be liable to the penalties of
law. No minifter of the king, no member of the
council, but what found himfelf expofed by this deter¬
mination. The judges who had formerly given judge¬
ment againft Hambden for refufing to pay ffiip money,
were accufed before the peers, and obliged to find fe-
curity for their appearance. Berkley, a judge of the
king’s bench, was feized by order of the houfe, even
when fitting in his tribunal. The fanftion of the lords
and commons, as well as that of the king, was declared
necefiary for the confirmation of ecclefiaftical canons.
Monopolifts and projeClors, if of the king’s party, were
now expelled the houfe-, but one Mildmay, a notorious
monopolift, was allowed to keep his feat, becaufe he
was of the popular party. In ffiort, the conftitution
was completely new-modelled-, and during the firft pe¬
riod of the tranfaftions of this remarkable parliament,
if we except Strafford’s attainder, their merits in other
refpeCts fo much overbalance their miftakes, as to en¬
title them to very ample praifes from all lovers of li¬
berty. Not only were former abufes remedied, and
grievances redreffed-, great provifion for the future was
made by excellent laws againft the return of the like
complaints. And if the means by which they obtain¬
ed fuch mighty advantages favoured often of artifice,
fometimes of violence ; it is to be confidered, that re¬
volutions of government cannot be effe£!ed by mere
force of argument and reafoning 5 and that, faftions
being once excited, men can neither fo firmly regulate
98
Partiality
and injuf-
tice of the
parliament
1 ] B R I
the tempers of others, nor their own, as to enfure them- Britain,
felves againft all exorbitancies. v ' ' 1
Had the parliament flopped here, it had been happy
for the nation-, but they were now refolved to be fatis-
fied wTith nothing lefs than the total abolition of mo¬
narchy. The king had promifed to pay a vifit, this
fummer, to his fubjedls in Scotland, in order to fettle
their government; and though the Englifh parliament
wras very importunate with him to lay afide that jour¬
ney, they could not prevail with him fo much as to de¬
lay it. Having failed in this, they appointed a fmall
committee of both houfes to attend him, in order, as
was pretended, to fee the articles of pacification exe¬
cuted, but really to be fpies upon the king, to extend
ftill farther the ideas of parliamentary authority, as
well as eclipfe his majefty. Endeavours were even ufed,
before Charles’s departure, to have a proteftor of the
kingdom appointed, with a power to pafs laws without 99
having recourfe to the king. About this time, the^farr‘ag?
king concluded the marriage of the princefs Mary with
William prince of Orange. He did not conclude this tiie
alliance without communicating his intentions to par- prince of
liament, who were very well fatisfied with the propo-Orange,
fal. They adjourned from Sept. 9th to Odlober 20th,
1641. 100
Charles arrived in Scotland Auguft 14th 1641, with Charles ar-
a defign to give full fatisfaftion if poffible to this reftlefs ^
kingdom. Some good regulations were made ; the°
bench of bifhops, and lords of articles, wrere aboliffied ;
it was ordained that no man Ihould be created a Scot-
iffi peer, who poffeffed not io,oco marks (above 500!.)
of annual rent in the kingdom; a law for triennial par¬
liaments was likewife enaftcd ; and it was ordained,
that the laft a£l of every parliament fhould be to ap¬
point the time and place for holding the parliament
next enfuing; the king w^as alfo deprived of that power
formerly exercifed, of iffuing proclamations which en- rot
joined obedience under the penalty of treafon. But ^lS great
the moft fatal blow given to royal authority, and what conLC^on'J
in a manner dethroned the prince, w7as an article, that
no member of the privy-council, in whofe hands, du¬
ring the king’s abfence, the whole adminiftration lay,
no officer of ftate, none of the judges, fhould be ap¬
pointed but by advice and approbation of parliament.
Charles even agreed to deprive of their feats four
judges who had adhered to his interefts; and their place
was fupplied by others more agreeable to the ruling
party. Several of the covenanters were alfo fworn of
the privy-council; and all the minifters of ftate, coun-
fellors and judges, were, by law, to hold their places
during life or good behaviour. The king, while in
Scotland, conformed himfelf to the eftablifhed church ;
he beftowed penfions and preferments on Henderfon,
Gillefpy, and other popular preachers : he praftifed
every art to foften, if not to gain, his greateft enemies;
the earl of Argyle was created a marquis, Lord Loudon
an earl, and Lelly was dignified with the title of Lord
Leven. But though Charles rvas thus obliged to heap
favours on his enemies and overlook his friends, the for¬
mer were not fatisfied, as believing all he did proceeded
from artifice and neceffity ; while fome of the latter
were difgufted, and thought themfelves ill rewarded for
their paft fervices.
Argyle and Hamilton, being feized with an appre-
henfion, real or pretended, that the earl of Crawfurd
3 L 2 and
Britain.
Englifti
parliament
defire a
guard.
Rebellion
breaks out
•in Ireland.
B R I [45
and others meant to afiTaflinstte them, left the parlia¬
ment fuddenly, and retired into the country : but, up¬
on invitation and afturances, returned in a few days.
This event, which in Scotland had no vifible confe-
quence, was commonly denominated the incident; but
though the incident had no effe£t in Scotland, it was
attended with very ferious confequences in England.
The Englilh parliament immediately took the alarm •,
or rather probably were glad of the hint: they infinu-
ated to the people, that the ma/ignants, fo they called
the king’s party, had laid a plot at once to murder them
and all the godly in both kingdoms. They applied
therefore to EfTex, whom the king had left general of
the fouth of England j and he ordered a guard to at¬
tend them.
In the mean time a moll dangerous rebellion broke
out in Ireland, with circumftances of unparalleled hor¬
ror, bloodlhed, and devaftation. The old Iriih, by the
wife condudl of James, had been fully fubdued, and
proper means taken for fecuring their dependence and
fubjeffion for the future ; but their old animofity ftill
remained, and only wanted an occafion to exert itfelf.
This they obtained from the weak condition to which
Charles was reduced, and this was made ufe of in the
following manner.
One Roger More, a gentleman defcended from an
ancient Irifh family, but of narrow fortune, firft formed
the project of expelling the Englilh, and afferting the
independency-of his native country. He fecretly went
from chieftain to chieftain, and rouzed up every latent
principle of difcontent. He maintained a clofe corre-
fpondence with Lord Macguire and Sir Phelim O'Neale,
the moft powerful of the old Irifn j and by his perfua-
lions foon engaged not only them, but the moft confi-
derable perfons of the nation, into a confpiracy j and
it was hoped, the Englilh of the pale, as they were
called, or the old Englilh planters, being all Catholics,
would afterwards join the party which reftored their
religion to its ancient fplendor and authority. The
plan was, that Sir Phelirn 0‘Neale, and the other
confpirators, ftiould begin an infurre<ftion on one day
throughout the provinces, and llrould attack all the
Englifh fettlements 5 and that, on the very fame day,
Lord Macguire and Roger More ftiould furprife the
caftle of Dublin. They fixed on the beginning of win¬
ter for the commencement of this revolt; that there
might be more difficulty in tranfporting forces from
England. Succours to themfelves, and Lupplies of
arms, they expected from France, in consequence of a
promife made them by Cardinal Richelieu 5 and many
Iriffi officers who had ferved in the Spaniffi troops had
given affurances of their concurrence, as foon as they
faw an inlurreftion entered upon by their Catholic
brethren. News, which every day arrived from England,
of the fury expreffed by the commons againft all Pa-
pifts, (truck frefti terror into the Iriffi nation, ftimu-
lated the confpirators to execute their fatal purpose,
and affured them of the concurrence of their country¬
men.
Such a propenlity was difcovered in all the Iriffi to
revolt, that it was deemed unneceflary as well as dan¬
gerous to truft the fecret in many hands; and though
the day appointed drew nigh, no difcovery had yet
been made to government. The king, indeed, had re¬
ceived information from his ambalfadors, that fomething
2 ] B R l
was in agitation among the Irifti in foreign parts; but Britain,
though he gave warning to the adminiftration in Ire- ‘ " * *
land, his intelligence was entirely neglect'd. They
were awakened from their lecuiity only that very day
before the commencement of hoftilities. The caftle of
Dublin, by which the capital was commanded, con¬
tained arms for 10,000 men, with 35 pieces of can¬
non, and a proportionable quantity of ammunition.
Yet was this important place guarded, and that too
without any care, by no greater force than 50 men.
Macguire and More were already in town with a nume¬
rous band of their retainers j others were expelled that
night 5 and next morning they were to enter upon
what they eftetmed the ealieft of all enterprifes, the
furprifal of the caftle. 0‘Connolly, however, an Irifti-
man, but a Proteftant, difcovered the confpiracy. The
juftices and council fled immediately to the caftle, and
reinforced the guards. The city was immediately a-
larmed, and all the Proteffants prepared for defence.
More efcaped, but Macguire was taken j and Mahon,
one of the confpirators, being likewife feizcd, firft dif¬
covered to the juftices the project of a general infur-
re&ion.
But though OConnolly’s difcovery faved the caftle Honid cris.
from a furprife, Mahon’s confeffion came too late to cities of the
prevent the intended infurreflion. 0‘Neale and hisre^e^‘
confederates had already taken arms in Ulfter. The
houfes, cattle, and goods of the Englifh were firft
feized. Thofe who heard of the commotions in their
neighbourhood, inftead of deferting their habitations,
and aflembling together for mutual protection, re¬
mained at home in hopes of defending their property j
and fell thus feparately into the hands of their enemies.
An univerfal maffacre now commenced, accompanied
with circumitances of unequalled barbarity. No age,
fex, or condition, was fpared. All connections were
diffolved, and death was dealt by that hand from which
protection was implored and expected. All the tor¬
tures which wanton cruelty could devife, all the linger¬
ing pains of body, the anguifh of mind, the agonies of
defpair, could not fatiate revenge excited without in¬
jury, and cruelty derived from no caufe. Such enor¬
mities, in fhort, were committed, that though attefted
by undoubted evidence, they appear almoft incredible.
The {lately buildings or commodious habitations of
the planters, as if upbraiding the floth and ignorance
of the natives, were confumed with fire, or laid level
with the ground •, and -where the miferable owners ffiut,
up in their houfes, and preparing for defence, perilhed
in the flames, together with their wives and children, a
double triumph was afforded to their infulting foes. If
anywhere a number affembled together, and refolved to
©ppofe the affaffins ; they were difarmed by capitula¬
tions and promifes of fafety, confirmed by the moft
folemn oaths. But no fooner had they furrendered,
than the rebels, with perfidy equal to their cruelty,
made them ffiare the fate of their unhappy countrymen.
Others tempted their prifoners, by'the fond love of
life, to embrue their hands in the blood of friends,
brothers, or parents j and having thus rendered them
accomplices in their owm guilt, gave them that death
which they fought to ffiun by deferving it.
Such were the barbarities by which Sir Phelim
0‘Neale and the Iriffi in Ulfter fignalized their rebellion.
More, ffiocked at the recital of thefe enormities, flew
te
Bnta'n
B R I [ 453
to 0‘Neale’s camp ; but found that his authority,
which was fufficient to excite the Irifh to a rebellion,
was too feeble to reftrain their inhumanity. Soon af¬
ter, he abandoned the caufe, and retired to Flanders.
From Ulfter, the flames of rebellion difFufed themfelves
in an inflant over the other three provinces of Ireland.
In all places, death and flaughter were not uncommon;
though the Irifh in thefe other provinces pretended to
aft with moderation and humanity. But cruel and
barbarous w'as their humanity ! Not content with ex¬
pelling the Englifh from their houfes, they ftripped
them of their very clothes, and turned them out naked
and defencelefs to all the feverities of the feafon. The
heavens themfelves, as if confpiring againft that un¬
happy people, were armed with cold and tempeit un-
ufual to the climate, and executed what the fword had
left unfinilhed. By fome computations, thofe who
perilhed by all thefe cruelties are fuppofed to amount
to i 50, or 200,000 ; but by the moft reafonable and
moderate, they are made to amount only to 40,000 ;
though probably even this account is not free of exag¬
geration.
The Englifli of the pale, who probably were not at
firft in the fecret, pretended to blame the infurredfion,
and to deleft the barbarity with which it w’as accom¬
panied. By their proteftations and declarations they
engaged the juftices to fupply them wdth arms, which
they promifed to employ in defence of government.
But in a little time, the interefts of religion were found
to be more prevalent over them than regard and duty to
their native country. They chofe Lord Gormonftone
their leader; and. joining the old Irifh, rivalled them
in every aft of cruelty towards the Engliflr Protef-
tants. Befides many fmaller bodies, difperfed over the
kingdom, the main army of the rebels amounted to
20,000 men, and threatened Dublin with an immediate
fiege. Both the Englifli and Irifli rebels confpired in
one impoflure, by which they feduced many of their
countrymen. They pretended authority from the king
and queen, but efpecially the latter, for their infurrec-
tion; and they affirmed that the caufe of their taking
arms was to vindicate the royal prerogative, now in¬
vaded by the puritanical parliament. Sir Phelim
0‘Neale, having found a royal patent in the houfe of
Lord Caulfield, whom he had murdered, tore off the
feal, and affixed it to a commiflion which he had forged
for himfelf.
The king received intelligence of this infurreftion
while in Scotland, and immediately acquainted the Scots
quelling the parliament with it. He hoped, as there had all along
‘rebellion. been an outcry againft Popery, that now, when
that religion was appearing in its blackeft colours, the
whole nation would vigoroufly fupport him in the fup-
preffion of it. But here he found himfelf miftaken.
The Scots confidering themielves now as a republic,
and conceiving hopes from the prefent diftreffes of Ire¬
land, they refolved to make an advantageous bargain
for the fuccours with which they Ihould fupply the
neighbouring nation. Except difpatching a finall bo¬
dy of forces, to fupport the Scots colonies in Ulfter,
they wmuld, therefore, go no farther than to fend com-
miffioners to London, in order to treat with the par¬
liament, to whom the fovereign power was in reality
transferred. The king, too, fenfible of his utter ina¬
bility to fubdue the Iriftv rebels, found himfelf obliged,
]
B R I
Scots refufe
to affilt in
in this exigency, to have recourfe to the Englifli par- Britain,
liament, and depend on their afllftance for fuppiy. He —v'"*0
told them that the infurreftion w^as not, in his opinion,
the refult of any ralh enterprife, but of a formed con-
fpiracy againft the crown of England. To their care
and vvifdom, therefore, he faid, he committed the con-
duft and profecution of the war, which, in a caule fo
important to national and religious interefts, mult of
neceflity be immediately entered upon, and vigoroufly
purlued. 106
The Englifli parliament, now re-affembled, difeo-Infamous
vered in each vote the fame difpofitions in which they c£n<*u<^:
had feparated. Nothing lefs than a total abolition °fparlament
monarchy wmuld ferve their turn. But this projeft it
had uot been in the power of the popular leaders to
have executed, had it not been for the paffion which
feized the nation for the prefbyterian difeipline, and the
wild enthufiafm which at that time attended it. By the
difficulties and diftreffes of the crown, the commons,
who poffefled alone the power of fupply, had aggran¬
dized themfelves; and it ieemed a peculiar happinefs,
that the Irilh rebellion had fucceeded, at fuch a critical
junfture, to the pacification in Scotland. That exprel-
fion of the king’s, by which he committed to them the
care of Ireland, they immediately laid hold of, and in¬
terpreted in the moft unlimited fenle. They had on
other occafions been gradually encroaching on the exe¬
cutive power of the crown, which forms its principal
and moft natural branch of authority ; but with regard
to Ireland, they at once affumed it, fully and entirely^
as if delivered over to them by a regular gift or aflign-
ment. And to this ufurpation the king wras obliged
paffively to fubmit, both becaufe of his inability to re¬
fill, and left he fhould expofe himfelf ftill more to the
charge of favouring the rebels; a reproach eagerly
thrown upon him by the popular party as foon as they
heard that the Iriffi pretended to aft by his commiffion.
Nay, to complete their charafter, while they pretended
the utmoft zeal againft the infurgents, they took no
fteps for their fuppreflion, but fuch as likewfife gave them
the fuperiority in thofe commotions which they fore-
faw muft be foon excited in England. They levied
money under pretence of the Lifh expeduion, but re~
ferved it for purpofes which concerned them more
nearly ; they took arms frem the king’s magazines,
but flill kept them with a fecret intention of making
ufe of them againft himfelf: whatever law' they deem¬
ed neceffary for aggrandizing themfelves, they voted,
under colour of enabling them to recover Ireland ; and
if Charles withheld his royal affent, the relufal wras
imputed to thofe pernicious counlels which had at firfc
excited the Popifli rebellion, and which ftill threatened
total ruin to the Proteftant intereft throughout his do¬
minions. And though no forces were for a long time
fent over into Ireland, and very little money remitted
during the extreme diftrefsof that kingdom ; fo ftrong
W'as the people’s attachment to the commons, that the
fault was never imputed to thofe pious zealots, whofe
votes breathed nothing but death and deftruftion to the
Irifh rebels.
The conduft of the parliament tow’ardsthe king now
became exceedingly unreafonable, unjuft, and cruel. It
was thought proper to frame a general remonftrance of
the ftate of the kingdom ; and accordingly the commit¬
tee, which at the firft meeting of the parliament had;
bssu
B R 1 [ 454 1 B R I
Britain, been chofen for that purpofe, were commanded to fi-
*r'" ■ .r-—' niQ! their undertaking. The king returned from
io7 Scotland November 25th 1641. He was received in
turns from •^,on^on with the (liouts and acclamations of the popu-
Scotland, lace, and with every demonftration of regard and af¬
fection. Sir Richard Gournay, lord mayor, a man of
great merit and authority, had promoted thefe favour¬
able difpofitions j and had engaged the populace, who
fo lately infulted the king, and who fo foon after made
furious war upon him, to give him thefe marks of their
dutiful attachment. But all the pleafure which Charles
reaped from this joyful reception was foon damped by
the remonftrance of the commons, which was pre-
fented to him together with a petition of the like na¬
ture. The bad counfels which he followed were there
complained of; his concurrence in the Irifh rebellion
plainly infxnuated ; the fcheme laid for the introduc¬
tion of popery and fuperftition was inveighed againft ;
and for a remedy to all thefe evils, the king was defired
*o entruft every office and command to perfons in
whom his parliament ffiould have caule to confide. By
this phrafe, which was very often repeated in all the me¬
morials and addrefles of that time, the commons meant
themfclves and their adherents. To this remonftrance
Charles was obliged to make a civil reply, notwith-
ftanding his fubjefts had tranfgrefled all bounds of re-
fpeCf, and even good manners, in their treatment of their
iqS fovereign.
Commons I* would be tedious to point out every invafion of
aflume the the prerogative now attempted by the commons : but
.overeignty finding themfelves at laft likely to be oppofed by the
nobility, who faw their own depreffion clofely connect¬
ed with that of the crown, they openly told the upper
houfe, that “ they themfelves were the reprefentatives
of the whole body of the kingdom, and that the peers
were nothing but individuals, who held their feats in a
particular capacity ; and therefore, if their lordftiips
would not confent to ads neceffary for the prefervationof
the people, the commons, together with fuch of the
lords as were more fenfible of the danger, mull; join to¬
gether and reprefent the matter to hismajefty.” Every
method proper for alarming the populace was now put
in praClice. The commons affeded continual fears of
deftruCHon to themfelves and to the whole nation.
They excited the people by never-ceafing enquiries af¬
ter confpiracies, by reports of infurredions, by feign¬
ed intelligence of invafions from abroad, and by difeo-
veries of dangerojrs combinations at home, againft
Tapifts and their adherents. When Charles difmiffed
the guard wffiich they had ordered during his abfence,
they complained *, and, upon his promifing them a
new guard under the command of the earl of Linde-
lay, they abfolutely refufed the offer : they ordered
halberts to be brought into the hall where they af-
fembled, and thus armed themfelves againft thofe con¬
fpiracies with which they pretended they were hourly
threatened. Several reduced officers, and young gentle¬
men of the inns of court, during this time of diftrefs
and danger, offered their fervice to the king. Be¬
tween them and the populace there paffed frequent
fkirmilhes, which ended not without bloodfhed. By
109 way of reproach, thefe gentlemen gave the rabble the
Hound-heads name of round-heads, on account of their ftiort cropt
and Cava- hair } while they diftinguilhed the others by the name
tiers. 0f cavaliers. And thus the nation, which was before
fufficiently provided with religious as well as civil caufes Britain*
of quarrel, was alfo fupplied with party-names, under ‘1 v~~—'
which the faftions might rendezvous and fignalize
their mutual hatred.
I hefe tumults continued to increafe about Weft-
minfter and Whitehall. The cry continually refound¬
ed againft biftrops and rotten-hearted lords. The former
efpecially, being eafily diftinguiffiable by their habit,
and being the objeft of violent hatred to all the fefta-
ries, w'ere expofeh to the moft dangerous infults. The
archbiffiop of York, having been abufed by the popu- no
lace, haftily called a meeting of his brethren. By his ®^10PS re"
advice a proteftation tvas drawm up and addreffed to the the houii cr
king and the houfe of lords. The bifliops there fetlords,
forth, that though they had an undoubted right to fit
and vote in parliament, yet in coming thither they had
been menaced, aflaulted, affronted, by the unruly multi¬
tude, and could no longer wuth fafety attend their duty
in the houfe. For this reafon they protefted againft
all law7s, votes, and refolutions, as null and invalid,
wffiich ftrould pafs during the time of their forced ab¬
fence. This proteftation, which, though juft and le¬
gal, w'as certainly ill-timed, was figned by twelve bi-
Ihops, and communicated to the king, who haftily ap¬
proved of it. As foon as it was prefented to the
lords, that houfe defired a conference with the com¬
mons, wdiom they informed of this unexpected pro¬
teftation. The opportunity was feized with joy and
triumph. An impeachment of high treafon w7as im¬
mediately fent up againft the biftiops, as endeavouring
to fubvert the fundamental law, and to invalidate the
authority of the legillature. They w7ere, on the firft
demand, fsqueftered from parliament, and committed
to cuftody. No man in either houfe ventured to fpeak
a wTord in their vindication : fo much was every one
difpleafed at the egregious imprudence of which they
had been guilty. One perfon alone faid, that he did
not believe them guilty of high treafon 5 but that they
were ftark mad, and therefore defired they might be
fent to bedlam.
This was a fatal blow to the royal intereft ; but it
foon felt a much greater from the imprudence of the
king himfelf. Charles had long fuppreffed his refent-
ment, and only ftrove to gratify the commons by the
greatnefs of his conceffions } but finding that all his
compliance had but increafed their demands, he couldgjx ITI
no longer contain. He gave orders to Herbert his at-^ersoEpar-
torney-general to enter an accufation of high treafon, inliamentim-
the houfe of peers, againft Lord Kimbolton, one of the Peachecl py
moft popular men of his party, together wuth five com-^^!n§ ^
moners, Sir Arthur Hafterig, Hollis, Hambden, Pym,
and Strode. The articles were, That they had traiterouf-
ly endeavoured to fubveit the fundamental laws and
government of the kingdom, to deprive the king of his
regal power, and to impofe on his fubjeds an arbitrary
and tyrannical authority *, that they had invited a fo¬
reign army to invade the kingdom \ that they had
aimed at fubverting the very right and being of par¬
liaments \ and had aClually railed and countenanced
tumults againft the king. Men had fcarce ieifure to
wonder at the precipitancy and imprudence of this im¬
peachment w7hen they w7ere aftoniihed by another mea-
fure ftill more raffi and unfupported. A ferjeant at
arms, in the king’s name, demanded of the houfe the
five members, and was fent back without any pofitive
anfwer.
B R I
this at
tempt
Britain, anftver. This was followed by a condu£l ftillmoreex-
traordinary. The next day, the king himfelf was feen
He goes in t0 enter the houfe of commons alone, advancing through
perfon to the hall, while all the members flood up to receive him.
fcizethem. The fpeaker withdrew from his chair, and the king
took polTeiTion of it. Having feated himfelf, and look¬
ed round him for fome time, he told the houfe, that
he was forry for the occafion that forced him thither;
that he was come in perfon to fcize the members whom
he had accufed of high treafon, feeing they would not
deliver them up to his ferjeant at arms. Then addreffing
himfelf to the fpeaker, he defired to know whether any
of them were in the houfe ; but the fpeaker, falling on his
knees, replied, that he had neither eyes to fee, nor tongue
to fpeak, in that place, but as the houfe was pleafed to
direfl him ; and he afked pardon for being able to give
no other anfwer. The king fat for fome time, to fee if
the accufed were prefent ; but they had efcaped a few
minutes before his entry. Thus difappointed, perplexed,
and not knowing on whom to rely, he next proceeded
amidld the inveftives of the populace, who continued to
cry out, Privilege ! privilege l to the common council of
the city, and made his complaint to them. The common
council anfwered his complaints by a contemptuous fi-
lence •, and, on his return, one of the populace, more
infolent than the reft, cried out, “ To your tents, O
Ifrael !” a watch-word among the Jews, when they in¬
tended to abandon their princes.
Bad confe- When the commons aflembled the next day, they
quences of pretended the greateft terror 5 and palled an unanimous
vote that the king had violated their privileges, and
that they could not aflemble again in the fame place,
till they fhould obtain fatisfa£lion, and have a guard
for their fecurity. The king had retired to Windfor,
and from thence he wrote to his parliament, making
every conceftion, and promifing every fatisfaftion in his
power. But they were refolved to accept of nothing
unlefs he would difcover his advifers in that illegal mea-
fure ; a condition to which, they knew, that, xvithout
rendering himfelf for ever vile and contemptible, he
could not poftibly fubmit.
The commons had already ftript the king of almoft
all his privileges ; the bilhops were fled,the judges were
demand intimidated ; it now only remained, after fecuring the
poifelTion ofc^urc^ and the law, that they fhould get poffeftion of
the execu- the Iword alfo. The power of appointing governors and
-y7er generals, and of levying armies, was ftill a remaining
c .e atc-prer0gat;ve 0f ,-hg crown< Having therefore firft mag¬
nified their terrors of Popery; which perhaps they ac¬
tually dreaded, they proceeded to petition that the
Tower might be put into their hands ; and that Hull,
Portfmouth, and the fleet, fliould be intrufted to per-
fons of their choofing. Thefe were requefts, the com¬
plying with which fubverted what remained of the con-
ftitution ; however, fuch was the neceftity of the times,
that they were firft contefted, and then granted. At
laft, every compliance only increafing the avidity of
making frefh demands, the commons defired to have a
militia, raifed and governed by fuch officers and com¬
manders as they fhould nominate, under pretence of fe¬
curing them from the Iriih Papifts, of whom they were
under the greateft apprehenfion.
It was here that Charles firft ventured to put a flop
to his conceffions \ and that not by a refufal, but a de¬
lay. Pie was at that time in Dover attending the queen
4; 5 1
B R I
IT4
Commons
115
Refuted by
the king.
and the princefs of Orange, who had thought it pru- Britain,
dent to leave the kingdom. Pie replied to the peti- v-—
tion, that he had not now’ leifure to confider a matter
of fuch great importance : and therefore would defer
an anfwer till his return. But the commons were well
aware, that though this was depriving him even of the
ftiadow of power, yet they had now gone too far to re¬
cede } and they were therefore defirous of leaving him
no authority whatever, being confcious that themfelves
would be the firft viflims to its fury. They alleged,
that the dangers and diftempers of the nation were fuch
as could endure no longer delay \ and unlefs the king
fhould fpeedily comply with their demands, they
fhould be obliged, both for his fafety and that of the
kingdom, to embody and direct a militia by the au¬
thority of both houfes. In their remonftrances to
the king, they defired even to be permitted to com¬
mand the army for an appointed time : which fo ex- n<j
afperated him, that he exclaimed, “ No, not for anWarrefok.
hour.” This peremptory refufal broke off all further vec* on be-
treatv ; and both fides were now rel’olved to have re-^eentlie
c kins; and
com e to arms. _ _ parliament.
Charles, taking the prince of Wales with him, reti¬
red to York, where he found the people more loyal, and
lefs infedfted with the frenzy of the times. He found
his caule there backed by a more numerous party a-
rnong the people than he had expefted. The queen,
who was in Holland, was making fuccefsful levies of
men and ammunition by felling the crown-jewels. But
before war was openly declafed, the ftiadow of a nego-
ciation was carried on, rather with a defign to pleafe
the people than with a vieW of reconciliation. Nay, ii
that the king might defpair of all compofttion, the par- shameiul
liament fent him the conditions on which they were requilitions*
willing to come to an agreement. Their demands wereot Parfia-
contained in 19 propofitions, and amounted to a totalment*
abolition of monarchical authority. They required that
no man ftiould remain in the council who was not agree¬
able to parliament : that no deed of the king’s fhould
have validity unlefs it paffed the council, and was at-
tefted under their hand ; and that all the officers of ftate
fliould be chofen with confent of parliament ; that none
of the royal family ftiould marry without confent of
parliament or council ; that the laws ftiould be execu¬
ted againft Catholics \ that the votes of Popiffi lords
fhould be excluded ; that the reformation of the liturgy
and church-government fliould take place according to
the advice of parliament ; that the ordinance with re¬
gard to the militia be fubmitted to ; that the juftice of
parliament may pafs upon all delinquents; that a ge¬
neral pardon be granted, with fuch exceptions as ftiould
be advifed by parliament 5 that the forts and caftles be
difpofed of by confent of parliament ; and’that no peers
be made but with confent of both houfes. War on any
terms was efteemed, by the king and all his counfel- IlS
lors, preferable to fo ignominious a peace. Charles Rejedledby
accordingly refolved to fupport his authority by force Charles,
of arms. “ His towns (he faid) were taken from him 5
his fliips, his army, and his money : but there till re¬
mained to him a good caufe, and the hearts of his loyal
fubje&s $ which, with God’s bleffing, he doubted not
would recover all the reft.” Collefting therefore fome
forces, he advanced fouthwards, and ereCted his royal
ftandard at Nottingham.
The king found himfelf fupported in the civil war
by
B R I [ 456 ] B R I
Britain, by tbe nobility and more confiderable gentry. They,
dreading a total confufion of rank from the fury of the
populace, inlirted themfelves under the banner of their
monarch : from whom they received, and to whom they
communicated, their luftre. The concurrence of the
bifhops and church of England alfo increafed the ad¬
herents of the king •, but it may be fafely affirmed, that
the high monarchical doftrines fo much inculcated by
the clergy, had never done him any good. The bulk
of the nobility and gentry who now attended the king
in his diflrefles, breathed the fpirit of liberty as well as
of loyalty : and in the hopes alone of his fubmitting to
a limited and legal government they were willing to fa-
crifice their lives and fortunes.
On the other hand, the city of London, and moll of
the great corporations, took part with the parliament;
and adopted with zeal thofe democratical principles on
which thefe aflemblies were founded. The example of
the Dutch commonwealth, too, where liberty had fo
hapoily fupported induftry, made the commercial part
of the nation defire to fee a like form of government
eftabliffied in England. Many families alfo, who had
enriched themfelves by commerce, faw with indigna¬
tion, that, notwithftanding their opulence, they could
not raife themfelves to a level with the ancient gentry ;
they therefore adhered to a power by whofe fuccefs they
hoped to acquire rank and confideration.
D’ft every advantage feemed to lie againft the
condition of r°yal cau^e- The king was totally deflitute of money,
the royalifts London, and all the fea-ports except Newcaftle, being
in the hands of parliament, they were fecure of a con-
liderable revenue £ and the leamen naturally following
the difpofition of the ports to which they belonged,
the parliament had the entire dominion of the fea. All
the magazines of arms and ammunition they feized at
hrft ; and their fleet intercepted the greateft part of
thofe fent by the queen from Holland. The king, in
order to arm’his followers, was obliged to borrow the
weapons of the train bands, under promife of refloring
them as foon as peace ffiould be fettled. The nature
and qualities of his adherents alone gave the kingfome
compenfation for all the advantages poffefled by his
adverfaries. More bravery and activity were hoped for
from the generous fpirit of the nobles and gentry, than
from the bafe difpofition of the multitude. And as
the landed gentlemen, at their own expence, levied and
armed their tenants, befides an attachment to their
mafters, greater force and courage were to be expelled
from thefe ruftic troops than from the vicious and ener¬
vated populace of cities. Had the parliamentary forces,
however, exerted themfelves at firft, they might have
eafily diffipated the fmall number the king had been
able to colledl, and wffiich amounted to no more than
800 horfe and 300 foot ; while his enemies were with¬
in a few days march of him with 6000 men. In a
fhort time the parliamentary army were ordered to
march to Northampton ; and the earl of Effex, who had
joined them, found the whole to amount to 15,000.
The king’s army too was foon reinforced from all
quarters 5 but ftill, having no force capable of coping
with the parliamentary army, he thought it prudent to
retire to Derby, and from thence to Shrewffiury, in or¬
der to countenance the levies which his friends were
making in thofe parts. At Wellington, a day’s march
from Shrewlbury, he made a rendezvous of all his forces,
and caufed his military orders to be read at the head Britain,
of every regiment. That he might bind himfelf by v-
reciprocal obligations, he here protelled folemnly before
his whole army, that he would maintain the Proteftant
religion according to the church of England ; that he
would govern according to the known llatutes and cu-
floms of the kingdom 5 and particularly, that he would
obferve inviolable the laws to which he had given his
confent during this parliament, &c. 120
While Charles lay at Shrewffiury, he received the ^Saia
news of an action, the firft which had happened in thefe “arre over"
parts, and wherein his party was viftorious. On the their ene-
appearance of commotions in England, the princes Ru- mies.
pert and Maurice, fons of the unfortunate eleftor pala¬
tine, had offered their fervice to the king •, and the for¬
mer at that time commanded a body of horfe which
had been fent to Worceffer in order to watch the mo¬
tions of Effex, who was marching towards that city.
No fooner had the prince arrived, than he faw feme ca¬
valry of the enemy approaching the gates. Without
delay he brifidy attacked them, as they were defiling
from a lane, and forming themfelves. Colonel Sandys
their commander was killed, the whole party routed,
and purfued above a mile. 121
In 1642, Oftober 23d, happened a general engage-Battle of
ment at Edgehill, in w hich, though the royalifts were Ec^ehfl"
at firit viftorious, their impetuofity loft the advantage
they had gained, and nothing decifive happened. Five
thoufand men, it is faid, were found dead on the field
of battle. Soon after, the king took Banbury and
Reading ; and defeated twro regiments of his enemies at
Brentford, taking jeo prifoners. Thus ended the cam¬
paign in 1642 j in which, though the king had the ad¬
vantage, yet the parliamentary army amounted to
24,000 men, and was much fuperior to his *, notwith¬
ftanding which, his enemies had been fo far humbled
as to offer terns of peace.
In 1643, the treaty was carried on, but without any
ceffation of hoftilities; and indeed the negociation tvent
no farther than the firft demand on each fide ; for the
parliament, finding no likelihood of coming to an ac¬
commodation, fuddenly recalled their commiffioners.
On the 27th of April, Reading furrendered to the par- 122
liamentary forces under the earl of Effex, who com- Aflociatioa
manded a body of 18,000 men. The earl of North-^/fong.0
umberland united in a league for the king the counties
of Northumberland, Cumberland, Weftmorland, and
the bifhopric ; and engaged fome time after other coun¬
ties in the fame affociation. The fame nobleman alfo
took pofleffion of York, and diflodged the forces of the
parliament at Tadcafter, but his viftory was not deci¬
five. Other advantages were alfo gained by the royal¬
ifts 5 the moft important of which*was the battle of 123
Stratton, -where the poet Waller, who commanded the Parliamen-
parliament’s army, was entirely defeated, and forced to
fly wdth only a few horfe to Briftol. This happened on stratton,
the 13th of July; and was followed by the fiege of that
city, wffiich lurrendered to Prince Rupert on the 25th
of the fame month.
Though the taking of Briftol had coft the royalifts
dear, yet fuch a continued run of fuccefs had greatly
difpirited the oppofite party ; and fuch confufion now-
prevailed at London, that fome propofed to the king
to march diretftly to that city, which it was hoped
might be reduced either by an infurre&ion of the c!ti-
zens
B R 1 t 457 ] B R I
Britain, zens by vxftory or by treaty, and tbus an end put to
'Ul v the civil diforders at once. This advice, however, was
124 rejefled, on account of the great number of the Lon-
Cliarles be- don militia ; and it was refolved firft to reduce Glou-
fi^“Giou‘cefter, in confequence of which the king would have
the whole courfe of the Severn under his command.
The rich and malcontent counties of the weft having
then loft all proteftion from their friends, might be en¬
forced to pay large contributions as an atonement for
their difaffedlion 5 an open communication could be
preferved between Wales and thefe new conquefts j and
half the kingdom being entiiely freed from the enemy,
and thus united into one firm body, might be employed
in re-eftablifhing the king’s authority throughout the
remainder.
The fiege of this city commenced Auguft 1 oth ; but
being defended by Maffey a refolute governor, and well
garrifoned, made a vigorous defence. The confterna-
tion at London, however, was as great as if the enemy
had been already at their gates 5 and in the midft of
the general confufion, a defign was formed by Waller
of forcing the parliament to accept of fome reafonable
conditions of peace. He imparted his defign to fome
others j but a difcovery being made of their proceed¬
ings, he and two others were condemned to death.
Waller, however, efcaped with a fine of 10,cool. The
city of Gloucefter in the mean time was reduced to the
utmoft extremity ; and the parliament, as their laft re-
125 fource, difpatched Eflex with an army of 14,000 men,
He is for- in order to force the king to raife the fiege of that
the fie^e.112C*t^" ^ accompliflied 5 and when he entered,
found only one barrel of gunpowder left, and their
whole provifions nearly exhaufted. On his return to
126 London, he was intercepted by the king’s army, with
Battle of whom a defperate battle enfued at Newbury, which
Newbury. laqec} tJH night. Though the vicftory was left unde¬
cided, Effex next morning proceeded on his march, and
reached London in fafety, where he received the ap-
plaufe for his conduft he deferved. The king followed
him on his march j and having taken poffeffion of
Reading after the earl left it, he there eftablilhed a gar-
rifon, and ftraitened by that means London and the
quarters of the enemy.
In the north, during the fummer, the earl, now
created marquis ofNewcaftle, had raifed a confiderable
force for the king ; and great hopes of fuccefs were en¬
tertained from that quarter. There appeared, how¬
ever, in oppofition to him, two men on whom the event
of the war finally depended, and who began about this
time to be remarked for their valour and military con¬
duct : Thefe were, Sir Thomas Fairfax, fon to the lord
127 of that name •, and Oliver Cromwell, i’he former gained
Advanta- a confiderable advantage over the royalifts at Wake-
b^Fairfax an^ to°^ General Goring prifoner : the latter
and Grom- a victory at Gainfborough over a party corn-
well. manded by the gallant Cavendifti, who perifhed in the
128 action. But both thefe defeats were more than com-
fa^de^T" pen^ated tbe totai rout of Lord Fairfax at Atherton
ed^at^A- " moor» an<^ tbe difperfion of his army, which happened
therton. on tbe 3lft JuIy- After this vi&ory, the marquis
of Newcaftle fat down before Hull with an army of
15,000 men ; but being beaten off by a fally of the gar-
rifon, he fuffered fo much that he thought proper to
raife the fiege. About the fame time, Manchefter,
who advanced from the eaftern aflbciated counties, ha-
Vgl. IV. Part II.
ving joined Cromwell and young Fairfax, obtained a Britain,
confiderable viffory over the royalifts at Horn caftle j
where the two laft mentioned officers gained renown by
their condudt and gallantry. And though fortune had
thus balanced her favours, the king’s party ftill re¬
mained much fuperior in thofe parts of England 5 and
had it not been for the garrifon of Hull, which kept
Yorkfhire in awe, a conjunffion of the northern forces
with the army in the fouth might have been made, and
had probably enabled the king, inftead of entering on
the unfortunate, perhaps imprudent enterprife of Glou¬
cefter, to march direftly to London, and put an end
to the war. The battle of Newbury was attended with
fuch lofs on both fides, that it put an end to the cam¬
paign of 1643, by obliging both parties to retire into
winter quarters.
The event of the war being now very doubtful, the
king and parliament began both of them to look for af-
fiftance from other nations. The former caft his eyes r2^
on Ireland, the latter on Scotland. The parliament EngHfh
of England had ever invited the Scots, from the com- parliament
mencement of the civil diffenfions, to interpofe their
mediation, which they knew would be very little fa-theScoU
vourable to the king, and w hich for that realbn he had
declined. Early in the fpring 1643, tbis offer of me¬
diation had been renewed, with no better fuccefs than
before. The commiflioners wTere alfo empowered to
prefs the king to a compliance-with the prefbyterian
worftiip and difcipline. But this he abfolutely refufed,
as well as to call a parliament in Scotland ; fo that the
commiftioners, finding themfelves unable to prevail in
any one of their demands, returned home highly dif-
latisfied. The Englifh parliament being now in great
diftrefs, gladly fent commiflioners to Edinburgh, to
treat of a more clofe confederacy with the Scotilh na¬
tion. The perfon they principally trufted to on this
occafion was Sir Henry Vane, wdro in eloquence, ad-
drefs, capacity, as well as in art and diflimulation, w’as
not even furpaffed by any one in that age fo famous for
aftive talents. By his perfuafions was framed at Edin- 130
burgh the Solemn League and Covenant; wdiichS0!611111
effaced all former protertations and vowrs taken in both *ea&ue aild
kingdoms, and long maintained its credit and autho- f^ea^
rity. In this convenant, the fublcribers, befides en-
gaging mutually to defend each other againft all op¬
ponents, bound themfelves to endeavour, without re-
fpeft of perfons, the extirpation of popery and prela-
cy, fuperftition, herefy, and profanenefs ; to maintain
the rights and privileges of parliaments together with
the king’s authority ; and to difcover and bring to ju-
ftice all incendiaries and malignants. They vowed alfo
to preferve the reformed religion eftabliflied in the
church of Scotland ; but by the artifice of Vane, no
declaration more explicit was made with regard to
England and Ireland, than that thofe kingdoms fliould
be reformed according to the word of God, and the
example of the pureft churches.
Great were the rejoicings among the Scots, that
they fliould be the happy inftruments of extending their
mode of religion, and diflipating the profound dark-
nels in which the neighbouring nations wrere involved.
And being determined that the Iword fliould carry con-
viftion to all refraftory minds, they prepared them-
felves wfith great vigilance and activity for their mili¬
tary enterprifes; fo that, having added to their o^her
3 M forces
Britain.
B R I [ 458 ] B R
forces the troops tvhicli they had recalled from Ireland, terpofmg the idvcr Oufe between
they were ready about the end of the year to enter Eng-
I
the Irifli.
132
Charles af under their old general the earl of Levren, with an
fifted by army of above 20,000 men. The king, in order to
fee are himfelf, concluded a ceffation of arms with the
Irilh rebels, and recalled a confiderable part of his ar¬
my from Ireland. Some Irifli catholics came over with
thefe troops, and joined the royal army, where they
continued the fame cruelties and diforders to which
they had been accuftomed. The parliament voted,
that no quarter in any aftion fliould ever be given them.
But Prince Rupert, by making fome reprifals, foon re-
preffed this inhumanity.
The campaign of 1644 proved very unfortunate to
the royal caufe. The forces brought from Ireland
were landed at Moftyne in North Wales, and put un¬
der the command of Lord Biron. They befieged and
took the caftles of Hawarden, Beefton, Afton, and
Deddington-houfe. No place in Chefnire or the neigh¬
bourhood now adhered to the parliament, except Lant-
wich ; and to this place Biron laid fiege in the depth
of winter. Sir Thomas Fairfax, alarmed at fo great a
progrefs, aflembled an army of qoco men in Yorkfhire ;
and having joined Sir William Brereton, was approach¬
ing to the camp of the royalifts. Biron and his fol-
diers, elated with fuccefles in Ireland, entertained a
moft profound contempt for their enemies. Fairfax
Ir'; forces fuddenly attacked their camp. 1 he fwelling of the
difperfed. rjver p,y a thaw divided one part of the army from ano¬
ther. That part oppofed to Fairfax, being driven from
their poll, retired into the church at Adlon, where
being furrounded, they were all taken prifoners. The
other retreated with precipitation •, and thus was dif-
fipated or rendered ufelefs that body of forces which
had come from Ireland. This happened on the 25th
of January ; and on the 11th of April,-Colonel Bella-
fis was totally defeated at Selby in Yorkihire by Sir
Thomas Fairfax, who had returned from Chefliire with
his vidtorious forces. Being afterwards joined by Lord
Leven, the two generals fat down before the city of
York •, but being unable to inveft that city completely,
they were obliged to content themfelves with incom¬
moding it by a loofe blockade. Hopeton, having af-
fembled a body of 14,000 men, endeavoured to break
into SufTex, Kent, and the fouthern affociation, which
feemed well difpofed to receive him } but was defeated
by Waller at* Cherington. At Newark, however,
Prince Rupert totally defeated the parliamentary army
which befieged that place-, and thus preferved the com¬
munication open between the king’s northern and
fouthern quarters.
The great advantages the parliament had gained in
the north, feemed now to fecond their unwarantable
enterprifes, and finally to promife them fuccefs. Man-
chefter having taken Lincoln, had united his army to
73; that of Leven and Fairfax ; and York was now clofely
York befie-befieged by their numerous forces. That town, though
ged by the v;g0r0Ufly defended by the marquis of Newcaftle, was
my farces, reduced tlle laft extremity, when Prince Rupert, ha-
y ving joined Sir Charles Lucas who commanded New-
caftle’s horfe, haftened to its relief with an army of
T34 20,000 men. The Scots and parliamentary generals
raifed the fiege, and drawing up on Marfton moor,
SaaXn propofed to give battle to the royalifts. Ptince Ru-
moor. pert approached the towiji by another quarter, and in-
him and the enemy,
of Newcaftle. The
him. that having fo
Britain.
fafely joined his forces to thofe
marquis endeavoured to perfuade  7   _ 0
fuccefsfully effected his purpofe, he ought to be con¬
tented with the prefent advantages, and leave the ene¬
my, now- much diminifhed by their Ioffes, and dilcou-
raged by their ill fuccefs, to diffolve by thofe mutual
diffenflons which had begun to take place among them.
The prince, however, hurried on by his natural impe-
tuolity, gave immediate orders for fighting. The battle
wras loll, the royal army entirely pufhed off the field,
and the train of artillery taken. Immediately after this
unfortunate aftion the marquis of Newcaftle left the
kingdom, and Prince Rupert retired into Lancaftiire.
The city of York was furrendeted in a few days, and
Newcaftle foon after taken by ftorm.
This was a fatal blow to the royal caufe, and far
from being balanced by an advantage gained at Cro-
predy bridge by the king over Waller, or even by the
difarming of Effex’s forces, which happened on the
Ift of September. On the 27th of Oftober, another
battle was fought at Newbury, in which the royalifts
were worfted, but foon after retrieved their honour at
Bennington caftle, which finiftied the ^campaign in
l644-
In 1645, a negociation was again fet on foot, andExtrava-
the commiflioners met at Uxbridge on the 30th of Ja-S^11^'
r35
nuary } but it was foon found impoflible to come to the parli3
any agreement. 1 he demands of the parliament w’ere nrent.
exorbitant; and, what was worfe, their commiflioners
owmed them to be nothing but preliminaries. The
king was required to attaint, and except from a gene¬
ral pardon, 40 of the moft confiderable of his Englifh
fubjefts, and 19 of his Scots, together with all the
Popifh recufants who had borne arms for him. It was
infilled that 48 more, v ith all the members of either
houfe who had fat in the parliament called by the king
at Oxford, all lawyers and divines who had embraced
the king’s party, ihould be rendered incapable of any
office, be forbidden the exeicife of their profefiion, be
prohibited from coming within the verge of the court,
and forfeit the third of their eftates to the parliament.
It was required, that whoever had borne arms for the
king ftiould forfeit the tenth of their eftates, or if that
did not fuffice, the fixth, for the pa>ment of public
debts. As if royal authority were not fufficiently an¬
nihilated by theie terms, it was demanded that the
court of wards fhould be aboliflied } that all the confi¬
derable officers of the crown, and all the judges,
fhould be appointed by parliament *, and that the right
of peace and war fhould not be exercifed without con- ,
fent of parliament. A little before the commence¬
ment of this fruitlefs treaty, the parliament, to (how
their determined refolution to proceed in tue fame
haughty imperious method in which they had begun,
brought to the block Archbifliop Laud, who had long Execution
been a prifoner in the tower, and was incapable of gi- of Laud.
ving offence to any. _ # 137
While the king’s affairs thus went into decay in Exploits of
England, they feemed to revive a little in Scotland’^eonetarro1f°1
through the conduft and valour of the earl of ^on"jn Scotland,
trofe, a young nobleman newly returned from his tra¬
vels. He had been introduced to the king j but not
meeting with an agreeable reception, had gone over
to the covenanters, and been active in forwarding all
their
B R I [ 459 J B R I
Britain, their violence. Being commiflioned, however, by the
tables, to wait upon the king while the army lay at
Berwick, he was fo gained by the civilities and caref-
fes of that monarch, that he thenceforth devoted him-
felf entirely, though fecretJy, to his fervice. For at¬
tempting to form an affociation in favour of the royal
caufe, Montrofe was quickly thrown into prifon 5 but
being again releafed, he found the king ready to give
ear to his counfels, which were of the boldeft and moft
daring kind. Though the whole nation of Scotland
was occupied by the covenanters, though great armies
were kept on foot by them, and every place guarded
by a vigilant adminiftration, he undertook by his own
credit, and that of the few friends who remained to
the king, to raife fuch commotions, as would foon
oblige thofe malcontents to recal the forces -which had
fo fenfibly thrown the balance in the favour of parlia¬
ment. The defeat at Marfton-moor had left him no
hopes of any fuccours from England \ he was there¬
fore obliged to ftipulate with the earl of Antrim, a
nobleman of Ireland, for fome fupply of men from
that country. And he himfelf having ufed various dif-
guifes, and paffed through many dangers, arrived in
Scotland, where he lay for fome time concealed in the
borders of the Highlands.
The Irilh did not exceed 1100 foot, very ill armed.
Montrofe immediately put himfelf at their head *, and
being joined by 1300 Highlanders, attacked Lord El-
cho, who lay at Perth with 6000 men, utterly defeat¬
ed him, and killed 2000 of the covenanters. He next
marched northwards, in order to roufe again the mar¬
quis of Huntly and the Gordons, who had taken
arms before, but been fuppreffed by the covenanters.
At Aberdeen, he attacked and entirely defeated Lord
Burley, who commanded 2500 men. Montrofe, how¬
ever, by this victory, did not obtain the end he pro-
pofed ; the marquis of Huntly Ihowed no inclination
to join an army w'here he was fo much eclipfed by the
general.
Montrofe was now in a very dangerous lituation.
Argyle, reinforced by the earl of Lothian, was behind
him with a great army. The militia of the northern
counnes, Murray, Rofs, and Caithnefs, to the number
of 5000, oppofed him in front, and guarded the banks
of the Spey, a deep and rapid river. In order to fave
his troops, he turned afide unto the hills j and after
fome marches and countermarches, Argyle came up
with him at Faivy caftle ; and here, after fome fkir-
milhes, in which he wTas always vi&orious, Montrofe
got clear of a fuperior army, and by a quick march
through thefe almoft inacceffible mountains put him¬
felf abfolutely beyond their power.
It was the misfortune of this general, that very
good or very ill fortune were equally deftruflive of his
army. After every victory his Scots foldiers went home
to enjoy the fpoil they had acquired ; and had his army
been compofed of thefe only, he muft have foon been
abandoned altogether: but his Irid>men having no
place to w’hich they could retire, adhered to him in
every fortune. With thefe, therefore, and fome rein¬
forcements of the Atholmen and Macdonalds, Mon¬
trofe fell fuddenly upon Argyle’s country, letting loofe
upon it all the horrors of war. Argvle, colledling
3000 men, marched in quell of the enemy, who had
retired with their plunder j and he lay at Innerlochy,
fuppofing himfelf to be Hill at a good diftance from Britain,,
them. The earl of Seaforth, at the head of the garri-'' r 1
fon of Invernefs, and a body of 5000 new levied troops,
preffed the royalids on the other lide, and threatened
them wdth total deftrudlion. By a quick and unex-
pefted march, Montrofe haftened to Innerlochy, and
prefented himfelf in order of battle before the covenan¬
ters. Argyle alone, feized with a panic, deferted his
army. They made a vigorous refiflance, however j
but were at laft defeated and purfued with great {laugh¬
ter : after which Montrofe was joined by great num¬
bers of Highlanders ; Seaforth’s army difperfed of it-
felfj and the lord Gordon, eldeft fon to the marquis
of Huntly, having efcaped from his uncle Argyle,
w7ho had hitherto detained him, now joined Montrofe
with a confiderable number of bis followers, attended
by the earl of Aboyne.
The council at Edinburgh, alarmed at thefe vifto-
ries, fent for Baillie, an officer of reputation, from
England 5 and, joining him in command with Urrey,
fent them with a confiderable army againft the royal-
ifts. Montrofe, with a detachment of Boo men, had
attacked Dundee, a town extremely attached to the
covenant j and having carried it by affault, had given
it up to be plundered by his foldiers 5 when Baillie and
Urrey with their whole force came upon him. He in-
ftantly called off his foldiers from the plunder ; put
them in order ; fecured his retreat by the molt Ikilful
meafures j and having marched 60 miles in the face of
an enemy much fuperior, without flopping, or allow¬
ing his foldiers the leaf! deep or refreffiment, at laft
fecured himfelf in the mountains. His antagonifts now
divided their forces, in order to carry on the war
againft an enemy who furprifed them as much by the
rapidity of his marches as by the boldnefs of his enter- j ^
prifes. Urrey met him with 4000 men, at Alderne He defeats
near Invernefs j and trufting to his fuperioiity in num-two armies,
bers (for Montrofe had only 2000 men), attacked him
in the poll which he had chofen. Montrofe, having
placed his right wing in ftrong ground, drew the beft
of his forces to the other, and left no main body be¬
tween them ; a defeat which he artfully concealed by
ftiowing a few men through trees and buffies with
which that ground was covered. That Urrey might
have no leilure to perceive the ftratagem, he inftantly
led his w'ing to the charge, made a furious attack on
the covenanters, drove them off the field, and obtain¬
ed a complete viftory over them. Baillie nowr advan¬
ced, in order to revenge Urrey’s defeat •, but he him¬
felf met with a like fate at Alford. Montrofe, w’eak
in cavalry, lined his troops of horfe with infantry j
and, after putting the enemy’s horfe to rout, fell with
united force upon their foot, which were entirely cut
in pieces, though with the lofs of the gallant Lord
Gordon on the part of the royalifts Having thus pre¬
vailed in fo many battles, which his vigour always ren¬
dered as decifive as they were fuccefsful, he prepared
for marching into the fouthern provinces, in order to
put a total period to the power of the covenanters,
and diffipate the parliament, which with great pomp
and folemnity they had ordered to meet at St John-
ftone’s.
I J A
While Montrofe w7as thus fignalizing his valour inParliamen-
the north, Fairfax, or rather Oliver Cromwell under tary army
his name, employed himfelf in bringing in a nevo mo- ”10“
3M2 ^relkd\.
B R I
Britain, del Into the parliamentary army, and throwing the
' " v ' whole troops into a different (hape ; and never lurely
was a more lingular army eflablillied, than that which
was now fet on foot by the parliament. To the great-
eft number of the regiments chaplains wrere not ap¬
pointed. The officers aflumed the fpiritual duty, and
united it with their military functions. During the in¬
tervals of aft ion, they occupied themfelves in fermons,
prayers, and exhortations. Rapturous ecftafies fup-
plied the place of ftudy and reflection j and while the
zealous devotees poured out their thoughts in unpre¬
meditated harangues, they miftook that eloquence,
which to their own furprife, as well as that of others,
flowed in upon them, for divine illuminations, and il-
lapfes of the Holy Spirit. Wherever they were quar¬
tered, they excluded the minifter from his pulpit 5 and,
ufurping his place, conveyed their fentiments to the
audience with all the authority that followed their pow¬
er, their valour, and their military exploits, united to
their apparent zeal and fervour. The private foldiers
were feized with the fame fpirit ; and in fliort, fuch an
enthuftafm leized the whole army as was perhaps fcarce
ever equalled.
The royalifts ridiculed this fanaticifm of the parlia¬
mentary armies, without being fenfible how much rea-
fon they had to dread it. They were at this time
equal, if not fuperior, in numbers to their enemies ;
but fo licentious, that they wrere become more formi¬
dable to their friends than their enemies. The com¬
manders rvere moft of them men of diffolute charaflers j
in the weft efpecially, where Goring commanded, uni-
verfal fpoil and havock were committed; and the
whole country was laid wafte by the rapine of the ar¬
my ; fo that the moft devoted friends both to the
church and ftate wiihed there for fuch fuccefs to the
parliamentary forces as might put an end to thefe dif-
14o orders.
Royalifts The natural confequence of fuch enthufiafm in the
defeated at parliamentary army, and licentioufnefs in that of the
[ 46° 1
B R I
Liafeby,
141
Bnftol ta-
fren.
king, was, that equal numbers of the latter would no
longer maintain their ground againft the former. This
appeared in the decifive battle of Nafeby, where the
forces were nearly equal ; but after an obftinate en¬
gagement, Charles was entirely defeated, 500 of his
officers and 4000 private men made prifoners, all his
artillery and ammunition taken, and his infantry to¬
tally difperfed ; fo that fcarce any vi&ory could be
more complete.
After this fatal battle, the king retired firft to He¬
reford, then to Abergavenny 5 and remained fome
time in Wales, from the vain hope of raifing a body
of infantry in thefe quarters, already haraffed and ex-
haufted. His affairs now, however, went to ruin in
all quarters. Fairfax retook Leicefter on the 17th of
June. On the roth of July, he raifed the fiege of
Taunton 5 and the royalifts retired to Lamport, an
open town in the county of Somerfet. Here they w’ere
attacked by Fairfax, and beat from their poll, with
the lofs of 300 killed and 1400 taken prifoners. This
was follow’ed by the lofs of Bridgewater, which Fair¬
fax took three days after j making the garrifon, to the
number of 2600 men, prifoners of war. He then re¬
duced Bath and Sharburn j and on the nth of Sep¬
tember Briftol w?as furrendered to him by Prince Ru¬
pert, though a few days before he had boafted in a
letter to Charles, that he would defend the place for Britain,
four months. This fo enraged the king, that he im-—y—
mediately recalled all the prince’s commifllons, and
fent him a pafs to go beyond fea.
The Scots in the mean time, having made them¬
felves mafters of Carliile after an obftinate fiege,
marched fouthwards and invefted Hereford ; but were
obliged to raife the fiege on the king’s approach. And
this was the laft glimpfe of luccefs that attended his
arms. Having marched to the relief of Chefter, which
was anew befieged by the parliamentary forces under
Colonel Jones, his rear was attacked by Pointz, and
an engagement immediately enfued. While the fight
was continued with great obftinacy, and vidfory feem-
ed to incline to the royalifts, Jones fell upon them
from the other fide, and defeated them with the lofs
of 6co killed and 1000 taken prifoners. The king 142
with the remains of his army fled to Newark 5 and Charles re-
from thence efcaped to Oxford, where he ffiut himfelf j.^js t0
up during the winter feafon.
After the furrender of Briftol, Fairfax and Crom¬
well having divided their forces, the former marched
weftwards in order to complete the conqueft of Devon-
ffiire and Cornwall ; the latter attacked the king’s
garrifons which lay to the eaft of Briftol. Nothing
was able to ftand belore thefe victorious generals j
every town was obliged to fubmit, and every body of
troops that pretended to refift were utterly defeated.
At laft, news arrived, that Montrofe himfelf, after Montrofe
fome more fuccefles, wras defeated ; and thus the only defeated,
hope of the royal party was deftroyed.
When that brave general defcended into the fouth-
ern counties, the covenanters, aflembling their whole
force, met him with a numerous army, and gave him
battle at Kilfyth. Here he obtained his moft memo¬
rable viftory : 6000 of the covenanters were killed on
the fpot, and no remains of an army left them in Scot¬
land. Many noblemen, who fecretly favoured the
royal caufe, now declared openly for it, when they
faw a force able to fupport them. The marquis of
Douglas, the earls of Annandale and Hartfield, the
lords Fleming, Seton, Maderty, Carnegy, with many
others, flocked to the royal liandard. Edinburgh
opened its gates, and gave liberty to all the prifoners
there detained by the covenanters. Among the reft
was Lord Ogilvy, fon to Airly, whofe family had
contributed very much to the viftory gained at Kil¬
fyth.—David Lefty was detached from the army in
England, and marched to the relief of his diftrefled
party in Scotland. Montrofe advanced ftill further to
the fouth, allured by the vain hopes, both of roufing
to arms the earls of Hume, Traquaire, and Roxburgh,
who had promifed to join him ; and of obtaining from
England fome fupply of cavalry, in which he was ve¬
ry deficient. By the negligence of his fcouts, Lefty,
at Philip-haugh in the foreft, furprifed his army, much
diminilhed in numbers from the defertion of the High¬
landers, wdio had retired to the hills, according to cu-
ftom, to fecure their plunder. After a fharp conflict,
in which Montrofe exerted great valour, his forces
were routed by Lefty’s cavalry, and he himfelf forced
to fly to the mountains.
Nothing could be more affeCting than the fituation
in which the king now wTas. He now refolved to
grant the parliament their own terms, and fent them
repeated
B R I [ 4*> ] B R I
144
Charles fur.
renders
himfclf to
the Scots,
I4S
■who fell
him to the
Ejiglilh.
14^
The army
begin to
ufurp the
Sovereign
power.
repeated melTages to this purpofe, but they never
deigned to make him the leaft reply. At laft, after
reproaching him with the blood fpilt during the war,
they told him that they were preparing fome bills, to
which, if he would confent, they would then be able
to judge of his pacific inclinations. Fairfax, in the
mean time, was advancing with a victorious army in
order to lay fiege to Oxford j and Charles, rather
than fubmit to be taken captive and led in triumph by
his infolent fubjeCts, refolved to give himfelf up to the
Scots, who had never teftified fuch implacable animo-
fity againlt him, and to truft to their loyalty for the
reft. After pafling through many bye-ways and crofs-
roads, he arrived in company with only two perfons,
Dr Hudfon and Mr Afhburnham, at the Scots camp
before Newark, and difcovered himfelf to Lord Leven
their general.
The reception he met with was fuch as might be
expefted from thefe infatuated bigots, deftitute of eve¬
ry principle of reafon, honour, or humanity. Inftead
of endeavouring to alleviate the diftreffes of their fove-
reign, they fuffered him to be infulted by the clergy¬
men. They immediately fent an account of his arri¬
val to the Englilh parliament, and they as quickly en¬
tered into a treaty with the Scots about delivering up
their prifoner. The Scots thought this a proper time
for the recovery of their arrears due to them by the
Englilh. A great deal was really due them, and they
claimed much more than aClually belonged to them.
At laft, after various debates between them and the
parliament, in which they pretended to great honour,
and infifted upon many punCtilios, it was agreed, that,
upon payment of 400,000!. the Scots fhould deliver up
the king to his enemies $ and this was cheerfully com¬
plied with. Thus the Scots juftly fell under the cen-
fure of having fold their king who had thrown himfelf
upon their merfcy 5 a ftain peculiar to the nation, and
unparalleled in hiftory either ancient or modern. It
muft, however, be acknowledged, that the infamy of
this bargain had fuch an influence on the Scots pailia-
ment, that they once voted that the king Ihould be
protected and his liberty infifted on. But the general
alfembly interpofed •, and pronounced, that as he had
refufed to take the covenant which was prefied on him,
it became not the godly to concern themfelves about
his fortunes. In confequence of this, the parliament
were obliged to retraCt their vote. The king, being
delivered over to the Englifti commiflioners, was con¬
ducted under a guard to Holdenby in the county of
Northampton, where he was very rigoroufly confined;
his ancient fervants being difmiffed, himfelf debarred
from vifits, and all communication cut off with his
friends or family.
The civil war being now over, the king abfolved his
followers from their allegiance, and the parliament had
now no enemy to fear but their own troops. From
this quarter their danger only arofe *, and it was not
long before they found themfelves in the fame unfortu¬
nate fituation to which they had reduced the king.
The majority of the houfe were prelbyterians, but the
majority of the army were independents. The former,
foon after the retreat of the Scots, feeing every thing
reduced to obedience, propofed to difband a confider-
able part of the army, and fend the reft over to Ire¬
land. This was by no means relilhed, and Cromwell
took care to heighten the difatieCHon. Inftead of pre- Britain,
paring to difband, therefore, the foldiers refolved to v——v"—-11
petition $ and they began by defiring an indemnity,
ratified by the king, for any illegal aftions which they
might have committed during the war. The com¬
mons voted that this petition tended to introduce mu¬
tiny, &c. and threatened to proceed againft the pro¬
moters of it as enemies to the ftate and difturbers of 147
the public peace. The army now began to fet up for A military
themfelves. In oppofition to the parliament at Weft-
minfter, a military parliament was formed. The prin- orme
cipal officers formed a council to reprefent the body of
peers j the foldiers eleCted two men out of each com¬
pany to reprefent the commons, and thefe were called
the agitators of the artny ; and of this afl'embly Crom¬
well took care to be a member. The new parliament
foon found many grievances to be redreffed 5 and fpe-
cified fome of the moft confiderable. The commons
were obliged to yield to every requeft, and the de¬
mands of the agitators rofe in proportion. The com¬
mons accufed the army of mutiny and fedition j the
army retorted the charge, and alleged that the king
had been depofed only to make way for their ufurpa- 14s
tions. Cromwell, in the mean time, who fecretly CromwelL
conduced all the meafures of the army, while he ex- ^.lzes the
claimed againft their violence, refolved to feize the Kin“*
king’s perfon. Accordingly a party of 500 horfe ap¬
peared at Holmby caftle, under the command of one
Joyce, originally a taylor, but now a cornet 5 and by
this man was the king conduced to the army, who
were haftening to their rendezvous at Triplo-heath
near Cambridge. Next day Cromwell arrived among
them where he was received with acclamations of
joy, and immediately invefted with the fupreme com¬
mand.
The commons now faw the defigns of the army j
but it wTas too late, all refiftance was become vain :
Cromwell advanced with precipitation, and was in a
few days at St Alban’s. Even fubmiffion was now to
no purpofe ; the army ftill rofe in their demands, in
proportion as thefe demands were gratified, till at laft
they claimed a right of modelling the wffiole govern-
.ment, and fettling the nation.
Croimvell began with accufing eleven members of
the houfe, the very leaders of the prefbyterian party,
as guilty of high tfeafoh, and being enemies of the
army. The commons were willing to protefl them ;
but the army infilling on their difmiffion, they volun¬
tarily left the houfe. At laft the citizens of London^
finding the conftitution totally overturned, and a mili¬
tary defpotifm beginning to take place, inftead of the
kingly one they w^ere formerly afraid of, began to
think ferioufly of repreffing the infolence of the troops.
The common council affembled the militia of the city ;
the wrorks w'ere manned •, and a manifefto publilhed,
aggravating the hoftile intentions of the army. Find¬
ing that the commons, in compliance with the requeft:
of the army, had voted that the city militia ffiould be
dilbanded, the multitude rofe, befieged the door of the
houfe, and obliged them to reverfe that vote they had
fo lately paffed. The affembly was, of confequence,
divided into twm parties ; the greater part fiding with
the citizens •, but the minority, with the two fpeakers
at their head, were for encouraging the army. Ac¬
cordingly the two fpeakers. with 62 of the members,
fecretly
tirmj-o
^5°
The reft
fubmit.
B R I [46
Bdtain|i fecretly retired from the houfe, and threw themfelves
v under the protedlion of the army, who were then at
Sixty-fwo Hounflow-heath. They were received with fhouts
m moersofand acclamations 5 their integrity w-as extolled 5 and
parliament the whole force of the foldiery, to the number of
join the 20.000 men, now moved forward to reinftate them in
their places.
In the mean time, the part of the houfe tvhich was
left, refolved to refill the encroachments of the army.
They chofe new fpeakers, gave orders for enlifting
troops, ordered the train-bands to man the lines j and
the whole city boldly refolved to refill the invafion.
But this refolution only held while the enemy was at a
diftance ; for when Cromwell appeared, all was obedi¬
ence and fubmiffion : the gates were opened to the ge¬
neral, wdio attended the two fpeakers and the reft of
the members peaceably to their habitations. The ele¬
ven impeached members being accufed as caufes of the
tumult, were expelled $ and moll of them retired to the
continent. The mayor, Iheriff, and three aldermen,
were fent to the tower : feveral citizens, and officers
of the militia, were committed to prifon $ the lines a-
bout the city levelled with the ground ; and the com¬
mand of the Tower was given to Fairfax.
It now only remained to difpofe of the king, who
remained a prifoner at Hampton-court, The indepen¬
dent army, at the head of whom was Cromwell, on
one hand ; and the prelhyterians, in name of both
houfes, on the other $ treated with him feparately in
private. He had fometimes even hopes, that, in thefe
llruggles for power, he might have been choien medi¬
ator in the difpute ; and he expelled that the king¬
dom at laft, being fenfible of the miferies of anarchy,
■would of its own accord be huffied into its former tran¬
quil condition. At this time he was treated with
fome flattering marks of diftindlion ; he was permitted
to converfe with his old fervants j his chaplains were
permitted to attend him, and celebrate divine fervxce
their owm way. But the moft exquifite pleafure he en¬
joyed was in the company of his children, with whom
he had feveral interviews. The meeting on thefe oc-
cafions was fo pathetic, that Cromwell himfelf, who
was once prefent, could not help being moved, and
> was heard to declare, that he never beheld fuch an af-
fe£ling fcene before. But thefe inftances of refpedl
•were of no long continuance. As foon as the army
had gained a complete viflory over the houfe of com¬
mons, the king wras treated not only with the greatell
l5l difrefpedl, but even kept in continual alarms for his
Charles re- own perfonal fafety. The confequence of this was,
folves to tlmt Charles at laft refolved to withdraw himfelf from
kingdom. t^ie k'ngcIom* Accordingly, on the nth of Novem¬
ber 1647, attended only by Sir John Berkeley, Alh-
burnham, and Leg, he privately left Hampton-court *,
and his efcape was not difcovered till near an hour af¬
ter ; when thofe who entered his chamber, found on
the table fome letters direfled to the parliament, to
the general, and to the officer who had attended him.
All night he travelled through the foreft, and arrived
next day at Titchfield, a feat of the earl of Southamp¬
ton, where refided the countefs dowager, a woman of
honour, to whom the king knew he might fafely en-
truft his perfon. Before he arrived at this place, he
had gone to the fea coaft : and exprefled great anxiety
that a Hup which he feemed to look for had not ar-
1 B R i
rived. He could not hope to remain long concealed Britain,
at Titchfield : the queftion wras, what meafure Ihould '"" v "**
next be embraced ? In the neighbourhood lay the ifle Hg [s5feize(j,
of Wight, of which Hammond was governor. This an(i confin-
man was entirely dependent on Cromwell, which wasedinthe
a very unfavourable circumftance j yet, becaufe thelfle.
governor was nephew to Dr Hammond the king’s fa-^S™*
vourite chaplain, and had acquired a good reputation
in the army, it was thought proper to have recourfe
to him in the prefent exigence, wffien no other rational
expedient could be thought of. Alhburnham and
Berkeley wrere difpatched to the ifland. They had or¬
ders not to inform Hammond of the place where the
king lay concealed, till they had firft obtained a pro-
mife of him not to deliver up his majefty, even though
the parliament and army ffiould require him $ but re-
ftore him to his liberty, if he could not protedl him.
The promife would have been but a flender fecurity:
yet even without exafting it, Afhburnham imprudent¬
ly, if not treacheroufly, brought Hammond to Titch¬
field ; and the king was obliged to put himfelf into
his hands, and to attend him to Carilhroke caftle in
the ifle of Wight, w'here, though he was received with
great demonftrations of refpedl and kindnefs, he was
in reality a prifoner.
While the king continued in this forlorn fituatxon, Cromwell
Cromwell found himfelf upon the point of lofing all “danger
the fruits of his former fchemes, by having his own jj^Ueri
principles turned againft himfelf. Among the Inde¬
pendents, who in general were for no ecclefiaftical fub-
ordination, a fet of men grew up called levellers, who
difallowed all fubordination whatfoever, and declared
that they would have no other chaplain, king, or ge¬
neral, but Jefus Chrift. Though this would have gone
down very well with Cromwell, as long as it was only
directed againft his enemies, he did not fo well reliftx
it when applied to himfelf. Having intimation that
the levellers were to meet at a certain place, he unex-
pefledly appeared before them at the head of his red
regiment, which had hitherto been deemed invincible.
He demanded, in the name of God, what thefe meet¬
ings and murmurings meant ? he expoftulated with
them upon the danger and coxxfequence of their preci¬
pitant fchemes, and defired them immediately to de¬
part. Inftead of obeying, however, they returned an
infolent anfwer 5 wherefore, ruflxing on them in a fu¬
ry, he laid two of them dead at his feet. His guards
difperfing the reft, he caufed feveral of them to be
hanged upon the fpot, and fent others to London ;
and thus diffipated a fa&ion no otherwife criminal than
in having followed his own example.
Cromwell’s authority was greatly increafed by the He defeats
laft mentioned a£tion *, but it became irrefiftible in con-the Scots,
fequence of a new and unexpected addition to his fuc-
cefles. The Scots, perhaps affiamed of the reproach
of having fold their king, and ftimulated farther by the
Independents, who took all occafions to mortify them,
railed an army in his favour, and the chief command
was given to the earl of Hamilton : while Langdale,
who profefled himfelf at the head of the more bigotted
party who had taken the covenant, marched at the
head of his feparate body, and both invaded the north
of England. Though thefe two armies amounted to
above 20,000 men, yet Cromwell at the head of 8000
of his hardy veterans, feared not to give them battle.
He
Britain.
ISS
Ke^ocia-
tion be¬
tween the
king and
parliament.
IS6
f olonel
Pride’s
purge.
*57
Charge
againlt
the king
brought in.
B R I [ 4^
He attacked them one after anotlier j routed and dif-
perfed them •, took Hamilton prifoner 5 and, following
his blow, entered Scotland, the government of which
he fettled entirely to his fatisfaftion. An infurredlion
in Kent was quelled by Fairfax with the (ame eale •,
and nothing but fuccefs attended all this ufurper’s at¬
tempts.
During thefe contentions, the king, who was kept
a prifoner at Cariihroke caftle, continued to negociate
with the parliament for fettling the unfpeakable cala¬
mities of the kingdom. The parliament now law no
other method of dedroying the military power, but to
deprefs it by the kingly. Frequent propofols for an
accommodation pafied between the captive king and
the commons •, but the great oblfacle which had all
along flood in the way, ftill kept them from agreeing.
This was the king’s refufing to abolilh Epilcopacy,
though he confented to alter the liturgy. However,
the treaty w7as ftill carried on with vigour, and the
parliament for the firft time feemed in earneft to con¬
clude their negotiations. But all was now too late.
The victorious army, with Cromwell at their head,
advanced to Windfor, and with furious remonftrances
began to demand vengeance on the king. T. he un¬
happy monarch had been lately fent under confine¬
ment to that place ; and from thence he was now7 con¬
veyed to Hurft caftle in Hampshire, oppofite to the
ifle of Wight. The parliament in the mean time be¬
gan to iflue ordinances for a more effeftual oppofition
to thefe military encroachments, when they were afto-
niftied by a meflage from Cromwell, that he intended
paving them a vifit next day with his whole army ;
and in the mean time ordering them to raife him
40,000!. on the city of London.
The commons, though deftitute of all hopes of pre¬
vailing, had ftill the courage to refill, and to attempt
in the face of the whole army to finifti the treaty they
had begun with the king. They had taken into con-
fideration the whole of his conceflions; and though
they had formerly voted them unfotisfoflory, they now
renewed the confultation w7ith great vigour. After a
violent debate which lafted three days, it rvas carried
in the king’s favour by a majority of 129 againft 83,
that his conceflions were a foundation for the houles
to proceed upon in fettling the affairs of the nation.'
Th is was the laft attempt in his favour; for the next
day Colonel Pride, at the head of tw'O regiments,
blockaded the houfe ; and feizing in the paffage 41
members of the Prefbyterian party, fent them to a low
room belonging to the houfe, that paffed by the deno¬
mination of Hell. Above 160 members more were ex¬
cluded ; and none w7ere allowred to enter but the moll
furious and determined of the Independents, in all not
exceeding 60. This atrocious invafion ot parliamen¬
tary rights commonly paffed by the name of Pride's
pursue, and the remaining members were called the
Rum/). Thefe foon voted, that the tranfodtions of the
houfe a few days before were entirely illegal, and that
their general’s conduft was juft and neceffary.
Nothing now remained, to complete the wicked-
nefs of this parliament, but to murder the king. In
this affembly, therefore, compofed of the moft obfeure
citizens, and officers of the army, a committee w7as ap¬
pointed to bring in a charge againft the king ; and
on their report, a vote paffed declaring it treafon in a
3 1 . B R 1
king to levy war againft his parliament. It w7as there¬
fore reiolved, that a high court of juftice ffrouid be
appointed, to try his majefty for this new invented
treafon. For form’s fake, they defired the concurrence
of the few remaining lords in the upper houfe \ but
there was virtue enough left in that body unanimoufly
to reje£t the propofol. The commons, however, were
not cO be Hopped by fo fmall an obftacle. 1 hey voted
that the concurrence of the houfe of lords was unne-
Britaln,
ceffary, and that the people were the origin of all juft
power. To add to their zeal, a woman of Hcreford-
ihire, illuminated by prophetical vifions, defired ad¬
mittance, and communicated a revelation lire pretend¬
ed to have received from heaven. She affured them
that their meafures were confecrated from above, and
ratified by the fanftion of the Holy Ghoft. This in¬
telligence gave them great comfort, and much con¬
firmed them in their prefent refolutions.
Colonel Harrifon, the fon of a butcher, was com¬
manded to condudl the king from Hurft caftle to Wind¬
for, and from thence to London. His aftliiled fub-
jedls, who ran to have a fight of their fovereign, were
greatly affedfted at the change that appeared in his face
and perfon. He had permitted his beard to grow7 ;
his hair was become venerably gray, rather by the
preffure of anxiety than the hand of time } while the
reft of his apparel bore the marks of misfortune and
decay. He had long been attended by an old decre-
pid fervant whofe name was Sir Philip Warwick, wdio
could only deplore his mafter’s fate without being able
to revenge his caufe. All the exterior fymbols of fo-
vereignty were now wfithdrawm, and his attendants
had orders to ferve him without ceremony. He could
not, however, be perluaded that his adverfaries would
bring him to a formal trial ; but he every moment ex-
pefted to be defpatched by private afl'aflination. _
From the 6th to the 20th of January was fpent injjjstr;ai
making preparations for this extraordinary trial. The
court of juftice confifted of 133 perfons named by the
commons ; but of thefe never above 70 met upon the
trial. The members were chiefly compofed of the
principal officers of the army, moft of them of very
mean birth, together with fome of the low7er houfe,
and a few citizens of London. Bradlhaw a lawyer
was chofen prefident •, Coke was appointed lolicitor for
the people of England 5 Doriflaus, Steele, and Alke,
were named affiftants. The court fat in Weftminfter-
hall. When the king w7as brought forward before the.
court, he w7as condudled by the mace-bearer to a chair
placed within the bar. Though long detained a pri¬
foner, and now produced as a criminal, he ftill main¬
tained the dignity of a king. His charge was then
read by the folicitor, accufing him of having been the
caufe of all the bloodftied which had flowed fince the
commencement of the war •, after which Bradfhaw7 di-
redded his difeourfe to him, and told him that the
court expedled his anfwer.
The king began his defence w’ith declining the au¬
thority of the court. He reprefented, that having
been engaged in treaty with his twTo houfes of parlia¬
ment, and having finifhed almoft every article, he ex-
pefted a different treatment from w7hat he had now7 re¬
ceived. Fie perceived, he faid, no appearance of aiv
upper houfe, which w7as neceffary to ccnftitute a juft
tribunal. He alleged that he was hhnfclf the king
B R I [ 464 ] B R I
Britain.
.159
He is in-
fulted by
the fol-
diers.
160
His execu¬
tion.
and fountain of law, and confequently could not be
tried by laws to which he had never given his aflent;
that having been intruded with the liberties of the
people, he would not now betray therti by recognizing
a power founded in ufurpation j that he was willing,
before a proper tribunal, to enter into the particulars
of his defence 5 but that before them he mud decline
any apology for his innocence, led he fhould be cond-
dered as the betrayer of, and not a martyr for, the
conditution. Braddiaw, in order to fupport the au¬
thority of the court, indded, that they had received
their authority from the people, the fource of all right.
He preded the king not to decline the authority of the
court that was delegated by the commons of England,
and interrupted and overruled him in his attempts to
reply. In this manner the king was three times pro¬
duced before the court, and as often perdded in de¬
clining its jurifdiftion. The fourth and lad time he
was brought before this felf-created tribunal, as he was
proceeding thither, he was infulted by the foldiers and
the mob, who cried out, “ Juftice ! judice ! Execu¬
tion ! execution !” but he continued undaunted. His
judges having now examined fome witneffes, by whom
it was proved that the king had appeared in arms a-
gaind the forces commidioned by parliament, they pro¬
nounced fentence againd him. He feemed very anxi¬
ous at this time to be admitted to a conference with
the two houfes, and it was fuppofed that he intended
to refign the crown to his fon ; but the court refufed
compliance, and confidered his requed as an artifice to
delay judice.
The behaviour of Charles under all thefe indances of
low-bred malice wras great, firm, and equal. In going
through the hall from this execrable tribunal, the fol¬
diers and rabble were again indigated to cry out Ju¬
dice and execution ! They reviled him with the mod
bitter reproaches. Among other infults, one mifcreant
prefumed to fpit in the face of his fovereign. He pa¬
tiently bore their infolence : “ Poor fouls (cried he),
they would treat their generals in the fame manner for
iixpence.” Thofe of the populace who dill retained the
feelings of humanity expreffed their forrow in fighs and
tears. Afoldier more compafilonate than the red could
not help imploring a bleding on his royal head. An
officer overhearing him, druck the honed centinel to
the ground before the king ; who could not help faying,
that the puniffiment exceeded the offence.
At his return to Whitehall, Charles defired permif-
fion of the houfe to fee his children, and to be attended
in his private devotions by Dr Juxon late biffiop of
London. Thefe requeds were granted, and alfo three
days to prepare for execution. Every night between
his fentence and execution, the king dept found as ufual,
though the noife of the workmen employed in framing
the fcaffcld continually refounded in his ears. The fatal
morning being at lad arrived, he rofe early ; and call¬
ing one of his attendants, he bade him employ more
than ufual care in dreffing him, and preparing him for
fo great a folemnity. The dreet before Whitehall was
the place dedined for his execution •, for it was intend¬
ed that this ffiould increafe the feverity of his punidi-
ment. He was led through the banqueting-houfe to the
fcaffold adjoining to that edifice, attended by his friend
and fervant Bidiop Juxon, a man of the fame mild and
ifeady virtues with his mader. The fcaffolds which was
covered with black, was guarded by a regiment of fol- Britain,
diers under the command of Colonel Tomlinfon 5 andV—
on it were to be feen the block, the axe, and two exe¬
cutioners in mafks. The people, in crowds, dood at
a greater didance. The king furveyed all thefe folemn
preparations with calm compofure ; and, as he could
not expedl to be heard by the people at a didance, he
addreffed himfelf to the few perfons who dood round
him. He there judified his own innocence in the late
fatal wars: he obferved, that he had not taken arms till
after the parliament had drown him the example 5 and
that he had no other objeff: in his warlike preparations,
than to preferve that authority entire which had been
tranfmitted to him by his ancedors. But, though inno¬
cent towards his people, he acknowledged the equity
of his execution in the eyes of his Maker : he owned
that he was judly punifired for having confented to the
execution of an unjud fentence againd the earl of Straf¬
ford. He forgave all his enemies ; exhorted the people
to return to their obedience, and acknowledge his fon
as his fucceffor ; and fignified his attachment to the
Protedant religion as profeffed by the church of Eng¬
land. So drong was the impreffion made by his dying
wmrds on thole who could hear him, that Colonel Tom¬
linfon himlelf, to whole care he had been committed,
acknowledged himfelf a convert. At one blow his head
wTas fevered from his body. The other executioner then,
holding up the head, exclaimed, “ This is the head of
a traitor.” ^
It is impoffible to defcribe the grief, indignation, Grief of
and adonidiment, which took place not only among die nation
the fpe&ators, who w’ere overwhelmed with a flood ofon t^at ac"
forrow, but throughout the whole nation, as foon as
the report of this fatal execution was conveyed to them.
Each blamed himfelf either with active difloyalty to
the king, or a paflive compliance with his dedroyers.
The very pulpits that ufed to refound with infolence
and fedition were now bedewed with tears of unfeigned
repentance ; and all united in their detedation of thofe
dark hypocrites who, to fatisfy their owTn enmity, in¬
volved a whole nation in the guilt of treafon. Charles
was executed on the 30th of January 1649, in the 49th
year of his age, and 24th of his reign. He was of a
middling dature, robud, and well-proportioned. His
vifage wras pleafant, but melancholy j and it is probable
that the continual troubles in which he was involved
might have made that impreffion on his countenance. ^
It being remarked, that the king, the moment be-pjety
fore he dretched out his neck to the executioner, had the king
faid to Juxon, with a very earned accent, the Angle in h‘s
word Remember, great myderies were fuppofed to be1110111611^
concealed under that word •, and the generals vehe¬
mently infided with the prelate that he fliould inform
them of the king’s meaning. Juxon told them, that the
king, having frequently charged ffim to inculcate on
his fon the forgivenefs of his murderers, had taken this
opportunity in the lad moment of his life, when his
commands, he fuppofed, would be regarded as facred
and inviolable, to reiterate that defire j and that his
mild fpirit thus terminated its prefent courfe by an aft
of benevolence to his greated enemies. 163
The diffolution of the monarchy in England foonHifiolub™
followed the death of the monarch. When the peers■bn£'"
. , r, hfh monar-
met on the day appointed in their adjournment, they^
entered upon bufinefs j and fent down fome votes to
the
B R I
Britain.
iiy of the
republi¬
cans.
the commons, of which the latter deigned not to take
the lead notice. In a few days after, the commons
voted, that the houfe of lords was ufelefs and danger¬
ous ; for which reafon it was aboliflied. They voted it
high treafon to acknowledge Charles Stuart, fon of the
late king, as fucceffor to the throne. A great feal
xvas made ; on one fide of which were engraven the
arms of England and Ireland, with this infcription :
“ The great feal of England.” On the reverfe was re-
prefented the houfe of commons fitting, with this mot¬
to : “ On the firft year of freedom, by God’s blefling re-
ftored, 1649.” The forms of all public bufinefs were
164 changed from being tranfadled in the king’s name, to
Enthullafm that of the keepers of the liberties of England. The
and tyran- court of king’s bench was called the court of public
bench. Nay, fo cautious on this head, it is faid, were
fome of the republicans, that, in reciting the Lord’s
prayer, they would not fay, “ thy kingdom,” but “ thy
commonwealth, come.” The king’s flatue in the ex¬
change was thrown down ; and on the pedeftal thefe
words were infer!bed : Exit tyrannus, regum ultimus ;
“ The tyrant is gone, the laft of the kings.” The
commons, it is faid, intended to bind the princefs E-
lizabeth apprentice to a button-maker 5 the duke of
Gloucefter was to be taught fome other mechanical em¬
ployment : but the former foon died of grief, as is fuppo-
ied, for her father’s tragical end ; the latter was lent be¬
yond fea by Cromwell. The commons next proceeded
to punifli thofe who had been moft remarkable for their
attachment to their late fovereign. The duke of Hamil¬
ton, lord Capel, and the earl of Holland, were condemn¬
ed and executed j the earl of Norwich and Sir John Ow en
were alfo condemned and afteiwards pardoned. Thefe
executions irritated the Scots: their loyalty began to
return ; and the infolence of the independents, with
their vi&ories, inflamed them ftill more. They de¬
termined, therefore, to acknowledge Prince Charles for
their king, but at the fame time to abridge his pow-er
by every limitation which they had attempted to im-
pofe on his father.
     Charles, after the death of his father, having pafled
invited into fome time at Paris, and finding no likelihood of aflift-
Scotland. ance from that quarter, was glad to accept of any con¬
ditions. The Scots, however, while they wrere thus pro-
fefling loyalty to their king, wrere neverthelefs cruelly
punilhing his adherents. Among others, the brave
marquis of Montrofe w^as taken prifoner, as he endea¬
voured to raife the Highlanders in the royal caufe 5 and
being brought to Edinburgh, w?as hanged on a gibbet
30 feet high, then quartered, and his limbs ftuck up
in the principal towns of the kingdom. Yet, not-
withftanding all this leverity, Charles ventured into
Scotland, and had the mortification to enter the gate
of Edinburgh where the limbs of that faithful adherent
were Hill expofed.
His hard The young king foon found that he had only ex-
ufage there, changed his exile for imprifonment. He was furrounded
and inceffantly importuned by the fanatical clergymen,
who having brought royalty under their feet, were re-
folved to keep it ftill fubfervient, and to trample upon
it wu’th all the contumely of upftarts. Charles pretended
to give ear to their difeourfes j but, howrever, made an
attempt to efcape. He w’as overtaken and brought
back : when he owmed the greatnefs of his fault, and
teiiified his repentance for what he had done. Cromwell,
Vol. IV. Part II.
[ 465 ]
B R I
Britain.
l6S
•Charles II.
in the mean time, who had been appointed by the par¬
liament to command the army in Ireland, profecuted
the war in that kingdom with his ufual fuccefs. Pie i67 5
had to encounter the royalifls commanded by the duke Cromwell 5
of Ofmond, and the native Irifli led on by O’Neale, ^eland!”
Thefe troops he quickly overcame ; and mofl: of the
towns, intimidated by his cruelty, opened their gates
at his approach. Pie was on the point of reducing the
wdiole kingdom, when he was recalled by the parlia¬
ment to defend his country again!! the Scots, who
had raifed a confiderable army in fupport of the royal
caufe. ,58
On the return of Cronvwellto England, he w?as cho- Infatuation
fen commander in chief of the parliamentary forces, in °f the Scots,
the room of Fairfax, who declined oppofing the pref-
byterians. The new general immediately fet forward
for Scotland with an army of 16,000 men, where he
was oppofed by General Lefly, who formed an excel¬
lent plan for his own defence. This prudent com¬
mander, knowing his men to be inferior in valour and
difeipline, however fuperior in numbers, to thofe of
Cromwell, kept himfelf carefully in his intrenchments.
At laid Cromwell was drawn into a very difadvan-
tageous poll near Dunbar, where his antagonifl: waited
deliberately to take advantage of him. From this im¬
minent danger, howrever, he was delivered by the
madnefs of the Scots clergy. They, it feems, had
been wreftling in prayer with the Lord night and day,
and at laft fancied that they had obtained the fupe-
riority. Revelations were made to them, that the here¬
tical army, together with Agag their general, wmuld
be delivered into their hands. LTpon the alTurances of
thefe vifions, they obliged their general to defeend in¬
to the plain, and give the Englifh battle. When Crom¬
well law7 this mad aftioh, he affured his followers, that
the Lord had delivered them into his hands, and or¬
dered his army to fing pfalms, as if already certain of
victory. _ The Scots, though double the number of the They are
Englifh, w7ere foon put to flight, and purfupd with defeated by
great flaughter, while Cromwell did not iofe in the Cromwell,
aftion above 40 men.
After this defeat, Charles put himfelf at the head of
the remain' of his army; and thefe he further ftrength-
ened by the royalifts, w7ho had been for fome time ex¬
cluded from his fervice by the covenanters. He was fo
clofely purfued by Cromwell, however, that he foon
found it irnpoflible to maintain his army. Obferving,
therefore, that the wray was open to England, he im¬
mediately diredled his march towards that country,
where he expe&ed to be reinforced by all the royalills
in that part of the kingdom. In this, howrever, he wras
deceived : the Englifh, terrified at the name of his op¬
ponent, dreaded to join hirn. But his mortification was
greatly increafed, when at Worcefter he was informed
that Cromwell was marching with hafty flrides from
Scotland with an army of 40,000 men. This news w7as Charts de.
fcarcely arrived, when Crormvell himfelf was there. Hefeatedat
fell upon the town on all fides : the whole Scots army Worcefter.
xvas either killed or taken prifoners; and the king him¬
felf, having given many proofs of perfonal valour, w’as
obliged to fly.
I he young king now entered upon a feene of ad¬
ventures the moft romantic that can be imagined. Af-adven
ter his hair was cut oft, the better to difguife his per- cures after-
fon, he W'orked for fome days in the habit of a peafant, wards,
3 N cutting
B R I [ 4C6 ] B R I
Britain, cutting faggots in a wood. He next made an attempt At Shoreham, in Suffex, a vcflel was at laid lound, i tjritaiii
""""v to retire intodVales, under the conduct of one Pendrel in which he embarked. He was known to fo many,
a poor farmer, wTho was fincerely attached to his caufe, that if he had not fet fail at tnat critical moment, it ■f7-' ^
In this attempt, however, he was diiappointed } every had been impofiible for him to elcape. After 41 10 pran^e*
pafs being guarded to prevent their efcape. Being ob- concealment, he arii\ed fafely at heichamp in ^Nor-
liged to return, he met one Colonel Carelefs, who had mandy. No lefs than 40 men and women had at dif-
efcaped the carnage at Worcefter. In his company ferent times been privy to his efcape. x73
the king was obliged to climb a fpreading oak ; among Cromwell in the mean time returned in triumph ; trre“^u
the thick branches of w'hich they fpent the day toge- and his fir ft care was to deprefs the Scots, on account jancj asa
ther, while they heard the foldiers of the enemy in of their having with/lood the work of the gofpel as he conqUered
purfuit of them below. From thence he palled with called it. An act vvas paffed for abolilhing royalty in province,
imminent danger, feeling all the varieties of famine, fa- Scotland, and annexing that kingdom as a conguerea
tigue, and pain, till he arrived at the houfe of Colonel province to the Englilh commonwealth. It was em-
Lane, a zealous royalift in Staffordfhire. There he powrered, however, to fend feme members to the En-
deliberated about the means of efcaping into F ranee j parliament. Judges were appointed to dulribute
and Briftol being fuppoled the propereft port, it was juftice } and the people of that country, now’ freed
refolved that he Ihould ride thither before this gentle- from the tyranny of the ecclefiaftics, were not much
man’s filler, on a vifit to one Mrs Norton, who lived in diffatisfied with the government.
the neighbourhood of that city. During this journey, All parts of the Britiih dominions being now redu-War with
he every day met with perfons whofe faces he knew, ced to perfett fubje&ion to the parliament, they nextAeDutctt
and at one time palled through a whole regiment of the refolved to chaftile the Dutch, who had given but ^eiy
enemy’s army. flight caufes of complaint. It happened that one Dr
When they arrived at Mrs Norton’s, the firft perfon Doiillaus, who w’as of the number of the late king s
they faw vvas one of his own chaplains fitting at the judges? being fent by the parliament as their envoy to
door, and amufing himfelf with feeing people play at Holland, was aftaflinated by one of the royal party
bowls. The king, after having taken proper care of his who had taken refuge there. Some time after, alfo,
liorfe in the liable, Was ftiown to an apartment which Mr St John, appointed their amballador to that court,
Mrs Lane had provided for him, as it was faid he had was infulted by the friends of the prince of Orange,
the ague. The butler, however, being fent to him with Thefe were thought fufficient rcafons for a declaration
fome refrelhment, no fooner beheld his face, which was of war againft the Hollanders by the commonwealth
very pale with anxiety -and fatigue, than he recollefted of England. The parliament’s chief dependence lay
his king and mafter ; and falling on his knees, while the in the activity and courage of Blake their admiral .
tears ftreamed dowm his cheeks, cried out, “ I am re- who, though he had not embarked in naval command
joiced to fee your majefty.” The king was alarmed j till late in life, yet furpaffed all that went before him
but made the butler promife that he would keep the in courage and dexterity. On the other fide, the
fecret from every mortal, even from his mafter ) and the Dutch oppofed to him their famous admiral \ an Fromp,
honed fervant punctually obeyed him. to whom their country never fince produced an equal.
No drip being found that would for a month fet fail Many were the engagements between ihefe celebrated
from Briftol either for France or Spain, the king Was admirals, and various was their fuccefs. Several diead-
obliged to go elfewhere for a paffage. He therefore re- ful encounters ferved rather to (how the excellency of
paired to the houfe of Colonel Wyndham in Dorfet- the admirals than to determine their fuperiority. At
{hire, where he vvas cordially received. His mother, a laft the Dutch, who felt many great difad vantages by
venerable matron, feemed to think the end of her life the lols of their trade, and by the total fufpeniion of
nobly rewarded in having it in her power to give pro- their fifheries, were willing to treat of a peace. The
teftion to her kino-. She exprefied no diflatisfadlion at parliament, however, gave but a very unfavourable an-
havinc loft three Jons and one grandchild in the defence fwer. They ftudied to keep their navy on foot as long
of hiscaufe, fince (he was honoured in being inftrumen- as they could 5 rightly judging, that while the force ot
tal in his own prefervation. the nation vvas exerted by fea, it would dimimih the
Purfuing from thence his journey to the fea-fide, he formidable power of Cromwell by land. _ 175
once more had a very narrow efcape at a little inn, This great afpirer, however, quickiy perceived their Cromwell
where he fet up for the night. The day had been ap- defigns and therefore, fecure in the attachment of refolves to
pointed for a folemn fall ^ and a fanatical weaver, who the army, reiolved to feize the loveieign power. He foverej
had been a foldier in the parliamentary army, was perfuaded the officers to prefent a petition for payment ^
preaching againft the king in a little chapel fronting of arrears, and redrefs of grievances. His oulers were
the houfe. Charles, to avoid fufpicion, was himfelf obeyed : a petition was drawn up and. preiented, in
among the audience. It happened that a fmith, of the which the officers, after demanding their an ears, de¬
fame principles with the weaver, had been examining fired the parliament to confider how many yeais they
the horfes belonging to the paffengers, and came to af- had flit, and what pretenfions they had formerly made
fure the preacher, that he knew by the fallffon of the of their defigns to new-model the houfe, and eitabhlh
fhoes, that one of the ftrangers horfes came from the freedom on its broadeil bafts. 1 hey alleged, that it
north. The preacher immediately affirmed, that this was now full time to give place to others ; and however
horfe could belong to no other than Charles Stuart, meritorious their aftions might have been, yet the re
and inftantly went with a conftable to fearch the inn. of the nation had fome right, in their turn, to manvelt
But Charles had taken timely precautions, and left the their patriotilm in defence of their country. . .e
inn before the conffable’s arrival. houfe was highly offended ; they appointed a committee
0-
B R I [ 4g7
Biitain. to prepare an a&, ordaining that all perfons who pre-
fented fuch petitions for the future {houid be deemed
guilty of high treafon. To this the officers made a
very warm remonftrance, and the parliament as angry
a reply. Cromwell, being informed of this altercation,
ftarted up in the utmoft feeming fury, and turning to
Major Vernon, cried out, “ that he was compelled to
do a thing that made the very hair of his head Hand on
He tins Then haftening to the houfe with. 300 foj-
outthe par-diers, and with the marks of violent indignation on his
iiament, countenance, he entered, took his place, and attended
to the debates for fome time. When the queftion was
ready to be put, he fuddenly ftarted up, and began to
load the parliament with the vileft reproaches for their
tyranny, ambition, oppreffion, and robbery of the pu¬
blic. Upon which, ftamping with his foot, which was
the ftgnal for the foldiers to enter, the place was im¬
mediately filled with armed men. Then, addreffing
himfelf to the members, “ For ftiame (faid he), get
you gone. Give place to honefter men *, to thofe who
will more faithfully difcharge their truft. You are no
longer a parliament *, 1 tell you, you are no longer a
parliament} the Lord has done with you.” Sir Harry
Vane exclaiming again!! this condufl, “ Sir Harry !
(cries Cromwell with a loud voice), O Sir Harry Vane !
Tfie Lord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane !” Taking
hold then of one of the members by his cloak, “ 1 hou
art a whoremafter,” cries he ; to another, “ Thou art
an adulterer to a third, “ Thou art a drunkard ;”to
a fourth, “ Thou art a glutton, &c.” “ It is you
(continued he to the members), that have forced me
upon this. I have fought the Lord night and day,
that he would rather flay me than put me upon this
work.” Then pointing to the mace, “ 1 ake away
that bauble,” cried he : after which, turning out all
the members, and clearing the hall, he ordered the doors
to be locked ; and putting the keys in his pocket, re¬
turned to Whitehall.
Thus the whole civil and military power centered
in Cromwell, who by this bold tranfadlion became, in
effedl, king of Great Britain, with uncontroulable au¬
thority. Being willing, however, to amufe the peo¬
ple with the form of a commonwealth, he propofed to
give his fubjefts a parliament 5 but fuch a one as
ihould be altogether obedient to his commands. For
this purpofe it was decreed, that the fovereign power
ihould be vefted in 144 perfons, under the denomina¬
tion of a parliament} and he undertook to make the
choice himfelf. The perfons pitched upon were the
loweft, meaneft, and moft ignorant among the citizens,
and the very dregs of the fanatics. To go further than
others in the abfurdities of fanaticifm was the chief
qualification upon which each of thefe valued himfelf.
I heir very names, borrowed from fcripture, and ren¬
dered ridiculous by their mifapplication, ierved to
fl\ow their excefs of folly. One of them particularly,
who was called Praife God Barebone, a canting leather-
feller, gave his name to this odd afiembly, and it was
called Barebone's Parliament. They were chiefly com-
pofed of Antinomians ; a fed! that, after receiving the
fpirit, fuppofed themfelves incapable of error 5 and the
fifth-monarchy-men, who every hour expe&ed Chrift’s
fecond coming on earth. They began by choofing
eight of their tribe to feek the Lord in prayer, while
the reft calmly fat down to deliberate upon the fuppref-
177
and chufes
another.
B R I
lion of the clergy, the univerfities, and courts of ju-1 Britain.
ftice ; and inftead of all this, it was their intent to fub-
ftitute the law of Mofes. 178
It was impoffible fuch a legiflature as this could
ft and •, even the vulgar began to exclaim againft it, and^n
Cromwell himfelf to be afhamed of their abfurdities.
He had carefully chofen many perfons among them
who were entirely devoted to his interefts, and thefe
he commanded to difmifs the aflembly. Thefe accord¬
ingly met by concert earlier than the reft of their fra¬
ternity •, and obferving to each other that this parlia¬
ment had fat long enough, they haftened to Cromwell,
with Roufe their fpeaker at their head, and into his
hands refigned the authority with which he had invefted
them. Cromwell accepted their refignation with plea-
lure : but being told that fome of their number were
refraftory, he fent Colonel White to clear the houfe of
fuch as ventured to remain there. They had placed
one Moyer in the chair by the time that the colonel
had arrived ; add he being afked by the colonel, What
they did there ? Moyer replied very gravely, That they ^
were feeking the Lord. “ Then you may go elfe-
where (cried White) ; for, to my certain knowledge,
the Lord hath not been here thefe many years.”
The fhadow of a parliament being thus diflblved, the Cromwell
officers, by their own authority, declared Cromwell declared
protedlor of the commonwealth of England. protedlor.
mayor and aldermen were fent for to give folemnity
to his appointment, and he was inftituted into his
new office at Whitehall, in the palace of the kings of
England. He was to be addrefl'ed by the title of High-
nefs ; and his power was proclaimed in London, and
other parts of the kingdom. It was now, indeed, in
a great meafure neceflary that fome perfon ffiould take
the fupreme command 5 for affairs were brought into
fuch a fituation, by the furious animofities of the con¬
tending parties, that nothing but abfolute power could
prevent a renewal of former bloodfhed and confufion. jgo
The government of the kingdom was adjufted in the He fettles
following manner. A council was appointed, whichlhe g°vem*
w-as not to exceed 21, nor to be under 13 perfons.
Thefe were to enjoy their offices for life, or during
good behaviour ; and, in cafe of a vacancy, the remain¬
ing members named three, of whom the protedlor chofe
one. The prote£lor was appointed the fupreme magi-
ftrate of the commonwealth, with fuch powers as the
king was pofleffed of. The power of the fword was vefted
in him jointly with the parliament when fitting, or with
the council at other times. He was obliged to fum-
mon a parliament once every three years, and to allow
them to fit five months without adjournment. A Hand¬
ing army was eftablifhed of 20,000 foot and 10,000
horfe *, and funds were affigned for their fupport. The
prote&or enjoyed his office for life j and on his death,
his place was to be fupplied by the council. Of all thefe
claufes the Handing army was fufficient for Cromwell’s
purpofe $ for, while pofleffed of that inftrument, he
could mould the reft of the conftitution to his pleafure
at any time. He chofe his council from among his of¬
ficers, who had been the companions of his dangers
and victories, to each of whom he affigned a penfion
of 1000k a-year. He took care to have his troops,
upon whofe fidelity he depended for fupport, paid a
month in advance ; the magazines were alfo well pro¬
vided, and the public treafure managed with frugality
3 N 2 and
B R I
[ 46S ]
b r r
His vigo-
and care ; while his a&ivity, vigilance, and refolution,
were fo well exerted, that he difcovered every confpi-
racy againft his perfon, and every plot for an infurrec-
tion, before they took effedt.
Thus Cromwell continued to govern, though with-
rous admi- out afl*uming the title of king, in as abfolute a manner
m ration. the mofl: defpotic prince in Europe. As he was
feared at home, fo he made himfelf refpedted abroad.
The Dutch, having been humbled by repeated defeats,
were obliged to fue for peace. Cromwell obliged them
to pay deference to the British flag. He compelled
them to abandon the interefts of the king, to pay
85,000!. as an indemnification for former expences,
and to reftore to the Engliih Eaft India Company a
part of thofe dominions which they had been dif-
poffdTed of by the Dutch during the former reign.
The miniftry of France thought proper to pay defe¬
rence to the imperious charadier of the protedlor j and
he having lent that court a body of 6000 men-to at¬
tack the Spanifh dominions in the Netherlands, who
obtained a fignal victory, the French put Dunkirk in¬
to his hands as a reward for his attachment. By means
of the celebrated admiral Blake f he humbled Spain pro-
digioufly, as alfo the Algerines and Tunefines. Penn
and Venables, two other admirals, made an attempt on
the ifland of Hifpaniolaj but failing of this, they fleered
to Jamaica, which was furrendered to them without a
blow. Yet fo little was thought of the importance of
conquered. this COnqueft, that, on their return, the two admirals
were committed to the tower, on account of the failure
of the principal objedl of their equipment.
It is not to be fuppofed that a numerous Handing
army could be maintained, and fo many foreign wrars
carried on, without incurring extraordinary expences.
The prote&or’s revenues were fo much exhaufted, that
he was obliged to have recourfe to methods which he
probably would not have chofen, had he not been driven
to them by neceflity. One or two confpiracies entered in¬
to by the royalifts, which were dete&ed and punilhed,
ferved him as a pretence to lay a heavy tax upon all
that party, of the tenth penny on all their pofleflions.
In order to raife this oppreflive impofition, ten major-
generals were inftituted, who divided the whole king¬
dom into fo many military jurifdiftions. Thefe men
had power to fubjeft whom they pleafed to this tax,
and to imprifon fuch as denied their jurifdiftion. Un¬
der colour of thefe powers they exercifed the moft ar¬
bitrary authority j the people had no protection againft
their exaftions 5 the very malk of liberty was thrown
off, and all property was at the difpofal of a military
tribunal. It was in vain that the nation cried out for
a free parliament. Cromwell aflembled one in confe-
quence of their clamours j but as fpeedily diffolved it
when he found it refraCtory to his commands. At laft,
as parliaments w7ere always held in fuch eftimation by
parliament, the people, he refolved to give them one, but fuch as
fhould be entirely of his own choofing, and chiefly com-
pofed of his creatures. Left any of a different com¬
plexion {hould enter the houfe, guards were placed at
the door, and none admitted but fuch as produced a
warrant from his council.
The principal defign of convening this aflembly wras,
that they Ihould offer him the crown, with the title of
king, and all the other enfigns of royalty. His crea¬
tures, therefore, took care to infinuate the confufion
f See the
article
Blah.
Jamaica
. 1S3
His arbi¬
trary me¬
thods of
procuring
money.
184
He con¬
venes a
r8s
Who offer
him the
crown;
there was in legal proceedings without the name of a Britain,
king •, that no man was acquainted with the extent or v 11 ~/
limits of the prefent magiftrates authority, but thofe
of a king had been well afcertained by the experience
of ages. The motion was at laft formally made in the
houfe, eafily carried through, and nothing was now
wanting but Cromwell’s own confent to have his name
enrolled among the kings of England. This confent,
however, he never had refolution enough to give. His
doubts continued for fome days j and the conference
carried on with the members who made him the offer,
fo far as it is on his part intelligible, feems to argue
that he was defirous of'being compelled to accept the which he
offer: how’ever, the conference ended in his total re-refufes'
fufal. 187
With all thefe proffered honours, and with all hisBismifera-
defpotic power, the fituation of Cromwell was far from ^.le fltua'
being enviable. Perhaps no fituation, however mean, * ’
or loaded with contempt, could be more truly diftrefs-
ful than his, at the time the nation was loading him
with congratulations and addreffes. He had at laft
rendered himfelf hateful to every party, and he owed
his fafety to their mutual hatred and diffidence of one
another. His arts of diflimulation were exhaufted j
none could be deceived by them*, even thofe of his own
party and principles difdaining the ufe to which he had
converted his zeal and profeffions. Though the wdhole
nation filently detefted his adminiftration, he had not
been completely wretched if he could have found do-
meftic confolation. But even his own family had em¬
braced republican principles with fo much vehemence,
that they could not without indignation behold him in¬
verted with uncontroulable pow’er ; and Mrs Claypole,
his favourite daughter, upbraided him, on her death¬
bed, wdth all the crimes which led him to trample on
the throne. To add to all this, not only were confpi¬
racies formed againft him, but he was at laft taught,
upon reafoning principles, that his death was not only
defirable, but his aflaflination would be meritorious.
A book was publilhed by Colonel Titus, a man who
had formerly been attached to his caufe, entitled Kill-
ing no murder. Of all the pamphlets that appeared
at that time, or perhaps of thofe that have fince
appeared, this was the moft eloquent and mafterly.
Cromwell read it, and is faid never to have fmiled af-
tewards.
The ufurper now found, that the grandeur to which
he had-facrificed his former tranquillity was only an in¬
let to frefti inquietudes. He was haunted with perpe¬
tual fears of affaflination. He w7ore armour under his
clothes, and always kept piftols in his pockets. His
afpe& was clouded by a fettled gloom, and he regarded
every ftranger with fufpicion. He^ was always at¬
tended by a numerous guard, and travelled in a hurry.
He never returned from any place by the road he went j
and never flept above three nights together in the l88
fame chamber. At laft he was delivered from this life and death,
of horror and anxiety by a tertian ague, of which he
died September 3d 1658, after having ufurped the go¬
vernment nine years. . jgp
Oliver Cromwell was fucceeded in his office of pro-Richard
teftor by his fon Richard, who immediately called a Cromwell
parliament. To this affembly the army pjefented a re- protector,
monftrance, defiring fome perfon for their general in
whom they could confide. The houfe voted fuch meet¬
ings
B R I
Britain.
190
Is depofcd.
191
Rump par¬
liament re-
inftated.
19a
Diffolved
by the
army.
193
Military
govern¬
ment efta-
bliihed.
194
General
Monk’s
motions.
195
Rump par.
liament re-
ilored.
ings and remonldrances unlawful : upon which the of¬
ficers, furrounding Richard’s houfe, forced him to dif-
folve the parliament ; and foon after he figned an ab¬
dication of the government. His younger brother
Henry, who had been appointed to the command in
Ireland, followed Richard’s example, and refigned his
commiffion without linking a blow.
The officers, thus left at liberty, refolved to reftore
the rump parliament as it was called, confiding of that
remnant of a parliament which had condemned Charles.
They were no fooner reinftated in their authority, how¬
ever, than they.began to humble the army by calhier-
ing fome of the officers, and appointing others on
whom they could have more dependence. The officers
immediately refolved to dillolve the affembly. Lambert,
one of the general officers, drew up a chofen body of
troops •, and placing them in the llreets which led to
Weftminfter-hall, when the fpeaker Lenthal proceeded
in his carriage to the houfe, he ordered the horfes to be
turned, and very civilly conduced him home. The other
members were likewife intercepted ; and the army re¬
turned to their quarters to obferve a folemn fall, which
generally either preceded or attended their outrages.
A committee wras then elefted, of 23 perfons; of whom
feven were officers. Thefe they pretended to invert with
fovereign authority ; and a military government was
eftablilhed, which gave the nation a profpecl of endlefs
fervitude and tyranny without redrefs.
Upon hearing that the officers had by their own au¬
thority diffolved the parliament, General Monk, who
was then in Scotland with 8000 veteran troops, pro-
tefted againft the meafure, and refolved to defend the
national privileges. As foon as he put his army in mo¬
tion, he found himfelf eagerly fought after by all par¬
ties •, but fo cautious was he of declaring his mind,
that, till the very lart, it was impoffible to know which
tide he defigned to take. A remarkable inftance of this
cautious behaviour was, that, when his otvn brother
came to him with a melluge from Lord Granville in the
name of the king, he refufed all converfation with him
upon hearing that he had told his errand to Mr Price,
the general’s own chaplain, and a man of known pro¬
bity and honour.
Hearing that the officers were preparing an army to
oppofe him, Monk amufed them with negociations;
and the people, finding themfelves not entirely defence-
lefs, began to declare for a free parliament. The Rump,
■ finding themfelves invited alfo by the navy and part of
the army, again ventured to refume their feats, and to
thunder votes in their turn againft the officers and that
party of the army by which they had been ejefted.
Without taking any notice of Lambert, they lent or¬
ders to the troops to repair immediately to the garri-
fons appointed for them. The foldiers obeyed ; and
Lambert at laft found himfelf deferted by his whole
army. Monk in the mean time proceeded with his
army to London. The gentry, on his march, flocked
round him with addrefies, expreffing their defiire of a
new" parliament; but that general, ftill continuing his
inflexible taciturnity, at laft came to St Albans, within
a few miles of the capital, leaving all the world in
doubt as to his motives and defigns. Here he lent the
parliament a meflage, defiring them to remove fuch
forces as remained in London to country quarters.
Some of the regiments willingly obeyed this order 5
[ 469 ]
B R I
and fuch as did not, Monk turned out by force : after Britain,
which he took up his quarters with his army in Weil-
minfter. The houfe voted him thanks for hisfervices: 196
he defired them to call a free parliament j and this foon Monk takes
infpired the citizens to refufe fubmiffion to the prefent "pr^‘ibt^ua'''
government. They refolved to pay no taxes until the Weltmin-
members formerly excluded by Colonel Pride ffiould be fter.
replaced. For this they were punifhed by Monk, at
the defire of the parliament. He arrefted 11 of the Puniflies
moil obnoxious of the common-council ; broke the ^ cfty ot
gates and portcullifes •, and, having expofed it to theLondon’
fcorn and contempt of all who hated it, he returned
in triumph to his quarters at Weftminfter. The next
day, however, he made an apology for this conduef,
and promifed for the future to co-operate with the
mayor and common-council in fuch fchemes as they
ihould approve. g.
The commons were now greatly alarmed. TheyReftores
tried every method to gain off the general from his newT ft16 fe*
alliance. Some of them even promifed to inveft himcIuded
with the dignity of fupreme magiftrate, and to fupport
his ufurpation. But Monk was too juft, or too wife,1 
to hearken to fuch wild propofals 5 he refolved to re¬
ftore the fecluded members, and by their means to bring
about a new eledlion.
T. he reftoration of the expelled members wras eafily
effedled ; and their number wTas fo much fuperior to-
that of the Rump, that the chiefs of this laft party now
thought proper to withdraw in their turn. The reflo-
red members began with repealing all thofe orders by
which they had been expelled. They renewed and en¬
larged the general’s commiffion; fixed a proper ftipend
for the fupport ©f the fleet and army ; and, having
paffed thefe votes, they diffolved themfelves, and gave
orders for the immediate affembling of a new parlia- lost
ment. Meanwhile, Monk new-modelled his army to the New Par"
purpofes he had in view. Some officers, by his diredlion,
prefented him with an addrels, in which they promifed em C
to obey implicitly the orders of the enfuing parliament.
He approved of this engagement, which he ordered
to be figned by all the different regiments ; and this
furnifhed him with a pretence for difmiffing all the of¬
ficers by whom it was rejedled.
In the midft of thefe tranfadlions, Lambert, who had
been confined in the Tower, efcaped from his prifon,
and began to raife forces j and as his a&ivity and prin¬
ciples were fufficiently known, Monk took the earlieft
precautions to oppofe his meafures. He difpatched
againft him Colonel Ingoldfhy, with his own regiment,
before Lambert had time to affemble his dependents.
That officer had taken poffeffion of Daventry with four
troops of horfe : but the greater part of them joined-
Ingoldfby ; to whom he himfelf furrendered, not with¬
out exhibiting ftrong marks of pufillanimity.
All this time Monk ftill perfifted in his referve; nor
would he intruft his fecret intentions with any perfon,.
except one Morrice, a gentleman of Devonlhire. He
was of a fedentary and ftudious difpofition ; and with
him alone did the general deliberate on the great and
dangerous enterprife of the reftoration. Sir John Gran¬
ville, who had a commiffion from the king, applied for
accefs to the general; but he was defired to communi¬
cate his bufinefs to Morrice. Granville refilled, though
twice urged, to deliver his meflage to any but the ge¬
neral himfelf: fo that Monk, now finding he could de-
•> pend.
B R I [ 47° ] B R I
Britain.
200
Charles II
leaves
Spain.
201
His mef-
j.'age to the
parliament
202
He lands in
England.
203
His firft
tneafures
popular.
pend on tins minifter’s fecrecy, opened to him his whole
intentions j but, with his ufual caution, refufed to com¬
mit any thing to paper. In confequence of thefe, the
king left the Spanifh territories, where he very nar¬
rowly efcaped being detained at Bred a by the gover¬
nor, under pretence of treating him with proper refpedt
and formality. From thence he retired to Holland,
where he refolved to wait further advice.
The new parliament being aflembled, Sir Harbottle
Grimflone was chofen fpeaker, a man known to be a
royalift in his heart. The affeftions of all wrere turned
towards the king; yet fuch were their fears, and fuch
dangers attended a freedom of fpeech, that no one
dared for fome days to make any mention of his name.
At length Monk gave direftions to Annelly, prefident
of the council, to inform them that one Sir John Gran¬
ville, a fervant of the king’s, had been fent over by his
majeily, and was now at the door with a letter to the
houfe of commons. This meflage was received with
the utmoft joy. Granville was called in, the letter read,
and' the king’s propofals immediately accepted of. He
offered a general amnefty to all perfons whatfoever, and
that without any exceptions but what fliould be made
by parliament. He promifed to indulge fcrupulous
confciences with liberty in matters of religion; to leave
to the examination of parliament the claims of all fuch
as polfeffed lands with contefted titles; to confirm all
thefe conceffions by a£l of parliament; to fatisfy the
army under General Monk with refpedl to their arrears,
and to give the fame rank to his officers when they
ffiould be enlifled in the king’s army.
In confequence of this good agreement between king
and parliament, Montague the Englifh admiral waited
on his rnajefty to inform him that the fleet expe£led his
orders at Scheveling. The duke of York immediately
went on board, and took the command as lord high
admiral. The king embarked, and landing at Dover,
was received by the general, whom he tenderly em¬
braced. He entered London in 1660, on the 29th of
May, which was his birth-day; and was attended by an
innumerable multitude of people, who teflified their joy
by the loudeft acclamations.
Charles II. was 30 years of age at the time of his
reftoration. Being naturally of an engaging counte¬
nance, and poffeffed of an open and affable difpofition,
he became the favourite of all ranks of his fubjedls. They
had now felt the miferies of anarchy, and in propor¬
tion to thefe miferies was the fatisfa£lion they felt on
the acceffion of their young monarch. His firft mea-
fures were calculated to give univerfal fatisfaftion. He
feemed defirous of lofing the memory of paft animofities,
and of uniting every party in affeftion for their prince
and country. He admitted into his council the molt
eminent men of the nation, without regard to former
diftinftions. The prefbyterians fhared this honour
equally with the royalifts. Calamy and Baxter, pref-
byterian clergymen, were even made chaplains to the
king. Admiral Montague was created earl of Sand-
wich, and General Monk duke of Albemarle. Morrice,
the general’s friend, was created fecretary of ftate. But
what gave the greateft contentment to the nation was
the judicious choice which the king at firft made of his
principal minifters and favourites. Sir Edward Hyde,
created earl of Clarendon, was prime minifter and
chancellor. The marquis, created duke of Ormond,
was fteward of the houfehold; the earl of Southamp- Britain,
ton high-treafurer; Sir Edward Nicholas fecretary of^
ftate. Thefe men, united together in the ftrideft
friendfhip, and combining in the fame laudable inclina¬
tions, fupported each others credit, and purfued the
interefts of the public.
The parliament having been fummoned without the
king’s confent, received at firft only the title of a con¬
vention ; and it was not till after an aft palled for that
purpofe, that they were acknowledged by the name of
parliament. Both houfes owned the guilt of the for¬
mer rebellion, and gratefully received in their own
name, and in that of all the fubjefts, his majefty’s
gracious pardon and indemnity. The king had be¬
fore promifed an indemnity to all criminals, but fuch
as ftiould be excepted by parliament: he nowr iflued a
proclamation, declaring, that fuch of the late king’s
judges as did not furrendcr themfelves within 14 days
fhould receive no pardon. Nineteen furrendered them¬
felves; fome were taken in their flight; others efcaped
beyond fea. The peers feemed inclined to great feve-
rity on this occafion ; but were reftrained by the king,
who in the mod earneft terms preffed the aft of general
indemnification.
After repeated folicitations, the aft of indemnity ReJjcufes
palled both houfes, with the exception of thofe whopuniflied.
had an immediate hand in the king’s death. Even
Cromwell, Ireton, and Bradfhaw, though dead, were
confidered as proper objefts of refentment: their bo¬
dies were dug from their graves; dragged to the place
of execution ; and, after hanging fome time, buried
under the gallows. Of the reft who fat in judgment
on the late monarch’s trial, fome were dead, and fome
thought worthy of pardon. Ten only, out of 80, were
doomed to immediate deftruftion ; and thefe were en-
thufiafts who had all along afted from principle, and
who, in the general fpirit of rage excited againft them
ftiowed a fortitude that wTould have done honour to a
better caufe.
This w'as all the blood that was filed at the reftora¬
tion. The reft of the king’s judges were reprieved, and
afterwards difperfed into feveral prifons. The army
was difbanded, that had for fo many years governed
the nation ; prelacy, and all the ceremonies of the
church of England, wmre reftored ; at the fame time
that the king pretended to preferve the air of modera¬
tion and neutrality. In faft, with regard to religion,
Charles, in his gayer hours, was a profeffed deift ; but
in the latter part of his life he {flowed an inclination to
the Catholic perfuafion, wffiich he had ftrongly imbibed
in his infancy and exile. 20,
'On the 13th of September this year, died the young Death of
duke of Gloucefter, a prince of great hopes. The king the duke of
wras never fo deeply affefted by any incident in his life. Gloucefter.
The princefs of Orange, having come to England, in
order to partake of the joy attending the reftoration
of her family, with wffiom ffie lived in great friendfhip,
foon after fickened and died. The queen-mother paid
a vifit to her fon, and obtained his confent to the mar¬
riage of the princefs Henrietta wdth the duke of Or¬
leans, brother to the French king. The parliament
having met on the 6th of November, and carried on
bufinefs w'ith the greateft unanimity and difpatch,
were diflblved by the king on the 29th of December
1660.
During
Britain.
207
General
ftate of the
nation du¬
ring Char.
H's reign.
B R I [47
Daring tlve reign of Charles II. the fpirit of the
people feemed to take a turn quite oppofite to that in
the time of Charles I. The. latter found his fubje&s
animated with a ferocious though ignorant zeal for
liberty. They knew not what it was to be free, and
therefore imagined that liberty confided in throwing
off entirely the royal authority. They gained their
point: the unhappy monarch was dethroned and mur¬
dered ; but indead of liberty, they found themfelves
involved in much worfe tyranny than before. Being
happily freed from this tyranny by the redoration, they
ran into the contrary extreme; and indead of an un¬
bounded fpirit of oppofition, there was nothing now
to be found but as unbounded a fpirit of fubmiffion ;
and through the davilh fubmiflions and conceffions of
the people in this reign, Charles found means to render
himfelf at lad almoft quite abfolute, and to govern with¬
out requiring, or indeed without having any occafion
for parliament.
A like revolution took place with regard to religious
matters. During the former reigns a fpirit of the mod
gloomy enthufiafm had overfpread the whole idand,
and men imagined that the Deity was only to be pleaf-
fed by their denying themfelves every focial pleafure,
and refufing every thing that tended to make life agree¬
able. The extreme hypocrify of Cromwell and his af-
fociates, and the abfurd conduft of others, drowed that
this was not religion; but, in avoiding this error, they
ran into one equally dangerous; and every thing reli¬
gious or ferious was difcountenanced. Nothing but
riot and difiipation took place everywhere. The court
fet them the example; nothing but fcenes of gallantry
and fedivity were to be feen ; the horrors of the late
war became the fubjeft of ridicule ; the formality of
the feclaries was difplayed on the ftage, and even laugh¬
ed at from the pulpit. In diort, the bed mode of re¬
ligion now was to have as little as podible ; and to a-
void not only the hypocrify of the feftaries, but even
the common duties of morality.
In ratituT t^le this riot and difiipation, the old and
«f Charles, faithful followers of the royal family were left unre¬
warded. Numbers who had fought both for the king
and his father, and who had lod their whole fortunes
in his fervice, dill continued to pine in want and ob¬
livion ; while in the mean time their perfecutors, who
had acquired fortunes during the civil war, were per¬
mitted to enjoy them without moledation. The wretch¬
ed royalids petitioned and murmured in vain; the mo¬
narch fled from their expoflulations to fcenes of mirth
and feflivity; and the ad of indemnity was generally
faid to have been an ad of forgivenefs to the king’s
enemies, and of oblivion to his friends.
S bm'fl've *n I^^1’ ^ Scots and Englifh parliaments feemed
ilifpofiticm to vie with each other in their protedations to the king.
ofbothpar-In England, monarchy and epifcopacy were raifed to
Jiaments. the greated fplendor. The bidrops w-ere permitted to
refume their feats in the houfe of peers ; all military
authority was acknowdedged to be veded in the king.
« He w-as empowered to appoint commidioners for regu¬
lating corporations, and expelling fuch members as
had intruded themfelves by violence, or profeffed prin¬
ciples dangerous to the conditution. An ad of uni¬
formity was paffed, by which it was required that
every clergyman fliould be re-ordained, if he had not
before received epifcopal ordination ; that he diould
Britain.
20S
i ] B R I
declare his confent to every thing contained in the book
of Common Prayer, and fliould take the oath of cano- v "
ideal obedience. In confequence of this law, above
2000 of the prefijyterian clergy refigned their cures at
once. In Scotland the right of the king was afl'erted
in the fulled and mod pofitive terms to be hereditary,
divine, and indefeafible. His power was extended to
the lives and poffeflions of his fubjeds, and from his
original grant w'as faid to come all that they enjoyed.
They voted him an additional revenue of 40,000!. ;
and all their former riolences were treated with a de¬
gree of the utmofl deteffation. sro _
This intoxication of loyalty, however, began foon
to wrear off. The king’s profufion and extravagance
in his pleafures, together with his indolence in admim-]-jng’s ex_
flration, furnifhed opportunities of making very difad-travagance.
vantagecus companions between him and Oliver Crom¬
well. Thefe animofities were heightened by the ejed-
ed clergy, efpecially when they faw Dunkirk, which
had been acquired during the ufurper’s vigorous admini-
ftration, fold to the French for 40,000!. and that mere¬
ly to fupply the king’s extravagance. From this time
(Augud 17th 1662) Charles found himfelf perpetually
oppofed, and his parliaments granted lupplies much
more reludantly than before. air
A fewT months before, the continual exigencies of‘^arr‘age.
the king had forced him to conclude a marriage with
the Infanta of Portugal for the fake of her portion, portUgait
which wras 500,000!. in money, together wfith the for-
trefs of Tangier in Africa, and of Bombay in the Eaff
Indies. The chancellor Clarendon, the dukes of Or¬
mond and Southampton, urged many reafons againff
this match, particularly the likelihood of her never
having any children ; but all their objedions could
not prevail, and therefore Clarendon fet himfelf to pro¬
mote it as far as lay in his power. Still, however, the
king’s neceflities were greater than his fupplies. He
therefore refolved to facrifice his minider the great Cla¬
rendon to the refentment of the parliament, to whom
he wras become obnoxious, in order to procure feme
more fupplies for himfelf. In 1663, an extraordinary
fupply was demanded •. the king fent for the commons,
on the 1 2th of June, to Whitehall. He complained
of their inattention ; and by acquainting them of a
confpiracy to feize the caflle of Dublin, he hoped to
furnilh a reafon for demanding a prefent fupply. Four
fubfidies were immediately granted, and the clergy in
convocation followed the example of the commons.
On this occafion the earl of Brifiol ventured to impeach
the chancellor in the houfe of peers ; but as he did not
fupport his charge, the affair was dropped for the pre-
fent. . , 2i2‘
With a view probably of having the money to be War with
employed for that purpofe in his hands, Charles was the Dutch,
induced to declare war againd the Dutch in 1664.
In this war the Englidr, under the command of Sir
Robert Holmes expelled the Dutch from Cape-Corfe
caflle on the coad of Africa, and likewife feized on their
fettlcments of Cape Verd and the ifle of Goree. Sail¬
ing from thence to America, the admiral poffeffed him¬
felf of Nova Belgia, fince called New York ; and which
has ever fince continued fubjeft to Britain. On the
other hand, De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, difpoffeffed
the Englifh of all their fettlements in Guinea except
Cape Corfe. He afterwards failed to America, where
he
213
Terrible
battles at
fea.
Britain, he attacked Barbadoes and Long Ifland, but was re-
pulfed. Soon after, the two moft confiderable fleets of
each nation met j the one under the duke of York, to
the number of 1x4 fail5 the other commanded by Op-
dam admiral of the Dutch navy, of nearly equal force.
The engagement began at four in the morning, and
both fides fought with equal intrepidity. The duke
of York was in thehotteft part of the engagement, and
behaved with great fpirit and compofure, while many
of his lords and attendants were killed befide him. In
the heat of the adtion the Dutch admiral’s (hip blew up;
which fo difcouraged and dilheartened them, that they
fled towards their own coaft, having 30 Ihips funk and
taken, while the vidlors loft only one. This fuccefs
of the Englifti fo much excited the jealoufy of the
neighbouring ftates, that France and Denmark im¬
mediately refolved to proteft the republic from fuch
formidable enemies. De Ruyter the great Dutch ad¬
miral, on his return from Guinea, was appointed, at
the head of 76 fail, to join the duke of Beaufort the
French admiral, who it was fuppofed was then enter¬
ing the Britifti channel from Toulon. The duke of
Albemarle and Prince Rupert now commanded the
Britilh fleet, which did not exceed 74 fail. Albemarle
detached Prince Rupert with 20 Ihips to oppofe the
duke of Beaufort ; againft which piece of raftinefs Sir
George Ayfcue protefted in vain. The fleets thus en¬
gaging upon unequal terms, a moft memorable battle
enfued. The firft day, the Dutch admiral Evertzen
was killed by a cannon-ball, one of their fhips was blown
up, and three of the Englifti (hips taken; the comba¬
tants were parted by darknefs. The fecond day they
renewed the battle with incredible fury. Sixteen frefh
Ihips joined the Dutch ; and the Englifti were fo ftiat-
tered, that their fighting (hips were reduced to 28.
Upon retreating towards their own coaft, the Dutch
followed them; ivhere another dreadful conflict was be¬
ginning, but parted by the darknefs of the night as
before. The morning of the third day the Englifti
continued their retreat, and the Dutch their purfuit.
Albemarle came to the defperate refolution of blowing
.up his own fhip rather than fubmitto the enemy, when
he found himfelf happily reinforced by Prince Rupert
with 16 ftiips of the line. By this time it was night;
and the next day the fleets came again to a clofe combat,
which was continued with great violence, till they were
parted by a mill. Sir George Ayfcue having the mif-
fortune to ftrike on the Galoper fands, was taken, with
a ftiip of 100 guns.
Both fides claimed the viflory, but the Dutch cer-
-tainly had the advantage in this engagement. A fe¬
cond, however, equally bloody, happened foon after,
with larger fleets on both fides, commanded by the
fame admirals. In this the Dutch were vanquiftied ;
but they were foon in a condition to face their enemies,
Dutchfleet ^ the junction of Beaufort the French admiral. The
appears in Dutch fleet appeared in the Thames, condufled by
their great admiral. The Englifti were thrown into
the utmoft confternation: a chain had been drawn acrofs
the river Medway; and fome fortifications had been
added to the forts along the bank. But all thefe were
unequal to the prefent force: Sheernefs was foon taken;
the Dutch palled forward and broke the chain, though
/ortified by Tome Ihips funk by Albemarle’s orders.
the
Thames.
Deftroying the (hipping in their paffage, they ftill ad- Britain,
vanced, with fix men of war and five fire-lhips, as far —v—
as Upnore caftle, where they burned three men of war.
The whole city of London was in confternation ; it
was expe&ed that the Dutch might fail up next tide
to London-bridge, and deftroy not only the (hipping,
but even the buildings of the metropolis. The Dutch,
however, were unable to profecute that projeft from
the failure of the French who had promifed them af-
fiftance. Spreading therefore an alarm along the coaft,
and having infulted Norwich, they returned to their
own coafts. 21^
During thefe tranfaftions abroad, happened a great Plague and
plague at London, which deftroyed 100,000 of the in-^re at hon-
habitants. This calamity was foon followed by an-^on*
other, ftill more dreadful if poffible. A fire broke out
in a bakers houle in Pudding-lane near the bridge, and
fpread with fuch rapidity, that no efforts could extin-
guiih it, till it laid in allies the moft confiderable part
of the city. This calamity, though it reduced thou-
fands to beggary, proved in the end both beneficial and
ornamental to the city. It rofe from its ruins in greater
beauty than ever ; the ftreets being widened, and the
houfes built of brick inftead of wood, became thus more
wholefome and fecure. In fo great a calamity it is re¬
markable that not a (ingle life was loft.
Thefe complicated misfortunes did not fail to excite
many murmurs among the people : The blame of the
fire was laid on the Papifts : the Dutch war was ex¬
claimed againft as unfuccefsful and unneceffary, as be¬
ing an attempt to humble that nation who were equal
enemies to Popery with themfelves. Charles himfelf alfo
began to be fenfible, that all the ends for which he had
undertaken the Dutch war were likely to be entirely
fruftrated. Inftead of being able to lay up money for
himfelf, the fupplies of parliament had hitherto been
fo fcanty, that he found himfelf confiderably in debt. ^
A treaty therefore was fet on foot, which was conclu-peace wjtjj
ded at Breda on the 2lft of July 1667. By this treaty Holland
the only advantage gained by Britain was, the ceflion concluded,
of the colony of New' York. It was therefore judged
difgraceful, and the blame of it throwm upon the un- ciar” don
happy earl of Clarendon. Along with this, he wasdifgraaed.
charged with the fale of Dunkirk ; the bad payment of
the feamen ; the difgrace by the Dutch fleet ; and his
own ambition. His daughter, while yet in Paris, had
commenced an amour with the duke of York ; and un¬
der a folemn promife of marriage had admitted him to
her bed. Her lover, howrever, either of his owm ac¬
cord, or through the perfuafions of his brother Charles,
afterwards married her ; and this was imputed as a
crime to Clarendon. On thefe accufations, the king,
who on account of his rigid virtue had never much lo¬
ved this nobleman, ordered the feals to be taken from
him, and given to Sir Orlando Bridgemen. Clarendon
was again impeached ; and though the charges were
manifeftly frivolous, yet fo ftrong was the popular tor¬
rent againft him, that he thought proper to withdraw
into France. Soon after, the king formed an alliance
with Holland and Sweden, in order to prevent the^tjfjjol-
French king from completing his conqueft of the Ne-jan(i and
therlands. The greateft part of this country he had al- Sweden,
ready fubdued, when he was unexpeftedly (lopped by
this league} in which it was agreed by the contraaing
powers,
Britain.
B R 1 [ 473 ] B R
that they would conftitute themfelves arbiters uniformity in religious matters
I
219
Arbitrary
220
-New war
with Hol¬
land.
powers
of the differences between France and Spain, and check
the exorbitant pretenfions of either.
The king now began to ad! in a very arbitrary man-
^°c,eec!mgs ner. He had long wilhed to extend his prerogative,
0 ar es’ and to be able to furnilh himfelf with whatever fums he
might want for his pleafures, and therefore was moll:
likely to be pleafed with thofe minifters who could flat¬
ter both his wifhes at once. Thefe he found in Clif¬
ford, Afhley, Buckingham, Arlington, and Lauderdale,
a junto diftinguifhed by the name of the cabal; a word
formed by the initials of their names. The firft effedts
ef their advice was a fecret alliance with France, and
a rupture with Holland. Soon after this, the duke of
York declared himfelf a Papift •, and liberty of confci-
ence was proclaimed to all fedtaries, whether diffenters
or Papifts : a proclamation was iffued containing very
rigorous claufes in favour of prefling *, another full of
menaces againfl: thofe who fhould fpeak undutifully of
his majefty’s meafures; and even againfl; thofe who
heard fuch difcourfes, unlefs they informed in due time
againfl; the offenders. All thefe things gave very great
and juft offence to the people ; but they were efpecially
alarmed at the alliance with France, and juftly afraid
of the treachery of that nation.
ft aY On the 28th of May 1672, the Englifh fleet under
nival^en- C ^ie duke of York was furprifed by the Dutch in South-
gagement. wold bay. About eight in the morning began a moft
furious engagement. The gallant Sandwich, who com¬
manded the Englilh van, drove his (hip into the midll
of the enemy, beat off the admiral that ventured to at¬
tack him, funk another (hip that attempted to board
him and three fire (hips that offered to grapple with
him. Though his veffel was torn with (hot, and out of
1000 men there only remained 400, he dill continued
to fight. At laft, a fire (hip, more fortunate than the
reft, having laid hold of his veffel, her deftruftion be¬
came inevitable, and the earl himfelf was drowned in
attempting to fwim to fome other (hip. Night parted
the combatants j the Dutch retired, and were not fol¬
lowed by the Englifti. The lofs fuftained by the twro ma¬
ritime powers was nearly equal; but the French fuffered
very little, not having entered into the heat of the en¬
gagement. It was even fuppofed that they had orders
for this conduft, and to fpare their own (hips, while
the Dutch and Englifti (hould weaken each other by
their mutual animofities.
The combined powers were much more fuccefsful
Louis XIV. againft the Dutch by land. Louis conquered all before
againft the him, croffed the Rhine, took all the frontier towrns of
Dutch. the enemy, and threatened the new republic with a fi¬
nal diffolution. Terms were propofed to them by the
twro conquerors. Louis offered them fuch as would
have deprived them of all power of refilling an invafion
from France by land. Thofe of Charles expofed them
equally to every invafion by fea. At laft the murmurs
of the Englifti at feeing thisbrave and induftrious people,
the fupporters of the Proteftant caufe, totally funk and
on the brink of deftru&ion, were too loud not to reach
the king. He wras obliged to call the parliament, to
The parlia-ta^e the fenfe of the nation upon his conduct; and he
mentcal- foon faw how his fubjedts Hood affedfed.
ecfi The parliament met on the 4th of February 1673.
They began with reprefling fome of the king’s extra¬
ordinary ftretches of prerogative, and taking means for
Vol. IV. Part II.
221
Succefs of
A law was paffed en- Britain.
titled the tejl aB, impofing an oath on all who fliould ^
enjoy any public benefice. Befides the taking the oaths
of allegiance and the king’s fupremacy, they w'ere ob- frarne(j
liged to receive the facrament once a-year in the efta-
bliflied church, and to abjure all belief in the dodfrine
of tranfubftantiation. As the diffenters alfo had fe-
conded the efforts of the commons againft the king’s
declaration of indulgence to Roman Catholics, a bill
was paffed for their eafe and relief, which, however,
went with fome difficulty through the houfe of peers.
The Dutch in the mean time continued to defend them¬
felves with fuch valour, that the commons began to
defpair of fuccefs. They therefore refolved that the
(landing army was a grievance : they next declared,
that they would grant no more fupplies to carry on the
Dutch war, unlefs it appeared that the enemy were fo
obftinate as to refufe all reafonable conditions. To cut
ftiort thefe difagreeable altercations, the king refolved
to prorogue the parliament ; and with that intention,
went unexpedtedly to the houfe of peers, from whence 325
he fent the ufher of the black-rod to fummon the houfe Lamult in
of commons to attend. It happened that the ufher and
the fpeaker met nearly at the door of the houfe ; but muns,
the fpeaker being within, fome of the members fudden-
ly (hut the door, and cried, “ To the chair.” Upon
which the following motions were inftantly made in a
tumultuous manner : That the alliance with France was
a grievance ; that the evil counfellors of the king were
a grievance ; that the earl of Lauderdale was a grie¬
vance : and then the houfe rofe in great confufion. The
king foon faw that he could expedl no fupply from the
commons for carrying on the war which was fo difa¬
greeable to them ; he refolved, therefore, to make a fe-
parate peace with the Dutch, on terms which they had
propofed by the Spanifti ambaffador. For form’s fake,
he alked the advice of his parliament: who concurring
heartily in his intentions, a peace was concluded ac¬
cordingly. # 2j5
The prepoffeffmn which Charles had all along (hown National
for France, and his manifeft inclination upon all occa-difcontents.
fions to attach himfelf to that kingdom, had given great
offence to his people. Along with this, other circum-
ftances confpired to raife a general difcontent. The to¬
leration of Catholics, fo much wilhed for by the king ;
the bigotry of the duke of York, the heir apparent to
the crown, and his zeal for the propagation of the Ca¬
tholic religion ; excited a confternation not altogether
without foundation, as if the Proteftant religion was in
danger. This fear and difcontent was carefully kept
up and fomented by wicked and defigning men, who
to promote their own intererts would not fcruple to ad¬
vance the groffeft falfehoods. In 1678, an account of
a plot formed by the Papifts for deftroying the king
and the Proteftant religion, was given in by one Kirby
a chemift, Dr l ong, a weak credulous clergyman, and
Titus Oates, who had likewife been a clergyman, but
one of the moft abandoned mifcreants that can be ima¬
gined. The circumftances attending this pretended dif-
covery were fo perfedlly incredible, that it appears
amazing how any perfon of common fenfe could give ear
to themf. Neverthelefs, fo much were the minds of f See Oa/w,
the nation in general inflamed againft the Catholics at
this time, that it not only produced the deftrudtion of
individuals of the Romifti perfuafion, but an univerfal
3 O maffacre
II
B R I
227
Lord Dan-
by im¬
peached.
Britain, maflacre of that unhappy fe£l was apprehended. The
v parliament, who ought to have repreffed thefe delufions,
and brought back the people to calm deliberate in¬
quiry, were found more credulous than even the vulgar
themfelves. The cry of plot was immediately echoed
from one houfe to the other ; the country party could
not Hip fo favourable an opportunity of managing the
paffions of the people ; the courtiers were afraid of be¬
ing thought difloyal if they (hould doubt the guilt of
thofe who were accufed of defigns againif the king’s
perfon. Danby, the prime minifter, himfelf entered
into it very furioufly, and perfifted in his inquiries not-
withftanding all the king’s advices to the contrary.
Charles himfelf, who was the perfon that ought to have
been molt concerned, was the only one who treated it
with contempt. Nothing, however, could flop the po¬
pular fury j and for a time the king was obliged to give
■way to it.
During the time of this general uproar and perfecu-
tion, the lord treafurer Danby was impeached in the
houfe of commons by Seymour the fpeaker. The prin¬
cipal charge againft him was, his having written a let¬
ter to Montague the king’s ambaffador at Paris, direc¬
ting him to fell the king’s good offices at the treaty of
Nimeguen, to the king of France, for a certain fum of
money ; contrary to the general interefts of the con¬
federates, and even of thofe of his own kingdoms.
Though the charge was juft, yet Danby had the hap-
pinefs to find the king refolved to defend him. Charles
affured the parliament, that, as he had a£fed in every
thing by his orders, he held him entirely blamelefs $
and though he would deprive him of all his employ¬
ments, yet he would pofitively infift on his perfonal
fafety. The lords were obliged to fubmit; however,
they went on to impeach him, and Danby -was fent to
the Tower, but no worfe confequences followed.
Thefe furious proceedings had been carried on by
a houfe of commons that had continued undiflblved for
above 17 years. They were now diffolved, and another
parliament was called j which, however, proved as un¬
manageable as the preceding. The members refolved
to check the growth of Popery by ftriking at the root
of the evil; and therefore brought in a bill for the total
broug it excjuflon 0f duke cf York from the crowrn of Eng¬
land and Ireland, which paffed the lower houfe by a
majority of 79. They next voted the king’s Handing
army and guards to be illegal. They proceeded to efta-
blifh limits to the king’s power of imprifoning to de¬
linquents at*will. It was now alfo that the celebrated
ftatute called the habeas corpus aSi was paffed, which
confirms the fubjeft in an abfolute fecurity from op-
preffive pow7er.
During thefe troubles, the duke of York had retired
to Bruffels} but an indifpofition of the king led him
back to England, to be ready in cafe of any finifter ac¬
cident, to affert his right to the throne. After pre¬
vailing upon his brother to difgrace his natural fon the
duke of Monmouth, who w7as now become very popu¬
lar, he himfelf retired to Scotland, under pretence of
quieting the apprehenfions of the Englifti nation, but
in reality to ftrengthen his interefts in that part of the
empire. This feceffion ferved ftill more to inflame the
country party, who were ftrongly attached to the duke
of Monmouth, and were refolved to fupport him againft
the duke of York. Mobs, petitions, pope-burnings,
[ 474 1
B R I
228
Excluilon
were artifices employed to keep up the terrors of Po- Britain,
pery, and alarm the court. The parliament had fticwm ‘ “v
favour to the various tribes of informers, and that fer¬
ved to dncreafe the number of thefe mifcreants j but
plots themfelves alfo became more numerous. Plot
was fet up againft plot; and the people wTere kept
fufpended in the moft dreadful apprehenfion.
But it w!as not by plots alone that the adverfe parties
endeavoured to fupplant each other. Tumultuous pe¬
titions on the one hand, and flattering addreffes on the
ether, vvere fent up from all quarters. Wherever the
country party prevailed, petitions were fent to the king
filled with grievances and apprehenfions. Wherever
the church or court party prevailed, addreffes were
framed, containing expreffions of the higheft regard to
his majefty, and the deepeft abhorence of thofe-who en- Petitioners
deavoured to difturb the public tranquillity. Thus the andabh'or-
nation came to be diftinguilhed into petitioners and ab- rcrs, who.
horrers. Whig and Tory, alio, were now firft ufed as
terms of reproach. The whigs were fo denominated
from a cant name given to the four prefbyterian con-
venticlers, [whig being milk turned four.} The tories
were denominated from the Iriffi banditti fo called,
whofe ufual manner of bidding people deliver was by
the Iriffi wmrd Toree, or “ Give me.”
All this time the king had tyrannized over the Scots Attempt
in a very cruel manner. Being apprifed of the ten- eftablifli e-
dency of preffiyterian principles to a republican form P’fc 0P^cy
of government, Charles, like his predeceffors, had en-in
deavoured to introduce Epifcopacy there, but in a much
more violent manner than had been formerly attempt¬
ed. The rights of patrons had for feme years been abo-
liffied ; and the power of eledfing minifters had been
veiled in the kirk-feffions and lay elders : but it was now
enadled, that all incumbents vffio had been admitted up¬
on this title ffiould receive a prefentation, and be infti-
tuted anew by the biffiop, under the penalty of depri¬
vation. In confequence of this, 350 pariffies were at
once declared vacant. New minifters were fought for
all over the kingdom, and none was fo vicious or igno¬
rant as to be rejedled. The people, as might have difeontent,
been expedled, were difpleafed to the higheft degree ;
they refolved, however, to give no lign of mutiny or
fedition, notwithftanding their difeontent. This fub-
miffion made their cafe ftill worfe ; it being foolilhly
imagined, that, as they did not complain for a little ill
ufage, they would fubmit altogether if they were
worfe treated.
Affairs remained in a peaceable fituation, till, in
1661, a very fevere a£f was paffed in England againft 2:52
conventicles, and this feverity was imitated by the Scots Prefb)'ten-
parliament, who paffed an acf of the fame kind. Mili- an!>perfecu.
tary force was next let loofe. Wherever the peoplettu*
had generally forfaken their churches, the guards were
quartered throughout the country. They were com¬
manded by Sir James Turner, a man of a very furious
temper and diffolute life. He wrent about and received
lifts from the clergy of thofe who abfented themfelves
from the churches, or wyere fuppofed to frequent con¬
venticles. Without any proof, or legal conviftion, he
demanded a fine from them •, and quartered foldiers on
the fuppof^d criminals till he received payment. An
infurreftion being dreaded during the Dutch wyar, new
forces were levied, and entrufted to the command of
Dalziel and Drummond, two men of very cruel difpo-
fitions,
231
Occafions
Britain.
233
An infur-
redlion.
2 34
Infurgents
B R I
fitions, and the Scots parliament gave full fcop
their enormities.
Reprefentations were now made to the king, who
promifed fome redrefs. But his lenity came too late.
The people, in 1668, rofe in arms. They furprifed
Turner in Dumfries, and refolved to have put him to
death ; but finding his orders to be more violent than
his execution of them, they fpared his life. At Lanark
they renewed the covenant, and publifhed their ma-
nifefto } where they profeffed their fubmiflion to the
king, and only defired the re-eftablilhment of prefby-
tery, and of their former minifters. Their force never
exceeded 2000 men *, and though the country in ge¬
neral bore them great favour, men’s fpirits were fo fub-
dued, that the infurgents could expeft no farther in-
creafe of numbers. Dalziel took the field to oppofe
them. The number of the covenanters was now re¬
duced to 800, and thefe no way capable of contending
23S „
Cruelty of
archbifhop
Sharp.
defeated at regular forces. Having advanced near Edinburgh,
HuT anc* they attempted to find their way back into the weft by
Pentland-hills. Here they were attacked by the king’s
troops, and received the firft charge very refolutely :
but that was all the adtion. Immediately they fell
into confufion, and tied. About 40 were killed on the
fpot, and 130 taken prifoners.
So long ago as the year 1661, the prelbyterians had
deputed one Sharpe to lay their grievances before the
king. Inftead of this, their deputy abandoned the
caufe altogether, became their violent enemy, and as a
reward of his treachery wras made archbifhop of St An¬
drew’s. After the battle of Pentland-hills, this man
was the foremoft to take vengeance on the unhappy
infurgents, whofe oppreffed ftate and inoffenfive beha¬
viour had made them objedls of univerfal compaftion.
Ten were hanged on one gibbet in Edinburgh ; 35
before their own doors in different places. They might
all have faved their lives, if they would have renounced
the covenant’, but this they abfolutely refufed. The
executions were going on, when the king wrote a let¬
ter to the privy-council, in which he ordered that fuch
of the prifoners as fhould Gmply promife to obey the
laws for the future Ihould be fet at liberty, and that
the incorrigible fttould be fent to the plantations.
This letter w^as brought to the council by Burnet, but
was not immediately delivered by Sharpe. What his
motives xvere for this delay, we pretend not to fay ;
but certain it is, that no aftion of his life will bear a
worfe conftru&ion than this. It had been cuftomary
to put thefe poor creatures to very fevere tortures, in
order to make them confefs that to be falfehood which
they believed to be true. By Sharpe’s delay, one
Hugh Maccail had been tortured, who would other-
wife have efcaped 5 and fo violent tvere the torments
he endured, that he expired under them. He feemed
to die in an ecftacy of joy. His laft words were ut-
Laft words tered with an accent which ftruck all the byftanders
of Mr with aftonfthment. “ Farewell (faid he) fun, moon,
and ftars j farewell world and time ; farewell weak frail
body : welcome eternity ; welcome angels and faints ;
welcome Saviour of the world ; and welcome God the
judge of all.”
A& againft In 1670, an adl againft conventicles wras paffed, feem-
conventi- ingly wuth a defign of mitigating the former perfecu-
cle8, ting laws ; though even this was fevere enough. By
this adl, the hearer in a conventicle (that is, in a dif-
236
Maccail.
237
23S
[ 473 .1 . B R .1
to all fenting affembly where more than five befide the family
wTere prefent) was fined c5?. for the firft offence, and
10s. for the fecond j the preacher 20I. for the firft
offence, and 40I. for the fecond. The perfon in
whofe houfe the conventicle met W’as fined a like fum
with the preacher. One remarkable claufe was, that
if any difpute ftiould arife with regard to the interpre¬
tation of any part of the a£t, the judges (hould always
explain the doubt in the fenfe lead: favourable to con¬
venticles, it being the intention of parliament entirely
to fupprefs them.
As the violent methods ufed by the king were found Schemes of
ineffectual to obtain his purpofe in Scotland, in I^78
a fcheme of comprehenfion was tried, by which it was
propofed to diminiih greatly the authority of the bi-
ihops, to abolifh their negative voice in the ecclefiafti-
cal courts, and to leave them little more than the right
of precedency among the prefbyters : but this too was
rejected by the people, who well knewr its tendency.
The next fcheme was an indulgence. By this, the moll
popular of the expelled preachers, without requiring
any terms of fubmiffion to the eftablilhed religion, w7ere
fettled in vacant churches j and fmall falaries of about
20I. a-year were offered to the reft, till they ihould be
otherwife eftablilhed. This bounty was rejefled as the
wages of criminal filence, and the replaced minifters
foon repented of their compliance ’, conventicles multi¬
plied, and the covenanters daily met in arms at their
places of w’orlhip, though they ufually difperfed them-
felves after divine fervice. 239
Thefe mild methods being rejedled, a renewal of the Perfecutl°fl
perfecution commenced under the adminiftration of thg renewe<l-
duke of Lauderdale, and in which Archbilhop Sharpe
had a principal hand. It was an old law, and- but fel-
dom put in execution, that a man who w7as accufed of
any crime, and did not appear to take his trial, might
be inlercornmuned •, that is, he might be publicly out¬
lawed ; andwvhoever afterwards, either on account of
bufinefs, relation, or charity, had the leaft intercourfe
with him, was fubjedfted to the fame penalties which
the law could inflidl on the criminal himfelf. A great
many writs of intercommuning were now iffued againft
the covenanters; by which abfurd method of proceed¬
ing, crimes and puniihments were multiplied to an ex¬
treme degree.
Application was made to Charles for fome redrefs of
thefe grievances : but he was too much taken up with
his pleafures to take any effedtual means of putting a
flop to them ; nay, even while he retraced them, he
wras perfuaded to avow and praife them in a letter to
the privy council. The confequence of all this w-as, Archbilliop
that the covenanters were at laft fo much enraged Sharpe
againft Sharpe, whom they confidered as an apoftate,raurdere(^
and experienced to be an unrelenting perfecutor, that,
on the 3d of May 1679, Was way-laid and mur¬
dered with all the circumftances of unrelenting cruel¬
ty. The murder of Sharpe produced a perlecution
ftill more violent, which at laft brought on another in-
furredlion.
241
The covenanters finding themfelves obliged to meet Second in-
in large bodies, and bring aims along with them for furre&ion.
their own fecurity, fet forth a declaration againft pre¬
lacy, which they publilhed at Rutherglen, a fmall bo¬
rough near Glafgow j and in the market-place there
they burned feveral afts of parliament which had efta-
3 O 2 blifhed
f
B R I [ 476 ] B R I
Britain, bllfhed that mode of ecclefiaftical government, and had
''—'v—prohibited all conventicles. For this purpofe they chofe
the 29th of May, the anniverfary of the reftoration ;
and previoufly extinguiflied the bonfires that had been
kindled on that occafion. Count Graham, afterwards
Vifcount Dundee, an aftive and enterprifing officer, at¬
tacked a great conventicle upon Loudon-hill, but was
repulfed with the lofs of 30 men. The covenanters then
finding themfelves unwarily engaged in rebellion, were
obliged to perfevere } and therefore puffied on to Glaf-
gow, which, though repulfed at firft, they afterwards
made themfelves mailers of. Here they difpoffefled the
ellabliffied clergy, and iffued proclamations, in which
they declared that they fought againll the king’s fu-
premacy, againft Popery and Prelacy, and againll a
Popiffi fucceffbr.
Charles, being now alarmed, difpatched againll the
covenanters a fmall body of Englilh cavalry under the
duke of Monmouth. He joined the Scots guards, and
fome regiments of militia levied from the well-affefled
242 counties •, and with great celerity marched in quell of
Infurgents the infurgents. They had taken poll at Bothwell-bridge
defeated at between Hamilton and Glafgow ; where there was no
Bothwell- accefs but by the bridge, and where a fmall body was
“ ’ able to defend it againil the king’s army. The whole
army of the covenanters never exceeded 8000 men, and
they had in reality no other generals than their clergy¬
men. Monmouth attacked the bridge, and the cove¬
nanters maintained their poll as long as their ammuni¬
tion lafted. When they fent for more, they received
orders to quit their poll and retire j and this imprudent
meafure occafioned an immediate defeat. Monmouth
palled the bridge without oppofxtion, and drew up his
forces oppofite to the enemy. His cannon alone put
them to the rout. About 700 w'ere killed in the pur-
fuit ; for, properly fpeaking, there was no aftion.
Twelve hundred were taken prifoners, and treated
with humanity by Monmouth. Such as promifed to
live peaceably under the prefent government w^ere dif-
milfed : and about 300 who refufed this condition were
Ihipped for Barbadoes, but unfortunately perilhed by the
way. Two of their clergymen were hanged. Soon
after, an a£l of indemnity was palled : but Lauderdale
took care that it ffiould afford little proteftion to the
unhappy covenanters ; for though orders were given to
connive thenceforward at all conventicles, he found
means under a variety of pretences to elude the execu¬
tion of them.
It is now certainly known, that King Charles II. had
formed a fcheme of overturning the ellablilhed religion,
and fubllituting Popery in its place 5 as alfo of render¬
ing himfelf abfolute. In this, however, he met with
violent oppofition from his parliaments ; and as this one
of 1679 feemed even to furpafs their predeceffors in
violence, the king was induced to dillblve them and
Violent call another in 1680. By this Hep, however, he was no
proceedings gainer. They voted the legality of petitioning the
ofparlia- king } and fell with extreme violence on the abhorrers,
who in their addreffes to the crown had exprefled their
difapprobation of thofe petitions. Great numbers of
thefe were feized by their order in all parts of Eng¬
land, and committed to clofe cuftody : the liberty of
the fubjeft, which had been fo carefully guarded by
their own recent law, was every day violated by their
arbitrary and capricious imprifonments. One Stowel of
Exeter put a flop to their proceedings : he refuted to Britain,
obey the ferjeant at arms who was fent to apprehend v—'
him 5 he flood upon his defence, and faid he knew no
law by wffiich the houfe of commons pretended to com¬
mit him. The houfe, finding it equally dangerous
to proceed or recede, got off by an evafion. They
voted that Stowel was indifpofed: and a month’s time
was allowed him for his recovery. It is happy for the
nation, that fhould the commons at any time overleap
the bounds of their authority, and capricioufly order
men to be put in prifon, there is no power, in cafe of
refiflance, that can compel the prifoners to fubmit to
their decrees.
The chief point, however, laboured by the prefent
parliament wras, to obtain the exclufion bill, which,
though the former houfe had voted, w'as never yet paf-
fed into a lawn It paffed by a great majority in the
houfe of commons, but was thrown out by the houfe of
peers. All the biffiops except three voted againfl it j
for they were of opinion that the church of England
was in much greater danger from the prevalence of
Prefbyterianifm than Popery. The commons were ex¬
tremely mortified at the reje6lion of their favourite bill:
in revenge they paffed feveral other difagreeable ads,
among which one w’as, That, till the exclufion bill was
paffed, they could not, confiftent with the trufl re-
pofed in them, grant the king any manner of fupply j
and that whoever fhould hereafter lend, by wray of ad¬
vance, any money upon the branches of the king’s re¬
venue, fhould be refponfible to parliament for his con-
dud. Charles, therefore, finding that there were no
hopes of extorting either money or obedience from the
commons, came to a refolution of once more diffolving
the parliament. His ufher of the black-rod according- Parliament
ly came to diffolve them while they were voting that difiblved.
the diffenters fhould be encouraged, and that the Pa-
pills had burned the city of London.
It was for fome time a doubt wffiether the king w^ould
ever call another parliament: his neceffities, however,'
furmounted all his fears of their violence j and, in 1681, ^
he fummoned his parliament to meet him at Oxford, New one
that he might thus have an opportunity of puniffiing called at
the city of London by fhowing his fufpicions of their Oxlord.
loyalty. In this, as in all former parliaments, the coun¬
try party predominated j and they trode exadly in the
fame paths with their predeceffors. d he fame fpeaker
was chofen, and the exclufion bill urged more fiercely
than before. Ernely, one of the king’s miniflers, pro-
pofed that the duke 'fhould be banifhed 500 miles from
England j and that on the king’s deceafe the next heir
fhould be conflituted regent with regal power. Yet
even this expedient, wffiich left the duke the bare title
of king, could not obtain the attention of the houfe.
Nothing but a total exclufion could fatisfy them.
Each party had now for fome time reviled and ridi¬
culed each other in pamphlets and libels; and this prac¬
tice at lafl was attended wuth an incident that deferves
notice. One Fitzharris, an Irifh Papifl, employed a Cafe of
Scotfman named Everhard to unite a libel againft the I it2harf^<
king and the duke of York. The Scot was adtually a
fpy for the contrary party ; and fuppofing this a trick
to entrap him, he difcovered the whole to Sir William
Waller, an eminent juflice of the peace j and, to con¬
vince him of the truth of his information, polled the
magiflrate and two other perfons privately, where they
heard
B R I t 477 1 B R I
Britain, heard the whole conference between Fitzharris and him-
“Y-"”' felf. The libel compofed between them was replete
with the utmoft rancour and fcurrility. Waller carried
the intelligence to the king, and obtain a warrant
for committing Fitzharris, who happened at that very
time to have a copy of the libel in his pocket. Seeing
himfelf in the hands of a party from whom he expec¬
ted no mercy, he refolved to fide with them, and throw
the odium of the libel upon the court, who, he faid,
were willing to draw up a libel which (hould be impu¬
ted to the exclufioners, and thus render them hateful to
the people. He enhanced his fervices to the country-
party by a new Popilh plot more tremendous than any
of the foregoing, and in which he brought in the duke
of York as a principal accomplice.
The king imprifoned Fitzharris j the commons avow¬
ed his caufe. They voted that he (hould be impeach¬
ed by themfelves, to fcreen him from the ordinary
forms of juftice : the lords rejedled the impeachment j
the commons afferted their right: a commotion was
likely to enfue $ and the king, to break off the conteft,
Parliament went to the houfe and diffolved the parliament, with a
diffolved. fixed refolution never to call another.
348 From this moment the king ruled with defpotic
proceedin sPower* temper, which had always been eafy and
of the kin|.merciful» now became arbitrary and cruel j he enter¬
tained fpies and informers round the throne, and im¬
prifoned all fuch as he thought moll daring in their de-
figns. He refolved to humble the prelbyterians $ they
were divefted of their employments and their places j
and their offices given to fuch as held with the court,
and approved the do&rine of non-refiftance. The clergy
began to tellify their zeal and their principles by their
writings and fermons $ but though among thefe the
partizans of the king were the moll numerous, thofe of
the oppofite fa&ion were the moll enterprifing. The
king openly efpoufed the caufe of the former j and
thus placing himfelf at the head of a fa&ion, he depri-
249 ved the city of London, which had long headed the
London de-popular party, of their charter. It was not till after
charter01 ItSan a4e<^ fubmiffion that he rellored it to them, having
previoully fubjefted the eledlion of their magiftrates to
his immediate authority.
Terrors alfo were not wanting to confirm this new
fpecies of monarchy. Fitzharris was brought to a trial
before a jury, and condemned and executed. The
whole gang of fpies, witneffes, informers, fuborners,
which had long been encouraged and fupported by the
leading patriots, finding now that the king was entire¬
ly mailer, turned ffiort upon their ancient drivers, and
offered their evidence againll thofe who firlt put them
in motion. The king’s minillers gav : them encour¬
agement $ and in a Ihort time the fame injultice and
the fame cruelties were pra&ifed againll Prelbyterian
fchemes that had formerly been praclifed againll Ca¬
tholic treafons. The king’s chief refentment was le¬
velled againll the earl of Shaftelbury; and, indeed,
not without reafon, as he had had a very a£live hand
in the late dillurbancgs. No fums were fpared to feek
for evidence, or even to fuborn witneffes, againll this
intriguing and formidable man. A bill of indictment
being prefented to the grand jury, witnefles were ex¬
amined, who fwore to fuch incredible circumltances as
mull have invalidated their teftimony, even if they had
not been branded as perjured villains. Among his
papers, indeed, a draught of an affociation was found, Britain,
which might have been conltrued into treafon j but-y—
it was not in the earl’s hand-writing, nor could it be
proved that he had ever communicated this fcheme
to any body, or fignified his approbation of any fuch
projeCt. The Iheriffs had fummoned a jury, whofe
principles coincided with thofe of the earl) and that
probably, more than any want of proof, procured his
fafety.
In 1683, the city of London was deprived of its
charter j which was rellored only upon terms of the
utmoft fubmiffion, and giving up the nomination of 350
their own magiftrates. This was fo mortifying a cir-Other cor-
cumftance, that all the other corporations in England P°^atl0ns
foon began to fear the fame treatment, and were fuc-^fr"
ceffively induced to furrender their charters into the
hands of the king. Confiderable fums wTere exaCled
for reftoring thefe charters j and all the offices of power
and profit were left at the difpofal of the crown. Re¬
finance nowT, however juftifiable, could not be fafe ; and
all prudent men faw na other expedient but fubmitting
patiently to the prefent grievances. 3.51
There was a party, however, in England,, that HillConfpiraey
cherilhed their former ideas of freedom, and refolved toj^”1*^16
reftore liberty tb their cduntry by dethroning the king a‘
who aCled in fuch a defpotic manner. The principal
confpirators were Monmouth, Shaftelbury, Ruffe], Ef-
fex, Howard, Algernon Sidney, and John Hamden
grandfon to the great man of that name. Monmouth
engaged the earl of Macclesfield, Lord Brandon, Sir
Gilbert Gerard, and other gentlemen in Chelhire.
Lord Ruffel fixed a correfpondence with Sir William
Courtney, Sir Francis Knowles, and Sir Francis Drake,
W'ho promifed to raife the well. Shaftefbury, writh
one Fergufon, an independent clergyman, and a reft-
lefs plotter, managed the city, upon which the confe¬
derates chiefly relied. Thefe fchemes had been laid in
1681 : but the caution of Lord Ruffel, who induced
the duke of Monmouth to put off the enterprife, faved
the kingdom from the horrors of a civil war j while
Shaftelbury was fo ftruck with a fenle of his impending
danger, that he left his houfe, and lurking about the
city, attempted, but in vain, to drive the Londoners
to an open infurre&ion. At laft, enraged at the num-
berlefs cautions and delays wffiich clogged and defeated
his proje&s, he threatened to begin with his own friends
ftngly. However, after a long ftruggle between fear
and rage, he abandoned all hopes of fiiccefs, and fled
to Amfterdam, where he foon after died.
The lofs of Shaftelbury, though it retarded, did not
fupprefs, the defigns of the confpirators. The remain¬
ing fix formed a council; they correfponded with Ar-
gyle and the malecontents in Scotland ; and refolved
to profecute the fcheme of the infurredtion, though they
widely differed in principles from one another. Mon¬
mouth afpired to the crown; Ruffel and Hamden pro-
pofed to exclude the duke of York from the fucceffion,
and redrefs the grievances of the nation $ Sidney was
for reftoring the republic, and Effex joined in the fame
wfilh. Lord Howard was an abandoned man, who, ha¬
ving no principles, fought to embroil the nation, to gra¬
tify his private intereft in the confufion. 2S2
Befides thefe, there was a fet of fubordinate confpi-Defign of
rators, who frequently met together, and carried 0n.affaffi.nat~
projedls quite unknown to Monmouth and his conu-f”^^
—V—
„ 253
It mifcar-
ries.
B R I [ 473 ]
Among tliefe was Colonel Rumfey, an old repub- All this was don
Britain, cil.
' lican officer ; Lieutenant-colonel Walcot, of the fame
damp 5 Goodenough, under fherifFof London, a zealous
and noted party-man ; Fergufon, an independent mini-
fler j and feveral attorneys, merchants, and tradefmen
of London. But Rumfey and Fergufon were the only
perfons that had accefs to the great leaders of the con-
fpiracy. Thefe men undertook the defperate refolution
of affaflinating the king in his way to Newmarket;
Rumbold, one of the party, polfelfed a farm upon that
road, called the Rye-hou/e, and from thence the confpi-
racy was called the Rye-houfe plot. They deliberated
on a fcheme of flopping the king’s coach by overturn¬
ing a cart on the highway at this place, and fhooting
him through the hedges. The houfe in which the king
lived at Newmarket accidentally took fire, and he w'as
obliged to leave Newmarket eight days fooner than
was expelled ; to which circumflance he owed his fafe-
ty. Soon after this the confpiracy was difcovered j
Ruflel, Sidney, and Walcot, were executed; Effex cut
his own throat ; Hamden was fined 40,000!. ; and
fcarce one efcaped who had been in any manner con¬
cerned, except the duke of Monmouth, who was the
jnoft culpable of all.
This was the lafl blood that was fhed on account
of plots or confpiracies, which continued during the
greatefl part of this reign. Severe punifhments, how¬
ever, wrere infh&ed on many who treated the duke of
York unworthily. The famous Titus Oates w^as fined
loo,oool. for calling him a Popifh traitor; and he
was imprifoned till he fhould pay it, which he was ab-
folutely incapable of. A fimilar fentence w’as pafled
upon Dutton Colt. Sir Samuel Barnadiflon wTas fined
lOjOOol. for having in fome private letters refledled
on the government. The government of Charles wras
now as abfolute as that of any prince in Europe ; but
to pleafe his fubjedls by an a£! of popularity, he judged
it proper to marry the lady Anne, his niece, to Prince
George brother to the king of Denmark. This wTas
the laft remarkable tranfaftion of this extraordinary
reign. On February 2. 1685, about eight in the
morning, the king was feized with a fit of the apo¬
plexy ; being dreffed, and juft come out of his clofet,
where he had been for fome time after he rofe from
bed. By being blooded, he was reftored perfedlly to
his fenfes; and there wTere great hopes of his recovery
the next day. On the fourth day the phyficians de-
fpaired of his life, and therefore fent for the queen.
He was in his perfeft fenfes when flie arrived. She
threw herfelf on her knees, and afked his pardon for all
her offences. He replied, that fhe had offended in no¬
thing ; but that he had been guilty of offences againft
her, and afked her pardon. Pie fpoke with great af-
feftion to the duke of York, and gave him excellent
counfel for his future conduft. He advifed him to ad¬
here to the laws with ftriflnefs, and invariably to fup-
port the church of England. The duke feemed anxious
to convince him before he died how little he intended
to follow his advice. Having removed the bifhops,
and feveral of the lords who attended the bed of the
king, he fent for Huddlefton a Romifh prieft. In the
prefence of the duke, the earl of Bath, and/Trevannion
a captain in the guards, Huddlefton gave the extreme
un&ion to the king, and adminiftered to him the facra-
iment according to the rites of the church of Rome.
B r r
254
Death of
Charles II.
in the fpace of half an hour. The Britain,
doors wTere then thrown open. Six prelates, who had *v"****^
before attended the king, were fent for to give him the
facrament; Kenn, bilhop of Bath and Wells, read
the vifitation of the fick ; and after he faid that he re¬
pented of his fins, the abiolution. I he king affifted
with feeming devotion at the fervice ; but his mouth
being diftorted with fits, and his throat contra&ed, he
could not fwallow the elements. He profeffed, how¬
ever, his fatisfa£lion in the church of England ; and ex¬
pired on the 6th of February, between 11 and 12
o’clock : having reigned.25 years, and lived 55.
I he firft a6l of James IPs reign w’as to affemble the
privy council: w'here, after fome praifes bellowed on
the memory of his predeceffor, he made profefiions of
his refolution to maintain the eftablilhed government
both in church and ftate ; and as he had heretofore ven¬
tured his life in defence of the nation, he wmuld ftill
go as far as any man in maintaining all its juft rights
and privileges. 255
This difcourfe was received with great applaufe, notServile acL
only by the council, but by the whole nation. Ad- jj
dreffes came from all quarters, full of duty, nay of the^amei
moft fervile adulation. From this charge, however, w’e 256
muft except thofe of the Quakers, which is remarkable Q"akers
for its good fenfe and fimplicity. “ We are comeaddleiS*
(faid they) to teftify our forrow for the death of our
good friend Charles, and our joy for ,thy being made
our governor. We are told that thou art not of the
perfuafion of the church of England no more than we:
wherefore wTe hope that thou will grant us the fame li¬
berty which thou allow'd! thyfelf. Which doing, w'e
wilh thee all manner of happinefs.” 257
The king, however, foon Ihowed, that he either was Imprudent
not fincere in his promifes, or that he entertained fo^^10“r
lofty an idea of his own legal power, that even his£;no.e
utmop: fincerity could tend very little to the fecurity of *
the liberties of the people. All the cuftoms, and the
greater part of the excife, wdiich had been voted to the
late king for his life only, wTere levied by James with¬
out a new a£f for that purpofe. He went openly to
mafs with all the enfigns of his dignity ; and even fent
one Caryl as his agent to Rome to make fubmiilions
to the Pope, and to pave the way for the readmifiion
of England into the bofom of the Catholic church.
From the fuggeftions of thefe men all his meafuxes were
undertaken. One day when the Spanifti ambaffador
ventured to advife his majefty againft putting too much
confidence in fuch kind of people, “ Is it not the cu-
ftom in Spain ((aid James) for the king to confult
with his confeffor ?” “ Yes (anfwered the ambafla-
dor), and that is the reafon why our affairs fucceed fo
very ill.”
James’s firft parliament, which w7as compofed moftly
of zealous tories, was ftrongly inclined to comply with
the meafures of the crowm. They voted unanimoufly.
that they fhould fettle on the preient king, during life,
all the revenue enjoyed by the late king till the time
of his deceafe. For this favour, James affured them,
that he would fecure them in the full enjoyment of their
laws; but with regard to religion, no anfwer could be 25S
extorted, for that he was refolved to alter. In every Jn f°me re*
thing, however, religion excepted, James merited every
praife. Pie applied himfelf to bufinefs with unremit-^j^
ting attention. He managed his revenue with the
ftrifteft
Britain.
259
Mon¬
mouth’s
eonfpiracy.
s5o
Defeat and
death of
Argyle.
261
Monmouth
Sands in
England.
B R I [ 479 3 B R I
ft title ft economy. He retrenched fuperfluous expences,
and ftiowed himfelf zealous for the glory of the na¬
tion. He endeavoured to expel from court the vice
which had prevailed fo much during the former reign,
and to reftore decency and morality. He prefided
daily at the council, at the boards of admiralty and
treafury. He even entered into the whole detail of
the concerns of the great departments of the Irate.
But his bigotry for the Romiftr religion lullied all his
good qualities, and rendered him feared for his vio¬
lence, where he was not defpifed for his weaknefs.
But whilft every thing was fubmitted in tranquillity
to James at-home, a ftorm was gathering abroad to
difturb his repofe. For a long time the prince of O-
range had entertained hopes of afcending the Britifh
throne, and had even ufed all his endeavours to ex¬
clude James from it. Monmouth, who, fince his laft
confpiracy, had been pardoned, but ordered to de¬
part the kingdom, had retired te Holland. He w^as
received by the prince of Orange with the higheft
marks of diftinclion, and even became his chief favou¬
rite, through whom all favours were to be obtained.
When the news of Charles’s death arrived, indeed, the
prince made a (how of altering his note, and difmifted
Monmouth, though he ftill kept a clofe correfpondence
with him. The duke retired to Bruffels, where, un¬
der the aufpices of the prince of Orange, he refolved
to invade England, with a defign of feizing the crown
for himfelf. He was feconded by the duke of Argyle,
who formed the fcheme of an infurredfion in Scotland ;
and while Monmouth attempted to make a rifing in the
weft of England, it was refolved that Argyle fhould
alfo try his endeavours in the north. The generofity of
the prince of Orange, however, did not correfpond
with the warmth of his profefllons. The unfortunate
duke derived from his own plate and jewels his whole
fupply for the war ; and the enthunafm of a rich w idow
fupplied Argyle with io,oool. wdrerewith he purcha-
fed three veflels, which he loaded with arms and am-*
munition.
Argyle was the firft who landed in Scotland, wdrere
he publifhed his manifeftoes, put himfelf at the head of
2500 men, and ftrove to influence the people in his fa¬
vour. But a formidable body of the king’s forces co¬
ming againft him, his army fell away 5 and he himfelf,
after being wmunded in attempting to efcape, wras taken
prifoner by a peafant who found him Handing up to the
neck in water. He was from thence carried to Edin¬
burgh, wdrere after fuftering many indignities he was
publicly executed.
By this time Monmouth had landed in Dorfetfhire
with fcarce 100 followers. His name, however, wms
fo popular, and fo great was the hatred of the people
to James on account of his religion, that in four days
he had affembled a body of above 2000 men. They
wTere indeed all of them the low'd! of the people, and
his declarations were fuited entirely to their prejudices.
He called the king the duke of York ; and denominated
him a traitor, a tyrant, a murderer, and a Popiftr ufur-
per. Fie imputed to him the fire of London, and even
affirmed that he had poifoned the late king.
Monmouth continued to make a rapid progrefs, and
in a ftrort time found himfelf at the head of 6000 men;
but was dailly obliged to difmifs great numbers for
want of arms. The king was not a little alarmed at
his invafion. Six regiments of Britilh troops were Britain,
called over from Holland ; and a body of regulars, to —v-—
the number of 3000, was fent, under the command of
the earl of Feverfham and Churchill, to check the pro»
grefs of the rebels. They took poft at Sedgemore, a 262
village in the neighbourhood of Bridgewater, and vvere Defeated at
joined by confrderable numbers of the country militia. ^ec*&e?lore*
Here Monmouth refolved, by a defperate effort, to lofe
his life or gain the kingdom. Fie drove the royal
infantry from their ground, and was on the point of
gaining a complete victory, when the cowardice of
Gray, who commanded the horfe, brought all to ruin.
This nobleman fled at the firft onfet ; and the rebels,
being charged in flank, gave way after a three hours
conteft. About 300 were killed in the engagement,
and 1000 in the purfuit. Monmouth fled above 20
miles from the field of battle, till his horfe funk under
him. He then alighted} and, exchanging clothes with
a fhepherd, fled on foot, attended by a German count
who had accompanied him from Holland. Being quite
exhaufted with hunger and fatigue, they both lay dowm
in a field, and covered themfelves with fern. The
fhepherd being found in Monmouth’s clothes by the
purfuers, increafed the diligence of the fearch ; and by 263
the means of blood hounds he was dete&ed in his mi-
ferable fituation, with raw peafe in his pocket, on which tera^ie fltu,
he had lived for fome days. He burft into tears when tion.
feized by his enemies; and petitioned, with the moft
abje£t fubmiffions, for his life. On his w’ay to London, Att2^1| tsjn
he wrote a fubmiffive letter to the king, promifing difco- vajn t0 0i,_
veries, fhould he be admitted into his prefence. The tain mercy*-
curiofity of James being excited by the letter, he fent
Sheldon a gentleman of the bed-chamber to meet Mon¬
mouth. In his converfation with Sheldon, he afked
who was in chief confidence with the king ? and being
anfwered that it was Sunderland, Monmouth knocked
his breaft in a furprife, and faid, “ Why then, as I
hope for falvation, he promifed to meet me.” He
defired Sheldon to inform the king, that feveral of his
accomplices in rebellion were in the confidence of his
majefty ; and he gave him a particular account of the
part which the prince of Orange had aiffed in this whole
affair.
Sheldon, on his return from the duke of Monmouth,
began to give an account to the king of what he had
learned from the unhappy prifoner. Sunderland, pre¬
tending bufinefs, came into the room. Sheldon flop¬
ped, and fignified his defire to fpeak in private rvith
the king. James told him he might fay any thing be¬
fore that lord. Sheldon wras in great perplexity ; but
being urged, he told all that Monmouth had afferted.
Sunderland appeared for fome time confufed : at
length he faid, with a laugh, “ If tjiat is all he can dif-
cover to fave his life, he will derive little good from
his information.” Monmouth himfelf was Toon after
brought before the king. Sunderland by an artifice
enfured the death of the unfortunate duke, to fave him¬
felf and the other adherents of the prince of Orange.
When he faw Monmouth’s letter to James, and heard
the difcoveries made by Sheldon, he is faid to have ad-
viied him, that, as he could affure him of the certainty
of a pardon, he ought to deny what he had faid in pre¬
judice of his friends, who could ferve him on fome
other more favourable occafion. The credulous duke,
fwayed by the advice of Sunderland, fuppreffed what
he-
B R I [48
Britain, he had faid to Sheldon, when he was examined by the
1 ' king. He mentioned nothing of the concern which
the prince of Orange had taken in the invafion ; though
appoint on which James was already fufficiently inform¬
ed. D’Avaux, the French minifter to the States, had
given a circumftantial account of the whole condudf of
the prince to Louis XIV. who had ordered it to be
privately communicated to the king of England. The
minifter who had been fent from Holland to congratu¬
late James on the fuppreflion of Argyle’s rebellion, was
in a grievous agony when he heard that the king was
refolved to fee Monmouth. “ Though he found that
he faid nothing of his mafter (faid James), he was ne¬
ver quiet till Monmouth was dead.”
The unfortunate duke made various attempts to ob¬
tain mercy. He wrote to the queen dowager j he fent
a letter to the reigning queen, as well as to the king
himfelf. He begged his life, when admitted into his
prefence, with a meannefs unfuitable to his pretenfions
and high rank. But all his intreaties and fubmiffions
were of no avail, James told him, that he was much
affefted with his misfortunes, but that his crime was
too dangerous in its example to be left unpuniftied. In
his laft moments he behaved with a magnanimity worthy
of his former courage. When he came to the fcaffold,
he behaved with decency and even with dignity. He
fpoke little *, he made no confeffion : nor did he accufe
any of his friends. Circumftances are faid to have at-
265 tended his death that created a horror among the fpe&a-
Terribly tors. The executioner miffed his blow, and ftruck him
mangled by flightly
on the Ihoulder. Monmouth raifed his head
tioner.eCU~ from the block, and looked him full in the face, as if
reproaching him for his miftake. He ftruck him twice
again, but with feeble ftrokes } and then threw the axe
from his hands. The Iheriff forced him to renew his
attempt; and the head of the duke, who feemed already
dead, was at laft fevered from his body.
R b^f c Thofe concerned in the duke of Monmouth’s confpi-
■ llytreated* racy were punifhed with the utmoft feverity. Imme¬
diately after the battle of Sedgemore, Feverfham hanged
up above 20 prifoners ; and was proceeding in his exe¬
cutions, when the biftiop of Bath and Wells informed
him that thefe unhappy men were now by law entitled
to a trial, and that their execution would be deemed a
real murder. Nineteen were put to death in the fame
manner at Bridgewater by Colonel Kirke, a man of a
favage and bloody difpofition. This vile fellow, prac-
tifed in the arts of daughter at Tangiers, where he
ferved in garrifon, took pleafure in committing inftan-
ces of wanton barbarity. He ravaged the whole coun¬
try, without making any diftinftion between friend
and foe. His own regiment, for their peculiar barba¬
rity, went under the ironical title of Kirke's lambs. It
doth not, however, appear, that thefe cruelties were
committed by the diredtion, or even with the appro¬
bation, of James ; any more than the legal flaughters
that were committed by Judge Jefferies, who was fent
down to try the delinquents. The natural brutality
of this man’s temper was inflamed by continual intoxi¬
cation. No fewer than 80 were executed by his orders
at Dorchefter ; and on the whole, at Exeter, Taun¬
ton, and Wells, 250 are computed to have fallen by
the hand of juftice as it was called ; nor were women
exempted from the general feverity, but fuffered for
harbouring their neareft kindred. Jefferies on his re-
o ] b r 1
turn was immediately created a peer, and foon after Britain,
veiled with the dignity of chancellor. In juftice to the
king, however, it muft be owned, that in his Memoirs
he complains, with apparent indignation, of “ the
ftrange havock made by Jefferies and Kirke in the
weft and that he attributed the unpopularity, which
afterwards deprived him of the crown, to the violence
and barbarity of thofe pretended friends of his autho¬
rity. He even aferibes their feverities, in fome degree,
to a formed defign of rendering his government odious
to his fubjefts; and from thence it is probable, that no
exaift or impartial accounts of thefe cruelties had
reached his ears, at leaft till long after they were com¬
mitted. 267
James now began to throw off the malk, and to en-James en¬
deavour openly to eftablilh Popery and arbitrary power. ts
He told the houfe of commons, that the militia were
found by experience to be of no ufe ; that it wras necef-
fary to augment the Handing army ; and that he had
employed a great many Catholic officers, in whofe fa¬
vour he had thought proper to difpenfe with the left
required to be taken by all who were employed by the
crown. He found them ufeful, he faid, and he was
determined to keep them employed. Thefe ftretches
of power naturally led the lords and commons into
fome degree of oppofition ; but they foon acquiefced 2^8
in the king’s meafures, and then the parliament was diffolvedT*
diffolved for their tardy compliance. This was happy
for the nation ; for it was perhaps impoffible to pick
out another houfe of commons that could be more
ready to acquiefce in the meafures of the crown ; but
the diffolution of this parliament was generally looked
upon as a fign that James never intended to call ano¬
ther. 269
The parliament being difmiffed, James’s next ftep Catholics
was to fecure a Catholm intereft in the privy council. Promo,;e<1
Accordingly four Catholic lords were admitted, viz.
Powis, Arundel, Belafis, and Dover. Sunderland,
who faw that the only way to gain preferment was by
Popery, became a convert. Rochefter, the treafurer,
■was turned out of his office, becaufe he refufed to con¬
form. Even in Ireland, where the duke of Ormond
had long fupported the royal caufe, this nobleman was
difplaced as being a Proteftant ; and the Lord Tyrcon-
nel, a furious Roman Catholic, was placed in his ftead.
In his zeal for Popery, it is laid, that James ftooped
fo low as even to attempt the converfion of Colonel
Kirke ; but the daring foldier told him, that he was
pre-engaged ; for he had promifed the king of Mo¬
rocco, when he wTas chartered at Tangiers, that, if
ever he changed his religion, he would turn Maho¬
metan. < 27°
At laft the clergy of the church of England began to -EngWh
take the alarm, and commenced an oppofition to court po^tli
meafures. The pulpits now thundered out againft Po- court mea-
pery ; and it was urged, that it was more formidable fares,
from the fupport granted it by the king. It was in
vain that fames attempted to impofe filence on thefe
topics ; inftead of avoiding the controverfy, the Prote¬
ftant preachers purfued it with greater warmth.
To effedt his defigns, the king determined to revive
the high commiffion court, which had formerly given
the nation fo much difguft, and which had been abo-
liffied for ever by a& of parliament. An ecclefiaftical
commlffion was iffued out anew, by which feven com-
xniffioners
B R I
[ 4^1 ]
B R I
Britain, miflioners were inverted with a fall and unlimited au-
thority over the whole church of England.—The next
ftep was to allow a liberty of confcience to all fe&aries j
and he was taught to believe, that the truth of the Ca¬
tholic religion would then, upon a fair trial, gain the
victory. In fuch a cafe, the fame power that granted
liberty of confcience might reftrain it *, and the Catholic
religion alone be allowed to predominate. He there¬
fore ilfued a declaration of general indulgence, and af-
ferted that nonconformity to the eftabl.ifhed religion
was no longer penal. In Scotland, he ordered his par¬
liament to grant a toleration only to the Catholics, with¬
out interceding in the leaft for the other diffenters who
are much more numerous. In Ireland, the Proteftants
were totally expelled from all offices of truft and profit,
and Catholics put in their places. Thefe meafures fuf-
ficiently difgurted every part of the Britiffi empire ;
a^I but to complete the work, James publicly fent the earl
Tames lends of Caftlemaine ambaflador extraordinary to Rome, in
an ambaf- order to exprefs his obedience to the Pope, and re-
llomet0 conci^e h'ls kingdoms to the Catholic communion. This
proceeding was too precipitate to be relifhed even by
the Pope himfelf*, and therefore the only return he
made to this embafly was the fending a nuncio into
England. The nuncio made a public and folemn en¬
try into Windfor 5 wdiich did not fail to add to the
general difcontent; and becaufe the duke of Somer-
fet refufed to attend the ceremony, he was difmifled
from his employment of one of the lords of the bed¬
chamber.
Soon after this, the Jefuits were permitted to ereft
colleges in different parts of the kingdom, and to ex-
ercife the Catholic wmrfhip in the moft public manner.
Father Francis, a Benedictine monk, was recommended
by the king to the univerffty of Cambridge for the
with the u-degree of mafter of arts. The univerfity rejected him
Cambridge' on account °f rehgi°n j and prefented a petition to
b the king, befeeching him to recal his mandate. James
difregarded their petition, and denied their deputies a
hearing ; the vice chancellor himfelf was fummoned to
appear before the high commiffion court, and deprived
of his office ; yet the univerfity perfifted, and Father
Francis was refufed. The place of prefident of Mag¬
dalen college being vacant, the king fent a mandate in
favour of one Farmer, a new convert, and a man of
bad charadler in other refpe&s. The fellows of the
college made very fubmiffive applications for recalling
his mandate ; but the ele&ion day coming on before
they received an anfwer, they chofe Dr Hough, a man
of learning, integrity, and refolution. The king was
xncenfed at their prefumption ; an inferior ecclefiaftical
court was fent down, who finding Farmer a man of
fcandalous charafter, iffued a mandate for a new elec¬
tion. The man now recommended by the king was
Do&or Parker ; a man of an abandoned charafter, but
very walling to embrace the Catholic religion. The
fellows refufed to comply with this injunction ; which
fo irritated the king, that he came down to Oxford in
perfon, and ordered the fellows to be brought before
him. He reproached them with their infolence and
difobedience ; and commanded them to choofe Parker
w ithout delay. Another refufal on their fide ferved rtill
more to exafperate him ; and finding them refolute in
the defence of their privileges, he ejected them all ex¬
cept two from their benefices, and Parker was put in
Vol. IV. Part II.
272
Difpute
poffeflion of the place. Upon this, the college was Britain,
filled with Catholics j and Charnock, one of the two ' ^ "
that remained, wTas made vice-prefident. College fill.
In 1686, a fecond declaration for liberty of con-ed with
fcience was publiffied almoft in the fame terms with the Catholics,
former ; but with this peculiar injunction, that all di¬
vines fhould read it after fervice in their churches. The
clergy refolved to difobey this order. Loyde biffiop of
St Afaph, Kenn of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely,
Lake of Chichefter, White of Peterborough, and Tre»
lawmey of Briftol, together with Sancroft the primate,
concerted an addrefs in form of a petition to the king,
which, with the wTarmeft expreffions of zeal and fub-
miffion, remonftrated that they could not read his de¬
claration confiftent with their confidences or the re-
fpedl they owed the Proteftant religion. The king
received their petition with marks of furprife and dif-
pleafure. He faid he did not expedl fuch an addrefs
from the church of England, particularly from fome
amongft them) and perfilted in his orders for their obey¬
ing his mandate.
As the petition was delivered in private, the king
fummoned the bifliops before the council, and there
queftioned them whether they would acknowdedge it.
They for fome time declined giving an anlwrer $ but
being urged by the chancellor, they at laft owned the PfiflhoDsim.
petition. On their refufal to give bail, an order wasprifoned.
immediately drawn for their commitment to the Tower,
and the crown lawyers received direflions to profecute
them for a feditious libel. The king gave orders that
they ffiould be conveyed to the Tow’er by w’ater, as the The whole
whole city wras in commotion in their favour. The c*ty incpITi-
people were no fooner informed of their danger, than^°^°^ln
they ran to the river-fide in prodigious multitudes, vour>
craving their bleffing ; calling upon Heaven to protedl
them, &c. The very foldiers by whom they were
guarded, kneeled down before them, and implored
their forgivenefs.
The 29th of June 1686 was fixed for the trial of the
bilhops ; and their return was ftill more fplendidly at¬
tended than their imprifonment. Twenty nine peers,
a great number of gentlemen, and an immenfe crowd
of people, waited upon them to Weftminfter-hall. The
difpute was learnedly managed by the lawyers on both
fides. The jury withdrew' into a chamber where they
parted the wffiole night; but next morning they return-They are
ed into court, and pronounced the bifliops not guilty, acquitted.
Weftminfter-hall inftantly rang with loud acclamations,
wffiich were communicated to the whole extent of the
city. They even reached the camp at Hounflow, where
the king was at dinner in Lord Feverftiam’s tent. His
majefty demanding the caufe of thofe rejoicings, and
being informed that it was nothing but the foldiers
fliouting for the delivery of the biftiops ; “ Call you
that nothing ! (cried he) ; but fo much the worfe for
them.” Immediately alter this, the king ftruck out
two of the judges, Powel and Holloway, who had ap¬
peared to favour the biffiops. He iffued orders to pro¬
fecute all thofe clergymen who had not read his decla¬
ration, jmd all had refufed it except 200. He fent alfo
a mandate to the new fellows whom he had obtruded
on Magdalen college, to eledt for prefident, in the
room of Parker lately deceafed, one Gifford, a doctor
of the Sorbonne, and titular biffiop of Madura.
As the king found the clergymen everywhere averfe
3 t0
B R I [ 48
Britain, to nis meafures, he was willing next to try what he
'J 2V ' could do with the army» He thought if one regiment
Attach- fhould promife implicit obedience, their example would
ment of the foon induce others to comply. He therefore ordered
army to the one of the regiments to be drawn up in his prefence,
Froteftant an(j (lefirecj that as were againfl his late declaration
rt ' of liberty of confcience fliould lay down their arms.
He was furprifed to fee the whole battalion ground
their arms, except two officers and a few Roman Ca-
2-78 tholic foldiers.—A fortunate circumftance happened
Birth of a about this time in his family. A few days before the
Wales acquittal of the biffiops, the queen was brought to bed
of a fon, who was baptized by the name of James.
This would, if any thing could at that time, have fer-
ved to eilabliffi him on the throne : but fo great was
the animofity againft him, that a dory was propagated
that the child was fuppofititious; and fo great was the
monarch’s pride, that he fcorned to take any precau¬
tions to refute the calumny.
Though the enthufiafm of James himfelf bordered
upon madnefs, the moft wild of his religious projefts
279 feem to have been fuggefted by his enemies to accom-
ofSund"17 ru^n* "^ie ear^ Sunderland, whom he chiefly
kndT ^ tru^e^’ was 3 man abandoned principles, infatiable
avarice, and fitted by nature for flratagem, deception,
and intrigue. The love ®f money was his ruling paffion,
and he fold his influence to the higheft bidder. To fuch
a degree was he mercenary, that he became at once the
280 penfioner of the prince of Orange and of the king of
Schemes of France. The former, who had long fixed his eye on the
the prmce Engliih throne, watched James’s motions, and took
railSe‘ every advantage of his errors. He had laid his fchemes
io extenfively, that nothing but the birth of a male
heir to the crown of England could poffibly prevent
him from an almoft immediate poffeffion of the king¬
dom. He had the addrefs to render two-thirds of the
powders of Europe interefted in his fuccefs. The treaty
of Augffiurg, formed to break the powder of France,
could not accompliffi its objeft without the acceffion of
England. The houfe of Auftria, in both its branches,
preferred their political viewTs to their zeal for the Ro-
miffi faith, and promoted the dethronement of James
as the only means to humble Louis XIV. Odefchalchi,
who under the name of Innocent XI. filled then the
papal chair, was gained to the meafures of the prince
of Orange by other confiderations, as well as through
his fixed averfion to France. The prince of Orange fent
his intimate friend the prince of Vaudemont to Rome,
to procure the aid of the Pope. He explained to his
Holinefs, that the Catholic princes were in the wrong
to expett any advantage to their faith from James, as
his being a declared Papift rendered his people averfe
to all his meafures. As for himfelf, (liould he have the
good fortune to mount the throne of England, he might
take any ftep in favour of the Roman Catholics with¬
out jealoufy : and he promifed to procure a toleration
for the Papifts, ffiould the Pope, the emperor, and the
king of Spain, favour his attempt. This negociation
procured the defired effiedf. Innocent contributed, with
the money of the church, to expel a Roman Catholic
prince from his throne.
Though the conteft with the biffiops had completed
the king’s unpopularity, he derived the fuddennefs of
his «iin from the birth of a prince of Wales. That cir-
2 ] B R I
cumftance increafed the fears of his fubje&s in proper- Britain-
tion as it raifed his fecurity and hopes. In the reign of 1 v
a prince to be educated under the prejudices of fuch a
father, nothing but a continuance of the fame uncon-
ftitutional mealures could be expected. So low indeed
wTas his credit funk among his people at this time, and
fuch prefcience they all feemed to have of his fate, that
the child had like to have died before a wret nurfe could
be procured to fuckle him. agr
The prince of Orange, feeing the national difeontent He applies
now raifed to the higheft pitch, refolved to take ad-t0 James,ti
vantage of it. He began by giving one Dykevelt, hislu1?je^s;
envoy, inftruftions to apply in his name to every reli¬
gious feft in the kingdom. To the church-party he
fent aflurances of favour and regard ; and protefted,
that his education in Holland had no way prejudiced
him againft Epifcopacy. To the nonconformifts he fent
exhortations, not to be deceived by the infidious careffes
of their known enemy, but to wait for a real and fin- 2S2
cere protedlor, &.c. In confequence of thefe infinua- by whom
tions, the prince foon received invitations from the moft he !s invft-
confiderable perfons in the kingdom. Admirals Her-j
bert and Ruflel affured him in perfon of their own and
the national attachment. Henry Sidney, brother to
Algernon, and uncle to the earl of Sunderland, came
over to him with afiurances of an univerfal combination
againft the king. Lord Dumblaine, fon to the earl of
Dauby, being mafter of a frigate, made feveral voyages
to Holland, and carried from many of the nobility
tenders of duty and even confiderable fums of money
to the prince of Orange. Soon after, the biffiop of
London, the earls of Danby, Nottingham, Devonffiire,
Dorfet, and feveral other lords, gentlemen, and prin¬
cipal citizens, united in their addrefles to him, and in-
treated his fpeedy defeent. The people, though long
divided between whig and tory, now joined againft
their unhappy fovereign as a common enemy. William
therefore determined to accept of their invitations ; and
this the more readily, as he perceived the malecontents
had conduced themfelves with prudence and fecrecy.
Having the principal fervants of James in pay, he was
minutely informed of the moft fecret adftions and even
defigns of that prince. His intelligence came through
Sidney from Sunderland, who betrayed the very mea¬
fures which he himfelf had advifed. The prince had a
fleet ready to fail, and troops provided for aftion, before
the beginning of June 1688. 3S?
The king of France was the firft wffio gave James James"
warning of his danger, and offered to affift him in re-w.anied
pelling it. But he declined this friendly offer, left it j^is j
ffiould be faid that he had entered into a private treaty XIV.
with that monarch to the prejudice of the Proteftant
religion. Being alfo deceived and betrayed by Sunder¬
land, he had the w'eaknefs to believe, that the reports
of an invafion were invented in order to frighten him
into a ftrift connexion wdth France. He gave credit
to the repeated affurances of the ftates, that the arma¬
ment prepared in their ports was not defigned againft
England. Nay, he even believed the affertions of the
prince himfelf, whofe intereft it was to deceive. Sun¬
derland defcanted againft the poffibility of an invafion,
and turned to ridicule all who believed the report.
Having by the prior confent of James taken poffeffion
of all the foreign correfpondence, he fuppreffed every
intelligence
B R I
[ 483 1
B R I
284
He rrjeils
all affift-
ance.
. **S
Hi5 afto-
nillunent
on the
news of an
intended
invafion.
286
by Sunder¬
land.
Britain. Intelligence that might alarm 5 and even all others whom
  James trufted, except Dartmouth, affefted long to give
no faith to the reports of an invafion.
Louis finding his firft offers rejefted, next propofed
to march down his army to the frontiers of the Dutch
provinces, and thus detain their forces at home for
their own defence. But this propofal met with no bet¬
ter reception than the former. Still Louis was unwil¬
ling to abandon a friend and ally whofe intereft he re¬
garded as clofely conne&ed with his own. He ventur¬
ed to remonftrate with the Dutch againft the prepara¬
tions they were making to invade England. The
Dutch treated his remonflrances as an officious imper¬
tinence, and James himfelf declined his mediation.
The king of England, having thus rejedled the af-
fiftance of his friends, and being left to face the danger
alone, was aftoniffied with an advice from his minifter
in Holland, that an invafion was not only projefted
but avowed. When he firif read the letter containing
this information, he grew pale, and the letter dropt
from his hand. He faw himfelf on the brink of de-
ftruftion, and knew not to whom to apply for protec¬
tion. In this emergency, Louis wrote to James in his
own hand, that to divert the Dutch from their intend-
He is again ed invafion of England, he would lay fiege to Mae-
bei rayed ftricht with 30,000 men. James communicated this
intelligence to Sunderland, and he to the prince of
Orange. Six thoufand men wTere thrown into Mae-
ftricht j and the defign of Louis, as being impradli-
cable, was laid afide. On this Louis being difgufted
with James, turned his arms towards Germany. The
dauphin laid fiege to Philipfburg, on the 3th of 0£to-
ber ; and Prince Clement of Bavaria, by throwing a
ftrong garrifon into Cologne, effeftually fecured the
Hates of Holland from any hidden danger from the
arms of France.
James had now no refource but in retreating from
thofe precipitate meafures which had plunged him into
inextricable diftrefs. He paid court to the Dutch, and
offered to enter into any alliance with them for their
common fecurity. He replaced in all the counties of
England all the deputy lieutenants and juftices who
had been deprived of their commiffions for their adhe¬
rence to the teft and penal law. He reflored the char¬
ters of fuch corporations as he had poffeffed himfelf of
he annulled the high commiffion court ; he reinftated
the expelled prefident and fellows of Magdalen college ^
and wras even reduced to carefs thole bithops whom he
288 had fo lately perfecuted and infulted.
but in vain. All thefe conceffions, however, were now too late ;
they wrere regarded as the effefts of fear and not of re¬
pentance. Indeed, it is faid, he very foon gave proofs
of his infincerity : for hearing that the Dutch fleet
was difperfed, he recalled thofe conceffions he had made
in favour of Magdalen college 5 and to (how his at¬
tachment to the Romifir church, at the baptifm of the
prince of Wales, he appointed the pope one of the
fponfors.
In the mean time, William fet fail from Helvoetfluys
with a fleet of near 500 veffels, and an army of above
14,000 men. Fortune, however, feemed at firft every
way unfavourable to his enterprife. He was driven
back by a dreadful ftorm 5 but he foon refitted his
fleet, and again fet fail for England. It was given out
that this invafion was defigned for the coafts of France j
Britain.
287
James at¬
tempts to
pacify Ins
fubjcdls;
2S9
William
lands in
England.
and many of the fmglilh, who faw the fleet pafs along
their coafts, little fufpefted the place of its deftination.
It happened that the fame wind which fent the Dutch
to their place of deftination, detained the Engliffi fleet
in the river ; fo that the Dutch paffed the ftraits of
Dover without moleftation ; and after a voyage of
two days, landed at Broxholme in Torbay, on the
5th of November, the anniverfary of the gunpowder*
treafon.
But though the invitation from the Englifti was ve¬
ry general, the prince for fome time had the mortifi¬
cation to find himfelf joined by very few. He conti¬
nued for ten days in expe£lation of being joined by the
malecontents, and at laft was going to defpair of luc-
cefs. But juft when he began to deliberate about re*
imbarking his forces, he was joined by feveral perfon*
of confequence, and the whole country foon aftet
flocked to his ftandard. The firft perfon that joined
the prince was Major Burrington, and he was quickly
followed by the gentry of the counties of Devon and
Somerfet. Sir Edward Seymour made propofals for
an affociation, which was figned by great numbers •,
and every day there appeared fome effefr of that uni-
verfal combination into which the nation had entered
againft the meafures of the king. 29b
This was" followed by the defeftion of the army. Defefti&n
Lord Colchefter, fon to the earl of Rivers, firft de
ferted to the prince. Lord Cornbury, fon to the earl army,
of Clarendon, carried off the greateft part 01 three re¬
giments of cavalry at once $ and feveral officers of di-
ftin<5tion informed Feverffiam their general, that they
could not in honour fight againft the prince of Orange.
Soon after this the unhappy monarch found himfelf de-
ferted by his own fervants and creatures. Lord Church¬
ill had been raifed from the rank of a page, and had
been invefted with a high command in the aimy } he
had been created a peer, and owed his whole foitune
to the king’s bounty: yet even he deferted among
the reft ; and carried with him the duke of Grafton
natural fon to the late king, Colonel Berkeley, and
others. . apt
In this univerfal defe&ion, James, not knowing piftreffed
where to turn, began to think of requefting affiftance of
from France when it was now too late. He wrote to u ing’
Leopold emperor of Germany : but in vain ; that mo¬
narch only returning for anfwer, That what he had
forefeen had happened. James had fome dependence
on his fleet 5 but they were entirely difaffedted. In a
w’ord, his interefts were delerted by all, for he had
long deferted them himfelf. He ftill found his army,
however, to amount to 20,000 men 5 and had he led
them immediately to battle, it is poffible they might
then have fought in his favour. But James’s misfor¬
tunes had deprived him of his natural firmnefs and re-
folution 5 and feeing himfelf deferted by thofe in whom
he thought he could have placed moil confidence, he
became fufpicicus of all, and was m a manner depriv¬
ed even of the power of deliberation. In this extre¬
mity of diftrefs, the prince of Denmark, and Anne,
James’s favourite daughter, perceiving the defperation
of his circumftances, cruelly refolved to take part with
the prince of Orange. When the king was informed
of this, he was flung with the rnoft bitter anguifti.
“ God help me (cried he), my own children have for-
faken me.” To add to his diftrefs as a parent, he was
^ p 2 accuied
Britain.
292
Haughty
behaviour
of William
293
James’s at-
t erupts to
leave the
kingdom.
Is feized
and infult-
ed.
B R I [ 484
accufed of being acceffbry to the death of his own
child. Her nurfe, and her uncle the earl of Claren¬
don, went up and down like diftrafted perfons, affirm¬
ing that the Papiifs had murdered the princefs. They
publicly alked the queen’s fervants, whither they had
conveyed her ? and they contributed to inflame the
populace, whofe zeal had already inflamed them to tu¬
mult and dilorder. It was, however, foon known that
fhe fled, under the condudl of the bilhop of London,
to Northampton.
On the 30th of November 16S8, James fent three
of his noblemen to treat with the prince of Orange.
But though the latter knew very well that the king’s
commiffioners were in his interefls, his behaviour
fhowed plainly that he now thought the time of treat¬
ing was pall. For fome time he would not admit them
•to an audience j and when he did, would give no fa-
tisfadlory anfwer. James now began to be afraid of
his perfonal fat-sty. But what moll affeefed him was
the terrors of the queen for herfelf and her infant fon.
He therefore refolved to fend them abroad. They
crofled the river in a boat, at Whitehall, in a ftormy
and rainy day. They were carried to Gravefend in a
coach, under the condudf of the count de Lauzun. A
yacht, commanded by Captain Gray, which lay there
ready for the purpofe, foon tranfported them in fafety
to Calais.
The king was now fo difpirited and diftradled, that
he refolved to leave the kingdom at once, and thus
throw every thing into confufion. He threw the great
leal into the Thames ; he left none with any authority
to conduft affairs in his abfence ; and he vainly hoped
to derive advantage to his affairs from anarchy and dif-
order. About twelve at night, on the 10th of Decem¬
ber, he difguifed himfelf, took a boat at Whitehall,
and croffed the river. Sir Edward Hales, with ano¬
ther friend, met him at Vauxhall with horfes. He
mounted ; and being conduced through by-ways by a
guide, he paffed in the nighttime to the Medway,
which he croffed by Ailesford-bridge. At Woolpeck
he took freih horfes, fent thither before by Shelden
one of his equerries who was in the fecret of his flight.
He arrived at 10 o’clock at Embyferry near Fever-
fliam, where a cuftomhoufe hoy, hired by Sir Edwrard
Hales, lay ready to receive them on board. But the
wind blew frefli, and the veffel had no ballalf. The
mailer, therefore, eafily perfuaded the king to permit
him to take in ballad at Shilnefs. It being half ebb
when they ran afliore, they defigned to fail as foon as
the veffel Ihould be afloat. But when the veffel was
almoff afloat, flic was boarded by three fiflier boats be¬
longing to Feverlham, containing 50 men. They fei¬
zed the king and his two companions, under pretence
of their being Papills that wanted to efcape from the
kingdom. 1 hey turned up Feverfliam wrater with the
tide •, but Hill the king remained unknown. Sir Ed¬
ward Hales placed privately 50 guineas in the hands
of the captain, as an earned ot more fliould he permit
them to efcape. He promifed : but was fo far from
keeping his word, that he took what money they had,
under pretence of fecuring it from the feamen ; and
having poffeffed himfelf of their all, he left them to
their fate. The unfortunate fugitives were at length
carried in a coach to Feverfliam, amid the infults, cla-
b r 1
mours, and fliouts of the failors. When the king was Britain,
brought to the inn, a leaman who had ferved under u
him knew him, and melted into tears j and James him-
lelf was fo much moved at this inflance of his affetlion,
that he wept. Fiie other fhhermen who had treated
him with fuch indignity before, when they faw his
tears, iell upon their knees. 1 he lower inhabitants of
the whole village gathered round him j but the better
lort fled from his prefence. 1’he feamen, however,
formed themfelves into a guard round him, and de¬
clared, that “ a hair of his head fhould not be touch¬
ed.” In the mean time, Sir James Oxendon, under
the pretence of guarding him from the rabble, came 295
with the militia to prevent his efcape. T. he king found His great
a change in his condition when he was taken out ofdiftrefe* ■
the hands of the failors. The commanders of the mi¬
litia ftiowed him no refpetf. He w^as even infulted by
the common foldiers. A letter which he intended to
fend to London for clothes, a change of linen, and
fome money, was flopped by thofe who pretended to
protect his perfon.
All things in the mean time ran into confufion at
London, and the prince of Orange exercifed in his own
perfon all the funftions of royalty. He iffued a decla¬
ration to the difhanded army to reaffemble themfelves.
He ordered the fecretary at war to bring him a lift of
the king’s troops. He commanded the lord Churchill
to colledb his troop of horfe guards. He fent the duke
of Grafton to take poffeflion in his name of Tilbury-
fort. The affembly of peers adjourned to the council-
chamber at Whitehall, and, to give the appearance of
legality to their meeting, cliofe the marquis of Halifax
fi''*- their prefident. While this affembly was fitting,
on the 13th of December, a poor countryman, who
had been engaged by James, brought an open letter
from that unfortunate prince to London. It had no
fubfeription $ and it was addrefled to none. It con¬
tained, in one fentence only, his deplorable condition
when in the hands of a defperate rabble. This poor
meffenger of their fallen fovereign had long waited at
the council door, without being able to attradl the no¬
tice of any who paffed. " The earl of Mulgrave at
length, apprifed of his bufinefs, had the courage to
introduce him to the council. He delivered his open
letter, and told the ftate of the king with tears* The
affembly were fo much moved, that they fent the earl
of Feverfham with 2CO of the guards towards Fever-
fham. His inftruflions w-ere to refeue him firft from
danger, and afterwards to attend him to the fea coaft, ^
fliould he choofe to retire. He chofe, however, to re-James re
turn to London ; but the prince of Orange fent a mef-tllrns t0
fage to him, defiring him to advance no nearer the
pital than Rochefter. The meffenger miffed James by
the way. The king fent Feverfliam with a letter to
the prince of Orange, requefling his prefence in Lon¬
don to fettle the nation. Fie himfelf proceeded to
that place, and arrived on the 16th of December.
Doubting the fidelity of the troops who were quarter¬
ed at Weftminfter, he chofe to pafs through the city
to Whitehall. Never prince returning with vidlory to
his capital was received with louder acclamations of
joy. All the ftreets were covered with bonfires. The
bells w7ere rung, and the air was rent with repeated
fliouts of gladnefs. All orders of men crowded to his
coach f
v
B R I [4?
Britain, coach j and when he arrived at Whitehall, his apart-
t—,l _v ‘ ments were crowded with people who came to exprefs
their joy at his return.
The prince of Orange received the news of his re¬
turn with a haughty air. His aim from the beginning
was to force him by threats and feverities to relinquiih
the throne. The Dutch guards were ordered to take
197 poiTeffion of Whitehall, and to difplace the Englifh.
Command- king was foon after commanded by a meffage,
fia-rwo^1' vv^c^ ke received in bed at midnight, to leave his pa-
Jeave his lace next morning, and to depart for Ham, a feat of
palace. the duchefs of Lauderdale’s. He defired, however,
permilTion to retire to Rochefter, a town not far from
the fea coaft, and oppofite to France. This was rea¬
dily granted : and it was now perceived that the harlh
meafures of the prince had taken effedf, and that the
king meditated an efcape to France.
The king, furrouncied by the Dutch guards, arrived
at Rochelter on the 19th of December. The reftraint
put upon his perfon, and the manner in which he had
been forced from London, raifed the indignation of
many, and the compadion of all. The Engliih army,
both officers and foldiers, began to murmur ; and had
it not been for the timidity and precipitation of James
298 himfelf, the nation had certainly returned to their al-
He is preff- leg"liince. J Je remained three nights at Rochefter, in
fn the knur, the midft of a few faithful friends. The earls of Ar-
dom; 45 ran, Dumbarton, Ailefbury, Litchfield, and Middle-
ton, were there 5 and, with other officers of merit, the
gallant Lord Dundee. They argued againft his flight
with united efforts. Several bifliops, fome peers, and
many officers, entreated his ftay in fome part of Eng¬
land. Meffage followed rneflage from London. They
reprefented that the opinions of men began to change,
and that events would daily rife in favour of his autho¬
rity. Dundee added his native ardour to his advice.
“ The queftion, Sir, (faid he), is. Whether you ftiall
ftay in England, or fly to France ? Whether you ftiall
truft the returning zeal of your native fubjefls, or rely
on a foreign power ? Here you ought to ttand. Keep
pofleflion of a part, and the whole ivill fubmit by de¬
grees. Refume the fpirit of a king. Summon your
fubje&s to their allegiance. Your army, though dif-
banded, is not difperfed. Give me your commiflion.
I will gather 10,000 of your troops. I will carry your
ftandard at their head through England, and drive be¬
fore you the Dutch and their prince.” The king re¬
plied, “ that he believed it might be done ; but that it
would raife a civil war, and he would not do fo much
mifchief to a nation that would fo foon come to their
fenfes again.” Middleton urged his ftay, though in
the remoteft part of the kingdom. “ Your majefty
(faid he) may throw things into confufion by your de¬
parture ; but it will be but the anarchy of a month :
a new government will foon be fettled, and you and
299 your family will be ruined.” Thefe fpirited remon-
but refufes. ftrances had no effedl upon James. He refolved to
quit the kingdom •, and having communicated his de-
fign to a few of his friends, he paffed at midnight
through the back-door of the houfe where he lodged,
and with his fon the duke of Berwick, and Biddulph
one of his fervants, went in a boat to a fmack which
lay waiting for him wuthout the fort at Sheernefs. By
reafon of a hard gale they wrere forced to bear up to¬
ward Leigh, and to anchor on the Effex fide, under
Britain,
300
5 1 B R I
the lee of the land. When the gale flackened, they ^
reached the Buoy of the Narrows without tacking ; but
not being able to w-eather the Goodwin, they were for¬
ced to fail through the Downs. Seven (hips lay there at
anchor 5 but the fmack paffed unqueftioned along. En¬
able to fetch Calais, (lie bore away for Boulogne, and
anchored before Ambleteufe. The king landed at three 5 ^
o’clock in the morning of Tuefday, December 25th -7
and taking poft, foon joined his queen at St Germains.
James having thus abandoned his dominions, the
prince of Orange remained mafter of them of courfe.
By the advice of the houfe of lords, the only member
of the legiffature remaining, he was defired to fummon
a parliament by circular letters; but the prince, un¬
willing to a£t upon fo imperfedt an authority, conven¬
ed all the members wTho had fat in the houfe of com¬
mons during any parliament of Charles II. and to thefe
were added the mayor, aldermen, and fifty of the
common council of London ; and the prince, being
thus fupported by an affembly deriving its authority
from himfelf, wrote circular letters to the counties
and corporations of England to call a new7 parliament. ^0I
The houfe being met, which was moftly compofed The throne
of the whig party, thanks w7ere given to the prince of declared
Orange for the deliverance he had brought them j af-''^11^
ter wdiich they proceeded to fettle the kingdom. A
vote foon paffed both houfes, that King James II. ha¬
ving endeavoured to fubvert the coniiitution of the
kingdom, by breaking the original contraft between
the king and his people, and having by the advice of
Jefuits and other wicked perfons violated the funda¬
mental laws, and withdrawn himfelf out of the king¬
dom. had abdicated the government; and that the
throne wras thereby vacant. _ ^03
The king being thus depofed, it was eafy for Wil- William
liam to get himfelf appointed his fucceffor. Propofals railed ro
were made for elefting a regent. Others were for in- ^5
veiling the princefs of Orange with regal power, and S '
declaring the young prince fuppofititious. 1 o thefe
propofals, howrever, William oppofed the following
decifive argument, viz. that “ he had been called over
to defend the liberties of the Britilh nation, and that
he had happily effedfted his purpofe j that he had heard
of feveral fchemes propofed for the eftablilhing of the
government j that, if they chofe a regent, he thought
it incumbent upon him to inform them that he would
not be that regent 5 that he would not accept of
the crown under the princefs his wife, though he
was convinced of her merits y that therefore, if
if either of thefe fchemes wras adopted, he could give
them no afliftance in the fettlement of the nation 5 but
wmuld return home to his own country, fatisfied wdth
his aims to fecure the freedom of theirs.” Upon this,
after a long debate in both houfes, a new fovereign-
was preferred to a regent by a majority of tw'O voices.
It was agreed that the prince and princefs of Orange
fhould reign jointly as king and queen of England y
while the adminiftration of government Ihould be pla¬
ced in the hands of the prince only. The marquis of
Halifax, as fpeaker of the houfe of lords, made a fo-
lemn tender of the crown to their highneffes, in the
name of the peers and commons of England. The
prince accepted the offer y and that very day, Febru¬
ary 13. 1689, William and Mary were proclaimed
king and queen of England.
Though
Britain.
303
National
difcontents.
3°4
His fcheme
in favour
of diffent-
ers rejected
B R I [ 486 ]
Tliougli Mary was comprehended in the royal title, adherents
(he never pofleflfed either the authority of a queen, or
the influence of a wife. Her eafy temper had long
been fubdued by the Hern feverity of a hufband who
had very few amiable qualities. Being brought up in
a manner under the tuition of her fpoufe, and in fome
degree confined by his orders, Ihe was accuftomed to
adopt implicitly his political maxims and even his
thoughts •, and in confequence of her want of impor¬
tance with him, fhe ceafed to be an objeft of confe¬
quence in the eyes of the nation.
William began his reign with ifluing a proclamation
for continuing in office all Proteftants that had been in
place on the firfl: of the preceding December. On
the I'jthof the month he formed his privy council,
which confifled chiefly of fuch perfons as had been
molt active in raifing him to the throne. To gratify
as many as poflible of his friends, the feveral boards,
and even the chancery, were put into commiflion.
The benches of the exchequer and common law were
filled with perfons who had diffinguiflied themfelves a-
gainft the meafures of the late king. The earl of Not¬
tingham who had violently oppofed the elevation of
William, and the earl of Shrewfbury who had ad¬
hered to his views, wrere made fecretaries of Hate. The
marquis of Halifax, and the earl of Danby, though
rivals in policy, were admitted into the cabinet j the
firfl; as lord privy feal, the fecond as prefident of the
council. His Dutch friends in the mean time were
not forgotten by the king. Bentinck, his favourite,
was made a privy counfellor, groom of the Hole, and
and privy purfe. Auverquerque w'as appointed mafter
of the hot re. Zuylftein received the office of mafter
of the robes. Schomberg was placed at the head of
the ordnance.
Though thefe inftances of gratitude w7ere no doubt
neceflary to William, the generality of the nation were
difpleafed. The tories were offended at being excluded
from his favour, efpecially as they had departed from
their principles in order to ferve him. The nation in
general were much prejudiced againft foreigners, and
univerfal difcontent enfued upon feeing them preferred.
The king, who had been bred a Calvinift, wras alfo
very ftrongly inclined to favour that feft; and his pre¬
judices in favour of Calvinifm were almoft equal to
thofe of James in favour of Popery. Finding, there¬
fore, the clergy of the church of England little inclin¬
ed to take the oaths to the new government, he began
openly to indulge his own prejudices in favour of dif-
fenters. Having come to the houfe of lords to pafs
fome bills, on the 16th of March, he made a fpeech,
urging the neceffity of admitting all Proteftants indif-
criminately into the public fervice. He told his par¬
liament, that he had fomethingto communicate, which
would conduce as much to their fettlement as to the
difappointment of their enemies. He informed them,
that he was employed in filling up the vacancies in of¬
fices of truft ; and he hoped that they were fenfible of
the neceffity of a law to fettle the oaths to be taken by
fuch perfons as fliould be admitted into place. As he
doubted not, he faid, that they would fufficiently pro¬
vide againft Papifts, fo he hoped that they would
leave room for the admiffion of all Proteftants that
were able and willing to ferve.
This propofition was rejected with vehemence. The
Britain.
3C5
B R I
of the church complained that the ruin
which they feared from the Papifts in the preceding 1
re’gn was now to be dreaded from the Proteftant dif-
fenters. They affirmed, that if the eftablifhed religion
was to be deftroyed, it mattered little by wffiofe hands
it muft fall. A bill brought in by the miniftry for
abrogating the former oaths of fupremacy and allegi¬
ance was rejefted.
An attempt to difpenfe with the facramental teft
w'as made without fuccefs in another form. The court-
party propofed that any man fhould be fufficiently qua¬
lified for any office by producing a certificate of his ha¬
ving received the facrament in any Proteftant congre¬
gation. But this motion was alfo rejefted in the houfe
of lords by a great majority. William repeated his
attempts of a comprehenfion j but he was ultimately
unfuccefsful, and in the coronation-oath the church-
party inferted a claufe highly favourable to themfelves,
viz. that the king ftiould maintain the Proteftant re¬
ligion “ as eftablilhed by law'.” To this claufe Wil¬
liam is faid to have difcovered an apparent unwilling-
nefs to fwear.
For thefe and other reafons the government of Wil- Tottering
liam was for fome time but in a very tottering condi-^°”^lt1lon
tion. The king, either through want of health or in-i;am>s ^
clination, interfered but little in the affairs of the na- vernment,
tion. Ireland wras ftrangely negledfed. Halifax and
Danbyq who had in a manner raifed the king to the
throne, caballed with his enemies. They perceived
that the people, with the fame levity that induced them
to defert their former fovereign, were beginning to be
difcontented with their new prince. Every thing
feemed to tend to a change. Halifax himfelf declared,
that were James to conform with the Proteftants, he
could not be kept four months from reafcending his
throne. Danby averred, that, w'ere the late king to
give fatisfaftion for the fecurity of religion, it would
be difficult to oppofe his reftoration. From thefe ap¬
parent difcontents of the nation, the friends and emif-
faries of James affumed more boldnefs. They tamper¬
ed with the fervants of the crown, and inflamed the
army. The former they alarmed with the profpeft of
a fudden change ; the latter they roufed into indigna¬
tion by the manifeft preference given by William to
his countrymen the Dutch. ^o6
Though the kingdom of Scotland did not at firft re- He is ac-
cognize the authority of William, yet the party ofkri°w-
James never attained fufficient ftrength to be of any ef- 'e^Sed kin^
fectual fervice to him in that kingdom. Thirty Scots
peers, and near 80 gentlemen, then in London, had
wraited in the beginning of January on the prince of
Orange. Without any authority from the regency
ftill fubfifting in Edinburgh, they formed themfelves
into a kind of convention. The prince of Orange in a
formal manner afked their advice. He withdrew, and
they adjourned to the council-chamber at Whitehall.
The duke of Hamilton being chofen prefident, explain¬
ed the diftradled ftate of Scotland. He reprefented,
that diforders, anarchy, and confufion, prevailed ; and
he urged the neceffity of placing the power fomewhere
till a convention of ftates ffiould be called to form a
lafting and folid fettlement. When the heads of their
addrefs to the prince of Orange were fettled, and or¬
dered to be engroffed, the earl of Arran unexpectedly
arofe, and propofed to invite back the king. The meet¬
ing.
Britain.
3°7
Attempts
of Lord
Dundee in
favour of
Janies.
B R l [ 487 ] B R I
mg, however, adhered to the prince of Orange; and
waited on him in a body, requefting him to take the
adminirtration into his hands. He thanked them for
the trufl they had repofed in him *, and a convention
was ordered to meet at Edinburgh on the 14th of
March, and it was provided that no exception or limi¬
tation whatever fhould be made, except that the mem¬
bers (hould be Proteftants.
A fecedion, however, was made from this conven¬
tion, in favour of James. The archbifhop of Glafgow,
the earl of Balcarras, and the vifeount Dundee, wrcre
authorifed by an inftrument figned by the late king,
at that time in Ireland, to call a convention of the
ftates at Stirling. But this meafure was difappointed,
firft by the wavering difpofition of the marquis of A-
thol, and afterwards by the delay and foliy of the par¬
ty. At laft, the vifeount Dundee, being alarmed by
an information of a delign formed by the covenanters
to affaflinate him, left Edinburgh at the head of 50
horfe. When he palled under the walls of the caftle,
the duke of Gordon, who held that place, and favour¬
ed the caufe of James, called* him to a conference.
He fcrambled up the precipice, and informed the duke
of his deligns in favour of the late king. He conjured
him to hold out the caftle, under a certainty of being
relieved. 1'he novelty of the fight colledied multi¬
tudes of fpe&ators. The convention were alarmed.
The prefident ordered the doors to be locked, and the
keys to be laid upon the table. The drums were beat
to alarm in the town. A parcel of ill-armed retainers
were gathered together in the ftreet by the earl of Le-
ven. Dundee in the mean time rode off with his par¬
ty. But when they found themfelves fecure, the duke
of Hamilton adjourned the convention, which relieved
the adherents of James from dreadful apprehenfions for
their own fafety. Fifty members retired from Edin¬
burgh ; and that circumftance procured an unanimity
in all the fucceeding refolutions of the convention.
Soon after this, it was determined in a committee,
that James had his right to the crown, by
which was meant that he had perpetually excluded
himfelf and his whole race from the crown, wdrich wras
thereby become vacant. This refolution was approved
by the convention, and another was drawn up for rai¬
ling William and Mary to the vacant throne ; in con-
fequence of which they wrere proclaimed at Edinburgh
on the 11th of April 1689.
Hie caftle of Edinburgh was ftill kept, in the name
of James, by the duke of Gordon : but defpairing of
any relief, and preffed by a fiege, he furrendered it
on the 13th of June, upon honourable terms. The
adherents of James, terrified with this unexpedfed mif-
fortune, now turned their eyes to the vifeount Dun¬
dee. That nobleman having been in vain urged by
the convention to return, they had declared him a fu¬
gitive, an outlaw, and a rebel. General Mackay had
been fent to Scotland by William with four regiments
of foot, and one of dragoons; and Dundee being ap-
prifed of his defign to furprife him, retired to the Gram¬
pian mountains with a few horfe^ He marched from
thence to Gordon caftle, where he was joined by the
earl of Dunfermline with 50 gentlemen. He then paf-
fed through the county of Murray to Invernefs. Mac¬
donald of Keppoch lay with 700 men before that town *,
after having ravaged, in his way from his own country,
the lands of the clan of Macintolh. Dundee having
promifed to the magiftrates of Invernefs to repay, at
the king’s return, the money extorted from them by
Macdonald, induced the latter to join him wuth all his
men. He could not prevent them, however, from
firft returning home with their fpoil. He accompa¬
nied them to Lochaber, and on the 8th of May arriv¬
ed in Badenoch. From thence he wrote letters to the
chiefs of all the clans, appointing them to meet at a
general rendezvous in Lochaber, on the 18th of the
fame month. In the mean time, palling fuddenly
through Athol, he furprifed the town of Perth. In
hopes of gaining to his party the two troops of Scots
dragoons wrho lay at Dundee, he marched fuddenly to
that place : but the fidelity of Captain Balfour, who
commanded them, difappointed his views. Having
raifed the land-tax as he palled, Dundee returned
through Athol and Rannoch to hold, the diet of ren¬
dezvous at Lochaber. Here he wTas reinforced by fe-
veral Highland chieftans, fo that his army amounted
to 1500 men. He purfued Mackay for four days,
wdio had advanced to Invernefs, but aftenvards retreat¬
ed to Strathbogie, leaving the whole Highlands expo-
fed to the enemy.
Soon after, however, Dundee found himfelf fur-
rounded with many difficulties. The officers of the
Scots dragoons, wdio held a fecret correfpondence with
him, wrote him falfe intelligence, as an excufe for then-
own fears. They informed him, that a party of Irifti,
who had endeavoured to land in Scotland, under the
duke of Berw-ick, w^ere driven back, and the duke him¬
felf taken prifoner; and that Mackay had been rein¬
forced with a regiment of Englilh horfe, and another
of foot. On this intelligence, Dundee retreated to
Badenoch. The natives of the low country who fer-
ved in his army quitted him without leave ; and the
Highlanders plundered the country wherever they
came : at laft he himfelf fell fick, while Mackay ho¬
vered on his rear. A flight Ikirmilh happened, in
which the Highlanders prevailed ; but they loft their
baggage during the aflion. Dundee at length arrived
at Ruthven 5 but Mackay being reinforced with a bo¬
dy of 1200 men advanced againft him, and other re¬
giments had arrived at Perth and Dumblain. The
Highlanders now deferted every night by hundreds 4
their gallant leader himfelf was forced to retire to
Lochaber, w-here only 200 of his whole force remain¬
ed with him 5 and to complete his misfortunes, he re¬
ceived at the fame time news of the furrender of the
caftle of Edinburgh.
Britain.
On the 23d of June, letters arrived from King James,
with a promife of immediate fuccours from Ireland ; ,
upon which Dundee ordered the neighbouring clans
to affemble round his ftandard. But ftill he had fcarce
any thing but the mere bodies of his men wfith which
he could profccute the war. The Highlanders were
armed only with their own proper w-eapons, and he
had no more than 40 pounds of pow-der in his whole
army. . All difficulties, however, were furmounted by
the adftive fpirit of the general, for whom the army en- y,
tertained an enthufiaftic zeal. On the 1 7th of July, He is flam
he met the king’s forces under General Mackay, near at Killi-
the pafs of Killicranky. An engagement enfued, in crank?-*
which the Highlanders were victorious. Two thou-
fand of Mackay’s men were loft either in the field or
ia
B R I
[ 483 ]
B R I
Britain.
309
Ireland ne¬
glected by
William.
310
An infur-
redtion in
favour of
James.
3”
Proteftants
take arms
in their
own de¬
fence.
in the purfuit j but the victory coft the Highlanders
very dear, for their brave general was mortally wound¬
ed. He furvived the battle, however j and wrote an
account of the viftory to King James: he even ima¬
gined his wound w7as not mortal} but he died the next
morning at Blair. With him ended all the hopes of
James in Scotland. Colonel Cannon, who fucceeded
Dundee in the command, poffefl'ed neither his popula¬
rity nor his abilities. After fome inlignificant aftions,
in which the valour of the foldiers was more confpicu-
ous than the conduft of their leader, the Highlanders
difperfed themfelves in difguft ; and the war loon after
ended favourably for William, without any repulfe gi¬
ven to his enemies.
During the troubles in England, which had termi¬
nated in placing William on the throne, the two par¬
ties in Ireland were kept in a kind of tranquillity by
their mutual fears. The Proteftants were terrified at
the profpeft of another maffacre ; and the Papifts ex-
pefted every day to be invaded by the joint force of
the Engliftr and Dutch. Their terrors, however,
wrere ill founded } for though Tyrconnel fent feveral
meffages to the prince, that he was ready to deliver up
the kingdom to any force that might make a furrender
decent, his offers were always rejefted. William was
perfuaded by the marquis of Halifax, that, fhould Ire¬
land yield, no pretence could remain for keeping an
army in pay •, that then, having no army to protedft
his authority, he might as eafily be turned out as he
had been brought in; that the Englilh nation could
never remain long in a ftate of good humour; and
that he might perceive they already began to be dif-
contented. Thefe infidious arguments induced Wil¬
liam to negleft Ireland in fuch a manner as is juftly
looked upon to be one of the greateft blemifhes in his
whole reign. His enemies, indeed, though perhaps
without any good foundation, affign a worfe caufe,
viz. that (hould England be confirmed under his go¬
vernment, Ireland could not long hold out; and that
the obftinacy of his Irilh enemies would give a pre¬
tence for forfeitures, to gratify his Englilh, but efpe-
cially his foreign friends.
Tyrconnel, difappointed in his views of furrender¬
ing Ireland to the prince of Orange, affedfted to ad¬
here to James. The whole military force of the king¬
dom at that time amounted only to 4000 men, and of
thefe only 600 were in Dublin ; and what was Hill
wTorfe, all of them were fo much difpofed to quit the
lervice, that the lord deputy was obliged to iffue com-
miffions for levying new forces. Upon this, a half¬
armed rabble, rather than an army, rofe fuddenly in
various parts of the kingdom. Having no pay from
the king, they fubfifted by depredation, and regarded
no difcipline. The Proteftants in the north armed
themfelves in their own defence ; and the city of Lon¬
donderry, relying on its fituation, and a flight wall,
Ihut its gates againft the new-raifed army. Proteftant
parties in the mean time rofe everywhere, declaring
their refolution to unite in felf-defence, to preferve the
Proteftant religion, to continue their dependence on
England, and to promote the meeting of a free parlia¬
ment.
To preferve appearances, William now fent Gene-
sal Hamilton, an Irilhman and a Roman Catholic, to
Britain.
treat with Tyrconnel *, but inftead of perfuading that
lord to yield to William, this meffenger advifed him v
to adhere to James. In the mean time James himfelf
affured the lord deputy, that he was ready to fail from
Breft with a powerful armament. Hamilton, affum-
ing fpirit from the hopes of this aid, marched againft 31*
the northern infurgents. They were routed with con- are
fiderable flaughter at Drumore •, and Hillfborough,^^^^3^
where they had fixed their head-quarters, was taken
without refiftance : the city of Londonderry, however,
refolved to hold out to the laft extremity.
On the 7th of March 1689, James embarked at
Breft. The whole force of his expedition confifted of
14 ftiips of war, fix frigates, and three fire-ftiips.
Twelve hundred of his native fubjefts in the pay of
France, and 100 French officers, compofed the whole 313
army of James. He landed at Kinfale without oppo-Jiimcs*ar£k
fition on the 12th of the month, where he was receiv-111 Iielari':
ed with the utmoft demonftrations of joy. His firft
care was to fecure, in the fort of Kinfale, the money,
arms, and ammunition, which he brought from France ;
and put the town in fome pofture of defence 5 which
having done, he advanced to Cork. Tyrconnel ar¬
rived at this place foon after, and brought intelligence
of the rout at Drumore. The king was fo much plea-
fed with his attachment and fervices, that he created
him a duke *, after wffnch he himfelf advanced towards
Dublin. The condition of the rabble, who poured
round him under the name of an army, was not calcu¬
lated to raife his hopes of fuccefs. The moft of them
were only provided with clubs 5 fome had flicks tipt
with iron ; and even of thofe who were beft armed,
fcarce two in a hundred had muikets fit for fervice.
Their very numbers diftreffed their fovereign, and
ruined the country ; infomuch that James refolved to
difband the greateft part of them. More than r 00,000
were already on foot in the different parts of the ifland.
Of thefe he referved 14 regiments o£ horfe and dra¬
goons, and 35 regiments of foot ; the reft he ordered
to their refpedtive homes, and armed thofe that were
retained in the beft manner he could.
Being received at Dublin with an appearance of uni-
verfal joy, James proceeded immediately to bufinefs.
Fie ordered, by proclamation, all Proteftants who had
abandoned the kingdom to return. He commanded,
in a fecond proclamation, all Papifts, except thofe in
his army, to lay up their arms, and put an end to the
robberies and depredations which they had committed
in the violence of their zeal. Fie raifed the value of
the currency by a proclamation ; and he fummoned a
parliament to meet on the 7th of May, to fettle the af¬
fairs of the kingdom. The Proteftant clergy repre-
fented their grievances in an addrefs 5 and the univer-
fity of Dublin appeared with complaints and congratu¬
lations. He affured the firft of his abfolute protection,
and a full redrefs •, and he promifed the latter not only
to defend, but even to enlarge, their privileges.
On the 8th of April, James left Dublin, refolvingls forced to
to lead his army againft the infurgents in perfonUai!e t^.e
They retired before him, and the king laid fiege toLondon-
Londonderry. The befieged made fuch a vigorous jerry,
refiftance as has made the place remarkable ever fince*: * See Zce-
but being reduced to the laft extremity, they would donderry.
have been obliged to furrender, had not they been re¬
lieved
B R I
Britain.
3.15
Is driven
into diia-
greeable
meafures.
316
Ireland in.
vaded by
William’s
army;
lieved on the 28th of July by feven fnips laden with
' provifions j upon which the fiege was immediately
raifed.
In the mean time, the diftrefied lituation of James,
and his abfolute dependence upon France, drove him
into measures which otherwife he never would have
thought of. His foldiers for fome time had been fup-
ported by their officers, or fubfifted by depredation.
The funds of the officers were at laft exhaufted, and
the country itfelf could no longer bear the riot and in-
juftice of the foldiers. Preffed by thefe difficulties,
James, by the advice of his council, refolved to coin
pieces of copper, which ffiould be received for lilver.
He faw well enough the inconveniences of this mea-
fure ; but all Ireland poffeffed not the means of paying
the army in current coin to the middle of June. Of
the French remittances only 200,000 livres remained ;
and the king found it abfolutely neceffary to referve
that fum, to forward his meafures with regard to Bri¬
tain, and to procure intelligence of the motions of his
enemies. The army was fatisfied even wdth this ap¬
pearance of money, and the people received the fidti-
tious coin in hopes of being repaid in a more favour¬
able flate of affairs. A tax of 20,000b a month, grant¬
ed for 13 months by the parliament, furniffied govern¬
ment with an appearance of refources j and in the mean
time the king endeavoured to fupport the former re¬
venue. He opened a trade wdth France to fupply the
want of commerce with England. But the French,
knowing their own importance, and the neceffity of
the unfortunate monarch’s affairs, claimed and ob¬
tained advantages in traffic which offended his own
fubje&s.
To add to the diftrefs of James, Ireland was now in¬
vaded by 10,000 men under the command of the duke
of Schomberg. They appeared on the 12th of Auguft
1689, in 90 tranfports, on the coaft of Donaghadee,
in the county of Down. Next day Schomberg landed
without oppolition his army, horfes, and train of artil¬
lery. Having marched to Bdfaft on the 15th, he
continued in that place four days to refreffi his troops.
He inverted Carrickfergus, and threw into it 1000
bombs, which laid the houfes in allies. The garrifon
having expended their powder to the laft barrel,
marched out with all the honours of war. But
Schomberg’s foldiers broke the capitulation. They
difarmed and ftripped the inhabitants, without any re¬
gard to fex or quality ; even women, ftark naked,
were publicly whipped between the lines j and all this
tinder pretence of cruelties of the fame kind having
been committed by the Papifts.
Though Schomberg was an experienced general,
who had parted a life of 80 years almoft continually in
the field, he found himfelf at a lofs how to carry on
the war in Ireland. He did not confider the dangers
that threatened the health of his troops by confining
them too long in one place j and he kept them in a
low moift camp near Dundalk, almoft without firing
-of any kind 5 fo that the men fell into fevers and flux¬
es, and died in great numbers. The enemy were not
lefs afflicted with fimilar diforders. Both camps remain¬
ed for fome time in fight of each other; and at laft,
the rainy fealon approaching, both armies quitted
their camps at the fame time, and retired into winter-
quarters.
Vor,. IV. Part II.
[ 4S9 1
B R I
The bad fuccefs of the campaign, and the rniferable Britain,
fituation of the Proteftants in Ireland, at length indu- “v—
ced William to attempt their relief in perfon. Ac- 31?
cordingly he left London on the 4th of June 1690,^^ .
and arrived at Carrickfergus on the 14th of that month. pC1ron
From thence he parted to Lifburn, the head quarters
of the duke of Schomberg. He reviewed at Lough-
Britland his army, which confifted of 36,000 men,
and was compofed of Englifh, Dutch, Germans, Danes,
and French. Being fupplied with every neceffary, and
in high health and fpirits, they feemed abfolutely cer¬
tain of viftory. The Iriffl army, having abandoned
Ardee at their approach, fell back to the fouth of the
Boyne. On the bank of that river they were joined Battle at
by James, who had marched from Dublin at the head the Boyne',
of his French auxiliaries. The banks of the Boyne
tvere fteep the fouth fide hilly, and fortified with
ditches. The river itfelf was deep, and it rofe very
high with the tide. Thefe advantages induced James,
contrary to the opinion of his officers, to keep poffef-
fion of this port:. His army was inferior in numbers,
difcipline, and every thing, to his enemies : but flight,
he thought, would difpirit his troops, and tarnifti his
own reputation ; he therefore refolved to put the fate
of Ireland on the iffue of a battle. Urged by his
friends in England, and encouraged by a projected in-
vafion of that kingdom by France, he had refolved to
quit Ireland j and to this he was farther encouraged
by the affurance of aid from a powerful fleet that had
already entered the narrow feas. But the ftrength of
his fituation, and the fudden appearance of the enemy,
wfflich made even a retreat dangerous, induced him to
defer his purpofe.
William was no fooner arrived, than he rode along in
the river’s fide, in fight of both armies, to make pro-danger,
per obfervations on the plan of battle j but in the mean
time, being perceived by the enemy, a cannon was
privately brought out and planted againft him where
he was fitting. The fliot killed feveral of his follow¬
ers, and he himfelf was wounded in the ffloulder.
The news of his being (lain was inftantly propagated
through the Irifti camp, and even fent off to Paris j
but William, as foon as his wound was dreffed, rode
through the camp, and quickly undeceived his army.
The next day (June 30th) the battle began at Ax j-airfe2s0(je.
in the morning. James’s forces behaved with great feated.
refolution, but were at laft defeated with the lofs of
1500 men. The Proteftants loft but about one-third
of that number ; but among thefe wras their brave ge¬
neral the duke of Schomberg. He was killed by a dif-
charge from his own troops, wrho, not knowing that he
had been accidentally hurried into the midft of the
enemy, fired upon the body of men who furrounded
him. During the aftion, James flood on the hill of
Dunmore, furrounded with fome fquadrons of horfe j
and at intervals was heard to exclaim, when he faw
his own troops repulfing thofe of the enemy, “ O fpare
my Engliftr fubjefts!” While his troops were yet
fighting, he quitted his ftation ; and leaving orders to
guard the pafs at Duleek, made the beft of his way to
Dublin. He advifed the magiftrates of that city to ^ to
make the beft terms they could with the victors •, and f’rance,
he himfelf fet out for Waterford, where he immediately
embarked for France. When he firft deferted his troops
at the Boyne, O’Regan, an old Irifti captain, was heard
3 Q*, to
B R I
, ^r^ain. ^ to fay, “ That if the Engli(h would exchange generals,
' ” " the conquered army would fight them over again.”
War conti- ^ vi&ory at the Boyne was by no means decifive,
nued m his and the friends of James refolved to continue their op-
ablence. pofition to W illiam. Sarsfield, a popular and expe¬
rienced general, put himfelf at the head of the army
that had been routed at the Boyne, and went farther
into the country to defend the banks of the river
Shannon. James appointed one St Ruth to command
over Sarsfield, which gave the Iriih univerfal difcon-
tent. On the other hand, General Ginkle, who had
been appointed to command the Engliih army in the
abfence of William, who was gone over to England,
advanced towards the Shannon to meet the enemy.
The only place where it was fordable was at Athlone,
a ftrong walled town built on both fides of the river,
and in the hands of King James’s party. The Engliih
foon made themielves mailers of that part which was
on the hither fide of the river but the part on the op-
polite bank being defended with great vigour, w’as for
a long while thought impregnable. At length it was
refolved in a council of war, that a body of forlorn
hope Ihould ford the ffream in the face of the enemy ;
and this defpcrate enterprife was performed with great
refolution j the enemy were driven from their works,
and the town furrendered at difcretion. St Ruth
marched his army to its relief, but he came too late ;
for he no fooner approached, than his own guns were
turned againll him ; upon which he inflantly marched
off, and took poll at Aughrim, at ten miles dillance,
where he determined to wait the Engliih army. Gin¬
kle did not decline the combat, though he had only
323 18,000 men, while the Irifh were above 25,000
jLnesVge-ftron&* de(Pf rate engagement enfued 5 but at lalt
neral, de- Rut;h being killed, his troops gave w'ay on all fides,
r—.-j and retreated to Limeric, where they determined to
make a final Hand, after having loft near 5000 of their
belt men.
Ginkle, wilhing to put an end to the war at once,
fuffered as many of the Iriih as chofe to retire to Li¬
meric. In this lalt retreat the Iriih forces made a
brave defence. The liege commenced Augult 25.
1691. Six weeks w'ere fpent before the place with¬
out any decifive effeft. The garrifon was well fup-
plied with provifions, and provided with all means of
defence. The winter was approaching, and Ginkle
had orders to finilh the war upon any terms. He
Favourable therefore offered fuch conditions as the Iriih, had they
lowed them keen v^ors> could fcarce have refufed with prudence,
by Ginkfe”1'^'6 a8reec^> t^at in arms fhould receive their par¬
don : that their eltates Ihould be reltored, their at¬
tainders annulled, and their outlawries reverfed : that
none Ihould be liable for debts incurred through daeds
done in the courfe of hoftilities : that all Roman Ca¬
tholics Ihould enjoy the fame toleration with regard to
their religion as in the reign of Charles II. : that the
gentry fhould be permitted to make ufe of arms : that
the inferior fort fhould be allowed to exercife their
callings and profefiions : that no oaths but that of alle¬
giance Ihould be required of high or low : that Ihould
the troops, or any number of them, choofe to retire
into any foreign fervice, they Ihould be conveyed to
the continent, at the expence of the king. Sarsfield,
who had obtained the title of earl of Lucan from James
after his abdication, was permitted to retain a dignity
I 49° ]
B R I
feated and
killed.
. 324
Limeric be
fieged.
325
wdiich the laws could not recognife. The lords julH- Britain,
ces had arrived from Dublin on the firft of October. —v—
They figned the articles together with Ginkle j and
thus the Iriih Papiits put a happy period to a war
which threatened their party with abfolute ruin. In
confequence of this treaty, about 14,000 of thole who
had fought for King James wrent over to France, hav¬
ing tranlports provided by government for conveying
them thither. When they arrived, James thanked
them for their loyalty, and told them that they Ihould
Hill fight for their old mailer j and that he had ob¬
tained an order from the king of France for their be¬
ing new clothed, and put into quarters of refrefhment.
In this manner all James’s expectations from Iieland
were entirely fruitrated, and the kingdom fubmitted
quietly to the Englilh government. ^
In the beginning of the year 1692, an action of un-Mafl'acre at
exampled barbarity difgraced the government of Wil- Glenco.
liam in Scotland. In the preceding Augult, in con¬
fequence of a pacification with the Highlanders, a pro¬
clamation of indemnity had been iffued to fuch infur-
gents as Ihould take the oaths to the king and queen,
on or before the lalt day of December. The chiefs of
the few tribes who had been in arms for James complied
foon after with the proclamation: but Macdonald of
Glenco failed in fubmitting within the limited time ;
more, however, from accident than defign. In the end
of December, he came to Colonel Hill, who commanded
the garrifon in Fort William, to take the oaths of allegi¬
ance to the government. Hill having furnifhed Mac¬
donald with a letter to Sir Colin Campbell, Iheriff of the
county of Argyle, directed him to repair immediately to
Inverary, to make his fubmiflion in a legal manner before
that magiftrate. The way to Inverary lay through al-
moft impaflable mountains j the fealbn was extremely
rigorous, and the whole country covered with a deep
fnow. So eager, however, was Macdonald to take the
oaths, before the limited time Ihould expire, that though
the road lay within half a mile of his own houfe, he
would not flop to vifit his family. After various ob-
ftru&ions, he arrived at Inverary. The time was elapfed,
and the fireriff hefitated to receive his fubmiflion ; but
Macdonald prevailed on him by his importunities, and
even tears. Sir John Dalrymple, afterwards earl of
Stair, attended King William as fecretavy of ftate fcr
Scotland. He took advantage of Macdonald’s neglec¬
ting to take the oaths within the time prefcribed, and
procured from the king a warrant of military execu¬
tion againfl: him and his whole tribe. As a mark of his
own eagernefs, or to fave Dalrymple, William figned
the warrant both above and below, with his own hand.
The fecretary, in letters expreflive of a brutal ferocity
of mind, urged the officers who commanded in the
Highlands to execute their orders with the utmofl: ri¬
gour. Campbell of Glenlyon, a captain in Argyle’s
regiment, and two fubalterns, were ordered with 120
men to repair to Glenco on the firft of February. Camp¬
bell, being uncle to young Macdonald’s wife, was re¬
ceived by the father with all manner of friendfhip and
hofpitality. The men were treated in the houfes of
his tenants with free quarters and kind entertainment.
Till the 13th of the month, the troops lived in good
humour and familiarity with the people. The officers
on the very night of the maflacre pafted the evening and
played at cards in Macdonald’s houfe. In the night,
LieutenanU
,B R I [49
Britain. Lieutenant Lindfay, with a party of foldiers, called in a
‘"‘"’■v 1 friendly manner at his door. He was inftantly admit¬
ted. Macdonald, as he was rifing to receive his gueft,
was {hot dead behind his back with two bullets. His
wife had already put on her clothes*, but (he was {trip¬
ped naked by the foldiers, who tore the rings off her
fingers with their teeth. The {laughter was become
general. To prevent the pity of the foldiers to their
holts, their quarters had been changed the night be¬
fore. Neither age nor infirmity was fpared. Some
women, in defending their children, were killed ; boys,
imploring mercy, were {hot by officers, on whofe knees
they hung. In one place, nine perfons, as they fat en¬
joying themfelves at table, were {hot dead by the foldiers.
At Inverriggen, in Campbell’s own quarters, nine men
were firft bound by the foldiers, and then {hot at inter¬
vals, one by one. Near 40 perfons were maffacred by
the troops. Several who fled to the mountains periffi-
ed by famine and the inclemency of the feafon. Thofe
who efcaped owed their lives to a tempelluous night.
Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, who had the charge of
the execution from Dalrymple, was on his march with
400 men, to guard all the paffes from the valley of
Glenco; but was obliged to ftop by the feverity of the
weather, which proved the fafety of the unfortunate
tribe. He entered the valley next day *, laid all the
houfes in afhes; and carried away all the cattle and fpoil,
which were divided among the officers and foldiers.
It can fcarcely be imagined that a maffacre attended
with fuch circumftances of treachery and breach of the
laws of hofpitality, could pafs without fome animad-
verfion ; though the expreffions of Cunningham, a
writer very partial to the character of King W illiam,
leem to account it a fault that it fiiould ever have been
inquired into. “ Mr James Johnftone, one of the fe-
cretaries of ftate (fays he), from motives of revenge,
caufed the affair of Glenco to be laid before parlia¬
ment. This being fomewhat difingenuoully managed,
was the occafion of much trouble to many people. I he
earl of Breadalbin was committed to the cafile r f
Edinburgh: but the lord vifcount Stair, who lay un¬
der fome fufpicion on that account, in a very artful
fpeech endeavoured to refolve the whole matter into a
mifapprehenfion of dates ; which, he alleged, had led
both the aftor in the {laughter complained of, and
thofe who now accufed him, into miftakes. In con-
clufion he affirmed, that neither the king nor any
other perfon was to be blamed, fave only the mifled
captain, who did not rightly underftand the orders
that hgd been given him.” The moft difgraceful cir¬
cumftances of the maffacre are by the fame author con¬
cealed *, as he only tells us, that “ it unhappily fell
out, that the whole clan of Glenco, being fomewhat
too late in making their fubmiffion to King Wrilliam,
were put to the fword by the hands and orders of Cap¬
tain Campbell *, which gave great offence to the king.
It is certain the king had caufe of refentment againft
fome of his courtiers on account of this foul aftion ;
but he thought fit not to queftion them for it till he
could fettle himfelf more firmly on the throne.”
Account of It is not improbable, that partly to efface the remem-
the Darien brance of this maffacre, and the {ham inquiry above-men-
espedition. tJoned, the king now caufed his commiffioner to declare
in the Scots parliament (the fame that had inquired in¬
to the affair of Glenco), “ That if the members found
1 ] B R l
it would tend to the advancement of trade that an a£l: ^
{hould be paffed for the encouragement of fuch as fhould
acquire and eftablifh a plantation in Africa, Ameiica,
or any other part of the world where plantations might
be lawfully acquired, that his majefty was willing to
declare he would grant to the fubjefts of this kingdom,
in favour of thefe plantations, fuch rights and privile¬
ges as he granted, in like cafes, to the fubjedfs of his
other dominions.” Relying on this and other flatter¬
ing promifes, the nobility and gentry of Scotland ad*
vanced 400,000!. towards the eftabliffiment of a com¬
pany for carrying on an Eaft and W eft India trade j
and 1200 veterans who had ferved in King Wblliam’s
wars were fent to effedt a fettlement on the peninfula
of Darien, which lies between the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans, and in the narroweft place is not above 60 miles
over $ and of confequence is equally well adapted for
trading with both the Indies.
The new colony were well received by the natives,
and matters began to wear a promifing afpedt, when
the king, on the earneft felicitations of the Englifh
and Dutch Eaft India Companies, refolved to gratify
the latter at the expence of his Scotifli fubjedts; and
knowing that the new colony muft want fupplies of
provifions, he fent orders to the governor of Jamaica
and the Engliffi fettlements in America to iffue pro¬
clamations, prohibiting, under the fevereft penalties, all
his majefty’s fubjedts from holding any correfpondence
with the Scotifli colony, or affifting it in any fliape
with arms, ammunition, or provifions: “Thus ({ays
Mr Knox) the king’s heart was hardened againft thefe
new* fettlers, whom he abandoned to their fate, though
many of them had been covered with wounds in fight¬
ing his battles.
“ Thus vaniflied all the hopes of the Scotifh na¬
tion, which had engaged in this defign with incredible
alacrity, and with the moft fanguine expedlations that
the misfortunes of their country would, by this new
channel of commerce, be completely healed..
•“ The diftreffes of the people, upon receiving au¬
thentic accounts of the fortune of their colony, fcarce¬
ly admit of any defeription. They were not only dif-
appointed in their expedtations of wealth and a renew¬
al of their commerce, but hundreds, who had ven¬
tured their all, were abfolutely ruined by the mifear-
riage of the defign.
“ The whole nation feemed to join in the clamour
that was raifed againft their fovereign. They taxed
him with double dealing, inhumanity, and bafe ingra¬
titude, to a people who had laviffied their treafure and
beft blood in fupport of his government, and in the
gratification of his ambition } and had their power
been equal to their acrimony, in all probability the
ifland would have been involved in a civil war.
Such is the account of this tranfadfion given by Mr
Knox j on the other hand, Mr Cunningham tells us,
that “ the fame parliament (which had inquired into
the Glenco affair) alfo had under their confideration
a fcheme for fettling a trade and planting a colony in
America, which proved afterwards an occafion of ma¬
nifold evils, and was matter of great complaint both
to the Englifh and the Spaniards. The Scots, carry¬
ing on the fettlement of the colony w'hich has been
juft mentioned with extravagant parade, and noife, and
fublcriptions, filled not only England but all other
2 Qjz countries
Britain.
Britain.
328
vour of
James.
' 15 R I [49
j poultries alfo, with apprehenfions left Scotland ftiould,
in procefs of time, become the emporium of all the
trade of Europe. But they never confidered how few
would truft their fortunes to the difpofal of fuch a nu¬
merous nobility, nor calculated the frauds of their own
managers : by which means the whole affair was after¬
wards ruined. Difcords arifing on this head between
the two kingdoms, old hoftilities were recalled to mind 5
the cattle were driven off from the borders j the cuftoms
wTere defrauded, and other injuries committed ; and at
laft the Spaniards complained of the Scots. There¬
fore, to prevent the mifchiefs which might arife to
both kingdoms, the king had nothing fo much at
heart as to bring about an union upon as fair terms
as he could,” &c.
1 he total redu6Hon of Ireland, and the difperfion
and extermination of the Highland chieftans who fa¬
voured his caufe, did not entirely put an end to the
hopes of James. His chief expe£!ations next were
founded on a confpiracy among his Engliih adherents,
and in the fuccours promifed him by the French king.
A nlot was former} i’r-* 1 C* T i\ rr
vim-S ^ A plot WaS firil formed in Scotland by Sir James Mont-
3*9
He is fup-
ported by
the French.
gomery 5 a perfon who, from being an adherent to
William, now turned againft him : but as the projeft
was ill contrived, fo it was as lightly difcovered by the
indigator. I o this another fucceeded, w'hich feemed
to threaten more ferious confequences, as it was ma¬
naged by the whig party, who were the moft formi¬
dable in the ftate. A number of thefe joined them-
felves to the tories, and both made advances to the ad¬
herents of the late king. They affembled together j
and the refult of their deliberations w^as, that the re-
ftoration of James wras to be effected entirely by foreign
forces : that he ftiould fail for Scotland, and be there
joined by 5000 Swedes; w'ho, becaufe they wrere of
the Proteftant religion, would, it w’as thought, remove
a part of the odium which attended an invafion by fo¬
reigners : it was concerted that afliftance ftiould at the
lame time be fent from France, and that full liberty of
confcience ftiould be proclaimed throughout the king¬
dom. In oi'der to lofe no time, it was refolved to fend
over to France two trufty perfons to confult with the
banifhed monarch ; and Lord Prefton and Mr Aftiton
were the two perfons appointed for this embafly. Both
of them, however, were feized, when they leaft expe&ed
it, by order of Lord Caermarthen. Both were con¬
demned ; and Aftiton was executed without making
any conieftion ; but Lord Prefton had not the fame re-
folution. Upon an offer of pardon, he difcovered a
great number of alfociates ; among whom the duke of
Ormond, Lord Dartmouth, and Lord Clarendon, were
foremoft.
. T}16 French at laft became fenfible of their bad po¬
licy in not having better fupported the caufe of James,
and therefore refolved to make a defcent upon England
in his favour. In purfuance of this fcheme, the French
king fypphed James with an army confifting of a body
of French troops, forne Englifti and Scots refugees,
and the Irifti regiments which had been tranfported
into I1 ranee from Limeric, and were now become ex¬
cellent foldiers by long difeipline and fevere duty. This
army was aflembled between Cherbourg and La Hogue,
and commanded by King James in perfon. More than
300 tranfports were provided for landing it on the op-
polite coaft,} and dourviilej the French admiralj at
2 ] b r 1
the head of 63 {hips of the line, was appointed to favour Britain.'
the defcent. His orders were, at all events, to attack —v——
the enemy, in cafe they ftiould oppofe him ; fo that
every thing promiled the baniftied king a change of
fortune.
Thefe preparations on the fide of France were foon
known at the Engliih court, and every precaution ta¬
ken for a vigorous oppofition. All the fecret machi¬
nations of the baniftied king’s adherents wTere difcover¬
ed to the Englilh miniftry by fpies ; and by thefe they
found that the tories wrere more faithful than even the
whigs who had placed King William on the throne.
The duke of Marlborough, Lord Godolphin, and even
the princefs Anne herfelf, were violently fuipecled of
difaffedfion. Preparations, however, were made with
great tranquillity and refolution, to refill the growing
llorm. Admiral Rufiel w'as ordered to put to fea with
all poflible expedition ; and he foon appeared wdth 99
{hips of the line, befides frigates and fire-lhips. At the
head of this formidable fleet he fet fail for the coaft of
France ; and, near La Hogue, he difcovered the ene¬
my under Tourville, who prepared to give him battle.
The engagement began between the two admirals with
great fury, and the reft of the fleet foon followed their 330.
example. The battle lafted for ten hours; but at laftWholre
vidlory declared on the fide of numbers : the Frenchdefeated*
fled for Conquet road, having loft four fliips in the firft
day’s adlion. The purfuit continued for two days fol¬
lowing : three French {hips of the line w’ere deftroyed
the next day ; and 18 more which had taken refuge in
the bay of La Hogue, were burnt by Sir George
Rooke. In this manner were all the French prepara¬
tions fruftrated ; and fo decifive w’as the blowq that
from this time France feemed to relinquilh all claims to
the ocean.
This engagement, which happened on the 21ft of
May 1692, put a final period to the hopes of James.
No further attempts were made in his favour, except
fome plots to aflaflinate King William, w'hich ended
only in the deftruftion of thole w:ho formed them. But
it was never thoroughly proved that James countenanced
thefe plots in the leaft ; it rather appears, that in all
cafes he expreffed the utmoft abhorrence of fuch at¬
tempts. In 1697, t^ie abbe de Polignac, ambalfador James of-
from France in Poland, w^rote to his mailer, that ferrd the
thoughts were entertained of the late king of Britain,crown
in the new election which happened on the death of Pcdar'd’
John Sobielki king of Poland ; and that James had
been already named by fome of the diets as his fuc-
ceffor. Louis wras eager to feize an opportunity of
ridding himfelf with honour of a prince whofe preten-
fions he could no longer fupport. The friends of^^he
James were alfo ianguine for the projefl ; but he him-refufes.
lelf refufed it. He told them, that “ he w’ould ever
retain a grateful remembrance of his friends in Poland.
'I hat, however, he would not accept of the crown, had
it actually been offered ; much lefs would he endeavour
to obtain by folicitation any crown which was not ac¬
tually his due. That his acceptance of any other feeptre
w7ould amount to an abdication indeed of that which he
deemed his right. That therefore he was refelved to
remain in his prefent forlorn condition, poffefling lefs
hopes than ever of being reftored, rather than to do
the leaft aft of prejudice to his family.” The fame
year, at an interview between King William and
Louis
B R I
333
William
for his
own fuc-
ceflbr;
334
which
Tames re*
Tufes,
335
His death.
Britain. Louis XIV. it was propofed that the prince of Wales
(James’s fon) (hould fucceed to the throne of England
after the death of William. The king with little hell-
engages to tation agreed to this requeft. He even folemnly en-
own gage(I t0 procure the repeal of the a£l of fettlement $
James’s fon ancj to by another, the prince of Wales his fuc-
ceffor to the throne. Even this propofal was reje£led by
James. He told the king of France, that though he
could fuffer with patience the ufurpation of his nephew
upon his right, he would never permit his own fon to
be guilty of the fame injuftice. He urged, that fhould
the fon reign in his father’s lifetime, that circumftance
would amount to a formal renunciation : that the
prince of Wales, by fucceeding to the prince of Orange,
would yield his foie right, which was that of his fa¬
ther, &c.
From this time James loft every hope of being re-
ftored to the throne, and refigned himfelf entirely to
the aufterities of religious enthuiiafm. His conftitution,
though vigorous and athletic, had for fome time begun
to yield to the infirmities of age, and to that melan¬
choly which fuperftition as well as his uncommon mif-
fortuneshad impreffed on his mind. In the beginning
of September 1701, when he was, according to his
daily cuftom, at public prayers, he fell fuddenly into a
lethargy ; and though he recovered his fenfes foon af¬
ter, he languiftied for fome days, and expired on the
6th of September. The French king, with great huma¬
nity, paid him feveral vifits during his ficknefs ; and
exhibited every fymptom of compaffion, aftedftion, and
even refpect.
Louis, being under a difficulty how to proceed upon
the unexpefled death of James, called a council to take
their advice, whether he {hould owm the prince of Wales
as king of Great Britain and Ireland. The king him¬
felf had hefitated long in this delicate point. But the
dauphin, the duke of Burgundy, and all the princes of
the blood, declared, that it was unbecoming the dig¬
nity of the crown of France not to own that the titles
of the father devolved immediately upon the fon. Louis
approved of this refolution, and determined to acquaint
the dying king with it in perfon. When he arrived at
St Germains, he acquainted firft the queen, and then
her fon, of his defign. He then approached the bed in
which James lay almoft infenfible with his diforder.
The king*, rouling himfelf, began to thank his moft
Chriftian majefty for all his favours ; but Louis inter¬
rupted him. “ Sir (faid he), what I have done is
but a fmall matter ; but what I have to fay is of the
336 utmoft importance.” The people then began to re-
Pretender tire. “ Let no perfon withdraw (faid Louis). I
nwned by
come to acquaint you, Sir, that when God (hall pleafe
th^kir)0 ^of *° Ca^ y°ur majefty from this world, I (hall take your
Britain. family into my protedlion, and acknowledge your fon,
as he then wull certainly be, king of Great Britain and
Ireland.”
Though the defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue
had put King William out of all danger from any fur¬
ther attempts from that quarter, he by no means pof-
feffed his throne with any kind of tranquillity. The
want of a common enemy produced diffenfions among
the people, and William began to find as much uneali-
nefs from his parliament at home as from an enemy in
the field. The uneafinefs he felt from the refraftory
difpofttion of his fubjefts was not a little heightened
[ 493 1
B R I
by the death of his queen, who was taken off by the _ Britain. ^
fmall-pox on the 28th of December 1694. For fome v
time he wTas under a fincere concern for her lofs ; but 337
as politics had taken entire poffeffion of his mind,, he 5^^°
loft all other concerns in the greatnefs of his apprehen- jyiary.
fions for the balance of power and the fluctuating in-
terefts of Europe. 338
His chief motive for accepting the crown was to en- National
gage England more deeply in the concerns of Europe,
His great objeft had been to humble the French, and
all his politics confilted in forming alliances againft
them. On the other hand, many of the Engliffi had
no fuch animofity againft the French : and thefe, there¬
fore, confidered the intereft of the nation as facrificed
to foreign connexions j and complained that the con¬
tinental war fell moft heavily on them, though they
had the leaft intereft in its fuccefs. Thefe complaints
were heard by William with the moft phlegmatic in¬
difference ; he employed all his attention only on the
balance of powrer, and the interefts of Europe. He
became unmindful of the cultivation of internal polity,
and, as he formed alliances abroad, increafed the in¬
fluence of party at home. Patriotifm began to be ri¬
diculed as an ideal virtue j and the praClice of bribing
a majority in parliament became univerfal. The exam¬
ple of the great was caught up by the vulgar ; principle,
and even decency, was gradually baniftied ; talents lay-
uncultivated, and the ignorant and profligate were re¬
ceived into favour.
The king, upon accepting the crown, was refolved
to preferve as much of the prerogative as poffible ,
and he fometimes exerted a branch of it which his
predeceffors had never chofen to make ufe of, viz.
the power of refufing his afi'ent to fome bills that had
paffed both houfes. From this and other caufes there
were perpetual bickerings between him and his parlia¬
ments. At laft William became fatigued with oppofi-
tion. He admitted every reftraint upon the prerogative
in England, upon condition of being properly fupplied
with the means of humbling France. Provided the par¬
liament fupplied him with the means of executing this,
he permitted them to rule the internal polity as they
pleafed. For the profecution of the French war, the
firms granted were indeed incredible. The nation, not
contented with furniffiing him fuch firms of money as
they were capable of railing by the taxes of the year.,
mortgaged thofe taxes, and involved themfelves in debts
which they have never fince been able to difeharge.
The war with France continued during the greateft
part of this king’s reign ; but at length the treaty of
Ryfwick, in 1697, put an end to thoie contentions in
which England had engaged without policy, and came
off at laft wuthout advantage. In the general pacifica¬
tion, her interefts feemed entirely deferted ; and for all
the treafures ftie had fent to the continent, and all the
blood wffiich had been fhed there, the only equivalent
received wTas an acknowledgement of. William’s title
from the king of France. ^
The king, being now freed from a foreign war, fet William
himfelf to itrengthen his authority at home. As heokhgedto
could not bear the thoughts of being a king without <?liban<^ui
military command, he conceived hopes of keeping up,
in the time of a profound peace, thofe forces which had
been granted during the time of danger. The com¬
mons, however, to his great mortification, paffed a vote,
that
B R I
[ 494 ]
B R I
confedera¬
cy againlt
France.
Britain, that all the forces in the Englifh pay, exceeding 7000
',J v * men, (liould be forthwith difbanded ; and that thole
retained (hould be natural-born fubje61s of England.
With this vote the king was exceedingly difpleafed.
His indignation, indeed, was kindled to inch a degree,
that he actually conceived a defign of abandoning the
government. From this, however, his minifters diverted
him, and perfuaded him to confent to the palling of
the bill.
Thefe altercations continued during the remainder
of this reign. William conlidered the commons as a
body of men delirous of power for themfelves, and
confequently bent upon obltrufting all his proje&s to
fecure the liberties of Europe. He feemed but little at¬
tached to any particular party in the houfe, all of whom
he found at times deferted or oppofed him. He there¬
fore veered to whigs and tories indiferiminately, as in-
tereft or the immediate exigence demanded. He con-
fidered England as a place of labour, anxiety, and
altercation. If he had any time for amufement or re¬
laxation, he retired to Loo in Holland, where, among
a few friends, he gave a loofe to thole coarfe feftivities
which alone he was capable of relilhiug. Here he plan¬
ned the different fucceffion of the princes of Europe,
and laboured to undermine the fchemes and the power
,-^0 of Louis his rival in politics and fame.
He engages But however feeble William’s delire of other amufe-
Brbainin aments might be, he could fcarce live without being at
variance with France. Peace had fcarce been made with
that nation, when he began to think of refources for
carrying on a new wrar, and for enlilting his Englifh
fubjefts in the confederacy againll that nation. Several
arts were ufed for inducing the people to fecondhis aims*,
and the whole nation feemed at laft to join in deliring
a French war. He had been in Holland concerting
with his allies operations for a new campaign. He had
engaged in a negociation with the prince of Hefle 5
who alfured him, that if he would befiege and take
Cadiz, the admiral of Caftile and feveral other grandees
of Spain would declare for the houfe of Auftria. The
ele&or of Hanover had refolved to concur in the fame
meafures ; the king of the Romans, and Prince Louis
of Baden, undertook to invell Landau, while the em¬
peror promifed to fend a powerful reinforcement into
Italy : but death put a period to his projedts and his
ambition.
William was naturally of a very feeble conllitutionj
and it was by this time almoft quite exhaulled by a fe-
ries of continual difquietude and adlion. He had endea¬
voured to repair his conftitution, or at leal! to conceal
its decays, by exercife and riding. On the 21ft of Fe¬
bruary 1702, in riding to Hampton-court from Ken-
fington, his horfe fell under him 5 and he was throwm
with fuch violence, that his collar-bone was fradtured.
His attendants conveyed him to the palace at Hamp¬
ton-court, where the fradlure was reduced ; and in the
evening he returned to Kenfington in his coach. The
jolting of the carriage difunited the fradlure ; and the
bones were again replaced by Bidloo his phyfician.
This in a robuft conftitution would have been a trifling
misfortune •, but to him it was fatal. For fome time he
appeared in a fair way of recovery •, but falling afleep
on his couch, was feized with a fhivering, which ter¬
minated in a fever and diarrhoea, that foon became dan¬
gerous and defperate. Perceiving his end approaching,
. 341
His death.
the objedls of his former care lay next his heart; and Britain,
the fate of Europe feemed to remove the fenfations he J
might be fuppofed to feel for his own. The earl of Al¬
bemarle arriving from Holland, he conferred with him
in private on the pofture of affairs abroad. Two days
after, having received the facrament from Archbiftiop
Tennifbn, he expired on Sunday March 8th ; having
lived 52 years, and reigned 13.—He was in his perfon
of a middle ftature, a thin body, and a delicate confti¬
tution. He had an aquiline nofe, fparkling eyes, a large
forehead, and a grave folemn afpe£i. He left behind
him the charabler of a great politician, though he had
never been popular; and of a formidable general, though
he had been leldom victorious. His deportment was
grave, phlegmatic, and fullen; nor did he ever Ihow any
fire but in the day of battle.
Cunningham fays, that “ at the very laft moment,
when his mind was otherwife oppreffed, he retained a
juft fenfe of the redemption of mankind, and the re¬
membrance of his good fubjeCls. Thus he lay fo
quietly and compofed, with his eyes fixed upon heaven,
when his fpeech failed him, that no man could die
either better prepared, or with greater conftancy and
piety, than this prince; of whofe juft praifes no tongue
(hall be filent, and no time unmindful. And if any
king be ambitious of regulating his councils and ac¬
tions by the bright examples of the moft famous great
men, he may form to himfelf the idea of a great prince
and a grand empire, not only from the king’s life, but
from the public records of the Englifti and Dutch na¬
tions.” ^
William was fucceeded by the princefs Anne, who Accel^on
had married George prince of Denmark. She afeended of Queen
the throne in the 38th year of her age, to the ge-Anne.
neral fatisfaftion of all parties. W illiam had died at
the eve of a war w ith France : and the prelent queen,
who generally took the advice of her miniftry on every
important occafion, was now urged by oppofite coun¬
cils ; a part of her miniftry being inclined to wTar and
another to peace. At the head of thofe who oppofed a
w7ar with France was the earl of Rochefter, lord lieute¬
nant of Ireland, firft coufin to the queen, and the chief
of the tory faClion. At the head of the oppofite party
w'as the earl afterwards duke of Marlborough, and fince
fo much renowned for his viftories over the French.
After giving the reafons for both their opinions, that
of Marlborough preponderated : the queen refolved to
declare war ; and communicating her intentions to the
houfe of commons, by whom it was approved, war
was proclaimed accordingly. In this declaration °f y^ar deda
war, Louis was taxed wnth having taken poffeflion ofrecjaga;n£
a great part of the Spanifh dominions ; wflth defigning France,
to invade the liberties of Europe, to obftrufr the free¬
dom of navigation and commerce ; and with having
offered an unpardonable infult to the queen and her
throne, by acknowledging the title of the pretender:
he w7as accufed of attempting to unite the crown of
Spain to his own dominions, by placing his grandfon
upon the throne of that kingdom, and thus of endea¬
vouring to deftroy the equality of power that fubfifted
among the ftates of Emope, This declaration of w7ar
on the part of England was feconded by fimilar de¬
clarations by the Dutch and Germans, all on the fame
day.
Louis XIV. W'hofe powder had been greatly circum-
feribed
Britain.
_ 344
jDuke of
Marlbo¬
rough ap¬
pointed ge¬
neral.
His fuccefs
in his firft
campaign.
346
LofTes at
fea.
B R I [ 495 1 B R I
Tcribed by William, expedled on the death of the lat¬
ter to enter on a field open tor new conquefts and
fame. At the news of the Englifh monarch’s death,
therefore, he could not fupprefs his rapture; the peo¬
ple of Paris, and indeed through the whole l^ifigdom,
teftified their joy in the mofl: public manner. At feeing,
therefore, fuch a combination againft him, the French
monarch was filled with indignation •, but his refent-
ment fell chiefly on the Dutch. He declared with great
emotion, that as for thofe gentlemen pedlars the Dutch,
they fhould one day repent their infolence and preiump-
tion in declaring war againft him whofe power they had
formerly felt and dreaded. By thefe threats, however,
the affairs of the allies were no way influenced. Marl
borough was appointed general of the Britilh forces,
and by the Dutch he was chofen generaliflimo of the
allied army; and indeed his after conduit ftiowed, that
no perfon could poftibly have been chofen with greater
propriety. He had learned the firft rudiments of war
under the famous Marlhal Turenne, having been a vo¬
lunteer in his army ; aad by that general his future
greatnefs was prognofticated.
The firft attempt that Marlborough made to deviate
from the general practices of the army was to advance
the fubaltern officers, whofe merits had been hitherto
negleiled. Regardlefs of feniority, wherever he found
abilities, he was fure to promote them •, and thus he
had all the upper ranks of commanders rather remark¬
able for their fkill and talents than for their age and
expetience. In his firft campaign, in the beginning of
July 1702, he repaired to the camp at Nimeguen,
where he found himfelf at the head of 60,000 men
well provided with all neceffaries, and long difciplined
by the beft officers of the age. He was oppofed on the
part of France by the duke of Burgundy, a youth of
Very little experience in the art of war ; but the real
afting general was the marihal Boufflers, an officer of
courage and a&ivity. But wherever Marlborough ad¬
vanced, the French were obliged to retire before him,
leaving all Spaniffi Guelderland at his difcretion. The
duke of Burgundy finding himfelf obliged to retreat
before the allied army, rather than expofe himfelf
longer to fuch a mortifying indignity, returned to
Verfailles, leaving Boufflers to command alone. Bouf¬
flers retired to Brabant: and Marlborough ended the
campaign by taking the city of Liege ; in which was
found an immenfe fum of money and a vaft number of
prifoners.
This good fortune feemed to' confole the nation for
feme unfuccefsful expeditions at fea. Sir John Munden
had permitted a French fquadron of 14 (hips to efcape
him by taking (belter in the harbour o Corunna ; for
which he was difmiffed the fervice by Prince George.
An attempt was made upon Cadiz by fea and land, Sir
George R >oke commanding the navy, and the duke of
Ormond the land forces j but this alfo mifearried. At
Vigo, however, ‘he Britiffi arms were attended with
better fuccefs. The duke of Ormond landed with 2 coo
men at the diftance of fix miles from the city, while the
fleet forcing their way into the harbour, the French fleet
that had taken refuge there were burned by the enemy
to. prevent their falling into the hands of the Engliffl.
Eight (hips were thus burned and run affiore ; but ten
fliips of war were taken, together with eleven galleons,
and above a million of money in filver. In the Weft
Indies, Admiral Benbow had'been ftationed with ten Britain,
(hips to diftrefs the enemy’s trade. Being informed * 1 v
that Du Caffe the French admiral was in thofe leas 347
with a force equal to his own, he refolved to attack
him ; and foon after difeovered the enemy’s fquadron yj- admiral
near St Martha fleering along the Ihore. Fie quickly Benbow.
gave orders to his captains, formed the line of battle,
and the engagement began. He found, however, that
the reft of the fleet had taken feme difguft at his con-
du<ft •, and they permitted him to fuftain, almoft alone,
the ■whole fire of the enemy. Neverthelefs, the engage¬
ment continued till night, and he determined to renew
it next morning. But he had the mortification to per¬
ceive, that all the reft of his fliips had fallen back ex¬
cept one, who joined him in urging the purfuit of the
enemy. Four days this intrepid feamen, affifted by only
one (hip, purfued and engaged the enemy, while his
cowardly officers remained at a diftance behind. His
Lift day’s battle was more furious than any of the for¬
mer : alone, and unfupported by any of the reft, he
engaged the .whole French fquadron 5 when his leg was
(battered by a cannon-ball, and he himfelf died foon
after of his wounds. Two of his cowardly affociates
were (hot on their arrival in England ; one died on his
paffage thither j the reft were difgraced.
The next parliament, which was convened by the
queen, were highly pleafed with the fuccefs of the Bri- -^3
tilh arms on the continent. The houfe of commons Continental
was compofed chiefly of tories, who voted 40.OCO fea- army in¬
men, and the like number of land forces, to aft in con-crea^*
junftion with thofe of the allies. Soon after, the queen
informed her parliament, that (lie was preffed by the
allies to augment her forces; and upon this it was re¬
folved that 10,000 more men ffiould be added to the
continental army, but on condition that the Dutch
Ihould immediately break off all commerce with France
and Spain; a condition which was very readily com¬
plied with. . 349
In the beginning of April 1703, the duke of Marl-Succefs of
borough croffed the fea, and, affembling the allied army, Marlbo-
opened the campaign with the fiege of Bonn, the refi-rou“lj’
dence of the eleftor of Cologne. This held out but a
fhort time. He next retook Fluy; the garrifon of which,
after a vigorous defence, furrendered prifoners of war.
Limburgh was next befieged, and furrendered in two
days; and thus the campaign concluded, the allies ha¬
ving fecured the country of Liege and the eleftorate
of Cologne from the defigns of the enemy.
In the campaign of 1704, the duke of Marlborough
informed the Dutch that it was his intention to march
to the relief of the empire, which had been for fome
time oppreffed by the French forces; and the ftates
gave him full powers to march as he thought proper,
with affurances of their affiftance in all his endeavours.
The French king, finding Boufflers no longer capable
of oppofing Marlborough, appointed the marfhal de
Villeroy to command in his place. But Marlborough,
who, like Flannibal of old, was remarkable for fludy¬
ing the difpofition of his antagonifts, having no great
fears from Villeroy, immediately flew to the affiftance
of the emperor. Taking with him about 13,000 Bri¬
tiffi troops, he advanced by hafly marches to the banks
of the Danube; he defeated a body of French and Ba¬
varians ftationed at Donavert to oppofe him; then pal-
fed the river, and laid under contribution the dukedom
Britain.
35°
French de¬
feated at
Blenheim.
* See Blcn-
heim.
35*
Gibraltar
taken.
352
French de¬
feated at
fea.
353
Ineffectual
attempt of
the Spa¬
niards on
Gibraltar.
354
Charles ap¬
pointed
king of
Spain.
B R I
of Bavaria which had fided with the enemy,
who at firit attempted to follow his motions, feemcd all
at once to have loll fight of his enemy j nor was he ap-
prifed of his route till informed of his fuccefles. But,
in the meantime, Marlhal Tallard prepared by another
route to obftruft Marlborough’s retreat with an army
of 30,000 men. He was foon after joined by the duke
of Bavaria’s forces •, fo that the French army in that
part of the continent amounted to 60,000 veterans,
commanded by the two bell reputed generals then in
France.
To oppofe thefe powerful generals, the duke of Marl¬
borough was joined by a body of ^0,000 men under
the celebrated Prince Eugene. I he allied army, with
this reinforcement, amounted to about 52,000. After
various marches and countermarches, the two armies
met at Blenheim*. A terrible engagement enfued, in
which the French were entirely defeated, and a country
of 100 leagues extent fell into the hands of the con¬
querors. Soon after finilhing the campaign, the duke
repaired to Berlin, w’here he procured a reinforcement
of 8000 Pruflians to ferve under Prince Eugene in Italy.
Thence he proceeded to negociate for fuccours at the
court of Hgnover; and foon after returned to England,
where he was received with every poflible demonftra-
tion of joy.
The arms of Britain, in the mean time, were not
lefs fortunate by fea than by land. The town of Gib¬
raltar was taken by the prince of Heffe and Sir George
Rooke: but fo little was the value of the conqueft at
that time underftood, that it w’as for fome time in debate
whether it was a capture wrorth thanking the admiral
for 5 and at laft it was confidered as unworthy of pub¬
lic gratitude. Soon after, the Britilh fleet, to the
number of 53 {hips of the line, came up with that of
France, confiding of 52 men of war, commanded by
the count de Thouloufe, off the coaft of Malaga. This
was the laft great naval engagement in which the
French ventured to face the Britifh on equal terms. The
battle began at ten in the forenoon, and continued wdth
great fury for fix hours; when the van of the French
began to give way. The Britifli admiral for two days
attempted to renew the engagement •, but this was as
cautioufly declined by the French, who at laft difap-
peared totally. Both fides claimed the viftory, but the
confequence decided it in favour of the Britifti.
8 In the mean time, the Spaniards, alarmed at the ta¬
king of Gibraltar, fent the marquis of Villadurias with
a large army to retake it. France alfo fent a fleet of
13 {hips of the line : but part of them were difperfed
by a tempeft, and part taken by the Britifti. Not was
the land army more luccefsful. 1 he fiege continued for
four months j during which time the prince of Heffe,
who commanded the town for the Englilh, gave many
proofs of valour. At length, the Spaniards having at¬
tempted to fcale the rock in vain, finding no hopes of
taking the place, were contented to draw off their men
and abandon the enterprife.
While the Britifh were thus vidforious by land and
fea, a new fcene of contention was opened on the fide
of Spain. Philip V. grandfon of Louis XIV. had
been placed on the throne of that kingdom, and recei¬
ved with the joyful concurrence of the greateft part of
his fubjedts. He had alfo been nominated fucceflbr to
the crown by the late king of Spain’s will. But in a
kv 355
by He is flip-
[ 496 ] B R I
Villeroy, former treaty among the powers of Europe, Charles, Britain.
fon of the emperor of Germany, was appointed heir to lj” ^ *“
that crown ; and this treaty had been guaranteed by
France herfelf, though {he now refolved to reverfe that
confent in favour of a defcendant of the houle of Bour¬
bon. Charles wTas ftill farther led on to put in for the
crown of Spain, by the invitation of the Catalonians,
who declared in his favour j and with the afliftance of
the Biitifti and Portuguefe, promifed to arm in his
caufe. Upon his way to his newly affumed dominion,
he landed in England; where he was received on fliore
by the dukes of Somerfet and Marlborough, who cor.-
dudled him to Windfor. He was kindly received by ^
the queen 5 and furnifhed wdth 200 tranfports, 30 Ihips ported by
of war, and 9000 men, for the conqueft; of that exten- Queen
five empire. The earl of Peterborough, a man of ro-Anne*
mantic bravery, offered to condufl them; and his fingle
fervice was reckoned equivalent to armies. 356
The firft attempt of this general was on the city ofBarcelona-
Barcelona, at that tune defended by a garrifon of 5ocotaken*
men. The fort Monjuc, fituated on a hill that com¬
manded the city, was attacked; the outworks were ta¬
ken by ftorm, and the powder-magazine was blown up
by a {hell} upon which the fort immediately furrender-
ed, and the city capitulated in a ftiort time after. Hie
conqueft of all Valencia fucceeded the taking of Bar¬
celona. Charles became mafter of Arragon, Cartha-
gena, Granada, and Madrid. The Britifti general en¬
tered the capital in triumph, and there proclaimed
Charles king of Spain without oppofition. ^
To thefe fucceffes, however, very little regard was French de-
paid in Britain. The vi&ories of the duke of Marl- feated at
borough alone engroffed their attention. In 1706, he Ramlfiles,'
opened the campaign wdth an army of 80,000 men.
He wras met by the French under Villeroy near the vil¬
lage of Ramillies*. An engagement enfued, in which * See
the duke gained a viftory alnioft as complete as that of
Blenheim had beenj and the whole country of Brabant
was the reward of the vidlors. I he French troops were
now difpirited 5 the city of Paris was in confufion j
Louis, who had long been flattered with conqueft, was
now humbled to fuch a degree as almoft to excite the
compaflion of his enemies. He intreated for peace, Louis fues
but in vain ; the allies carried all before them } and foF
his very capital began to dread the approach of the ^
conquerors. But what neither his armies nor his po¬
litics could effeft, was brought about by a party in
England. The diffenfion between the whigs and tories
faved France, that now feemed tottering on the brink
of ruin. _
The councils of the queen had hitherto been govern- Revolution
ed by a whig miniftry j for though the duke of Marl-in the coun¬
borough ftarted in the intereft of the oppofite party,
he foon joined the whigs, as he found them moft fin-
cere in the defign of humbling France. The people,
however, were now in fadt. beginning to change, and
a general fpirit of toryifm to take place. The queen’s
perfonal virtues, her fucceffes, her deference for the
clergy, and their great veneration for her,, began to
have a prevailing influence over the whole nation. Peo¬
ple of every rank were not alhamed to defend the moil
fervile tenets, when they tended to flatter or increafe the
power of the fovereign. They argued in favour of ftiict
hereditary fucceflion, divine right, and non-refiftance
to the regal pqwer. The tories, though joining in
vigorous
B R I
t 497 1
B R I
Britain, vigorous meafures againft France, were never ardently
‘Ur- ' jhgij. enemies : they rather fecretly hated the Dutch,
as of principles very oppofite to their own; and longed
for an opportunity of withdrawing from their friend-
fhip. They began to meditate fchemes of oppofition to'
the duke of Marlborough. Him they confidered as a
felf-interefted man, who facrificed the real advantages
of the nation, in protrafting a ruinous war for his own
private emolument and glory. They faw their country
opprefled with an increaling load of taxes, which by a
continuance of the war mult inevitably become an in¬
tolerable burden. Their difcontents began to fpread,
and the tories wanted only a few determined leaders to
affift them in removing the prefent minillry.
de- t^e mean time> a fucceffion of Ioffes began to de¬
feated at fipate the conquering frenzy that had feized the nation
Almanza, in general, and to incline them to wifh for peace. 1 he
earl of Galway, who commanded the army in Spain,
f See Al- was utterly defeated at Almanza f by the duke of
tnauza. Berwick; and in confequence of this viftory, all Spain,
except the province of Catalonia, returned to their
duty to Philip their lawful fovereign. An attempt
wTas made upon Toulon, by the duke of Savoy and
Prince Eugene by land, and an Englilh fleet by fea ;
361 but to no purpofe. The fleet under Sir Cloudefley
Shipwreck Shovel, having fet fail for England, was driven by a
fle^Shovef v*°lent ftorm on the rocks of Scilly. His own fliip
was lofl, and every perfon on board perifhed. Three
more (hips met with the fame fate; while three or four
others were faved with the utmofl: difficulty. In
Germany, Marlhal Villars the French general carried
all before him, and was upon the point of reftoring the
eleftor of Bavaria. The only hopes of the people lay
in the adfivity and condudt of the duke of Pvlarlborough,
who opened the campaign of 1707, about the middle
of May ; but even here they wTere difappointed. The
duke declined an engagement; and after feveral march¬
ings and countermarchings, both armies retired into
winter quarters about the end of Oftober. The French
made vigorous preparations for the next campaign ;
and the duke returned to England to meet with a re¬
ception he did not at all expeft, and which, as far as
appears, he did not deferve.
P62 The moft remarkable tranfadtion, however, of this
tween Scot-year> and indeed of this whole reign, was the union be¬
laud and tween the two kingdoms of Scotland and England.
Though governed by one fovereign fince the time of
James I. of England, yet each nation continued to be
ruled by its refpeftive parliament; and often profeffed
to purfue< oppofite interefts to thofe of its neighbour.
The union had often been unfuccefsfully attempted be¬
fore, and had indeed been the caufe of the bloody wrars
in the time of Edwrard I. and III. of England. In all
the former propofals on that head, both nations urere
fuppofed to remain free and independent ; each king¬
dom having its own parliament, and fubjeiff only to
fuch taxes and other commercial regulations as thole
parliaments fhould judge expedient for the benefit of
their refpeftive ftates. After the dertrucfion of the
Darien colony, in the manner already related, King
William had endeavoured to allay the national ferment
by refuming the affair of an union with as much aflidu-
ity as his warlike difpofition wmuld allow. The terms
propofed were the fame with thofe formerly held
out, viz. a federal union, fomewhat like that of the
Vol. IV. Part II.
England.
ftates of Holland. With this view the Scots were Britain,
prevailed on to fend 20 commiftioners to London ; —v—
who, with 23 on the part of England, met at White¬
hall in the month of O&ober 1702. Here they were
honoured with a vifit from the queen, in order to en¬
liven their proceedings and ftimulate them to a more
fpeedy difpatch of bufinefs: but the treaty was en¬
tirely broken off at this time by the Scotilh commif-
fioners infilling, that the rights and privileges of their
countrymen trading to Africa and the Indies ftiould
be preferved and maintained. It was, however, refu¬
med in the year 1706, when the comroiflioners again
met on the 16th of April, in the council-chamber of
Whitehall. The Scotilh commilfioners ftill propofed a
federal union; but the Englifti were determined on an
incorporation, which ftiould not afterwards be diffolved
by a Scotifh parliament. Nothing but this, they
faid, could fettle a perfecl and lafting frieudftiip be¬
twixt the two nations. The commiflioners from Scot¬
land, however, ftill continued to refill that article which
fubje&ed their country to the fame cuftoms, excifes,
anH regulations of trade as England ; but the queen
being perfuaded to pay two vifits in perfon to the com¬
miflioners, exerted herfelf fo vigoroufly, that a majority
was at laft gained over; and all the reft yielded, though
with reluftance, excepting Lockhart of Carnw’ath,
who could not by any means be perfuaded either to
fign or feal the treaty. ^
The articles being fully prepared on the 22d of July, The articles
they were prefented next day to her majefty by the moft vio-
lord-keeper, in the name of the Englilh commiflioners ; lently op-
at the fame time that a fealed copy of the inftrument
was likewife delivered by the lord chancellor of Scot¬
land. They were moft gracioufly received ; and the
fame day the queen dictated an order of council, threa¬
tening wuth profecution fuch as Ihould be concerned in
any difcourfe or libel, or in laying wagers w-ith regard
to the union. Notwuthftanding all this harmony, howr-
ever, the treaty was received with the utmoft difappro-
bation in Scotland. The terms had been carefully
concealed, fo that nothing tranfpired till the whole w^as
at once laid before parliament. The ferment was
then fo general, that all ranks of people, however di¬
vided in other refpe£ls, united againft this detefted
treaty. The nobility and gentry w7ere exafperated at
the annihilation of parliament, and the confequent lofs
of their influence and credit. The body of the people
cried out, that the independence of the nation w'as fa¬
crificed to treachery and corruption. They infifted
that the obligations laid on their members to ftay fo
long at London, in their attendance on the Britifh
parliament, would drain the country of its money, im-
poverifti the members themfelves, and lubje6l them to
the temptation of being corrupted. Nor was the
commercial part of the people better fatisfied. The
diffulution of the India company, the taxes laid on the
neceffaries of life, the vaft number of duties, cuftoms,
and reftriftions, laid upon trade, were all of them mat¬
ter of complaint. Before this time the trade of Scot¬
land had been open to the Levant, the Baltic, France,
Spain, Portugal, Holland, and the Dutch plantations;
and it feemed difficult to conceive howT the commerce
of the country could be advanced by laying reftri6lions
upon it to thefe places, efpecially as the compeniation
allowed, viz. the privilege of trading to the Englifti
3 R plantations
B R I [ 498 ] B R I
Britain, plantations in America, muft have been a very trifling
 advantage, when the amount of the whole exports to
thefe places did not near equal the expence of defending
them. The moft violent difputes took place in the
parliament. The lord Belhaven made a moft pathetic
fpeech, enumerating the miferies that would attend this
treaty j which drew tears from the audience, and to
this day is reckoned prophetic by many of the Scotifh
nation. Almoft every article of the treaty was the
fubjeift of a proteft; addreffes againft it were pre-
fented to parliament by the convention of royal bo¬
roughs, the commiffioners of the general afiembly, the
company trading to Africa and the Indies, as well as
from Ihires, flewartries, boroughs, towns, and parifhes,
without diftinflion of whig, tory, prefbyterian, or epif-
copalf
Nor was the refentment of the common people with¬
out doors lefs than that of the members within. A
coalition was formed betwixt the Prelbyterians and ca¬
valiers : and to fuch a height did the refentment of the
people arrive, that they chofe officers, formed them-
felves into regiments, provided horfes and ammunition,
burnt the articles of union, juftified their conduft by a
public declaration, and reiolved to take the route to
Edinburgh and diflblve the parliament.
In the mean time, the privy council ifiued a procla¬
mation againft riots, commanding all perfons to retire
from the ftreets whenever the drum fhould beat; or¬
dering the guards to fire on thofe who fhould difobey
this command, and indemnifying them from all profe-
cution for maiming or flaying ibe lieges. Even thefe
precautions were infufficient. The duke of Queenf-
berry, the chief promoter of the uhion, though guard¬
ed by double lines of horfe and foot, was obliged to
pafs through the ftreets at full gallop, amidft the curfes
and imprecations of the people, who pelted his guards,
and even wounded fome of his friends who attended
him in the coach. In oppofition to all this fury, the
duke of Queenfberry and others attached to the union
magnified the advantages that would accrue to the
kingdom from the union ; they took off the refentment
of the clergy, by promoting an aft to be inferted in
the treaty, by which the Prefbyterian difcipline was to
be the only government of the church of Scotland,
unalterable in all fucceeding times, and a fundamental
article of the union. Emiffaries were employed to dif-
unite the Cameronians from the Cavaliers, by demon-
ftrating the abfurdity, finfulnefs, and danger, of fuch a
proceeding. The India company was flattered with
the profpeft of being indemnified for the Ioffes they
had fuftained, and individuals by fharing an equivalent.
Their laft manoeuvre was to bring over a party in the
Scots parliament, nicknamed the Squadrone Volatile,
from their fluftuating between miniftry and oppofition,
without attaching themfelves to any party till the cri¬
tical moment, which was either to cement both king¬
doms by a firm union, or involve them in the calami¬
ties of war. By this unexpefted ftroke, the miniftry
obtained a decifive viftory, and all oppofition was vain.
The articles of treaty were ratified by parliament, with
feme trifling variations, on the 25th of March 1707 ;
when the duke of Queenfberry finally diffolved that
ancient affembly, and Scotland ceafed to be a feparate
independent kingdom.
On the conclufion of the treaty, the queen informed
both houfes of the Englifh parliament, that the treaty Britain,
of union, with fome additions and alterations, was ra- ‘ " r Y~—
tified by an aft of the parliament of Scotland : that
fire had ordered it to be laid before them, and hoped
it would meet their approbation. She obferved, that
they had now an opportunity of putting the laft hand
to a happy union of the two kingdoms : and that flic
fhould look upon it as a particular happinefs if this
great work, fo often attempted before without fuccefs,
could be brought to perfeftion in her reign. Objec¬
tions, however, were flatted by the tory party •, but
they were at that time too weak to be heard with any
attention. Sir John Parkington compared the new
treaty to the marriage of a woman without her con-
fent. It was an union carried on by corruption and
bribery within doors, and by force and violence with¬
out. The promoters of it had bafely betrayed their
truft, by giving up their independent conftitution : and
he would leave it to the judgment of the houfe, whe¬
ther or not men of fuch principles wTere fit to be ad¬
mitted into their houfe of reprefentatives. Lord Ha-
verfham, in the upper-houfe, faid, the queftion was.
Whether two nations, independent in their fovereign-
ties, that had their diftinft law's and interefts, different
forms of w’orfhip, church-government and order, fhould
be united into one kingdom ? He fuppofed it an union
made up of fo many incongruous ingredients, that
fhould it ever take effeft, it would require a Handing
power and force to keep them from falling afunder,
and breaking in pieces every moment. Above an
hundred Scotifh peers, and as many commoners, he
faid, were excluded from fitting and voting in parlia¬
ment, though they had as much right to fit there as
any Englifh peer had to fit and vote in the parliament
of England. The union, he faid, was contrary to the
fenfe of the Scotifh nation ; the murmurs of the peo¬
ple had been fo loud as to fill the whole kingdom, and
had reached even the doors of parliament. That the
government had iffued a proclamation, pardoning all
flaughter, bloodlhed, and maiming, committed upon
thofe vTho fhould be found in tumults *, and from all
thefe circumftances he concluded, that the people of
Scotland were averfe to an incorporating union, which,
he fuppofed, would be a moft dangerous expedient to
both nations. All thefe arguments, however, were
anfwered by thofe of the oppcfite party wfith fuch fuc¬
cefs, that the union wTas unalterably completed on the
firft of May 1707; and the ifland took the name of
“ The United Kingdom of Great Britain.” The
queen expreffed the higheft fatisfaftion when it re¬
ceived the royal affent, and faid, “ She did not doubt
but it wmuld be remembered and fpoken of hereafter, to
the honour of thofe who had been inftrumental in
bringing it to fuch a happy conclufion. She defired
that her fubjefts of both kingdoms fhould from hence-
forw'ard behave with all poflible refpeft and kindnefs
towards one another •, that fo it might appear to all
the world they had hearts difpofed to become one peo¬
ple.” The firft of May was appointed a day of public
thankfgiving } and congratulatory addreffes wrere fent
up from all parts of England, excepttfig the univerfity
of Oxford. The Scots, however, were totally filent
on the occafion.
In this treaty, it muft be obferved, that the com-
raiffioners on the part of England were not only able
ftatefmen3
B R I
[ 499 1
B R I
Britain.
364
The union
ftatefmen, but, for the moft part, well {killed in trade,^
which gave them an evident advantage over thofe of
Scotland, who confided of lords and gentlemen who
at firftdif- had n0 commercial knowledge. Hence they were over-
advantage- matched by the former in the great objefts which were
ous to Scot-to give the turn to national profperity ; though they
land. were very careful to preferve all their heritable offices,
fuperiorities, jurifdiftions, and other privileges and
trappings of the feudal ariftocracy. Had the Englifh
commiffioners made a liberal ufe of the advantages af¬
forded them at this time, it would have been in their
power greatly to have enriched themfelves as well as
the inhabitants of Scotland ; “ but inftead of this (fays
Mr Knox), in negociating with a ruined kingdom, they
were influenced by the then narrow fhort-fighted prin¬
ciple of commercial monopoly *, and the confequences
were fuch as might, with a fmall degree of reflexion,
have been forefeen. Inftead of a folid compaft, afford¬
ing, upon the wdiole, reciprocal advantages, and which
it would have been the inclination as well as intereft
of both nations to preferve inviolate, the conceflions
on the part of Scotland, and the reftri&ions on their
trade, were fo quickly and feverely felt, that about the
fixth year after the ratification of the treaty, the fixteen
peers who firft reprefented Scotland in the upper-houfe,
though moft of them had been the fupporters of ad-
miniftration in promoting the union, unanimoufly mo¬
ved for its difiblution. The motion was followed by a
violent debate, in which, however, the Scotifh peers
were at laft overruled, and thenceforth the nation fub-
mitted reluctantly to its fate. The metropolis, having
no manufaftures, now beheld itfelf deprived of its on¬
ly fupport by the tranflation of the parliament to Lon¬
don The trading towns pined under the duties and
reftri&ions on their commerce •, the whole kingdom,
after fo many fatal difafters, feemed completely ruin¬
ed beyond recovery, and all degrees of men funk under
the weight of thefe complicated misfortunes. The
firft fruits of the treaty in Scotland wTere a board of cuf-
toms and another of excife, the appointment of com-
miffioners, colleftors, &c. with other neceffary officers,
who were immediately diftributed over the feveral fea-
ports and diftrifts of the nation. In many parts they
were roughly ufed, particularly the excife officers; and
in the Orkneys, the officers were fo frightened by
the country people, that for fome time the bufinefs W'as
obliged to be poftponed.”
.365 In 1708, there was a warm debate in the grand
^ffu^Sconcomm*ttee lords, occafioned by a bill
privy coun- patted by the commons for rendering the union of the
two kingdoms more entire and complete, whereby it
was enabled, that, “ from the firft of May 1708, there
fhould be but one privy council in the kingdom of
Britain.”—-Of this affair Mr Cunningham gives a par¬
ticular account, and informs us that he himfelf had a
hand in the affair, and that he had “ from his youth
borne a juft hate to the privy council of Scotland.”
The arguments for the diffolution were its enormous
ftretches of powrer and a£ls of cruelty ; that it could
now be of no other ule in Scotland than that the court
might thereby govern every thing at pleafure, and
procure fuch members of parliament as they thought
proper; againft which both Scots and Englifti ought
now carefully to guard themfelves. On the other hand,
it was argued, that the abufe of the power complained
of was no argument for the entire diffolution ofthe coun¬
cil, though it was for a reftri&ion and limitation of it •,
that it was neceffary that a privy council fhould remain
in Scotland, out of regard to the ancient cuftoms of
the country, and to reftrain the rage of the people,
which was then ready to break out beyond all bounds.
The diffolution, however, was carried by 50 againft
40 ; after which the nation being deprived of this laft;
fragment of their ancient government, the oppofers
of the union raifed the animofities of the people to a
dangerous height •, but the ferment abated after an in-
effe&ual attempt in favour of the pretender.
I'ntaitf.
366
CLlUtll ill ilirvin ill ...v. p.  V. a-
We muft now return to the duke of Marlborough,
who had gone over to Flanders, where he feemed re-Oudenarde;
folved to pufh his good fortune. Peace had been of¬
fered more than once ; treaties entered upon, and as
often fruftrated. After the battle of Ramillies, the
king of France had employed the eleblor of Bavaria to
write letters in his name to the duke of Marlborough,
containing propofals for opening a congrefs. He of¬
fered to give up either Spain and its dominions, or the
kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, to Charles of Auftria,
and to give a barrier to the Dutch in the Netherlands.
But thefe terms wrere rejected. The two armies once
more met in numbers nearly equal at * Oudenarde(A). * See Oz«V*
An engagement enfued, in which the French were de-«*''*•
feated, and Lille (b) the ftrongeft town in Flanders,
Ghent, Bruges, and all the other towns in that county,
foon after fell into the hands of the viftors. The cam¬
paign ended with fixing a barrier to the Dutch pro¬
vinces, and it now only remained to force a way into
the provinces of the enemy.
The French king being now' in a manner reduced to
defpair, again fued for peace •, but the demands of the
allies were fo high, that he was obliged to rejedt them
s R 2 and
(a) In this engagement the eledloral prince of Hanover, afterwards George II. of Britain, greatly dillin*
guilhed himfelf, and gained the whole glory ofthe firft attack. In the engagement his horfe was killed un¬
der him, and Colonel Lufchki clofe by his fide. “ On that day (fays Cunningham) this excellent young prince
difcovered fuch courage as no man living ought to forget, and as all pofterity will never furpafs.”
(b) At the fiege of Lille, Cunningham relates the following anecdote of the magnanimity of a common
foldier. “ This man had the good fortune to take prifoner Major-general Colbert, brother to the marquis de
Torey. The prifoner, greatly taken with the clemency, humanity, and good behaviour of the foldier, offered
him 200 louis d’ors, and a captain’s poll for life, if he would give him his liberty. 'I he foldier, however, re¬
filled the temptation, alleging the dilhonour that would attend fuch condudl ; and alking him at the fame
time, how, when raifed to the rank of a captain, he could look his general in the face for wffiom he had fought
for fo many years ?—This inftance of fidelity weighed fo much with Prince Eugene and the duke of Marl¬
borough, that the former made him a prefent, and the latter gave him a captain’s commiftion,”
13 R I [
Britain, and prepare for another campaign
- v—✓ year 1709. The firft attempt of the allies was on the
city of Tournay, garrifoned by 1 2,000 men, and ex¬
ceedingly ftrong both by nature and art. After a
terrible liege of 21 days, the town capitulated ; and a
month afterwards the citadel, which was Hill ilronger
than the town. Next followed the bloody battle of
f Sec il^Z-Malplaquetf 5 where the allied army, confining of
flaquet.
367
and at
Malpla-
quet.
368
X,aft cam.
Marlbo¬
rough.
His excel¬
lent con-
du<5t.
1 10,000 men, attacked the French confiding of 120,000
ftrongly ported and fortified in fuch a manner that they
feemed quite inacceffible. Nothing, horvever, was able
to ftand before the allied army •, they drove the French
from their fortifications : but their victory cort them
dear ; 20,000 of their beft troops lay dead on the field
of battle (c). The confequence of this victory was the
furrender of the city of Mons, which ended the cam¬
paign.
rF'ie laft campaign of the duke of Marlborough,
paign of the happened in the year 1711, is faid to have ex¬
duke of celled all his former exploits. He was oppofed by the
marlhal Villars, the fame who had commanded the
French in the battle of Malplaquet. Fie contrived his
meafures fo, that, by marching and countermarching,
he induced the enemy to quit a ftrong line of intrench-
ments without ftriking a blow, which he came after¬
wards and took pofleftion of. This enterprife was fol¬
lowed by the taking of Bouchain, which was the laft
military achievement of this great general. By a con¬
tinuance of condudd and fuccefs almoft unparalled, he
had gained to the allies a prodigious trad of country.
From the beginning of the war, which had now con¬
tinued nine years, he had perpetually advanced, and
never retreated before his enemies, nor loft an advan¬
tage he had obtained over them. Fie moft frequently
gained the enemy’s ports without fighting 5 but where
he was obliged to attack, no fortifications were able to
refift him. He had never befieged a city which he did
not take, nor engaged in a battle in which he did not
come off vidorious. Thus the allies had reduced un¬
der their command Spanifti Guelderland, Limbourg,
Brabant, Flanders, and Hainault \ they wrere mafters
of the Scarpe ; the capture of Bouchain had opened for
them a way into the heart of France, and another cam¬
paign might have made them mafters of Paris: but on
the duke’s return from this campaign, he was accufed
370 of having taken a bribe of 6000I. a-year from a Jew
.tie is dif- w}10 llacj contraded to fupply the army with bread ;
all his em- . the 1ueen thought proper to difmifs him from all
ployments. his employments.
^On the removal of this great general, the command
of the Britifh forces w'as given to the duke of Or¬
mond. The tranfadions which followed, as repre-
fcnted by Mr Cunningham, are by no means favourable
to the charader of the Britifh nation. He reprefents
toe people at large as blinded by a headftrong and furi¬
ous clergy,, who wiftied to revive the abfurdities of the
Romifh religion, and to unite the Engliih and Galil¬
ean churches; the general of the army ading a moft
infidious part, by giving the enemy intelligence of the
500 ] B r 1
1 liis was in the defigns of the allies before he declared that he was not Eritaia.
to ad in concert with them ; and the queen herfelf as ' v—
commanding him to ad luch a fhameful part, nay as
ading in a fimilar manner herfelf. Prince Eugene
complained much of the inadivity of the Englifh ge¬
neral, though he feemed to be unacquainted with his
treachery j while the w:hole army loaded him with ex¬
ecrations, calling him “ a ftupid tool, and a general of
ftraw.” All this, however, was in vain •, the duke
continued to prefer the commands of his fovereign
to every other confideration.
The difgrace of the duke of Marlborough had been
owfing to the prevalence of the tory party, who had
now got the whig miniftry turned out; the con¬
fequence of this w'as, that in fpite of all the remon-
ftrances, memorials, &c. of the allies, the Britifh ar-
mv in Flanders was ordered not to ad offenfively.
Hence the operations languifhed, a confiderable body --x
of the allies ivas cut off at Denain, and the French Peace with
retook fome towns. A peace was at laft concluded inFrailce*
1713 between Fiance and Britain. In this treaty it
was ftipulated, that Philip, now acknowledged king
of Spain, fhould renounce all right to the crown of
France, the union of two fuch powerful kingdoms
being thought dangerous to the liberties of Europe. It
was agreed, that the duke of Berry, Philip’s brother,
and after him in fucceflion, fhould alfo renounce his
right to the crown of Spain, in cafe he became king of
Trance. It was ftipulated, that the duke of Savoy
ftiould poffefs the ifland of Sicily with the title of king ;
together with Feneftrelles, and other places on the 1
continent j which increafe of dominion was in fome
meafure made out of the fpoils of the French mo¬
narchy. The Dutch had the barrier granted them
which they fo much defired 5 and if the crowm of France
was deprived of fome dominions to enrich the duke of
Savoy, on the other hand the houfe of Auftria was
taxed to fupply the wants of the Hollanders, who were
put in poffeffion of the ftrongeft towns in Flanders.
The fortifications of Dunkirk were demolifhed. Spain
gave up Gibraltar and the ifland of Minorca. France
refigned her pretenfions to Hudlon’s bay, Nova Scotia,
and Newfoundland 5 but w'as left in poffeflion of Cape-
Breton, and the liberty of drying fith upon the fliore.
Among the articles glorious to the Britifti nation, their
fetting free the French Proteftants confined in the pri-
fons and galleys for their religion, was not the leaf! me¬
ritorious. For the emperor it was ftipulated, that he
fhould poffefs the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of
Milan, and the Spanifh Netherlands. The king of
Pruflia was to have Upper Guelder ; and a time was
fixed for the emperor’s acceding to thefe articles, as he
had for fome time obftinately refufed to affifl at the ne-
goeiation. This famous treaty was figned at Utrecht
on the laft; day of March 1713. 372
This year was alfo remarkable for an attempt of Attempt te
the Scotifh peers and commons to diffolve the union,t|u^ve ^ie
which, as has been obferved, had proved exceedingly
difagreeable and diftrefsful to the nation. During the
Rebates
Cunningham differs prodigioufly from this account. His computation being no more than 6000
'V et an<J 9000 wounded on the part of the allies, and 7000 killed and 10,000 wounded on the part of the
French,
B R I
[ 5°* ]
B R I
Britain, debates on this fubjeft, the earl of Peterborough en-
■—■'V"—deavoured to prove the impoflibility of diffolving the
treaty, which he compared to a marriage, that, being
once contracted, could not be diffolved by any power
on earth. He obferved, that though England, who
in the national marriage, mull be fuppofed to repre-
fent the hufband, had in fome inftances been unkind
to the lady, the ought not prefently to fue for a di¬
vorce ; and added, when the union was termed a mere
political expedient, that it could not have been made
more folemn, unlefs, like the ten commandments, it
had come from heaven. The duke of Argyle alfo,
who had originally promoted the union, now^ declared
againft it, and faid, that unlefs it were diffolved, he
did not long expeCl to have either property left in
Scotland or liberty in England. By fome other peers
it w-as alleged, that the union had not produced its in¬
tended effetf *, that it had been defigned to promote
friendfhip between the two nations 5 but, fo far from
anfwering the purpofe, the animofities between them
were never fo great as then 3 and if they were feparated
again, they would be better friends. This motion wras
overruled in the houfe 3 but the difcontent of the
people ftill continued, and addreffes were prepared
throughout the kingdom, and matters were in danger
of coming to the word extremities, when the attempt
N of the pretender in 17x5 fo divided the minds of the
people, that no unanimous effort could ever after¬
wards be made 3 though the union was long generally
confidered, and ftill is by fome individuals, as a na¬
tional grievance.
The hiftory of the latter part of this reign confifts
entirely of the intrigues of the wdiigs and tories againft
each other 3 which, as they are now of no importance,
it is needlefs to take up time in relating, further than
that the tory influence continued to prevail. Whether
the miniftry at this time wifhed to alter the fucceflion
from the Hanoverian line, cannot now be clearly made
out 3 but certain it is, that the whigs firmly believed
it, and the tories but faintly denied the charge. The
fufpicions of the former became every day ftronger,
particularly when they faw a total removal of the
whigs from all places of truft and confidence through¬
out the kingdom, and their employments beftowed on
profeiTed tories, fuppofed to be maintainers of an un¬
broken hereditary fucceftion.
The violent diffenfions between thefe two parties,
their unbounded licentioufnefs, cabals, and tumults,
made the queen’s fituation very difagreeable 3 her health
declined 3 and on the 28th of July 1714, fhe fell into
a lethargic infenfibi’ity. Notwithftanding all the me¬
dicines the phyficians could prefcribe, the diftemper
gained ground fo faft, that next day they defpaired of
her life. All the members of the privy council with¬
out diftin&ion were nowT fummoned from the different
parts of the kingdom 3 and they began to provide for the
fecurity of the conftitution. A letter was fent to the
elector of Hanover, informing him of the queen’s de-
fperate fituation, and defiling him to repair to Hol¬
land, wrhere he would be attended by a Britifh fqua-
dron to convey him to England. At the fame time
they difpatched inftruftions to the earl of Strafford at
the Hague, to defire the States-general to be ready to
perform the guaranty of the Proteftant fucceflion. Pre¬
cautions were taken to fecure the fea-ports; and the
Death of
the queen.
command of the fleet was beftowed upon the earl of Britain,
Berkely, a profeiTed whig. Thefe meafures, which-v—«■«
were all diflated by that party, anfwered a double end.
They urged the alacrity of the whigs in the caufe
of their new fovereign, and feemed to imply that the
ftate was in danger from the difaffe&ion of the oppo-
fite party.
On the 30th of July the queen feemed to be fome-
what relieved by the medicines which had been given
her. She rofe from her bed about eight in the morn¬
ing and walked a little. After fome time, cafting her
eyes on a clock that flood in her chamber, fire conti¬
nued to gaze at it for fome minutes. One of the la¬
dies in waiting afked her what fixe fawT there more than
ufual ? to which the queen only anfwered by turning
her eyes upon her with a dying look. She was foon
after feized with an apopledlic fit 3 from which, how¬
ever, flie was fomewhat recovered by the afliftance of
Dr Mead. She continued all night in a ftate of ftu-
pefaftion. She gave fome figns of life betwixt twelve
and one the next day 3 but expired the following morn¬
ing, a little after feven o’clock, having lived 49 years,
and reigned upwards of 12. This princefs was re¬
markable neither for her learning nor her capacity.
Like all the reft of her family, fhe feemed rather fitted
for the duties of private life than a public ftation 3
being a pattern of conjugal fidelity, a good mother, a.
warm friend, and an indulgent miftrefs 3 and to her
honour it certainly muft be recorded, that during her
reign none fuffered on the fcaffold for treafon. In her
ended the line of the Stuarts 3 a family who never re¬
warded their friends, nor ever avenged them of their
adverfaries; a family whole misfortunes and mifcon-
duffs are not to be paralleled in hiftory. 374
The queen had no fooner refigned her breath than She is fuc-
the privy-council met, and three inftruments were pro-b5e<^ ^
duced, by which the eleflor of Hanover appointed fe- ^
veral of his known adherents to be added as lords ju-
ftices to the feven great officers of the kingdom. Or¬
ders alfo were immediately ilfued out for proclaiming
George king of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The
regency appointed the earl of Dorfet to carry him the
intimation of his acceffion to the crown, and to attend
him in his journey to England. They fent the general
officers, in whom they could confide, to their ports 3
they reinforced the garrifon of Portfmouth, and ap¬
pointed the celebrated Mr Addifon fecretary of ftate.
No tumult, no commotion, arofe againft the acceffion
of the new king 3 and this gives a ftrong proof that
the tories, had they really intended to exclude him,
never took any rational meafures to accomplifli their
purpofe. 375
The king firft landed at Greenwich 3 where he was He arrives
received by the duke of Northumberland, captain of m England,
the lifeguard, and the lords of the regency. From the
landing-place he walked to his houfe in the park, ac¬
companied by a great number of the nobility and other
perfons of diftinftion, whoexpefted to make their court
in this reign in confequence of their turbulence and
oppofition to the reigning party in the laft. George I.
was 54 years old when he afcended the Britifti throne.
His mature age, his fagacity and experience, his nu¬
merous alliances, and the general tranquillity of Eu¬
rope, all contributed to eftablifh his interefts, and pro-
mife him a peaceable and happy reign. His virtues,,
though.
\
Britain.
376
He favours
She whigs.
National
difcontents
B R I [ 5°2 ] B R I
though not fliining, were folid ; and he was of a very
different difpofition from the Stuart family whom he
fucceeded. Thefe were known to a proverb for leaving
their friends in extremity ; George, on the contrary,
foon after his arrival in England, was heard to fay,
“ My maxim is, never to abandon my friends, to do
juftice to all the world, and to fear no man.” To thefe
qualities of refolution and perfeverance, he joined great
application to bufinefs. One fault, however, with re¬
gard to England, remained behind : he fludied the in-
terefts of the kingdom he had left more than of thofe
he came to govern.
The new king foon difcovered his inclination to fup-
port thofe who had raifed him to the throne, that is,
the whig party. When he retired to his bed-chamber,
after his firft landing, he fent for fuch of the nobility
as had diftinguifhed themfelves by their zeal for his
fucceflion. He expreffed the greateft regard for the
duke of Marlborough juft then arrived from the conti¬
nent, whither he had been driven by the violence of
the tories. The fame friendfhip he profefied for the
other leaders of the whigs; but the tories found them¬
felves excluded from the royal favour. The king did
not feem fenftble that the monarch of a fa6tion rules
but one half of his fubjefts. It was his misfortune,
and confequently that of the nation, that he was hem¬
med round by men who foured him with all their own
interefts and prejudices. The whigs, while they pre¬
tended to fecure the crown for the king, were ufmg all
their arts to confirm their own interefts, extend their
connexions, and give law's to their fovereign. An in-
ftantaneous change was made in all the offices of trurt,
honour, or advantage. The names of the contending
parties were changed into thofe of Hanoverians and
Jacobites. The former governed the fenate and court,
opprefled whom they would, bound the lower orders
of people by fevere laws, and kept them at a diftance
by vile diftinftions; and then taught them to call this
liberty.
In confequence of thefe partialities, the higheft dif¬
contents wTere raifed through the whole kingdom. The
tories or Jacobites raifed the moft terrible outcries ; and
had the pretender been a man of any judgment or abi¬
lities, a fair opportunity wras now offered him of ftrik-
ing a decifive blown Inftead of this, he continued a
calm fpeXator on the continent, and only fent over his
emiffaries to difperfe ineffeXual manifeftoes and delude
the unw'ary. In thefe papers he obferved, that the late
queen had intentions of calling him to the crowm. He
expoftulated wfith his people upon the injuftice they
had done themfelves in proclaiming a foreign prince for
their fovereign, contrary to the law's of the country,
that gave him alone the real claim. Copies of a printed
addrefs were fent to the dukes of Shrew'fhury, Marlbo¬
rough, Argyle, and other noblemen of the firft diftinc-
tion; vindicating his right to the crowm, and complain¬
ing of the injuftice of his people. Yet, though he ftill
complained of their conduX, he never took any ftep to
correX his own, or remove that obftacle by which his
father had loft his throne. He ftill continued to profefs
the trueft regard to the Catholic religion ; and, inftead
of concealing his fentiments on that head, gloried in his
principles.
But, how'ever much the Popilh religion w7as at that
time hated in England, the principles of the diffenters
were not in the leaft more agreeable to the generality. Britain.
The tories affirmed, that, under a whig adminiftration, v—-v—'
herefy and impiety were daily gaining ground. The
lower orders of the clergy joined in thefe complaints,
and pointed out feveral traXs publifhed in favour of
Arianifm and Socinianifm. The miniftry not only re-
fufed to pun iffr the delinquents, but filenced the clergy
themfelves, and forbade their future deputations on 378
thefe topics.—The parliament w'as now diffolved, and Parliament
another called by a very extraordinary proclamation.cllflolveci*
In this the king complained of the evil defigns of
men difaffeXed to his i’ucceflion ; and of their having
mifreprefented his conduX and principles. He expref¬
fed his hopes, that his fubjeXs would fend up to par¬
liament the fitteft perfons to redrefs the prefent difor-
ders. He intreated that they would eleX fuch in par¬
ticular as had expreffed a firm attachment to the Pro-
tertant lucceffion when it was in danger. In the elec¬
tion of this important parliament, uncommon vigour
was exerted on both fides ; but by dint of the moneyed
intereft that prevailed in corporations, and the aXivity
of the miniftry, a great majority of whigs w*as returned
both in England and Scotland. 3-9
Upon the firft meeting of this new' parliament, the Violent
moft violent meafures were refolved upon againft the
late miniftry. Part of them kept away from bufinefs.
A committee w'as appointed to infpeX all the papers1"
relative to the late treaty, and to pick out fuch of
them as might ferve for grounds of accufation againft;
the late miniftry. The earl of Oxford was impeached
of high treafon, and fent to the tow'er. The violence
of the commons was anfwered with equal violence w'ith-
out doors. Tumults became every day more frequent,
and every tumult ferved only to increafe the feverity of
the legiflature. They now' paffed an aX, declaring,
that if any perfons to the number of J2, unlawfully af-
fembled, ftiould continue together one hour after being
required to difperfe by a juftice of peace or other of¬
ficer, and after hearing the aX againft; riots read in
public, they fhould be deemed guilty of felony with¬
out benefit of clergy. This is a very fevere aX, and
one of the greateft reftriXions on the liberty of the fub-
jeX that has paffed during this century ; as, by it, all
meetings of the people, either for the purpofes of a-
mufement or redrefs, are rendered criminal, if it fhall
pleafe any magiftrate to confider them as fuch.
Thefe vindiXive proceedings excited the indignation
of the people, who perceived that the avenues of royal
favour were clofed to all but a faXion. A rebellion
commenced in Scotland, w'here to their other grievances
they joined that of the union, which they were taught
to confider as an oppreflion. The malecontents of this
country had all along maintained a correfpondence with
their friends in England, who were now' driven by re-
fentment and apprehenfion into a fyftem of politics they
would not otherwife have dreamed of. Some of the
tory party, who were men attached to the Proteftant
religion, and of moderate principles in government,
began to affociate with the Jacobites, and to W'ifh in 38°
earneft for a revolution. Scotland firft fhow'ed themRe')eli*on
the example. The earl of Mar, affembling 300 of his m t0t ^
vaffals in the Highlands, proclaimed the pretender at
Caftleton ; and fetting up his ftandard at Braemar, af¬
firmed the title of lieutenant-general of his majcfy's for¬
ces. To fecond thefe attempts, two veffels arrived
from
B R I Is
Britain, from France, with arms, ammunition, and a number
«-TTr—^ of officers, together with affurances to the earl, that
the pretender himfelf would Ihortly come over to head
his own forces. In confequence of this promife, the
earl foon found himfelf at the head of 10,000 men
well armed and provided. He fecured the pafs of Tay
at Perth, where his head-quarters were eftabliffied; and
made himfelf mailer of the whole province of Fife, and
all the fea-coall on that fide of the frith of Forth. He
marched from thence to Dumblain, as if he had in¬
tended to crofs the Forth at Stirling-bridge ; but there
he was informed that the duke of Argyle, who on
this occafion was appointed commander in chief of all
the forces in North Britain, was advancing againft him
from Stirling with all his own clans, affifled by fome
troops from Ireland. Upon this, he thought proper
at firit to retreat : but being foon after joined by fome
of the clans under the earl of Seaforth, and others un¬
der General Gordon, an experienced officer, who had
fignalized himfelf in the Ruffian fervice, he refolved
to face the enemy, and dire£Ied his march towards the
fouth.
Battle1 near Argyle, apprized of his intentions, and
Dumblain. at any rate willing to prove his attachment to the pre-
fent government, refolved to give him battle in the
neighbourhood of Dumblain, though his forces did not
amount to half the number of the enemy. In the mor¬
ning, therefore, he drew up his army, which did not
exceed 3500 men, in order of battle j but he foon found
himfelf greatly outflanked by the infurgents. The
duke, therefore, perceiving the earl make attempts to
furround him, was obliged to alter his difpofition,
which, on account of the fcarcity of general officers,
was not done fo expeditioufly as to be finiflied before
the rebels began the attack. The left wing of the
duke’s army received the centre of the enemy, and fup-
ported the firfl: charge without Ihrinking. It feemed
even for a while victorious, and the earl of Clanronald
was killed. But Glengary, who was fecond in com¬
mand, undertook to infpire his intimidated forces with
courage ; and, waving his bonnet, cried out feveral
times, Revenge ! This animated the rebel troops to fuch
a degree, that they follow'ed him clofe to the points of
the enemies bayonets, and got wdthin their guard. A
total rout began to enfue of that wing of the royal ar¬
my j and General Witham, their commander, flying
full fpeed to Stirling, gave out that the rebels were
completely victorious. In the mean time, the duke of
Argyle, who commanded in perfon on the right, at¬
tacked the left of the enemy •, and drove them before
him twro miles, though they often faced about and at¬
tempted to rally. Having thus entirely broken that
wing, and driven them over the river Allan, he re¬
turned back to the field of battle ; where, to his great
mortification, he found the enemy victorious, and pa¬
tiently waiting for the aflault. However, inftead of
renewing the engagement, both armies continued to
gaze at each other, neither caring to begin the attack.
In the evening, both parties drew off, and both
claimed the victory. All the advantages of a vic¬
tory, however, belonged to Argyle. He had inter¬
rupted the progrefs of the enemy, and, in their circum-
fiances, delay wms defeat. In fad, the earl of Mar foon
found his Ioffes and difappointments increafe. The
caftle of Invernefs, of which he was in poffeffion, was
03 ] B R I
delivered up by Lord Lovat, who had hitherto profef- Britain,
fed to ad in the interefl: of the pretender. The mar-
quis of Tullibardine forfook the earl, in order to de¬
fend his own part of the country ; and many of the
clans, feeing no likelihood of coming to a fecond en¬
gagement, returned quietly home. ^
In the mean time, the rebellion was ftill more unfuc- Bad con-
cefsfully profecuted in England. From the time the duCt of
pretender had undertaken this wild projed at Paris, in James’s
which the duke of Ormond and Lord Boiingbroke w^re^1^'
engaged, Lord Stair, the Engliffi ambaffador there, had
penetrated all his defigns, and fent faithful accounts of
all his meafures and oi all his adherents to the miniftry
at home. Upon the firfl: rumour, therefore, of an in-
furredion, they imprifoned feveral lords and gentle¬
men, of whom they had a fufpicion. But thefe pre¬
cautions were not able to flop the infurredion in the
weflern counties, where it w’as already begun. All
their preparations, however, wrere weak and ill con-
duded ; every meafure was betrayed to government as
foon as projeded, and many revolts wrere repreffed in the
very outfet. The univerfity of Oxford was treated with
great feverity on this occafion. Major-general Pepper,
with a ftrong detachment of dragoons, took poffeffion
of the city at day-break, declaring that he would in-
ftantly flroot any of the ftudents who ftiould prefume
to appear without the limits of their refpedive col-
leges.
The infurredion in the northern counties came to EXpC([jt{on
greater maturity. In the month of Odober 1715, of the earl
the earl of Derwentwater, and Mr Forlter, took the °* Der_
field with a body of horfe, and, being joined by fome wentwateT'
gentlemen from the borders of Scotland, proclaimed
the pretender. Their firfl attempt was to feize upon
Newcaftle, in which they had many friends ; but find¬
ing the gates Ihut againft them, they retired to Hex¬
ham. To oppofe thefe, General Carpenter was de¬
tached by government with a body of goo men, and
an engagement wras hourly expeded. 1’he rebels had
two methods by which they might have conduded
themfelves with prudence and fafety. The one was to
march diredly into the weftern parts of Scotland, and
there join General Gordon, who commanded a ftrong
body of Highlanders. The other was to crofs the
Tu'eed, and boldly attack General Carpenter, whofe
forces did not exceed their owm. From the infatuation
attendant on the meafures of that party, neither of
thefe counfels wTas purfued. They took the route to
Jedburgh, where they hoped to leave Carpenter on one
fide, and penetrate into England by the weftern bor¬
der. This was the effedual means to cut themfelves
off either from retreat or afliftance. A party of High-*
landers, who had joined them by this time, at firft re-
fufed to accompany them in fuch a defperate incurfion,
and one half of them actually returned to their own
country. At Brampton, Mr Forfter opened his com-
miffion of general, which had been fent him by the earl
of Mar, and there he proclaimed the pretender. They
continued their march to Penrith, where the body of
the militia that was affembled to oppofe them fled at
their appearance. From Penrith, they proceeded by
the way of Kendal and Lancafter to Prefton, of which
place they took poffeffion without any refiftance. But
this was the laft ftage of their ill-advifed excurfion y
for General Wills, at the head of 7000 men, came up-
to
Britain.
Rebels for¬
ced to fur-
render at
Prefton.
38S
A bfurd
conduft of
James’s
party in
France.
385
Pretender
lands in
Scotland.
B R I [ 504 ] B R I
to attack them 5 and from his aflivky there was no
efcaping. They now, therefore, began to rake barri-
cadoes about the town, and to put the place in a pof-
ture of defence, repulfing the firft attacks of the royal
army with fuccefs. Next day, however, Wills was
reinforced by Carpenter, and the town was invefted on
all fides. In this deplorable fituation, to which they
were reduced by their own raihnefs, I1 order hoped to
capitulate with the general; and accordingly fent Co¬
lonel Oxburgh, who had been taken prifoner, with a
trumpeter to propofe a capitulation. This, however,
Wills refufed ; alleging that he would not treat with
rebels, and that the only favour they had to expeft
was to be fpared from immediate daughter. Thefe
were hard terms, but no better could be obtained.
They accordingly laid down their arms, and were put
under a drong guard. All the noblemen and leaders
were fecured, and a few of their officers tried for de¬
ferring from the royal army, and diot by order of a
court-martial. The common men were imprifoned at
Cheder and Liverpool: the noblemen and confiderable
officers were fent to London, and led through the
dreets pinioned and bound together, to intimidate
their party.
Though the fchemesofthe pretender appear to have
been foolidily enough conduced in Britain, yet they
were much more fo in France. Bolingbroke had been
made his fecretary at Paris, and Ormond his prime
minider. But thefe datefmen quickly found that no¬
thing could be done in favour of his caufe. The king
of France, who had ever efpoufed the intered of the
abdicated family, was jud dead ; and the duke of Or¬
leans, who fucceeded in the government of the king¬
dom, was averfe to lending the pretender any affidance.
His party, however, which was compofed of the lowed
and the mod ignorant exiles from the Britiffi domi¬
nions, affe&ed the utmod confidence, and beaded of
a certainty ef fuccefs. The deeped fecrets of his ca¬
binet, and all his intended meafures, were bandied
about in coffee-houfes by perfons of the lowed rank
both in fortune and abilities. Subaltern officers re-
folved to be his generals •, and even proditutes were
entruded to manage his negociations. Little there¬
fore could be expefled from fuch affidance and fuch
councils.
Though, by this rime, the pretender might eafily
have feen that his affairs were defperate ; yet, with his
ufual infatuation, he refolved to hazard his perfon a-
mong his friends in Scotland, at a time when fuch a
meafure was too late for fuccefs. Faffing, therefore,
through France in difguife, and embarking in a fmall
veffel at Dunkirk, he arrived, after a voyage of a few
days, on the coads of Scotland, with only fix gentle¬
men in his train. He paffed unknown through Aber¬
deen to Fetereffo, where he was met by the earl of
Mar, and about 30 noblemen and gentlemen of the
fird quality. There he was folemnly proclaimed ; and
his declaration, dated at Comerey, was printed and
difperfed. He went from thence to Dundee, where
he made a public entry ; and in two days more he ar¬
rived at Scoon, where he intended to have the cere¬
mony of his coronation performed. He ordered thankf-
givings to be made for his fafe arrival j he enjoined the
-miniders to pray for him in their churches ; and with-
,ppt the fmalleft lhare of power, went through the ce¬
remonies of royalty, which thiew an air of ridicule on Britain,
all his conduft. Having thus fpent fome time in un- —-"v—
important parade, he refolved to abandon the enter-
prife with the fame levity with which it was under¬
taken. Having made a fpeech to his grand council,
he informed them of his want of money, arms, and
ammunition, for undertaking a campaign, and there¬
fore deplored that he was obliged to leave them. He 387
once more embarked on board a fmall French drip that And again
lay in the harbour of Montrofe, accompanied with fe- Laves it.
veral lords, his adherents; and in five days arrived at
Graveline.
General Gordon, who was left commander in chief
of the forces, with the affiftance of Earl Marelchal, pro¬
ceeded at their head to Aberdeen, where he lecured
three veffels to fail northward, which took on board
fuch perfons as intended to make their efcape to the
continent. He then continued his march through the
Highlands, and quietly difmiffed his forces as he went
forward. This retreat w’as made with fuch expedition,
that the duke of Argyle, with all his a61ivity, could
never overtake his rear, which confided of 1000
horfe. _ 3SS
The rebellion being ended, the law was put in force Crue. treat-
with all its terrors; and the prifons of London were menj
crowded with thofe deluded perfons, whom the mini-lebeis’
ftry feemed refolved not to pardon. 1 he commons,
in their addrefs to the crown, declared they would pro-
fecute, in the moil rigorous manner, the authors of
the late rebellion ; and their meafures were as vindic¬
tive as their refolutions wrere fpeedy. The earls of
Derwentwater, Nithfdale, Carnwath, and Wintown,
the lords Widrinton, Kenmuir, and Nairne, were im¬
peached; and, upon pleading guilty, all but Lord Win-
town, received fentence of death. No intreaties could
prevail upon the miniftry to fpare thefe unhappy men.
The houfe of lords even prefented an addrefs to the
throne for mercy, but without effe£t; the king only an-
fwered, that on this, as on all other occafions, he would
aft as he thought molt confiftent with the dignity of
the crown and the fafety of the people. Orders were
accordingly difpatched for executing the Lords Der¬
wentwater, Nithfdale, and Kenmuir, immediately ;
the reff were refpited to a farther time. Nithfdale,
hpwever, had the good fortune to efcape in woman’s
clothes that were brought him by his mother the night
before his execution. Derwentwater and Kenmuir
were brought to the fcaffold on Tower-hill at the time
appointed. Both underwent their fentence wfith calm
intrepidity, and feemingly lefs moved than thofe who
beheld them.
An aft of parliament was next made for trying the
private perfons in London, and not in Lancalhire
where they were taken in arms. This w^as confidered,
by fome of the belt lawyers, as an alteration of the an¬
cient conftitution of the kingdom, by which it was
fuppofed, that every prifoner ffiould be tried in the
place where the offence was committed, as a jury of
neighbours would be bell qualified to enter into the
nature of the offence. In the beginning of April,
commiffioners for trying the rebels met in the court ot
common pleas, when the bills were found againft Mr
Forfter, Mr Macjntoffi, and 20 of their confederates.
Forfter efcaped from Newgate, and reached the con¬
tinent in fafety j the r§ft pleaded not guilty. Pitts ,
the
B R I [ SOS 1 B
Btitain. the keeper of Newgate, being fufpe£led of having con- cany, Parma, and Placentia,
1 nived at Forfter’s efcape, was tried for his life, but ac-
After this, Macintofh, and feveral other pri-
389
Duration
of the par
iiament
390
quitted
foners, broke from Newgate, after having maftered the
keeper and turnkey, and difarmed the centinel. The
court proceeded to the trial of thofe that remained j
four or five were hanged, drawn, and quartered, at
Tyburn. The judges appointed to try the rebels at
Liverpool found a confiderable number of them guilty
of high treafon. Two-and-twenty were executed at
Manchefter and Prefton 5 about 1000 experienced the
king’s mercy, if fuch it may be called, to be tranf-
ported to North America.
The rebellion being thus extinguifhed, the danger
of the ftate was made a pretence for continuing the
knethened Parliament beyond the term fixed for its diflblution.
An aft, therefore, was made by their own authority,
repealing that by which they were to be diflblved
every third year, and the term of their duration was
extended to feven years. This attempt in any dele¬
gated body of people to increafe their own power by
extending it, is contrary to the firft principles of juftice.
If it was right to extend their duration to feven years,
they might alfo perpetuate their authority j and thus
cut off even the fhadow of a nomination. The bill,
however, pafled both houfes, and all objeftions to it
were confidered as difaffeftion. The people might mur¬
mur at this encroachment, but it was too late for redrefs.
Britain Domeftic concerns being thus adjufted, the king re¬
threatened folved upon a voyage to the continent. He forefaw a
with an in-^orm gathering from Sweden. Charles XII. was
GharlesXIL highly provoked againft him for having entered into a
confederacy with the Ruffians and Danes during his
abfence at Bender, and for having purchafed from the
king of Denmark the towns of Bremen and Verden,
which conftituted a part of his dominions. In con-
fequence of this, Charles maintained a clofc correfpond-
ence with the diffatisfied fubjefts of Great Britain j
and a fcheme was formed for landing a confiderable body
of Swedilh forces, with the king at their head, in fome
part of the illand, where it w7as expefted they would
be joined by all the malecontents in the kingdom.
Count Gyllenburg, the Swediffi minifter in London,
was peculiarly aftive in the confpiracy j but being
feized, with all his papers, by order of the king, the
confederacy was broke for that time. A bill, how¬
ever, was palled by the commons, forbidding all com¬
merce wdth Sweden ; the trade with which country was
at that time of the utmoft confequence to the Engliffi
merchants. George having palfed through Holland to
Hanover, in order to fecure his German dominions,
entered into a new treaty with the Dutch and the re¬
gent of France, by which they agreed mutually to af-
fift each other in cafe of an invafion ; and for his fur¬
ther fecurity, the commons granted him 250,000!.
But. the death of the Swedilh monarch, who was foon
after killed at the fiege of Fredericlhall in Norway,
put an end to all difquietude from that quarter.
Among the many treaties for which this reign was
remarkable, one had been concluded, which was called
the quadruple alliance. It was agreed between the em¬
peror, France, Holland, and Britain, that the empe¬
ror Ihould renounce all pretenfions to the crown of
Spain, and exchange Sardinia for Sicily with the duke
of Savoy ; that the fucceffion to the duchies of Tuf-
Vol.’ IV. Part II.
R I
Ihould be fettled on the Britain, ^
queen of Spain’s eldeft fon, in cafe the prefent poffef- v
fors Ihould die without male iffue. This treaty, how¬
ever, was by no means agreeable to the king of Spain j
and confequently it became prejudicial to the Englilh,
as it interrupted the commerce with that kingdom. A ^
war foon after commenced between Spain and the em-War with
peror, who was confidered as the principal contriver ofSpuin-
the treaty ; and a numerous body of Spanilh forces
were fent into Italy to fupport Philip’s pretenfions in
that quarter. The regent of France attempted in vain
to difluade him, and the king of Britain offered his
mediation with the like bad fuccefs; their interpofition
was confidered as partial and unjuft. A Spanilh w;ar
was then refolved on. A fquadron of 2 3 Ihips was e-
quipped with all expedition, the command of which
was given to Sir George Byng, and ordered to fail for
Naples, at that time threatened with a Spanilh army.
He was received with the greateft joy by the Neapoli¬
tans j who informed him that the Spaniards, to the a-
mount of 30,000, were then aftually landed in Sicily.
In this exigence, as no affiftance could be given by
land, he refolved to fail thither, fully determined to
purfue the Spanilh fleet on which the army was em¬
barked. Upon coming round Cape Faro, he perceived
two fmall Spanilh vtffels; and purfuing them clofely,
they led him to their main fleet, which, before noon,
he difcovered in line of battle, amounting in all to 27
fail. The Spaniards, however, notwithftanding of their
fuperiority in number, attempted to fail away j but
finding it impoffible to make their efcape, they kept
up a running fight, and the commanders behaved with
great courage and aftivity 5 in fpite of which they were
all taken except three, -which were preferved by the
conduft of one Cammoc, their vice-admiral, a native
of Ireland. Sir George Byng behaved on this occa-
fion with great prudence and refolution •, and the king
wrote him a letter with his own hand, approving his
conduft.
The rupture with Spain was thought to be favourable Intended
to the interefts of the pretender; and it .was hoped thatirwafion by
by the affiftance of Cardinal Alberoni the Spanilh mi-t^sPan‘''
nifter, a new infurreftion might be excited in England.
The duke of Ormond was the perfon fixed upon to con¬
duft this expedition ; and he obtained from the Spanilh
court a fleet of ten Ihips of war and tranfports, having
on board 6000 regular troops, with arms for 12,000
more. But fortune wTas ftill as unfavourable as ever.
Having fet fail, and proceeded as far as Cape Finifterre,
he was encountered by a violent ftorm, which difi.
abled his fleet, and fruftrated the expedition. This
misfortune, together with the bad luccefs of the Spanilh
arms in Sicily and other parts of Europe, induced Phi¬
lip to wilh for a ceffation of arms ; and he at laft con-
fented to fign the quadruple alliance, by which means
peace was again reftored to Europe.
Tranquillity being thus eftablilhed, the miniftry pro-info parlia-
ceeded to fecure the dependency of the Irilh parliament ment made
on that of England. One Maurice Annelley had ap-dePe^dent
pealed to the houfe of peers of England from a decree 01
made by the Irilh peers, and their decree was reverfed.
The Britilh peers ordered the barons of exchequer in
Ireland to put Mr Annelley in poffeffion of the lands
he had loft by the decree of the lords in that kingdom.
The barons obeyed this order ; and the Irilh peers paf-
3 S v. fed
Britain.
.394
South-fea
■fcheme.
B R I [ 506 ] B R I
fed a vote againft them, as having attempted to dimi-
ni(h the juft privileges of the parliament of Ireland ;
and at the fame time ordered the barons to be taken
under the cuftody of the black rod. On the other
hand, the houfe of lords in England refolved, that the
barons of the exchequer in Ireland had afted with cou¬
rage and fidelity; and addreffed the king to fignify his
approbation of their conduct, by fome marks of his fa¬
vour. To complete their intention, a bill was prepar¬
ed, by which the Irilh houfe of lords was deprived of
all right of final jurifdi&ion. This bill was oppofed in
both houfes, but particularly by the commons. It was
there afl'erted by Mr Pitt, that it would only increafe
the power of the Englilh peers, who were already but
too formidable. Mr Plungerford demonftrated, that
the Irifti lords had always exerted their power of final¬
ly deciding caufes. Notwithftanding all oppofition,
the bill was carried by a great majority, and loon af¬
ter received the royal affent.
This blow was feverely felt by the Irifh } but rvas
by no means fo great as that which the Englilh about
this time felt from the South-fea fcheme, which com¬
menced in the year 1721. To explain this as concifely
as poflible, it muft be obferved, that ever fince the re¬
volution under King William, the government not ha¬
ving fufficient lupplies granted by parliament, or what
wa- granted requiring time to be colle&ed, they were
obliged to borrow money from feveral different compa¬
nies of merchants ; and among the reft from that com¬
pany which traded to the South-fea. In the year 1716,
the government was indebted to this company about
nine millions and an half of money \ for which they
granted at the rate of 6 per cent, intereft. As this
company was not the only one to which government
was indebted, Sir Robert Walpole formed a defign of
leffening the national debt, giving the feveral compa¬
nies an alternative either of accepting a lower intereft,
namely 5 per cent, or of being paid the principal. The
different companies chofe rather to accept of the dimi-
nifired intereft than to be paid the principal. The
South-fea Company, in particular, having augmented
their loan to ten millions, were contented to receive
5QO,oool. annually as intereft, inftead of 6oo,oool.
which they ufually received. In the fame manner, the
governors and company of the bank, and other com¬
panies, were contented to receive a diminilhed annual
intereft for their refpeflive loans j all which greatly
leffened the debts of the nation.
In this fituation of things, one Blount a fcrivener
propofed to the miniftry, in the name of the South-fea
Company, to buy up all the debts of the different com¬
panies, and thus for the South-fea Company to become
the foie creditors of the ftate. The terms he offered to
government were extremely advantageous. The South-
fea Company was to redeem the debts of the nation out
of the hands of the private proprietors who were cre¬
ditors to the government, upon whatever terms they
could agree on ; and for the intereft of this money
which they had thus redeemed and taken into their
own hands, they would be contented to be allowed by
government 5 per cent, for fix years ; after which the
intereft Ihould be reduced to 4 per cent, and ftiould at
any time be redeemable by parliament. For thefe pur-
pofes a bill paffed both houfes. But now came the part
of the fcheme big with fraud and ruin. As the direc¬
tors of the South-fea Company could not of themfelves Britain,
be fuppofed to poffefs fo much money as was fufficient »
to buy up the debts of the nation, they were empowered
to raife it by opening a fubfcription to an imaginary
fcheme for trading in the South feas} from w hich
commerce immenfe advantages were promifed, and ftill
greater expected by the rapacious credulity of the peo¬
ple. All the creditors of government, therefore, were
invited to come in, and exchange their fecurities, viz.
the fecurity of government, for that of the South-fea
Company. The directors books wrnre no fooner opened
for the firft fubicription, than crowds came to make the
exchange of government flock for South-fea flock. The
delufion was artfully continued and fpread. Subfcrip-
tions in a few days fold for double the price they had
been bought at. The fcheme fucceeded beyond even
the projedtor’s hopes, and the whole nation was infec¬
ted wffth a fpirit of avaricious enterprife. The infatua¬
tion prevailed } the flock increafed to a furprifing de¬
gree, even to near ten times the value of what it was
fix ft bought for.
After a few months, however, the people waked
from their dream of riches; and found that all the ad¬
vantages they expedled were merely imaginary, while
thoufands of families were involved in one common -p-
ruin. Many of the direftors, by w hofe arts the people Diredtors
were taught to expeft fuch great benefits from a traffic Puni^e^*
to the South-feas, had amaffed confiderable fortunes by
the credulity of the public. It was fome confolation,
however, to the people to find the parliament Iharing
in the general indignation, and relolving to ftrip thofe
unjuft plunderers of their pcffeflions. Orders wTere firft
given to remove all the diredlors of the South -fea Com¬
pany from their feats in parliament, and the places they
poffeffed under government. The principal delinquents
w^ere punifhed by a forfeiture of all fuch poffeflions and
eftates as they had acquired during the continuance of
this popular frenzy. The next care was to redrefs the
fufferers. Several juft and ufeful refolutions w ere taken
by parliament, and a bill w7as fpeedily prepared for re¬
pairing the late fufferings as far as the infpection of the
legiffature could extend. Of the profit arifing from the
South-fea fcheme, the fum of feven millions was given
back to the original proprietors; feveral additions were
alfo made to their dividends out of what w7as poffeffed
by the company in their own right; and the remaining
capital flock was alfo divided among the old proprie¬
tors at the rate of 33 per cent.—In-the mean time, pe¬
titions from all parts of the kingdom w’ere prefented to
the houfe demanding juftice ; and the whole nation
feemed exafperated to the higheft degree. Public cre¬
dit fuftained a terrible fliock. Some principal mem¬
bers of the miniftry wTere deeply concerned in thefe
fraudulent tranfaflions. The bank was drawn upon
fafter than it could fupply ; and nothing was heard but
the ravings of difappointment, and the cries of defpair. ^
By degrees, how'ever, the effects of this terrible ca- Unfuccefs-
lamity wrore off, and matters returned to their former exP^^
tranquillity. A new war with Spain commenced. Ad- m;rai jjo«
miral Hofier wras fent to South America to intercept fier.
the Spanilh galleons ; but the Spaniards being appri-
fed of his defign, relanded their treafure. The greateft
part of the Britilh fleet fent on that expedition was
rendered entirely unfit for fervice. The feamen were
cut off in great numbers by the malignity of the cli¬
mate
B R I
[ 507 ]
B R I
Britain.
397 „
Death of
King Geo.
T.
398
George II.
fucceeds.
399
Contefts
between
the court
and coun¬
try parties.
-4°° f
Account of
the charita¬
ble corpo¬
ration.
mate and the length of the voyage, while the admiral
himfelf is faid to have died of a broken heart. In order
to retaliate thefe hoitilities, the Spaniards undertook
the liege of Gibraltar 5 but with as little fuccefs on
their fide. In this difpute France offered her mediation;
and luch a reconciliation as treaties could procure was
the confequence : a temporary peace enlued; both lides
only watching an opportunity to renew hoftilities with
advantage.
Soon after the breaking up of the parliament in the
year 1727, the king refolved to vilit his eledtoral do¬
minions of Hanover. Having appointed a regency in
his abfence, he embarked for Holland, and lay, upon
his landing, at a little town called Voet. Next day he
proceeded on his journey ; and in two days more, be¬
tween ten and eleven at night, arrived atDelden, to all
appearance in perfect health. He fupped there very
heartily, and continued his journey early the next
morning; but between eight and nine ordered his coach
to Hop. It being perceived that one of his hands lay
motionlefs, Monfieur Fabrice, who had formerly been
fervant to the king of Sweden, and who now attended
King George, attempted to quicken the circulation, by
chafing it between his own. As this had no effeft, the
furgeon who followed on horfeback was called, and he
rubbed it with fpirits. Soon after, the king’s tongue
began to fwell, and he had juft ftrength enough to bid
them haften to Ofnaburgh. Then, falling infenfible
into Fabrice’s arms, he never recovered ; but expired
about 11 o’clock the next morning, in the 68th year
of his age, and 13th of his reign. His body was
conveyed to Hanover, and interred among his anceftors.
On the acceflion of George II. the two great parties
into which the nation had fo long been divided, again
changed their names, and were now called the court
and country parties. Throughout the greateft part of
this reign, there feem to have been two objefts of con-
troverfy, which rofe up in debate at every feflion, and
tried the ftrength of the opponents ; thefe were the na¬
tional debt, and the number of forces to be kept in pay.
The government on the prefent king’s acceffion owed
more than 30,000,000 of money ; and though there
was a long continuance of profound peace, yet this fum
was found conftantly increafing. It was much wonder¬
ed at by the country party how this could happen, and
it was as conftantly the bulinefs of the court to give
plaufible reafons for the increafe. Thus, demands for
new fupplies were made every feffion of parliament,
either for the purpofes of fecuring friends upon the con¬
tinent, of guarding the kingdom from internal confpi-
racies, or of enabling the miniftry to a<5l vigoroufly in
conjunftion with the powers in alliance abroad. It
\vas vainly alleged that thofe expences were incurred
without prefcience or neceftity ; and that the increafe of
the national debt, by multiplying and increafing taxes,
would at laft become an intolerable burden to the poor.
Thefe arguments were offered, canvaffed, and reje6ted;
the court party was conftantly viftorious, and every de¬
mand was granted with cheerfulnefs and profufion.
The next thing worthy of notice in the reign of
■ George II. is the charitable corporation. A fociety of
men had united themfelves into a company by this name;
and their profeffed intention was to lend money at legal
intereft to the poor upon fmall pledges, and to per-
ibns of higher rank upon proper fecurity. Their capi¬
tal was at firft limited to 30,000!. but they afterwards Britain,
increafed it to 6oo,oool. This money was fupplied by ' r ¥
fubfcription, and the care of conducing the capital was
intrufted to a proper number of direftors. This com¬
pany having continued for more than 20 years, the ca-
fhier, George Robinfon, member for Marlow, and the
warehoufe-keeper, John Thomfon, difappeared in one
day. Five hundred thoufand pounds of capital wTere
found to be lunk or embezzled by means which the
proprietors could not difcover. They therefore, in a
petition, reprefented to the houfe the manner in which
they had been defrauded, and the diftrefs to which many
of the petitioners were reduced. A fecret committee
being appointed to examine into this grievance, a moft
iniquitous fcene of fraud wras foon difcovered, which
had been carried on by Thomfon and Robinfon, in
concert with fome of the diredtors,* for embezzling the
capital and cheating the proprietors. Many perfons
of rank and quality were concerned in this infamous
confpiracy ; and even fome of the firft characters in the
nation did not efcape cenfure. No lefs than fix mem¬
bers of parliament were expelled for the moft fordid aCts
of knavery. Sir Robert Sutton, Sir Archibald Grant,
and George Robinfon, for their frauds in the manage¬
ment of the charitable corporation fcheme ; Dennis
Bond, and Serjeant Burch, for a fraudulent fale of the
late unfortunate earl of Derwentwrater’s eftate ; and
laftly John Ward, of Hackney, for forgery. It was
at this time afferted in the houfe of lords, that not
one {hilling of the forfeited eftates w'as ever applied to
the fervice of the public, but became the rewrard of
fraudulence and venality.
This happened in the year 1731 ; and in 1732, aExcife
fcheme was formed by Sir Robert Walpole of fixing a (c^erne re*
general excile. He introduced it by recounting the-iei^tc*'
frauds praClifed by the faftors in London that w'ere
employed in felling the American tobacco. To pre¬
vent thefe frauds, he propofed, that inftead of having
the cuftoms levied in the ufual manner upon tobacco,
all hereafter to be imported ftiould be lodged in ware-
houfes appointed for that purpofe by the officers of
the crown ; and ffiould from thence be fold, upon pay¬
ing the duty of qd. per pound, when the proprietor-
found a purchafer. This propofal raifed a violent fer¬
ment, both within doors and without. At laft, the
fury of the people was worked up to fuch a pitch, that
the parliament>houfe was furrounded by multitudes,
who intimidated the miniftry, and compelled them to
drop the defign. The mifcarriage of the bill was ce¬
lebrated with public rejoicings in London and Weft-
minfter, and the minifter was burned in effigy by the
populace at London.
On this occafion an attempt was made to repeal the
feptennial bill, and bring back triennial parliaments,
as fettled at the Revolution. But notwithftanding the
warmth of the oppofition, the miniftry, exerting all
their ftrength, were victorious, and the motion was fup-
preffed by the majority. However, as on this occafion Parliament
the country party feemed to have gained ftrengtb, itdilTolved.
was thought proper to diffolve the parliament : and an¬
other was called by the fame proclamation.
The fame difputes were carried on in this parliament
as in the former. New fubjeCls of controverfy offered
every day, and both fides were eager to feize them.
A convention agreed on by the miniftry, at the Pra-
3 S 2 do,
R R I
[ J°8 ]
B R I
403
War with
Spain.
Britain, do, vvitli Spain, became an objeft of warm alterca-
tion. By this the court of Spain agreed to pay
95,000!. to the Englifli, as a fatisfa&ion for all de¬
mands ; and to difcharge the whole in four months
from the day of ratification. This, however, was con-
fidered as not equivalent to the damages that had been
fuftained, which were faid to amount to 340,000!. On
this occafion the minifter was provoked into unufual
vehemence, and branded the oppofite party with the
appellation of traitors. The miniftry, as ufual, wrere
vi^orious j and the country party finding themfelves
out-numbered and out-voted in every debate, refolved
to withdraw for ever: Walpole, being thus left with¬
out oppofition, took the opportunity of palling feveral
uleful laws in their abfence, in order to render the op¬
pofite party odious or contemptible.
In 1739, a new war commenced with Spain. Ever
fince the treaty of Utrecht, the Spaniards in America
had infulted and diftrefled the commerce of Great
Britain ; and the Britilh merchants had endeavoured
to carry on an illicit trade in their dominions. As
a right of cutting logwrood in the bay of Campeachy,
claimed by the Britifh, gave them frequent opportuni¬
ties of pulhing in' contraband commodities upon the
continent, the Spaniards refolved to put a Hop to the
evil by refufing liberty to cut logwood in that place.
The Spanilh guarda-coftas continued their feverities
upon the Britilh, and many Britilh fubjefts wTere fent
to dig in the mines of Potofi. One remonllrance fol¬
lowed another to the court of Madrid 5 but the only
anfwers given were promifes of inquiry, which produ¬
ced no reformation. In 1739, war was declared with
all proper folemnity ; and foon after, Admiral Ver-
Porto Bello non, with fix Ihips only, deftroyed all the fortifications
taken. Df Porto Bello, and came away victorious, with fcarce
the lofs of a man.
As the war w^as thus fuccefsfully begun, fupplies
were cheerfully granted to profecute it with all imagi¬
nable vigour. Commodore Anfon was fent with a
fquadron of Ihips to diltrefs the enemy in the South
feas, and to co-operate occafionally with Admiral Ver-
405 non acrofs the ifthmus of Darien. This fquadron was
Anfon’s ex- defigned to aft a fubordinate part to a formidable ar-
p( 1 ion. mament that Was to be fent againft New Spain ; but
through the mifmanagement of the miniftry both thefe
fchemes were fruftrated. Anfon was detained till too
late in the feafon j he then fet out with five Ihips of
the lihe, a frigate, and two ftore-lhips, with about
1400 men. Coming into the ftormy South feas at a
very wrrong feafon of the year, he encountered the moft
terrible florins ; his fleet was difperfed, and his crew
deplorably affliCled with the fcurvy *, fo that wuth
much difficulty he gained the delightful ifland of Juan
Fernandez. Here he was joined by one (hip and a
frigate of feven guns. From thence failing along the
coaft of Chili, he plundered and burnt the towm of
Paita. He next traverfed the great Pacific ocean, in
hopes of meeting with one of the immenfely rich gal¬
leons that trade from the Philippine iflands to Mexico.
Having refrefhed his men at the ifland of Tinian, he
fet forward for China j and returning the fame way he
came, at laft difcovered the galleon, which he enga¬
ged, and took j and with this prize, valued at 313,000!.
together with other captures to the value of about as
much more, he returned home after a voyage of three
404
years. By this expedition the public fuftained the lofs Britain,
of a fine fquadron of fhips, but a few individuals be- * f
came poffeffed of immenfe fortunes. 406
The other expedition ended ftill more unfortunately. Unfuccefs-
The armament confitted of 29 ftiips of the line, and al_ tul attempt
moft an equal number of frigates, furnilhed with allon ar ia"
kinds of warlike ftores, near 15,000 feamen, and as^ena’
many land forces. The moft fanguine hopes of fuccefs
were entertained 5 but the miniftry detained the fleet
without any vifible reafon, till the feafon for aClion in
America was almoft over. At laft, however, they ar¬
rived before the wealthy city of Carthagena. They
foon became mafters of the ftrong forts which defend¬
ed the harbour. But though by this means they ad¬
vanced a good deal nearer the town, they found great
difficulties ftill before them. It was afferted, that the
fleet could not lie near enough to batter the town, and
therefore the remaining forts muft be attempted by fca-
lade. This dangerous experiment was tried ; the
guides tvere flain by the enemy’s fire, and then the
forces miftook their way. Inftead of attempting the
WTeakeft place of the fort, they attacked the ftrongeft,
and where they were expofed to the fire of the whole
town. Their fcaling ladders tvere too fhort, and at
laft, after bearing a dreadful fire with great refolution
for fome hours, they retreated, leaving 600 men dead
on the fpot. The terrors of the climate now began to
be more dreadful than thofe of war. The rainy fea¬
fon commenced with fuch violence, that it was impof-
fible for the troops to continue their encampment. To
thefe calamities was added the diffenfion between the
fea and land commanders, who blamed each other, and
at laft could be only brought to agree in one mortify¬
ing meafure, viz. to reimbark the troops, and with¬
draw them as quick as poffible.
The mifcarriage of this enterprife produced the ^ef,gn7atjon
greateft difcontents ; efpecially as other caufes of com- of Sir Ro-
plaint W'ere now joined wdth it. Sir John Norris hadbert Wal.
twice failed to the coaft of Spain at the head of a very Po5e*
powerful fquadron, without doing any thing to the
purpofe. The commerce of Britain was greatly an¬
noyed by the Spanifh privateers, who had taken 407
Ihips fince the commencement of the war 5 while the
Britilh fleets feemed to be quite inactive, and to fuffer
one lofs after another, without endeavouring in the
leaft to make proper reprifals. Thefe difcontents burft
all at once upon Sir Robert Walpole j a majority in
the houfe of commons wTas formed againft him 5 he
was created earl of Orford, the parliament being ad¬
journed for a few days for that purpofe ; and he re-
figned all his employments.
The removal of this minifter gave univerfal fatisfac-
tion. His antagonifts entertained great hopes of fee¬
ing him puniflied : but he had laid his fchemes too
well to be under any apprehenfions on that account j
and what was worfe, the newT miniftry were no fooner
got in, than they trod in the footfteps of thofe they
had fo much exclaimed againft. The nation had now 40§
become difgufted with naval operations. The people An arm/
wiftied for a renewal of their vi&ories in Flanders, and fent into
the king ardently joined in the fame wifh. An army Danders,
of 16,000 men wras therefore Ihipped over into Flan¬
ders, to take part in the - quarrels that were then be¬
ginning on the continent. Immenfe triumphs were
expe&ed from this undertaking j but they forgot that
the
B R I
[ 5°9 ]
’Britain.
409
Origin of
the conti¬
nental war.
410
Defperate
fituation of
'the queen
of Hun¬
gary.
the army was not now commanded by the duke of
Marlborough.
In order to give fome notion of the origin of thefe
continental quarrels, it is necelTary to go back for fome
years. After the duke of Orleans, who had been re¬
gent of France, died, Cardinal Fleury undertook to
fettle the confulion in which the kingdom was then in¬
volved. Under him France repaired her Ioffes, and
enriched herfelf by commerce. During the long in¬
terval of peace which this minifter’s councils had pre¬
cured for Europe, two powers, till now unregarded,
began to attradl the notice and jealoufy of the neigh¬
bouring nations. Thefe were Ruffia and Pruffxa. The
other ftates were but little prepared to renew war.
The empire remained under the government of Charles
VI. who had been placed on the throne by the treaty
of Utrecht. Sweden continued to languilh from the
deftruftive projects of Charles XII. Denmark was
powerful enough, but inclined to peace ; and part of
Italy ftill remained fubjeft to thofe princes w7ho had
been impofed upon it by foreign treaties.
All thefe ftates, however, continued to enjoy a pro¬
found peace, until the death of Auguftus king of Po¬
land, by which a general flame was once more kindled
in Europe. The emperor, aflifled by the arms of Ruf¬
fia, declared for the elector of Saxony, fon to the de-
ceafed king. On the other hand, France declared for
Staniflaus, who had long fince been nominated king of
the Poles by Charles of Sweden, and whofe daughter
the king of France had fince married. Staniflaus wras
gladly received at Dantzic, and acknowledged king of
Poland ; but here he was befieged by 10,000 Ruf¬
fians, the city taken, and he himfelf with difficulty
made his efcape. France, however, ftill refolved to
affift him, as this, it was thought, would be the moft
effectual method of diftreffing the houfe of Auftria.
Thefe views of France were feconded by Spain and
Sardinia, both of which hoped to grow rich by the
fpoils of Auftria. A French army, therefore, overran
the empire, under the conduct of the old marfhal Vil-
lars ; while the duke of Montemar, the Spaniffi gene¬
ral, was equally victorious in the kingdom of Naples.
The emperor was foon obliged to file for peace ;
which was granted, but Staniflaus was negleCted in the
treaty. It was ftipulated that he ftiould renounce all
claim to the kingdom of Poland ; for which the empe¬
ror gratified France with the duchy of Lorraine, and
fome other valuable territories.
The emperor dying in the year 1740, the French
began to think this a favourable opportunity for exert¬
ing their ambition. Regardlefs of treaties, therefore,
particularly that called the Pragmatic SanBion, by
which the late emperor’s dominions were fettled upon
his daughter, they caufed the eleftor of Bavaria to be
crowned emperor. Thus the queen of Hungary,
daughter of Charles VI. was at once ftripped of her
inheritance, and w7as left for a whole year deferted by
all Europe, and without any hopes of fuccour. At
the fame time fhe loft the province of Silefia by an ir¬
ruption of the young king of Pruffia, wffio took the op¬
portunity of her defencelefs ftate to renew his preten-
fions to that province, of which his anceftors had been
unjuftly deprived. France, Saxony, and Bavaria, at¬
tacked the reft of her dominions : Britain was the on¬
ly ally that feemed willing to affift her; in which,
B R I
and Ruffia, foon after Britain,.
4ti
however, Sardinia, Holland,
concurred.
It muft be owned that Britain had no other reafon
for interfering in thefe difputes, than that the fecurity
of the electorate depended upon nicely balancing the
different interefts of the empire ; and the miniftry
were willing to gratify the king. His majefty inform¬
ed the parliament, that he had fent a body of Britifli
forces into the Netherlands, which he had augmented
by x 6,000 Hanoverians, to make a diverfion upon the
dominions of France, in favour of the queen of Hun¬
gary. When the fupplies came to be confidered by
wffiich this additional number of Hanoverian troops
was to receive pay from Britain for defending their
own caufe, moft violent parliamentary debates enfued;
but the miniftry carried their point by the ftrength of
numbers.
But, however prejudicial thefe continental meafures Relieved
might be to the true interefts of Great Britain, they by t^e
effeClually retrieved the queen of Hungary’s defperate ^ *orce'*
affairs, and foon began to turn the male of victory on
her fide. The French were driven out of Bohemia.
Her general, Prince Charles, at the head of a large ar¬
my, invaded the dominions of Bavaria. Her rival, the
nominal emperor, was obliged to fly before her ; and
being abandoned by his allies, and ftripped even of his
hereditary dominions, retired to Frankfort, where he
lived in obfcurity. 413
In the mean time, the Britiffi and Hanoverian army Battle of
advanced, in order to effeCt a junCtion with that of Dettingen.-
Prince Charles of Lorraine, in which cafe they would
have outnumbered their enemies. To prevent this, the
French oppofed an army of 60,000 men, upon the river
Mayne, under the command of the marflral de Noailles,
who polled his troops on the eaft fide of that river. The
Britilh army wras commanded by the earl of Stair, who
had learned the art of war under the great Prince Eu¬
gene ; neverthelefs he fuffered himfelf to be enclofed
by the enemy on every fide, near a village called Det-
tingen. In this fituation, the whole army, with the
king himfelf, who had by this time arrived in the
camp, muft have been taken, had the French behaved
with prudence. Their impetuofity, however, faved
the whole army. They paffed a defile which they
ought to have contented themfelves with guarding ;
and, under the conduCl of the duke of Gramont, their
horfe charged the Britilh foot with great fury. They
were received with great refolution ; and at laft obli¬
ged to repafs the Mayne with precipitation, and the
lofs of about 5000 men.
Though the Britilh were viClorious in this engage-xntenc}e^
ment, the French were very little difconcerted by it. invafion of
They oppofed Prince Charles, and interrupted his at- Britain by
tempts to pafs the Rhine. In Italy they alfo gained t^e Dench,
fome advantages ; but their chief hopes wrere placed on
an intended invafion of England. From the violence
of parliamentary difputes in England, France had been
perfuaded that the country was ripe for a revolution,
and only wanted the prefence of the pretender to bring
about a change. An invafion wTas therefore a&ually
projedled. The troops deftined for the expedition a-
mounted to 15,000 ; and preparations were made for
embarking them at Dunkirk and fome of the ports
neareft to England, under the eye of the young pre¬
tender, The duke de Roquefuille, with 20 Ihips of
iheu
B R I
Britain, the line, was to fee them fafely landed on the oppofite
(hore, and the famous Count Saxe was to command
them when landed. But the whole projedl was dif-
concerted by the appearance of Sir John Norris, who
with a fuperior fleet made up to attack them. The
French fleet was obliged to put back ; a very hard
gale of wind damaged their tranfports beyond redrefs;
and the French, now fruftrated in their fcheme of a
fudden defcent, thought fit openly to declare war.
The national joy for Sir John Norris’s fuccefs, how-
ever, was foon damped by the mifcarriage of Admirals
Matthews and Leftock •, who, through a mifunder-
flanding between themfelves, fuffered a French fleetxif
34 fail to efcape them near Toulon. In the Nether-
lands the Britifli arms were attended with ftill worfe
Battle of fuccefs. The French had there aifembled an army of
Fontenoy. 120,000 men, commanded by Count Saxe, natural fon
to the late king of Poland, an officer of great experi¬
ence. The Englifh were headed by the duke of Cum¬
berland, who had an inferior army, and was much in¬
ferior in the knowledge of war to the French general.
Count Saxe, therefore, carried all before him. In
1743, he befieged Fribourg, and in the beginning of
the campaign 1744, invefted the ftrong city of 1 our-
nay. To fave this place, if pofiible, the allies refolv-
ed to hazard an engagement j and on this enfued the
bloody battle of Fontenoy, in which the allies left on
the field of battle near 12,000 men, and the French
almofl: an equal number. In confequence of this vic¬
tory, Tournay was foon after taken by the French.
To balance the bad fuccefs, however, Admirals Row-
415 ley and Warren had retrieved the honour of the Britilh
louilbourg flag} and made feveral rich captures at fea. The for-
taken. trefs Gf Louilbourg, a place of great confequence to
the Britifh commerce, furrendered to General Peppe-
rel while a fhort time after, two French Eaft-India
{hips, and a Spanifli fiiip from Peru laden rvith treafure,
put into the harbour, fuppofing it ftill their own, and
416 were taken.
■Young pre- During this gleam of returning fuccefs, Charles Ed-
tender lands warj^ j-j-jg pon 0f gqj pretender to the Britifti crown,
"a ^cotl‘int’refolved to make an attempt to recover what he called
his right. Being furnifhed with fome money from
France, he embarked for Scotland aboard a fmall fri¬
gate, accompanied by the marquis of Tullibardine, Sir
Thomas Sheridan, and fome others *, and for the con-
queft of the whole Britifli empire, only brought with
him feven officers and arms for 2000 men.
Fortune, howTever, feemed noway more favourable
to this attempt than to others fimilar to it. Plis con¬
voy, a ftiip of 60 guns, was fo difabled in an engage¬
ment with an Englifh man of war, that it w'as obliged
to return to Breft, while he continued his courfe to the
weftern parts of Scotland. On the 27th of July I745>
he landed on the coaft of Lochaber, and was in a little
time joined by the Highlanders to the number of
1500 : the miniftry at firft could fcarcely be induced to
credit his arrival j but when they could no longer
doubt of it, they fent Sir John Cope with a fmall body
417 of forces to oppofe his progrefs.
■Gains the By this time the young adventurer was arrived at
battle of Perth, where he performed the ceremony of proclaim-
Prefton- his father king of Great Britain. From thence
defcending towards Edinburgh, and his forces conti¬
nually increalingj he entered the capital without oppo-
B R I
fition -, but was unable, from want of cannon, to re- Britain,
duce the caftle. Here he again proclaimed his father j " v
and promifed to diffolve the union, which was con-
fidered as one of the national grievances. In the
mean time, Sir John Cope being reinforced by two re¬
giments of dragoons, refolved to give the enemy bat¬
tle. The rebels attacked him near Preftonpans, and
in a few minutes put him and his troops to flight, with
the lofs of 5C0 men.
This victory gave the rebels great influence ; and
had the pretender marched directly to England, the
confequence might have been fatal to freedom. But
he was amufed by the promife of fuccours which never
came ; and thus induced to remain in Edinburgh till
the feafon for action w^as loft. He was joined, how¬
ever, by the earl of Kilmarnock, Lord Balmerino,
lords Cromarty, Elcho, Ogilvy, Pitfligo, and the el-
deft fon of Lord Lovat, who with their vaffals confi-
derably increafed his army. Lord Lovat himfelf, fo
remarkable for his treachery, was an enthufiaft in fa¬
vour of the pretender, but was unwilling to aft openly
for fear of the miniftry. But while Charles was thus
trifling away his time at Edinburgh, the Britifh mini¬
ftry wrere taking effeftual methods to oppofe him. Six
thoufand Dutch troops, that had come over to the af-
fiftance of the crown, w'ere defpatched northward un¬
der the command of General Wade j but, as it wras
then faid, thefe could lend no affiftance, being prifo-
ners of France upon their patrole, and under engage¬
ments not to oppofe that power for a year. But how¬
ever this be, the duke of Cumberland foon after arri¬
ved from Flanders, and was followed by another de¬
tachment of dragoons and infantry, w’ell difciplined
and inured to aftion j and befides theie, volunteers of¬
fered themfelves in every part of the kingdom. 4^
At latt, Charles refolved upon an irruption into Invades
England. He entered that country by the w'eftern Englan{f
border, and took the town of Carlifle ) after which he
continued his march fouthwards, having received aflu-
rances that a confiderable body of forces would be
landed on the fouthern coafts to make a diverfion in
his favour. He eftabliflied his head quarters at Man-
chefter, where he was joined by about 200 Englifh
formed into a regiment, under the command of Colo¬
nel Townley. From thence he purfued his march to
Derby, intending to go by the way of Chefter into
Wales, where he hoped to be joined by a great num¬
ber of malecontents •, but in this he was prevented by
the faftions among his followers.
Being now advanced within 100 miles of London, Great con-
that capital was in the utmoft confternation •, and had fternation
he proceeded with the fame expedition he had hitherto at ^,on
ufed, perhaps he might have made himfelf mafter of it.
But he was rendered incapable of purfuing this or any
other rational plan, by the difcontents which began to
prevail in his army. In faft, the young pretender was
but the nominal leader of his forces j his generals, the
Highland chiefs, being averfe to fubordination, and ig- ^JO
norant of command. They w'fcre now unanimous in Rebels re-
their refolution to return to their own country, and ielve to
Charles wTas forced to comply. They retreated to Car-reUun'
lifle without any lofs 5 and from thence crofting the ri¬
vers Eden and Solway, entered Scotland. They next
marched to Glafgow, which was laid under feyere
contributions. From thence advancing to Stirling,
they
[ 510 ]
Britain.
421
Gain the
battle of
Falkirk.
422
Entirely de¬
feated at
Culloden.
* See Cul-
laden.
423
Adven¬
tures of
the young
jeretender.
B R I [5
they were joined by Lord Lewis Gordon at the head
of fome forces which had been affembled in his abfence.
Other clans likewife came in ; and from fome fupplies
of money received from Spain, and fome fkirmilhes
with the royalills, in which he was victorious, the pre¬
tender’s affairs began to wear a more promifing afpeCt.
Being joined by Lord Drummond, he invefted the caf-
tle of Stirling, in the liege of which much time was
confumed to no purpofe. General Hawdey, who com¬
manded a confiderable body of forces near Edinburgh,
undertook to raife this fiege, and advanced towards the
rebel army as far as Falkirk. After two days fpent in
mutually examining each others ftrength, an engage¬
ment enfued, in which the king’s forces wrere entirely
defeated, with the lofs of their tents and artillery.
This was the end of all the triumphs of the re¬
bel army. The duke of Cumberland having arrived,
was put at the head of the troops at Edinburgh, which
amounted to about 14,000 men. With tbefe he ad¬
vanced to Aberdeen, w-here he was joined by feveral
of the nobility attached to the houfe of Hanover; the
enemy in the mean time retreating before him. He
next advanced to the banks of the Spey, a deep and
rapid river, where the rebels might have difputed his
paiTage j but their contentions with one another were
now rifen to fuch a height, that they could fcarce a-
gree in any thing. At lall they refolved to wait their
purfuers. An engagement enfued at Culloden *, near
Invernefs; in wThich the rebels were defeated with
great daughter, and a final period was put to all the
hopes of the young adventurer. The conquerors be¬
haved wdth the greateft cruelty 5 refilling quarter to
the wounded, the unarmed, and the defencelefs 5 fome
were llain, wTho had only been fpedators of the com¬
bat, and foldiers were feen to anticipate the bafe em¬
ployment of the executioner. The duke immediately
after the aftion ordered 36 deferters to be executed :
the conquerors fpread terror wherever they came;
and after a Ihort fpace, the whole country round was
one dreadful fcene of plunder, daughter, and defola-
tion.
Immediately after the engagement, the young pre¬
tender ded away with a captain of Fitzjames’s caval¬
ry 5 and when their horfes were fatigued, they both
alighted, and feparatelv fought for fafety. There is a
Itriking refemblance between the adventures of Charles
II. after the battle of Worceher, and thofe of the
young pretender after the battle of Culloden. For
fome days he wandered in the country. Sometimes he
found refuge in caves and cottages, without any atten¬
dants at all. Sometimes he lay in forells with one or
two companions of his didrefs, continually purfued by
the troops of the conqueror, there being a reward of
30,000!. offered for taking him either dead or alive.
In the courfe of his adventures, he had occafion to
trull his life to the fidelity of above 50 individuals ;
not one of whom could be prevailed upon, by fo great
a reward as was offered, to betray him whom they
looked upon to be their king’s fon.
For fix months the unfortunate Charles continued to
wander in the frightful wilds of Glengary, often hem¬
med round by his purfuers, but Hill refcued by feme
providential accident from the impending danger. At
length a privateer of St Maloes, hired by his adhe¬
rents, arrived in Loch Nanach, in which he embarked
ii ] B R I
in the moll wTretched attire. He was clad in a Ihort Britain,
coat of black frize, thread-bare } over which was a ' ' 4 "" ^
common Highland plaid girt round him by a belt,
from which hung a piftol and dagger. He had not
been Ihifted for many weeks; his eyes were hollow,
his vifage wan, and his conftitution greatly impaired
by famine and fatigue. He was accompanied by Sul¬
livan and Sheridan, two Irilh adherents, who had Iha-
red all his calamities $ together with Cameron of Lo-
chiel, his brother, and a few other exiles. They fet He efcapes-
fail for France 3 and after having been chafed by twotoFrance<
Englifh men of war, arrived in lafety at a place called
Rofeau near Morlaix in Bretagne. 425
While the pretender was thus purfued, the fcaffolds Rebels exe*
and gibbets were preparing for his adherents. Seven-cute^'
teen officers were hanged, drawn, and quartered, at
Kennington common in the neighbourhood of Lon¬
don 3 nine were executed in the fame manner at Car-
lifle, and eleven at York. A few obtained pardons,
and a confiderable number of the common men were
tranfported to America. The earls of Kilmarnock and
Cromarty, and Lord Balmerino, wTere tried and found
guilty of high treafon. Cromarty was pardoned 3 but
Kilmarnock and Balmerino were executed 3 as was al-
fo Mr Radcliffe brother to the late earl of Derwent-
water, who was fentenced upon a former convidlion.
Lord Lovat was tried, and fuffered fome time after. ^2(j
Immediately after the fuppreffion of the rebellion, New regm»
the legiflature undertook to eftablilh feveral regula-*atl0ns il1
tions in Scotland, which were equally conducive U> 0 an'~>
the happinefs of the people and the tranquillity of the
united kingdoms. The Highlanders had till that time
continued to wear the military drefs of their anceftors,
and never went without arms. In confequence of this,
they confidered themfelves as a body of people diftincl
from the reft of the nation, and were ready upon the
ffiorteft notice to fecond the infurreftions of their
chiefs. Their habits were now reformed by an a£l of
legiflature, and they were compelled to wear clothes
of the common faffiion. But what contributed ftill
more to their real felicity was the abolition of that he¬
reditary jmifdi61ion which their chieftans exerted over
them. The power of their chieftans was totally de-
flroyed, and every fubjeft in that part of the king- -
dom was granted a participation in the common li¬
berty.
Soon after the battle of Culloden, the duke of Cum¬
berland returned to Flanders, where he refumed the
command of an army to which he was by no means 42^
equal. The French carried every thing before them ; Allies de-
and they reduced under their dominion all thofe ftrong f"eatec* 'n
towns which had been taken by the duke of Marlbo-* *‘UK*erSk
rough, and formed a barrier to the United Provinces.
They gained a confiderable victory at Roucroux 3 which,
however, coft them as many men as they deftroyed of
the enemy 3 but thefe they could more eafily Ipare, as
they wjere much more numerous. Another vi£lory
which they obtained at La Feldt, ferved to deprefsthe
allied army ftill lower. But the taking of Bergen-op-
zoom, the ftrongeft fortification of Brabant, reduced
the Dutch to a ftate of defperation. 42S
Thefe viftories and fucceffes in Flanders were, how- Lofl'es of
ever, counterbalanced by almoft equal difappointments. ^
In Italy the marftial Belleifle’s brother, attempting tOpartSj
penetrate at the head of 34,000 men into Piedmont,1
was •
Britain.
429
Peace of
Aix-la-
Chapelle.
43°
Death of
the prince
of Wales.
431
Hoftilities
renewed.
B R I
was defeated and killed. A fleet was fitted out for the
recovery of Cape Breton, but without fuccefs. Two
others wrere fitted out, the one to make a defcent upon
the Britifh colonies in America, and the other to car¬
ry on the operations in the Eaft Indies 5 but thefe were
attacked by Anfon and Warren, and nine of their
fhips taken. Soon after this, Commodore Fox, with fix
fhips of war, took above 40 French fliips richly laden
from St Domingo j and foon after this the French
fleet was defeated by Admiral Hawke, who took feven
fhips of the line and feveral frigates.
For a long time Louis had been defirous of a gene¬
ral tranquillity j and this defire he had even exprefled
to Sir John Ligonier, who was taken prifoner at the
battle of La Feldt. But now the bad fuccefs of his
admirals at fea, his armies in Italy, the frequent bank¬
ruptcies of his merchants at home, and the eleftion of
a ftadtholder in Holland, who gave fpirit to the oppofi-
tion j all thefe contributed to make him weary of the
war, and to propofe terms of accommodation. This
was wLat the allies had long wiihed for, but had been
alhamed to demand. A congrefs, therefore, wTas held
at Aix-la-Chapelle, where a treaty wras concluded on
the following terms : 1. That all pdfoners on each fide
fhould be mutually given up, and all conquefts refto-
Ted. 2. That the duchies of Parma, Placentia, and
Guaftalla, fhould be ceded to Don Philip, heir appa¬
rent to the Spanifh crown ; after whom thefe domi¬
nions fhould return to the houfe of Aullria. 3. That
the fortifications of Dunkirk towards the fea fhould be
demolifhed 5 and that the Britifh fhip annually fent
with flaves to the coafl of New Spain ihould have this
privilege continued for four years. 4. That the king
of Pruffia fhould be confirmed in the poffeflion of Sile-
fia, and that the queen of Hungary fhould be fecured
in the pofleflion of her patrimonial dominions. But
the moft mortifying claufe w^as, that the king of Great
Britain fhould immediately, after the ratification of this
treaty, fend tw’O perfons of rank to France as hoftages,
until reftitution fhould be made of Cape Breton and all
other Britifh coliquefls made during the w7ar. No
mention was made of the fearching Britifh veflels in
the American feas, though this was the original caufe
of the quarrel. The limits of their refpeclive poflef-
fions in North America were not afcertained ; nor did
they receive any equivalent for thofe forts which they
reftored to the enemy.
In the year 1751, died Frederic prince of Wales, of
a pleurify thought at firft to be no way dangerous.
He was greatly regretted 5 for his good-nature had
rendered him popular, and thofe who oppofed the pre-
fent adminiftration had grounded all their hopes of re-
drefs upon his acceflion to the throne.
Some time before this, viz. in the year 1749, a
fcheme was entered upon, which the nation in general
imagined would be very advantageous. This was the
encouraging thofe who had been difcharged the army
or navy to become fettlers in Nova Scotia. This coun¬
try is cold, barren, and almoft incapable of cultivation.
Neverthelefs, on account of this barren fpot, the Eng-
liflr and French renewed the war, which foon after
fpread with fuch terrible devaftation over every part of
the globe. The poffeflion of this country was reckon¬
ed neceffary to defend the Englifh colonies to the north,
and to preferve their fuperiority in the fifheries in that
b r r
part of the world. The French, however, who had Britain,
been long fettled in the back parts, refolved to ufe1 111' tT*-
every method to difpoffefs the new comers, and fpirited
up the Indians to begin hoftilities. Another fource of
difpute alfo fprung up foon after in the fame part of
the world. The French, pretending to have firft dif-
covered the mouth of the river Miffiffippi, claimed the
whole adjacent country towards New Mexico on the
eaft, quite to the Apalachian mountains on the weft.
In order to affert their claims, as they found feveral
Engliih who had fettled beyond thele mountains, they
difpoffeffed them of their new fettlements, and built
fuch forts as would command the w hole country round
about.
Negotiations, mutual accufations, and hoftilities, firft;
took place between the two powers ; at length, in
1756, four operations were undertaken by the Britifh
in America at once. Colonel Monkton had orders to
drive the French from their encroachments upon the
province of Nova Scotia. General Johnlon was fent
againft Crowm Point} General Shirley againft Niaga¬
ra, to fecure the forts on the river j and General Brad-
dock againft Fort du Quefne. In thefe expeditions,
Monkton wTas fuccefsful Johnfon alfo was vi<ftorious,
though he failed in taking the fort againft which he
was fent; Shirley wras thought to have loft the feafon
of operation by delay j and Braddock w'as defeated
and killed.
In return for this bad fuccefs, the Britifh made re-
prifals at fea j and in this they were fo fuccefsful, that
the French navy was unable to recover itfelf during the
continuance of the war that was fhortly after declared
on both fides. The firft ftep of the French was to
threaten an invafion. Several bodies of their troops
were fent down to the coafts that lay oppofite to the
Britifh fhores 5 thefe were inftruffed in the manner of
embarking and relanding from ,flat-bottomed boats,
which were made in great numbers for that expedi¬
tion. The number of men amounted to 50,000 ; but
all difcovered the utmoft reluftance to the undertak¬
ing. The miniftry were greatly alarmed. They ap¬
plied to the Dutch for 6000 men, which they were by
treaty obliged to furnilh in cafe of an invafion. This
fupply was refufed ; the Dutch alleging, that their
treaty was to fend the troops in cafe of an aftual, and
not a threatened, invafion. The king, therefore, find¬
ing he could not have the Dutch forces till their aflift-
ance would be too late, defifted entirely from his de¬
mand ; and the Dutch with great amity returned him
thanks for withdrawing his requeft. Upon this, 10,coo
Heffians and Hanoverians were brought over. But
this occafioned great difcontent. The miniftry were
reviled for fuch difgraceful condefcenfion, as if the na¬
tion was unable to defend itfelf. The people only de¬
manded a vigorous exertion of their own internal
ftrength, and then feared no force that could be led to
invade them.
The Britifh invafion, however, never took place : Minorca
but a French army landed in Minorca, and invefted invaded,
the citadel of St Philip’s, which was reckoned the
ftrongeft in Europe j but the garrifon w7as wreak, and
no way fitted to ftand a vigorous fiege. To raife this
fiege, Admiral Byng w7as defpatched with a Iquadron
of ten men of war, with orders to relieve Minorca, or
at any i«ite to throw a body of troops into the garri-
[ 3^ 1
B R I [5
Britain, fon. This laft he reckoned too hazardous an under-
taking ; nor did he even attempt it. Soon after, a
French fleet appeared nearly equal in force to his
own , but the admiral refolved to aft only upon the de-
fenfive. The French advanced, a flight engagement en-
fued with part of the Englilh fleet; after which, the
French flowly failed away, and another opportunity
never occurred of coming to a clofer engagement. Af¬
ter this, it was refolved in a council of war, to return
to Gibraltar to refit, and that the relief of Minorca
was imprafticable. For this conduft Byng was
brought home under arreft, tried, and fentenced to
Admiral death. His fentence was to be (hot; and he fuffered
Byng exe- with the greateft refolution, after delivering a paper
cuted. filled with proteftations of his innocence as to any
treacherous intention.
After the conqueft of Minorca, the French declared
that they would revenge all injuries they fhould fuftain
in their colonies on the king of Britain’s dominions in
Treatywith Germany. Upon this, the court of London, eager to
Raffia. preferve Hanover, entered into a treaty with the court
of Ruflia, by which it was ftipulated, that a body of
50,000 Ruffians fliould be ready to aft in the Britilh
fervice, in cafe Hanover Ihould be invaded by the
French. For this the czarina was to receive ioo,oool.
annually, to be paid in advance. This treaty was op-
pofed by the king of Pruflia. He had long confider-
ed himfelf as guardian of the interefts of Germany,
and was therefore alarmed at a treaty which threaten¬
ed to deluge the empire with an army of barbarians.
Befides, he was already apprifed of an agreement be¬
tween the Auftrians and Ruffians, by which the latter
. were to enter the empire and ftrip him of his late con-
Oppofed by queft of Silefia. He therefore declared, that he would
the king of not fuffer any foreign forces to enter the empire either
Pruffia. as auxiliaries or principals. The king of Britain now
found himfelf obliged to drop his Ruffian connexion,
and conclude a treaty with the king of Pruffia. As
both monarchs wiflied only to prevent the invafion of
Germany, they foon came to an agreement to affifl:
New com- each other mutually. From this alliance a new com¬
bination of bination took place among the European powers, quite
the Europe- oppofite to the former ; anti their forces were drawn
an powers. out jn ^ f0]]0W;ng manner. Britain oppofed France
in America, Alia, and oh the ocean. France attack¬
ed Hanover 5 which the king of Pruflia undertook to
proteft, while Britain promifed him troops and money
to affift his operations. Auftria had their aims on the
dominions of Pruffia, and drew the eleftor of Saxony
into the fame defigns. In thefe views the Auftrians
were feconded by France, Sweden, and Ruffia, who
had hopes of acquiring a fettlement in the weft of
Europe.
Thus the king of Pruffia launched into the tumult
of war, having only the king of Britain for his ally,
while the moft potent ftates of Europe were his anta-
gonifts. He now performed exploits perhaps unequal-
^ led in the annals of modern ages ; for a particular ac-
Unfuccefs- count of which, fee the article Prussia. The Britifh
ful expedi- miniftry, in order to procure a diverfion in his favour,
a8'ainft planned an enterprife againft the coaft of France. The
ranee. deftination of the fleet equipped for this purpofe was
kept a profound fecret. At laft it appeared before
Rochefort j where the commanders, having trifled away
their time in deliberating how to proceed, fecured the
Vol. IV. Part II.
13 ] B R I
little ifland of Aix, an eafy and an ufelefs conqueft : t
foon after which, they returned home without attempt- *
ing any thing elfe. By this mifearriage the miniftry
were fo difeouraged, that they had thoughts of aban¬
doning the king of Pruffia to his fate $ and the king
was aftually meditating a negotiation of this nature,
when he was prevented by the expoftulations of his
diftreffed ally. From motives of generofity, therefore,
more than of intereft, it w7as refolved to continue to af¬
fift him; and fuccefs, which had long fled from the
Britifh arms, once more began to return with double
fplendour. 43$
It was in the Eaft Indies where this returning fuc-Britifh fufc*
cefs firft began to appear (for an account of which fee^s*n tf,e
the article Indostan) ; and their conquefts in the weft- a n ies*
ern part of the world were about this time ftill more
fplendid than thofe in the eaft. But thefe fuccefles 439
muft, partly at leaft, be aferibed to the vigorous admi-Mr Fitt
niftration of Mr William Pitt, who about this timec°^^‘nto
came into power* An expedition was fet on foot a-,,ower*
gainft Cape Breton, under General Amherft and Admi¬
ral Bofcawen : another under General Abercrombie,
againft Crown Point and Ticonderago , and a third
under Brigadier-general Forbes, againft Fort du Quefne.
The fortrefs of Louifbourg, which defended the ifland
of Cape Breton, was very ftrong both by nature and
art 5 the garrifon was numerous, the commander vi¬
gilant, and every precaution had been taken to pre¬
vent a landing. But the aftivity of the Britifh fur-
mounted every obftacle, the place was furrendeied by
capitulation, and its fortifications were demolifhed.
The expedition againft Fort du Qnefne w^as equally
fuccefsful; but that againft Crowm Point once more
mifearried. General Abercrombie attacked the French
in their intrenchments, was repulfed with great flaugh-
ter, and obliged to retire to his camp at Lake George.
But though in this refpeft the Britifh arms were un-
fuccefsful, yet, upon the whole, the campaign of 1758
was greatly in their favour. The taking of Fort du
Quefne ferved to remove from their colonies the terror
of the incurfions of the Indians, while it interrupted
the correfpondence along a chain of forts wuth w’hich
the French had environed the Britifh fettlements in
America j fo that the fucceeding campaign promifed
great fuccefs. . 440
In 1759, it was refolved to attack the French in fe-Quebec ta-
veral parts of their empire at once. General Amherft ken> an(l
with a body of 12,000 men was commanded to attac^ & rC-
Crown Point 5 General Wolfe was to undertake the
fiege of Quebec j while General Prideaux and Sir Wil¬
liam Johnfon veere to attempt a French fort near the
catarafls of Niagara. This laft expedition was the firft;
that fucceeded. The fiege wTas begun with vigour,
and promifed an eafy cofiqueft , but General Prideaux
was killed in the trenches by the burfting of a mortar,
fo that the whole command devolved on General John¬
fon. A body of French troops, fenfible of the impor¬
tance of the place, attempted to relieve it; but were
utterly defeated and difperfed ; foon after which, the
garrifon furrendered prifoners of war. On his arrival
at the forts of Crown Point and Ticonderago, General
Amherft found them deferted and deftroyed. There
now remained, therefore, but one decifive blow to re¬
duce all North Ameiica under the Britifli dominion $
and this was by the taking of Quebec*, the capital of* See Que.
3 T Canada, fo.
44i
Duke of
Cumber¬
land capi-
tulates
with the
French.
B R 1 [ j,
Canada. This expedition was commanded by Admiral
Saunders and General Wolfe. The enterprife was at¬
tended with difficulties which appeared unfurmount-
able } but all thefe difficulties were got over by the
condu£t of General Wolfe, and the, bravery of his men.
.He engaged and put to flight the French under Mont¬
calm ; but to the great regret of the Britifh, their ge¬
neral was killed in the a&ion. The furrender of Que¬
bec was the confequence of this vi&ory, which was
foon followed by the ceflion of all Canada. The follow¬
ing feafon, indeed, the French made a vigorous ef¬
fort to recover the city j but by the refolution of Go¬
vernor Murray, and the appearance of a Britifh fleet
under the command of Lord Colvile, they w7ere obliged
to abandon the enterprife. The whole province was
foon after reduced by the prudence and adlivity of Ge¬
neral Amherft, who obliged the French army to capi¬
tulate ; and it has fince remained annexed to the Bri¬
tifh empire. About the fame time alfo the ifland of
Guadaloupe was reduced by Commodore More and Ge¬
neral Hopfon.
The Britifh affairs in Germany had at the beginning
of the war worn a very unfavourable afpedl. The Ha¬
noverians were commanded by the duke of Cumberland,
who was greatly outnumbered by the enemy. He was
driven beyond the Wefer, the paffage of which might
have been difputed with fome appearance of fuccefs j
but the French were fuffered to pafs it unmolefted.
The Hanoverians were driven from one part of the
country to another, till at length they made a (land
near a village called HaJ}enback> where it was hoped
the numbers of the enemy would have the leaf! oppor¬
tunity of coming to a general engagement. The
Hanoverians, however, left the field of battle to the
French, after a faint refiftance. Their enemies pur-
^ fued, and the duke retired towards Stade j by w'hich
means he marched into a country from whence he could
neither procure provilions nor attack the enemy with
any hopes of fuccefs. Here, being unable either to
efcape or advance, he was compelled to fign a capitu¬
lation by which the wdiole army laid down their arms,
and were difperfed into different quarters of canton¬
ment. By this remarkable capitulation, which was
called the Capitulation of CloJIer Seven, Hanover was
obliged to fubmit quietly to the French, who were now
determined to turn their arms againft the king of Pruf-
442 fia*
The Hano- Soon after this capitulation, both fides began to
verianstakecompia;n the treaty was not ftridlly obferved. The
up arms. Hanoverians exclaimed againfi: the rapacity of the
French general and the brutality of his foldiers. The
French retorted the charge againfi: them, accufed
them of infolence and infurreftion •, and being fen-
fible of their own fuperiority, refolved to bind them
ftri&ly to their terms of agreement. The Hanove¬
rians only wifhed for a pretence to take arms, and a ge¬
neral to head them. Neither was long wanting. The
oppreflions of the tax-gatherers, whom the French had
appointed, were confidered as fo fevere, that the army
rofe to vindicate the freedom of their country, while
Ferdinand, prince of Brunfwick, put himfelf at their
head. As foon as this was known in Britain, large
fupplies were granted both for the fervice of the king
of Pruflia, and to enable the Hanoverian army to a£l
vigoroufly in conjundioa with him. A fmall body of
4 j b r 1
Britilh forces was fent over to join Prince Ferdinand Britain,
under the duke of Marlborough. After fome inconfider- v "" ''
able fucceffes at Crevelt, the duke of Marlborough dy¬
ing, the command of the Britifh forces devolved on
Lord George Sackville. A mifunderftanding arofe be-French de¬
tween him and Prince Ferdinand, which appeared atfeatedat
the battle of Minden that was fought fhortly after.
Lord George pretended that he did not underftand the
orders fent him by the prince, and of confequence did
not obey them. The allies gained the viftory, which
would have been more decifive had the Britilh com¬
mander obeyed his orders. He was foon after recalled,
tried by a court-martial, found guilty of difobedience,
and declared incapable of ferving in any military com¬
mand for the future. 444
After this vi&ory it was imagined that one rein-German
forcement more of Britifh troops wmuld terminate thewa^c^'"
war in favour of the allies 5 and that reinforcement was fuc.
quickly fent. The Britilh army in Germany was aug-cefs>
mented to upwards of 30,000 men, and fanguine hopes
of conqueft were generally entertained. Thefe hopes,
however, were foon found to be ill-founded. The allies
were defeated at Corbach •, but retrieved their honour
at Exdotf. A vi&ory at Warbourg followed fliortly
after, and another at Zierenberg : but then they fuf¬
fered a defeat at Compen j after which, both fides re¬
tired into winter-quarters. 445
On the 25th of Oflober 1760, happened the death Death of
of King George II. He had rifen at his ufual hour,^nS <^eQ'
and obferved to his attendants, that as the weather was11,
fine, he would take a walk into the gardens of Ken-
fington, where he then refided. In a few minutes af¬
ter his return, being left alone, he was heard to fall
down upon the floor. The noife of this bringing his
attendants into the room, they lifted him into bed j
where he defired with a faint voice, that the princefs
Amelia might be fent for : but before fhe could reach
the apartment, he expired, in the 77th year of his age
and 33d of his reign. An attempt wTas made to bleed
him, but without effe£l j and afterwards the furgeons,
upon opening him, difcovered that the right ventricle
of the heart was ruptured, and a great quantity of
blood difcharged through the aperture. 445
King George III. afcended the throne amidft the Great fuc-
greateft fucceffes both by fea and land. At this time,-^.*.^1 ®
indeed, the efforts of Britain in every quarter of theamis>
globe were truly aftoniftring. The king of Prulfia re¬
ceived a fubfidy j a large body of Englifti forces com¬
manded the extenfive peninfula of India j another army
of 20,000 men confirmed their conquefts in North A-
merica $ 30,000 men were employed in Germany j and
a great many more were difperfed in the different gar-
rifons in different parts of the world 5 but all this was
furpaffed by the aftonilhing naval force, which carried
command wherever it came, and had totally annihila¬
ted the French maritime power. The courage and
conduft of the Englilh admirals excelled every thing
that had been heard of before \ neither fuperior force,
nor number, nor even the terrors of the tempeft, could
intimidate them. Admiral Hawke gained a com¬
plete victory over an equal number of French ftfips in
Quiberon Bay on the coaft of Bretagne, in the midft
of a tempeft, during the darknefs of night, and, wThat
a feaman fears ftill more, in the neighbourhood of a
rocky ftiore^
As
Britain.'
447
Propofals
of peace.
iJU.
B R 1 [ 5
As foon as his prefent majefty had met with his
parliament, which was on November 18. 1760, he
confirmed the hopes of his allies, and gave affurances
of his intentions to profecute the war with vigour.
By this time, however, the people were in fome mea-
fure weary with conquells 5 efpecially with thofe in
Germany, from which they could never hope for any
folid advantage, and which were gained at an immenfe
expence to the nation. Difputes concerning the pro¬
priety of the German war were carried on, and the
general run of popular opinion feemed to be rather
againft than for it. For fome time, however, no change
took place in the method of carrying on the war. In
1761 propofals of peace were made between the belli¬
gerent powers of Europe •, and for this purpofe Mr
Stanley was fent to Paris and Mr Buffy to London :
but the French, defigning to draw Spain into a con¬
federacy with them, feem not to have been fincere in
their intentions ; and thus the treaty came to nothing.
An enterprife was projected againft the illand of Bel-
leifle, near the coaft of France, which was conduced
■^Sce Belli- by Commodore Keppel and General Hodgfon*. The
place was conquered, with the lofs of 1800 men kill¬
ed and wounded on the part of the Britifti; and how¬
ever unimportant this conqueft might be, the rejoi¬
cings on account of it were great. In Germany, the
campaign was unfuccefsful on the part of the allies.
At firft, indeed, they drove the French quite out of
the territory of Hefle, and Lid fiege to the city of
Caffel; but being defeated at Stangerod, they were
farce to raife the fiege, retire behind the Dymel, and
again abandon Heffe to their enemies. Here they
were followed and attacked by the French; who, though
defeated in that attempt, were with difficulty prevent¬
ed from making themfelves matters of Munfter and
Brunfwick.
All this time an appearance of negociation had been
carried on •, but at laft the French having brought
their defigns with the court of Spain to a bearing, Mr
Butty delivered to Mr Pitt a private memorial, fignify-
ing, that, in order to eftablifh the peace on a lafting
foundation, the king of Spain might be induced to
guaranty the treaty ; and to prevent the differences
which then fubfifted between Britain and Spain from
producing a freftr war in Europe, he propofed, that in
this negociation the three points which had been dif-
puted between the crowns of England and Spain might
be finally fettled. Firft, the reftitution of fome cap¬
tures made upon the Spanilh flag. Secondly, the pri¬
vilege of the Spanifti nation to fiffi upon the banks of
Newfoundland. Thirdly, the demolition of the Eng-
liftr fettlements made in the bay of Honduras. This
memorial was returned as wholly inadmiflible. Mr
Pitt declared, that it w’ould be looked upon .as an af¬
front to the dignity of his matter, and incompatible with
the fincerity of the negociation, to make any further
mention of fuch a circumftance.
Spanilhwar jyj-r pjtt p,ejng now thoroughly convinced of the fi-
^ fitter defigns of Spain, propofed immediately to de¬
clare war againft that kingdom. But this propofal
He refigns, being rejedfed, he refigned his employment of fecretary
and is crea-of ftate ; after which, he was created earl of Chatham,
ted earl of' and had a penfion of 3OQ0I. per annum fettled upon
him for three lives.
Soon after this, however, the new adminiftration
448
Britain.
45°.
War with
’ Spain.
Chatham.
5 ] B R I
found that Mr Pitt was in the tight, and war was de- (
dared between Great Britain and Spain. As Portu¬
gal was an ufeful ally of Britain, it was refolved by
the French and Spaniards to attack that kingdom,,
wffiich was then in no capacity of defending itfelf. The
Portuguefe monarch was by the moft haughty memo¬
rials commanded to accede to the confederacy againft
Britain, and threatened with the vengeance of France
and Spain in cafe of a refulal. It was in vain that he
promifed to obferve a ftrid neutrality, and urged the
obligations he was under to the king of Britain ; this
moderate and reafonable reply only drew on more
haughty and infulting anfwers. His Portuguefe^ma-
jefty, however, continued to reject their propofals in
the moft refolute manner •, and concluded his laft de¬
claration with thefe wmrds, that “ it wrould affedft him
lels, though reduced to the laft extremity, of which the
great Judge is the foie arbiter, to let the laft tile of
his palace fall, and to fee his faithful fubjedls fpill the
laft drop of their blood, than to facrifice, together
with the honour of his crown, all that Portugal holds
moft dear*, and to fubmit, by fuch extraordinary means,
to become an unheard-of example to all pacific powers,
who wTill no longer be able to enjoy the benefit of
neutrality, whenever a w7ar ffiall be kindled between ^
other powers with which the former are connefted by France and
defenfive treaties.” This declaration was made on the Spain de-
27th of April 1762 j and foon after, France and Spainc^are ^7ar
jointly declared war againft Portugal. Portugal.
As the defign of the courts of France and Spain in
making wTar wfith Portugal, was profeffedly to prevent
Great Britain from the military and commercial ufe of
the port& of that kingdom, their principal endeavours
w'ere ainied at the two great ports where the Britiffi
ufed to refide, viz. Oporto and Liffion. With this Portugal
view, three inroads w’ere to be made j one to the north • invaded,
another more to the fouth 5 while the third w7as made
in the middle provinces, in order to fuftain thefe two
bodies, and preferve a communication between them.
The firft body of troops was commanded by the mar¬
quis of Savria ; and entered the north-eart angle of
Portugal, marching towards Miranda. This town,
might poffibly have retarded their progrefs, had not a
powder-magazine been blown up by accident j and the
Spaniards entered on the 9th of May by the breaches
made by this explofion. From thence they marched
to Braganza, which lurrendered fix days after Miranda.
Moncorvo was taken in like manner ; every thing was
clear before them to the banks of the Douro*, and they
became matters of almoft the whole extenfive province
of Tralos Montes. Oporto was given up for loft, and
the admiralty prepared tranfports to carry oft' the ef¬
fects of the Britiffi merchants. On the banks of the
Douro, however, the career of this body was flopped.
The peafants, animated and guided by lome Britifti of¬
ficers, feized a difficult pafs, and drove the enemy back
to Moncorvo.
The fecond body of Spaniards entered the province
of Beira, at the villages called Va/ de Mula and Val
de Coelha. They were ^ joined by ftrong detachments,
amounting to ahnoft the whole army in Tralos Montes j
and immediately laid fiege to Almeida, the ftrongeft
and heft provided place on the frontiers of Portugal.
This place was defended with fufficient refolution j
but, like the reft, was obliged to lurrender on the
3 T 2 25 th
Britain.
. 453
Spaniards
B R I [ 5
25ith of Auguft. The Spaniards then overran the
whole territory of Cartel Branco, a principal diftridl of
the province of Beira, making their way fouthward
until they approached the banks of the Tagus. Du¬
ring the whole of their progrefs, and indeed during
the whole of file campaign, the allied troops of Great
Britain and Portugal had nothing that could be called
an army in the field, and they could not think of op-
poling the enemy in a pitched battle. All that could
be done was by the defence of partes, Ikirmirti, and
furprife.
By this time the count of La Lippe Buckeburg had
arrived in Portugal, to the inexprertible joy of the whole
nation. The third Spanilh army had afiembled on the
frontiers of Ertremadura, with a defign to invade the
province of Alentejo ; and had this body of troops
been joined to the others, they would probably, in fpite
of all oppofition, have forced their way to Lifbon it-
felfj had it afted feparately, it might have greatly
diftrafted the defendants, fo as to enable feme other-
body of forces to penetrate to that city. The count,
LSj/aiiiaiu:) T_f* Til . . J . ~
defeated by tllerenore> reiolved to prevent their entrance into the
General kingdom ; and with this view difpatched Brigadier-
Burgoyne, general Burgoyne to attack an advanced body of Spa¬
niards which lay on their frontiers, in a town called
Valentia de Alcantara. On the 27th of Auguft the
town was^ furprifed j the general was taken who in¬
tended to have commanded in the invafion, together
with one colonel, two captains, and 17 fubaltern of¬
ficers. One of the beft regiments in the Spanifli fer-
vice was alfo entirely deftroyed ; and thus the enemy
were in all probability prevented from entering Alen¬
tejo.
That part of the Spaniftr army which afled in the
territory of Cartel Branco had made themfelves mafters
of feveral important partes, which they obliged fome
bodies of Portuguefe to abandon. The combined ar¬
my of Britifh and Pcrtuguefe pretended to retire be¬
fore them, in order to draw them into the mountainous
traffs. They attacked the rear of the allies, but were
tepulfed with lofs. Still, however, they continued
mafters of the country, and nothing remained but the
partage of the Tagus to enable them to take up their
quarters in the province of Alentejo. This the count
defigned to prevent ; and in this fervice General Bur¬
goyne was employed, who formed a defign of fur-
prifing them. The execution wras committed to Colo¬
nel Lee, who, in the night of October 6th, fell up¬
on their rear, difperled the whole body with confi-
derable (laughter, deftroyed their magazines, and re¬
turned with fcarce any lofs. The feafon was now far
advanced 5 immenfe quantities of rain fell \ the roads
were deftroyed ; and the Spaniards, having feized no
advanced ports where they could maintain themfelves,
and being unprovided with magazines for the fupport
of their horfe, everywhere fell back to the frontiers of
Spain.
No lefs fuccefsful w-ere the Britifti arms in America
and the Eaft Indies. From the French w'ere taken the
irtands of Martinico, St Lucia, St Vincent, and Gre¬
nada ; from the Spaniards the ftrong fortrefs called
Havannab, in the iftand of Cuba. By the acquifition
of the firft mentioned iflands the Britifti became the
foie and undifturbed pofleflors of all the Caribbees; and
held that chain of innumerable iflands which forms an
16 ]
B R I
454
and by Co
lonel Lee.
455
Havannah,
£tc. taken.
immenfe bow, extending from the eaftern point of Hif- Britain,
paniola, almoft to the continent of South America. ' 
The conqueft of the Havannah coft a number of brave
men ; more of whom were deftroyed by the climate
than the enemy f. It was in this place that the fleetsf See Ha-
from the feveral parts of the Spanifli Weft Indies, call- vannah.
ed the galleons and jlota, aflembled, before they finally
fet out on their voyage for Europe. The acquifition
of this place, therefore, united in itfelf all the advan- 454
tages which can be acquired in war. It was a miiiHmmer|fe
tary advantage of the higheft clafs : it w-as equal toi)!uTKle.r
the greatert naval vi&ory, by its effect on the enemy’s
marine ; and in the plunder it equalled the produce of 1 "
a national iubfidy. Nine of the enemy’s men of war,
with four frigates, were taken ; three of their capital
ftiips had been funk in the harbour at the beginning of
the fiege ; two more were on the Itocks in great for-
wardnefs, and thefe were deftroyed. In money and
valuable merchandifes, the plunder did not fall Ihort of 457
3,COO,cool. fterling. To this fuccefs in the w7efternCapture of
part of the world may be added the capture of the^f Hcr*
Spanifli regifter-flijp called the Hermione, by the Active
and Favourite king’s fliips. This happened on the
21 ft of May 1762, juft as (he was entering one of
ports of Old Spain, and the prize was little fliort of
1,000,cool, fterling.
In the Eaft Indies an expedition was undertaken Philippmes
againft the Philippine irtands, which was committed tore<FicecL
Colonel Draper, who r.rived for this purpofe at Ma-
drafs in the latter end of June 1762. The 79th regi¬
ment was the only regular corps that could be (pared
for this fervice. Every thing w7as conduced with the
greateft celerity and judgment. The Britifti forces
landed at Manilla on the 24th of September 5 on the
6th of October the governor w-as obliged to furrender
at diferetion } and foon after, the galleon bound from Manilla
Manilla to Acapulco, laden with rich merchandife, to8arteori
the value of more than half a million, was taken by twotakcn*
frigates called the Argo and Panther. By the conqueft;
of Manilla, 14 confiderable iflands fell into the hands
of the Britifti ; which from their extent, fertility, and
convenience of commerce, furniftied the materials of a
great kingdom. By this acquifition, joined to our for¬
mer fucceffes, we fecured all the avenues of the Spanifli
trade, and interrupted ail communications betw^een the
parts of their vaft but unconnected empire. The con¬
queft of the Havannah had cut off in a great meafure
the intercourfe of their wealthy continental colonies
with Europe : the reduction of the Philippines exclu¬
ded them from Afia } and the plunder taken was far
more than fufficient to indemnify the charges of the
expedition; a circumftance not very common in modem
wars. It amounted to upwards of a million and a half;
of which the Eaft India Company, on whom the charge
of the enterprife in a great meafure lay, were by con-
trad to have a third part.
All this time the war in Germany had continued Vaft extent
with the utmoft violence; the allies under Prince Fer-°.f ^
dinand had continued to give the higheft proofs 0ftlfll d°m:-
their valour, but no decifive advantage could be ob¬
tained againft the French. It was, however, no long¬
er the intereft of Britain to continue a deftruftive
war. There never had been a period fo fortunate or
glorious to this ifland. In the courfe of this wTar (lie
had conquered a trad of continent of immenfe ex¬
tent.
B R I
[ 517 1
b r r
Britain, tent. Her American territory approached to the bor-
> 1 _ ’ ders of Alia, and came near to the frontiers of the
Ruffian and Chinefe dominions. She had conquered
25 illands, all of them dilfinguithable for their magni¬
tude, their riches, or the importance of their fituation.
By fea or land fhe had gained 1 2 battles, had reduced
nine fortilied cities, and near 40 caftles and forts. She
had taken or detlroyed above 100 (hips of war from
her enemies, and acquired at lead 1 o,coo,cool, in
plunder.
By fuch unexampled and wide extended ccnquefts, it
is no wonder that the French and Spaniards were defi-
ous of a peace; which was at length conluded at Paris
on the 10th of February 1763. The terms granted
Articles of them were by many thought too favourable. The prin-
the peace in cipal of them were, That the French king fhould re-
J7^3- linquifh all claims to Nova Scotia; that he ffiould like-
wife give up all the country of Canada ; and that for
the future the boundary betwixt the Britiih and French
dominions in America ffiould be fixed by a line drawn
along the middle of the river Miffiffippi from its fource
to the river Ibberville, and from thence drawn by a
line along the middle of this river, and the lakes Mau-
repas and Pontchartrain, to the fea. The illands of St
Pierre, Miquelon, Martinico, Guadaloupe, Mariga-
lante, IDefirade, St Lucia, and Belleille, were reftor-
ed to France: Minorca, Grenada, and the Grenadines,
St Vincent, Dominica, and ‘ Tobago, were ceded to
Britain. In Africa, the ifland of Goree was reftored
to France; and the river Senegal, with all its fort? and
dependencies ceded to Great Britain. In the Eaft In¬
dies, all the forts and fa&ories taken from the French
were reflored. In Europe, the fortifications of Dun¬
kirk were to be dellroyed ; and all the countries, for-
trefles, &c. belonging to the electorate of Hanover,
the duke of Brunfwic, and the count of La Lippe
Buckeburg, rellored. With regard to Spain, the Bri-
tiffi fortifications on the bay of Honduras were to be
demolifihed; and the Spaniards were to defilt from their
claim of a right to fifh on the Newfoundland bank.
The Havannah was reftored; in confequence of which,
Florida, St Augulfine, and the bay of Penfacola, were
ceded to Britain, and the Spaniards were to make peace
with Portugal : all other countries not particularlv
mentioned were to be reftored to their refpeftive owners
at the beginning of the war.
Difcontents The conclufion of the war did not by any means tend
sncreafeJon to heal thofe divifions which had arifen on the refigna-
fion of this'ti°n ^tt: > on t^ie contrary, it furnilhed abun-
treaty. ^ant matter of complaint for the difeontented party,
whofe views feem at that time only to have been the
embarraffment and difturbance of an adminiftration
which they were not able to fubvert. At the time the
treaty was under confideration, however, only fome
faint attempts were made to oppofe it ; but it foon ap¬
peared, that though this oppofition had proved fo
feeble, the fpirit of the party was far from being ex-
haufted. The ftate of affairs at that time indeed great¬
ly favoured the views of thofe who delighted in turbu¬
lence and faftion. A long and expenfive war had
drained the national treafure, and greatly increafed the
public debt. Heavy taxes had already been impofed, and
it was ftill as neceffary to keep up thefe, and even to
impofe new' ones, as though the war had not ceafed.
Thus the bulk of the nation, who imagined that con-
queft and riches ought to go hand in hand, were eafily Britain,
induced to believe that adminiftration arbitrary and op- ‘ 1 “
preffive, which continued to load them with frefh taxes
after fuch great fuccefles as had attended the Britifh
arms for fome years psft.
It muft indeed be owned, that the nerv adminiftra-Great ela¬
tion appear not to have been fufficiently wary in thismour ra'fed
refpecl. Among other methods of raifing the fup-'jy ^ cl~
plies for 1763, they had thought proper to lay a duty
of four {hillings per hogfhead upon cyder, payable by
the maker, and to be colledled in the fame manner as
other excifes. The other articles of fupply furnilhed
alfo matter of declamation' for the members in oppo¬
fition; but this inflamed the popular fury to a great de¬
gree, and made them readily imbibe as truth whatever
was thrown out by the minority in their parliamentary
debates. Befides the ufual declamations, that it was
oppreffive, unconftitutional, and injurious to the land¬
holder and farmer, the fmallnefs of the fum to be raifed
by it was now urged. This was faid to indicate, that
the fupplying the wants of government could not be
the foie motive for impofing fuch a duty. It was far¬
ther urged, with much fliow of lamentation, that now
the houfes of all orders of people, noblemen of the firft
rank not excepted, were liable to be entered and
fearched at the pleafure of excifemen, a proceeding
which they denominated in exprefs terms “ a badge of
flavery.” Thus it was fpoken of throughout all the
cyder counties, by the city of London, and by moft of
the incorporations throughout the kingdom. The ci¬
ty had been difpleafed by the late changes in admini¬
ftration, and had not yet recovered their good humour.
They inftruffted their reprefentatives to oppofe the
paffing of the bill with all poffible vigour, and gave in
petitions againft it to every blanch of the legiftature :
a meafure till that time totally unprecedented ; two
protefts were alfo entered againft it in the houfe of
lords ; and in fticrt the kingdom of England was
thrown into an almoft univerfal ferment.
It is not to be doubted that the friends of admini¬
ftration were able to bring arguments fufficiently plau-
fible in favour of their fcheme; but the utmoft force of
reafon will go but a very little way in quieting popular
clamour : and while oppofition was railing againft mi-
niftry within doors, every method was taken to excite
the fury of the people without. Virulent libels, the
audacity of wffiich far exceeded any thing known in
former times, now made their appearance ; and fuch
was the general intemperance in this refpefl, that it
wTould he difficult to determine which fide paid leaft re¬
gard to any kind of decency or decorum.
In the midft of this general ferment, the earl of Bute [5^
unexpectedly refigned his place of firft lord of thetion'of tha-
treafury. His refignation quickly became an object eari of
of general fpeculation; by fome he was highly cenfured
for leaving his friends at the time when a little perfeve-
rance might have defeated all the defigns of his ene¬
mies, and eftablifhed his own power on the moft folid
foundation. Such conduct, they faid, muft difeourage
the friends of government, and at the fame time give
proportionable encouragement to its adverfaries to in-
fult it, as they perceived miniftry unable to refift the.
firft guft of popular fury. Others contended, that the
earl was perhaps the leaft influenced by popular opi¬
nion of any man in the world. Fie had/oemonftrated
his*
4<>S
Popular
ferment
ftill conti¬
nues.
466
Characters
B R 1 [51
Britain, his firmnefs by taking a lead in the dangerous but ne-
ceilitry affair of concluding peace 5 and, this being ac-
complifhed, he had fully obtained his end, and per¬
formed the fervice to his country which was dtfired.
He now refolved that the fa£lious party fliould not
have even the pretence of objeifling his perfonal am¬
bition as the caufe of difturbances which they them-
felves had excited; and thus his refignation would tend
to put an end to thefe troubles, at the fame time that
it (bowed the authors of them in their proper co¬
lours.
The event, however, (horved that the former reafon-
ing was, in the prefent cafe, neareft the truth. The
popular refentment was not in the lead abated by the
refignation. His lordffiip, though now withdrawn
from the oftenfible adminiftration of affairs, was ftill
confidered as principal direftor of the cabinet ; and
this opinion gained the more ground that none of the
popular leaders were yet taken in, nor any apparent
change made in the conduft of the new7 adminiftra¬
tion.
No reafonable objefHon could now be made to thofe
of the new who filled the great offices of ftate. Mr Grenville, who
oiiniiters. fucceeded the earl of Bute in the treafury, was a man
of approved integrity, underftanding, and experience.
Lord Holland was univerfally confidered as a very able
man in office, and had already filled many high employ¬
ments with a great degree of reputation. The other
fecretary Lord Egremont, though he had not been
long in office, was in every refpect of an unexception¬
able character. The other departments were filled in
a fimilar manner, yet the difcontents and public cla¬
mours wrere not diminifhed. It was now7 faid that the
new minifters w7ere not chofen on account of any fu-
perior gifts of nature or fortune, but merely becaufe
they had the art of infinuating themfelves into favour
at court in fuch a manner that any inconvenience would
be fubmitted to rather than part w7ith them. The foie
reafon of their appointment therefore was, that they
might a61 as the paflive inftruments of the late minifter,
who though, from confiderations of his owm perfonal
fafety, he had thought proper to retire from bufinefs,
467 yet had not abandoned his ambitious projedls, but
Lord Bute continued to diredl every thing as though he had ftill
fuppofed been prefent. Oppofition to the new minifters was
ftllthe head therefore oppofition to him j and it became thofe w7ho
1 ' underftood the true intereft of their country, and had
a real regard for it, not to fuffer fuch a fcheme of clan-
deftine adminiftration.
Whether the party w7ho made thefe affertions really
believed them or not cannot be known 5 but the effefl
was exa611y the fame as though they had. 1 he great
objedl of both parties moft probably wyas pow7er ; but
their different fituations required that they flrould pro-
fefs different political principles. The friends of Lord
Bute and of the fucceeding adminiftration were for
preferving to the crown the full exercife of a power
which could not be difputed, viz. that of choofing its
own fervants. Their opponents, without denying this
power, contended, that, according to the fpirit of the
conftitution, the crown ftrould be dire£led to the exer¬
cife of this public duty only by motives of national
utility, and not by private friendfhip. In appointing
the officers ef ftate, therefore, they infifted that re-
fpe6l fliould be paid to thofe poffeffed of great talents,
at
of admini-
ftration.
468
Different
political
princi pies
of the two
parties.
8 ] B R I
who had done eminent fervices to the nation, enjoyed Britain,
the confidence of the nobility, and had influence a- v
mongft: the landed and mercantile interefts. The ob-
fervance of this rule, they contended, was the only
proper balance which could be had againft the enor¬
mous influence of the crown atifing from the difpofal
of fo many places •, nor could the nation be reconciled
to this pow7er by any other means than a very popular
ufe of it. Men might indeed be appointed according
to the ftri6l letter of the law $ but unlefs thefe were
men in whom the majority of the nation already put
confidence, they never would be fatisfied, nor think
themfelves fecure againft attempts on the conftitution
of the kingdom. When minifters alfo found them¬
felves recommended to the royal favour, and as it were
prefented to their places by the efteem of the people,
they would be ftudious to deferve and fecure themfelves
in it; and upon thefe (w-hich they called the principles
of whigs) they faid that the government had been ho¬
nourably conduced fince the Revolution, and the na¬
tion would never be at peace till they were again efta-
blifhed on the fame bafts.
In the mean time the difpofition to libel and in-MrWfikes
ve6live feemed to have gone beyond all bounds. 'I he apprehend,,
peace, the Scots, and Scottified adminiftration, afford-ed aSre“
ed fuch fubje&s of abufe to the pretended patriots, that v%ai'
miniftrv refolved at laft to make an example of one of
them by way of deterring the reft from i’uch licen-
tioufnefs. For this purpole the paper called the North
Briton was made choice of, which, in language much
fuperior to any other political work of the time, had
abufed the king, the miniftry, and the Scots, in an ex¬
travagant manner. One particular paper (N° xlv.)
was deemed by thofe in power to be adlionable ; and
Mr W ilkes, member of parliament for Aylefbury, was
fuppofed to be the author. A warrant was therefore
granted for apprehending the author, publifhers, &c.
of this performance, but without mentioning Wilkes’s
name. In confequence of this, however, three meffen-
gers entered his houfe on the night between the 29th
and 30th of April 1763, with an intention to leize
him. He objedted, however, to the legality of the
warrant, becaule his name was not mentioned in it, and
likewife to the latenefs of the hour ; and on threaten¬
ing the meffengers with violence, they thought proper
to retire for that night. Next morning he was appre¬
hended without making any refiftance, though feme
violence was neceffary to get him into a hackney-
coach, which cairied him before the fecretaries of ftate
for examination. > .
On the firft intimation of Mr Wilkes being in cu- illegal pro-
ftody, application was made 'for a habeas corpus ; but ceedings a-
as this could not be fued out till four in the afternoon, gainft him.
feveral of bis friends defired admittance to him, which
was peremptorily refufed on pretence of an order from
the fecretaries of ftate. This order, however, though
repeatedly demanded, could not be produced, or at
leaft was not fo ; on which account the gentlemen,
conceiving that they were not obliged to pay any re¬
gard to meffengers adting only by a verbal commiflion,
entered the place where he was without farther que-
ftion. ^
This illegal ftep was quickly followed by feveral o-
thers. Mr Wilkes’s houfe was fearched, and his papers
feized in his abfence; and though mwas certain that a
habeas
B R I [51
Britain, habeas corpus was now obtained, he was neverthelefs
-’’■■v'"'—' committed to the Tower. Here not only his friends,
but even feveral noblemen and gentlemen of the firft
47:
nutted to
the Tower.
He is com- dilfinflion, were denied accefs ; nor was his own bro¬
ther allowed to fee him more than others. On the
third day of May he was brought before the court of
common pleas, where he made a moll patriotic fpeech,
fetting forth the love he had for his majefty, the bad
conduft of miniftry, not forgetting his own particular
grievances, and that he had been treated “ worfe than
a Scotch rebel.” His cafe being learnedly argued by
feveral eminent lawyers, he was remanded to the Tower
for three days \ after which he was ordered to be
brought up, that the affair might be finally fettled.
Next day Lord Temple received a letter from Secre¬
tary Egremont, informing him, that the king judged
it improper that Mr Wilkes Ihould continue any long¬
er a colonel of the Buckinghamlhire militia ; and foon
after Temple himfelf was removed from being lord-
lieutenant of that county. Mr Wilkes then being
brought to Weftminlter-hall at the time appointed,
made another flaming fpeech ; after which the judges
took his cafe into confideration. Their opinion wras,
that the warrant of a fecretary of flate was in no re-
fpeft fuperior to that of a common juftice of peace j
and, on the whole, that Mr Wilkes’s commitment
was illegal. It was likewife determined, that his pri¬
vilege as a member of parliament was infringed : this
could not be forfeited but by treafon, felony, or breach
of the peace 5 none of which was imputed to him ; for
a libel, even though it had been proved, had only a
tendency to difturb the peace, without any actual
breach of it. Thus it was refolved to difcharge him 5
472
Deprived
of his com-
miffian as
colonel of
the Buck-
ingham-
fliire mili¬
tia.
473
Is difchar-
comant-
menv de¬
clared il¬
legal.
474
Endeavours
gainft ad
miniftra-
tion.
ged, and his but, before he quitted the court, a gentleman of emi¬
nence in the profeffion of the law flood up and ac¬
quainted the judges, that he had juft received a note
from the attorney and folicitor general, intreating his
lordfliip not to give Mr Wilkes leave to depart till
they came, which would be inftantly, as they had
fomething to offer againft his plea of privilege. This
motion, however, being reje&ed, the prifoner was fet
at liberty.
Mr Wilkes had no fooner regained his freedom than
to nife a he fttowed himfelf refolved to make all the advantage
general ani-hg could of the errors committed by the miniftry,
mofity a- an(j t0 excjte as general a ferment as poflible. For
this purpofe he wrote a very impudent letter to the
earls of Egremont and Halifax, informing them, that
his houfe had been robbed, and that the ftolen goods
were in the poffeflion of one or both of their lordlhips,
infilling upon immediate reftitution. This letter was
printed, and many thoufand copies of it difperfed j
foon after which an anfwer by the two noblemen was
publilhed in the newfpapers, in which they informed
him of the true caufe of the feizure of his papers,
that his majefty had ordered him to be profecuted by
the attorney-general, and that fuch of his papers as
did not lead to a proof of his guilt Ihould be reftored.
This was quickly fucceeded by a reply, but the cor-
refpondence ceafed on the part of their lordlhips. Mr
Wilkes, however, ere£led a prxnting-prefs in his own
houfe, where he advertifed the proceedings of the ad-
miniftration with all the original papers, at the price
of a guinea. The North Briton now again made its
9 ] B R I
appearance ; the popular party were elated beyond Britain,
meafure with their fuccefs ; thofe who had fuffered by
general warrants fought redrefs at law7, and commonly
obtained damages far beyond not only their real fuffer-
ings, but even beyond their molt fanguine expectations.
During the whole fummcr, the minds of the people
were kept in continual agitation by political pamphlets
and libels of various kinds, while the affair of general
warrants fo engroffed the general attention, that by the
time the parliament fat dowm, November 15. 1763*
fcarce any other fubjeCl of converfation could be ftarted
in company. 475
On the meeting of parliament his majefty mention-Proceed¬
ed in his fpeech the attempts that had been made to ‘nSs aga^nft
divide the people ; and before the addreffes could he
made in return, a meffage w7as fent to the commons,
informing them of the fuppofed offence of Mr Wilkes,
and of the proceedings againft him, the exceptionable
paper being alfo laid before the houfe. After warm
debates, the North Briton was deemed a falfe, fcanda-
lous, and feditious libel, tending to excite traitorous
infurreftions, &.c. This wTas folknved by another, that
the privilege of parliament does not extend to the
writing and publishing of feditious libels, nor ought to
obftruCI the ordinary courfe of the laws in the fpeedy
and effeClual profecution of fo heinous and dangerous
an offence. It did not, how’ever, pafs the houfe of
commons without a vigorous oppofition, and feventeen
members of the upper houfe protefted againft it. ^
The North Briton N° xlv. being condemned, as Difturban-
already mentioned, was ordered to be burnt by the hang- ces on burn,
man : but this could not be done without great op-
pofition from the mob. The executioner, conftables, 3rjton,
officers, and even the chief perfons concerned, were
pelted wdth filth and dirt, and fome of them infulted
in the groffeft manner. Mr Harley, one of the ftieriffs
and member of parliament for London, w7as W’ound-
ed by a billet taken from the fire 5 the ftaves of the
conftables were broken and the wffiole officers and
executioner driven oft' the field, while the remains of
the paper were carried oft' in triumph from the flames,
and in return, a large jack-boot wTas burnt at Tem¬
ple-bar, while the half-burnt North Briton was dif-
played amidft the acclamations of the populace. 477
Mr Wilkes, in the mean time, determined to make The under
the beft ufe of the viffory he had already gained, and ^cretary
therefore commenced a profecution in the court °fjF^in^Mjr
common pleas againft Robert Wood, Efq. the under Wilkes’s
fecretary of ftate, for feizing his papers. The caufe papers,
was determined in his favour, and Wood condemned
in 1000I. damages, with full cofts of fuit. 478
The profecution writh which Mr Wilkes had been ‘v,r Wilkes
threatened was now carried on with great vigour; Hofecmed^
but in the mean time, having grofsly affronted Samuel a ^uej ,ncj
Martin, Efq. member for Camelford, by his abu-outlawed,
five language in the North Briton, he was by that
gentleman challenged, and dangerouily wounded in
the belly with a piftol-bullet. While he lay ill of his
wound, the houfe of commons put oft' his trial from
time to time •, but beginning at laft to fufpeft that
there was fome collufion betwixt him and his phy-
fician, they enjoined Dr Heberden, and Mr Hawkins
an eminent furgeon, to attend him, and report his
cafe. Mr Wilkes, however, did not think proper to
admit'.
■Britain.
479
A general
fpirit of li-
centioufnefs
{till pre*
vails.
4S0
Abufe of
franking
letters cor¬
rected.
B R I [5
admit a vifit from thefe gentlemen 5 but foon after
took a journey to France to vifit his daughter, who,
as he gave out, lay dangeroufly ill at Paris.
The commons having now loft all patience, and
being certified that he had refufed to admit the phy-
fician and furgeon fent by them, proceeded againft
him in his abfence. The evidence appearing quite
fatisfaftory, he was expelled the houfe, and a profecu-
tion afterwards commenced againft him before the
houfe of lords, on account of an obfcene and blafphe-
mous pamphlet, in which he had mentioned a reverend
and learned biftiop in a moil fhameful manner. The
event of all was, that, failing to appear to anfwer the
charges againft him, he was outlawed, which, it was
then fuppofed, would for ever confign his patriotifm
to oblivion.
The extreme feverity fhown to Mr Wilkes did not at
all extinguifh the fpirit of the party. A general infa¬
tuation in favour of licentious and abufive writings
feemed to have taken place •, and to publilh libels of
this kind without the leaft regard to truth or juftice
was called liberty. At the very time that Mr Wilkes
was found guilty of publiihing the infamous pamphlet
above mentioned, the common council of London pre-
fented their thanks to the city reprefentatives for their
zealous and fpirited endeavours to affert the rights and
liberties of the fubjeft, “ by their laudable attempt
to obtain a feafonable and parliamentary declaration,
That a general warrant for apprehending and feizing
the authors, printers, and publifhers of a feditious
libel, together with their papers, is not warranted by
law.” Their gratitude they fhowed to lord chief
juftice Pratt, for his decifion in Wilkes’s affair, by
prefenting him ■with the freedom of the city, and de-
firing him to fit for his picture to be placed in Guild¬
hall. Thefe extravagant proceedings, however, did
not pafs without ftrong oppofition, and were confidered
by the fober part as highly unjuft and improper, as
well as indecent.
The violent clamours which had been excited and
ftill continued, though in a lefs violent degree, did not
prevent adminiftration from paying that attention to
the exigencies of the nation which its prefent fituation
undoubtedly required. The pra&ice of franking blank
covers to go free per poft to any part of Great Bri¬
tain or Ireland, had arifen to an incredible height,
and greatly prejudiced the revenue. 1 he hands of
members of parliament were not only counterfeited,
but the covers publicly fold without the leaft fcruple ;
and befides this, the clerks of the poft office claimed
a privilege of franking, which extended even farther
than that of the members of the houfe •, the latter be¬
ing reftrifted to a certain weight, but the. former
denying that they were fubje<ft to any re ft rift ion of
this kind. The matter, however, was attended with
confiderable difficulty when it came to be examined
in the houfe of commons. It was found, that though
the vaft increafe of franks was detrimental to one
branch of the revenue, it was ferviceable to another
by the immenfe confumption of ftamps it occafioned j
but at laft the following aft was paffed as an effeftual
remedy, viz. That from the iff of May 1764, no let¬
ters or packets ftiould be exempted from poftage, ex¬
cept fuch as were lent to or from the king j or fuch as,
not exceeding two ounces in weight, fliould be figned
Britain.
481
20 ] B R I
by a member of either houfe, the whole of the fuper-
feription being in his own handwriting 5 or fuch as
fhould be direfted to members of parliament, or other
perfons fpecified in the aft. It was likewife enafted,
that printed votes and proceedings in parliament, fent
without covers, or in covers open at the fides, and only
figned on the outfide by a member, Ihould go free,
though fuch packets were liable to be fearched ; and to
give the greater force to thefe regulations, it was made
felony and tranfportation for feven years to forge a
frank. At this time it was proved, that the annual
poftage of letters fent free would amount to 70,000!.
and that the profits accruing to the clerks of the poft-
office amounted to between 800I. and 1700I. each.
Other plans for augmenting the revenue were that Plan forfet-
for fettling the ifland of St John, and for the fale of ding the
the lately acquired American iilands. The former.was^
propofed by the earl of Egremont, who prefented a me-^i;^.^
morial to his majefty on the fubjeft. In this he de-conquered
fired a grant of the whole iftand of St John’s, in the lands,
gulf of St Lawrence, to hold the fame in fee of the
crown for ever ; fpecifying particularly the various di-
vifions, government, &c. 5 but for reafons unknown,
the plan was never put in execution, The fale of the
conquered lands took place in March 1764. Thefe
were particularly the iflands of Grenada, the Grena¬
dines, Dominica, St Vincent, and Tobago. Sixpence
an acre was to be paid as a quit rent for cleared lands,
and a penny a foot for ground-rent of tenements in
towns, and fixpence an acre for fields ; but no perfon
w^as to purchafe more than 300 acres in Dominica, or
500 in the other iflands. ^g2
One of the moft remarkable tranfaftions of this year Renewal
was the renewal of the charter of the bank, for which the char-
the latter paid the fum of i,ioo,oool. into the exche-the
quer as a prefent to the public, befides the advancing ‘
a million to government upon exchequer bills. -A-n°-Taxattfon of
ther, and, by its confequences, ftill more momentous America,
affair, howrever, wTas the confideration of methods to
raife a revenue upon the American colonies. This
had been formerly propofed to Sir Robert Walpole ;
but that prudent minifter wifely declined to enter into
fuch a dangerous affair, faying, that he wmuld leave the
taxation of the colonies to thole who came after him in
office. The reafon given for fuch a proceeding was
the defraying the neceffary charges of defending them 5
which though extremely reafonable in itfelf, was done
in fuch a manner as excited a flame not to be extinguifh-
ed but by a total lofs of the authority of the parent
ftate. Before this time, indeed, hints had been thrown
out, that it w^as not impoffible for the colonifts to with¬
draw their dependence on Britain j and fome difputes
had taken place betwffxt the different provinces, wdfich
were quieted only by the fear of the French, and feem¬
ed to prognofticate no good. It was thought proper
therefore now, when the colonies were not only fecu-
red but extended, to make the experiment whether
they would be obedient or not. They contained more
than tw*o millions of people, and it was evidently ne¬
ceffary to raife a revenue from fuch a numerous body.
Some thought it might be dangerous to provoke them 5
but to this it w7as replied by adminiftration, that the
danger muft increafe by forbearance ; and as taxation
was indifpenfable, the fooner the experiment was
made the better. The fatal trial being thus determi¬
ned,
4*5
Stamp adt
palTed.
486
meat.
B R I [ 5
Britain, ned, an aft was pafled for preventing fmuggling, fo
that the duties laid on the American trade might come
4s + n^into the hands of government. At this time an illicit
filicit1 trade tra(ie was carried on betwixt t e Britilh and Spanifh
with the colonies, which feemed to bid defiance to all law and
Spaniards, regulation ; and was no lefs difagreeable to the Spa-
nith than to the Britilh court. In fome refpefts, how¬
ever, the fupprefiion of this was very inconvenient, and
even intolerable to the colonifis 5 for as the balance of
trade with Britain was againll them, it was impoflible
they could procure any fpecie except by trading with
the Spaniards, by whom they were paid for their
goods in gold and filver. This, and another aft re¬
quiring them to pay certain duties in calh, was pro¬
bably the reafon of that exceffive refentment Ihown
by the Americans to government, and their abfolute
refutal to fubmit to the ftamp-aft which was alfo puffed
this year.
The augmentation of the revenue being the princi-
Ifle of Man Pal objeft of adminiftration at this time, the fuppref-
purchafed lion of fmuggling at home, as well as in America, was
by govern- taken into confideration. Though the great number
of cutters and other veffels fitted out by government
for this purpofe had produced very falutary effefts, the
ille of iVIan, which belonged to the duke of Athol, and
was not fubjeft to the cuftomhoufe laws, lay fo conve¬
niently for the purpofes of fmuggling, that the utmoft
vigilance of government was not fufficient to fupprefs
it. The event was a treaty betwixt government and
the duke, by which the latter, for a fum of money,
ceded all the fovereignty in the illand he could claim,
and cutters were placed on the coafts and in the har¬
bours of the illand as in other places of the kingdom.
This difpofition to augment the revenue by all pof-
fible methods, feems to have ferved to keep up the ge-
againft g°- neral opinion of the oppreffive and arbitrary meafures
bothTn Eri a^ou,: t0 Pur^-iecl by government. The ill humour
tain and A- t^e Britilh patriots ftill continued; and the ftamp
'merica. bills were r ceived in America with the utmoft indig¬
nation. The arguments tor and againft American
taxation are now of no importance ; and the particu-
Ja -s of their oppofidon are related under the article
United States of America. Here we lhall only take
notice, that the oppofitioa of the colonifts proved very
diftrefting to the mother country, on account of the
Vaft fums they owed. At this time they were indebt¬
ed to the merchants of London four millions Sterling;
and fo ready were the latter to give them credit, that
fome of the American legiilatures paffed afts againft
incurring fuch credit for the future. A petition on
the fubjeft was prefented to the houfe of commons ;
but as it denied the parliamentary right of taxation, it
was not allowed to be read. It was then pronofed, on
the part of adminiftration, that the agents Ihould join
in a petition to the houfe for their being heard by
counfel in behalf of their refpeftive colonies againft the
tax. The agents, hotvever, not thinking themfelves
•emoowered to grant fuch a petition, the negociation
was broken off, and matters w’ent on in America as we
have elfewhere related.
In other refpefts, the miniftry took fuch fteps as
conduft of were undeniably proper for fupporting the honour and
vad uimftra- dignity of the nation. Some encroachments having
been made by the French and Spaniards, fuch remon-
ftranees were made to their refpeftive courts, that fa-
Voi.. IV. Part II.
4*7
A general
animofity
488
Vigorous
21 ] B R I
tisfaftion w’as quickly made ; and though every trifle Britain,
was fufficient to open the mouths of the popular party, ‘
it was impoffible as yet to find any juft caufe of com¬
plaint. The difpofition to tumult and inlurreftion, 489
however, feems to have been now very general. The Ipfimec-
filk-weavers refiding in Spittalfields being diftrefled for 1 ,e
want of employment, wffiich they fuppofed to proceed folds wea_
from the clandeftine importation of French filks, laid vers,
their cafe before his majefty in the year 1764} who
gracioufly promifed them relief. The fufferers were
relieved by the bounty of the public ; but this feemed
to render the matter worfe, by confirming them in ha¬
bits of indolence and idlenefs. At the fame time a
bill, which was fuppofed to tend to their relief, being
thrown out, they began to affemble in vaft numbers,
which, gradually increafing, are faid to have amounted
at laft to 50,000 ; feveral diforders were committed,
and it was not without the affiftance of the foldiery,
and the utmoft vigilance of the magiftrates, that the
riot could be luppreffed.
During this infurreftion, the ferment betwixt the
court and popular parties continued with unabated vi¬
gour. The minifters were ftill attacked in numberlefs
publications, and accufed as being merely dependents
and fubftitutes to the earl of Bute ; nor could the ut¬
moft care on the part either of that nobleman or the
minifters blunt the (hafts of calumny and mifreprefenta- 49®
tion. An accident, however, now produced a con-IHnefs of
fiderable revolution at court, though it had very little ^
effeft in calming the minds of the people. This was ^
an illnefs with which the king was feized in the begin¬
ning of the year, which filled the public with appre-
henfions, and produced a bill for fettling the affairs of
the kingdom in cafe of the crown falling into the
hands of a minor. In fettling this bill, minifters were
faid to have behaved with very little refpeft to the
princefs-dowager of Wales, and induftrioufiy to have 491
excluded her from a (hare of the government. Thefe °f
proceedings were thought in a great meafure to have mlnll';ry•
alienated the affeftion of his majefty from the miniftry,
who had hitherto been in great favour : Nor did their
fubfequent conduft (how them to be at all defirous of
regaining what they had loft. They now contrived to
have the earl of Bute’s brother turned out of a very
lucrative poft which he enjoyed in Scotland, and in
which he had never given the leaft caule of complaint.
A ftep of this kind could not be agreeable to his ma-
jefty, nor could it recommend them to the popular par¬
ty in England, who always manifefted a perfeft indif¬
ference as to what pafled in Scotland. On this occafion
Lord Chatham is faid to have been folicited again to ac¬
cept the office which he had formerly filled fo much to
the fatisfaftion of the nation, and to have declined it.
A new miniftry, however, was foon formed, at the New min-
recommendation of the duke of Cumberland. The teri>l'-coni-
duke of Grafton and the honourable Mr Conw ay, bro-
ther to the earl of Hertford, were appointed fecreta-
ries of ftate, the marquis of Rockingham fir ft lord of land,
the exchequer, and Mr Dowdefwell chancellor and un¬
der treafurer of the exchequer. The oftR0 of lord
privy feal was conferred on the duke of Newcaftle, and
all other places were filled wfith men not only of known
integrity, but fuch as were agreeable to the people.
Thefe changes, however, were not yet able to give
fatisfaftion. The opinion that affairs were ftill mana-
• 3 u §ed
493
The cla¬
mour a-
Jcept up.
494
Death of
his royal
highnefs
the duke of
Cumber
land.
BUI [ $22
Britain. ge<! by tbe earl of Bute continued to f fevs'd, and v;as
iiviuftrioufly kept up by tbe political writers of the
time. Tbe city of London exprdTed tbeir difcontent
on tbe occafion of addrefTing his majefly on tbe birth
gamft Lord a third fon. They now took tbe opportunity of
Bute ftill affuring him of “ tbeir faithful attachment to his roy¬
al houfe ; and the true honour of his crown, whenever
a happy eflablifhment of public meafares Jhould prefent a
favourable occafion ; and that they would be ready to
exert their utmolt abilities in fupport of fuch wife coun¬
cils as apparently tended to render his majelfy’s reign
happy and glorious.”
Thefe expreffions (bowed fuch an evident difappro-
bation of his majefty’s choice, that it could not fail
to offend both king and miniftry ; but before the latter
could (liowr any token of refentment, they loft’their
great friend and patron the duke of Cumberland. His
death happened on the 31ft of Odlober 1765. He
had been that evening aflifting at one of thole councils
frequently held in order to put matters in a way of
being more fpeedily difpatched by the privy council \
where being feized with a hidden diforder of which
he had fome fymptoms the evening before, he fell
fenfelefs in the arms of the earl of Albemarle, and ex¬
pired almoft inftantaneoufly. His death was greatly
lamented, not only by their majefties, but by the whole
nation, being univerfally efteemed not only as a brave
commander, but an excellent member of fociety, an
encourager of induftry, and an adtive promoter of the
arts of peace.
In the mean time, the difcontents which inflamed
the American colonies continued alfo to agitate the
minds of the people of Great Britain *, nor indeed was
it reafonable to expedl that they could be fatisfied in
their prefent condition •, commerce being almoft en¬
tirely deftroyed, manufadlures at a (land, and provi-
ftons extravagantly dear. The vaft fums owing to the
Britifh merchants by the Americans alfo feverely af¬
fected the trading and manufacturing part of the
country. Thefe amounting to feveral millions, the
colonifts abfolutely refufed to pay unlefs the obnoxi¬
ous laws fliould be repealed. Adminiftration were
therefore under the neceflity of inftantly enforcing the
(tamp act by fire and fword, or of procuring its imme¬
diate repeal in parliament. The lofs of the duke of
Cumberland was now feverely felt, as he had been ac-
cuftomed to aftift adminiftration with his advice, and
was highly refpefted by the nation for his good fenfe.
At this period, however, it is doubtful if human wif-
dom could have prevented the confequences which en-
fued. Adminiftration endeavoured, as much as perhaps
was poflible, to avoid the two extremes, either of ruffl¬
ing inftantly into a civil war, or of facrificing the dig¬
nity of the crown or nation by irrefolution or weaknefs.
They fufpended their opinion until they (hould receive
certain intelligence from the American governors how
affairs flood in that country; and their letters on that
occafion ftill do them honour. The oppofite party ani¬
madverted feverely on this condudl. They infilled on
having the moft coercive methods immediately put in
execution for enforcing the laws in which they them-
Telves had fo great a (hare •, and it is probable that they
496 wifhed matters to come to extremities before the fit-
is repeal-tjng do-wn 0f parliament. Pacific meafures, however,
at this time prevailed : the (lamp aft was repealed y
495
Arguments
for and a-
gainft the
it amp a<ft.
i B R I
but at the fame time another was made, declaring the ’Brkaln,
right of parliament not only to tax the colonies, but ■—
to bind them in all cafes whatever. ^7
The repeal of the (lamp adl occafioned univerfal joy Tranquillf-
both in Britain and America, though, as parliament tJ’ 's
infilled upon their right of taxation, which the oppo-
fite party denied, matters were ftill as far from any real
accommodation as ever. This ill humour of the A-
mericans was foon after augmented by the duties laid
upon glafs, painters colours, and tea, imported into
their country, while at home the dearnefs of provifions,
and fome improper fteps taken by miniftry to remedy
the evil, kept up the general outcry againft them. A
general difpofition to tumult and riot ftill continued ;
and unhappily the civil power now feemed to lofe its
force, and a general anarchy, under the name of liber¬
ty, to be approaching. 498
In this flate of affairs adminiftration were once Return of
more difturbed by the appearance of Mr Wilkes, who Mr ^
had returned from his exile, and on the diffolution of
parliament in 1768, though an outlaw, flood candi¬
date for the city of London. He was received by the
populace with loud acclamations, and feveral merchants
and people of large property efpoufed his caufe, and a
fubfeription was entered into for the payment of his
debts. He failed, however, in his defign of repre-
fenting the city of London, but inftantly declared
himfelf a candidate for Middlefex. The tumults and
riots which now took place were innumerable ; and
fuch was the animofity betwixt tbe two parties, that
a civil war feemed to be threatened. Our limits will not
allow of any particular detail of thefe tranfaflions. It
will be fufficient to take notice, that on a legal trial the
outlawry of Mr Wilkes was reverfed, and he was con¬
demned for his offences to pay a fine of locol. and
to be imprifoned for twelve months. Being idolized by
the people, however, and powerfully fupported, he was
repeatedly chofen member for Middlefex, and as often
rejedled by the houfe of commons. The tumults on
this occafion were not always ended without bloodfhed ;
and the interpofition of the military was conflrued by
the patriots as an indication of a defign to eilablifh
minirterial authority by the moft barbarous methods.
In fhort, the behaviour of the people of England and
America was at this time fo very much alike, that
both feemed to be actuated by one fpirit, and the rage
of the Englilh patriots undoubtedly contributed to con¬
firm the colonifts in their difobedience. 4^9
The diffenfions which had fo long prevailed in the Difference
kingdom did not pafs unnoticed by the other Euro-vui^ ^
pean powers, particularly the french and Spaniards.Falkland’s.
Both had applied themfelves with afliduity to the in-iflands.
creafe of their marine •, and many began to prognofti-
cate an attack from one or other or both of thefe na¬
tions. The Spaniards firft (bowed an inclination to
come to a rupture with Britain. The fubjeft in dif-
pute was a fettlement formed on Falkland’s iflands *, * -ec A/i¬
near the fouthern extremity of the American
nent. A fcheme of this kind had been thought of as ^a* *'0O
early as the reign of Charles II. but it was not till af-An BnglifU-
ter Lord Anfon’s voyage that much attention had fettlement
been paid to it. In the printed account of it, his lord-formet;Iy
fhip (bowed the danger incurred by our navigators
through the treachery of the Portuguefe in Brazil jiflan(j3i>
and that it was a matter of the greateft importance to
difeover
501
A French
colony fet¬
tles there.
B R I [ 5
Britain, difcover fome place more to the fouthward, where flaps
  might be (applied with neceflaries for their voyage
round Cape Horn 5 and, among others, he pointed out
Falkland’s iflands as eligible for this purpofe. When
at the head of the admiralty his lordfhip alfo forwarded
the fcheme as much as poflible*, and fome preparations
were made for putting it in execution : but as it met
with oppofition at home, and gave offence to the court
of Madrid, it was laid afide till the year 1764, when it
was revived by Lord Egmont. Commodore Byron be¬
ing then fent out with proper neceflaries, took poflef-
fion of them in the name of his majefty, and repreflmt-
ed them in a favourable light; while his fucceflbr, Cap¬
tain M‘Bride, afHrmed, that the foil was utterly inca¬
pable of cultivation, and the climate intolerable.
Be this as it will, the iflands in queftion had attract¬
ed alfo the notice of the French. So low, however,
had that nation been reduced by the late war, that no
projeCt of the kind could yet be put in execution at
the public expence. M. Bougainville, therefore, with
the aflhtance of his friends, undertook to form a fet-
tlement on Falkland’s iflands at their own rifle. The
fcheme was put in execution in the beginning of the
year 1764;-and a fettlement formed on the eaftern
part of the fame ifland where Commodore Byron had
eitablifhed an Englifh colony on the weftern fide. His
account of the country was ftill more favourable than
that of the Englifh commander ; but as the projeCl
had been undertaken with a view to other difeoveries
and advantages, which probably did not turn out ac¬
cording to expectation, the French adventurers foon
became weary of their new colony ; to which alfo the
difpleafure of the Spaniards, who were greatly offend¬
ed, did not a little contribute. M. Bougainville,
therefore, being reimburfed in his expences, and the
doi^i^o the ^renck ^lav’n£ given up every claim of difeovery or
Spaniards. r>ght of pofleflion, the Spaniards landed fome troops in
1776, took polfeflion of the fort built by the French,
and changed the name of the harbour from Port Louis
to Port Solidad.
In the year 1769, Captain Hunt of the Tamar fri¬
gate, happening to be on a cruize off Falkland’s
iflands, fell in with a Spanifh fchooner which had been
at Port Solidad. During all this time it is uncertain
whether the Britifh and Spanilh fettlers knew of one
another or not. From the behaviour of Captain Hunt
we fhould fuppofe that they did not j as he charged
the commander of the fchooner to depart from that
coaft, being the property of his Britannic majefty.
The fchooner, however, foon returned, bringing an
officer from the governor of Buenos Avres, who gave
the like warning to Captain Hunt to depart from the
coaft, as belonging to the king of Spain. Some alter¬
cation enfued ; but Captain Hunt, not choofing to car¬
ry matters to extremities, fet fail for England, where
he arrived in June 1770.
At the departure of Captain Hunt, two frigates
were left at Falkland’s iflands. One of thefe was loft
in a fhort time after ; and on the fourth of June 1770,
a Spanifh frigate arrived at the Englifli fettlement
named Fort Egmont, with a number of guns and other
warlike utenfils for carrying on a regular fiege. In
three days, four other frigates arrived, laden in the
fame manner ; fo that the Englifli commander, Captain
Farmer, finding all refiftance vain, was obliged to ca-
23
B R. I
The Englifli wTere ordered to depart within Britain.
5°*
5°3
The Spa¬
niards o-
blige the
Britifli to
leave the
iflands.
1
pitulate.
a limited time, carrying with them what ftores they
could ; and the Spanifti commander declared himfelf
anfwerable for what they fliould leave on the ifland=
The time allowed them to remain at Port Egmont was
to be determined by the governor ; and for the greater
fecurity, the rudder was taken off from Captain Far¬
mer’s Ihip, and kept on fhore till the appointed period;
after which the frigate was permitted to depart, and in
70 days arrived at Portfmouth.
An infult to the Britifli flag fo audacious, feemed Parliamen
to render war inevitable unlels proper reparation was tran**
very fpeedily made. It was accordingly mentioned in r^,?tingte
fpeech from the throne, November 13. 1770 ; this affair.
504
die
and an immediate demand of fatisfadlion for the injury
w'as promifed, and that the neceflary preparations for
war, which had been begun fliould not be difeontinued.
The affairs of America were alfo taken notice of,
wffiere grounds of complaint ftill exifted, notwithftand-
ing the ceffation of thofe combinations which had di~
ftrefled the commerce of this country. Thefe pro¬
miles, with regard to the affairs of Falkland’s iflands,
however, were far from giving general fatisfadlion.
The fpeech, as the work of miniftry, was molt violently
attacked by oppofition and an add refs in anfwer to it,
it was faid, would be an eulogium on minifters who did
not deferve it. News had arrived, they faid, from Falk¬
land’s iflands in June, which fufficiently demonftrated
the defigns of Spain j and Gibraltar and Minorca were
left open to the attacks of that power, without any
preparation being made on our part to refill them.
The whole conduct of the miniftry was faid to be pu-
fillanimous j and the love of peace, which was given
out as the reafen of their unwillingnefs to refent the in¬
jury, was treated with contempt.
A motion was now made in both houfes for an in¬
quiry into the conduct of the Spaniards on this occa-
fion, and that all the papers and letters relative to it
ftiould be laid before parliament. The demand, how¬
ever, w'as oppofed by miniftry, who infilled that the
laws of negociation precluded the idea of expofing
any letters or papers fent in confidence while the nego¬
ciation was depending ; and they afferted that the king
of Spain had dilavow'ed the conduct of his officer, and
promifed fatisfadlion. It would have been raffi, they
faid, to proceed to extremities betwixt the two crowns,
when perhaps the officer only was to blame ; but if,
after remonllrance, the court of Spain refufed fatisfac-
tion, wre were then authorized to force that juftice which
was refufed in an amicable manner. 50^
Some time before this, Mr Harris, the Englilh mi-^egocia-
nifter at the court of Madrid, difpatched a letter to jj°n
Lord Weymouth, informing him that a ftiip had arrived ambaffador.
from Buenos Ayres with an account of the intended
expedition againft Port Egmont, the number of men
to be employed, and the time fixed for its departure j
at the fame time that it was aflerted by Prince Male-
rans, the Spanilh ambaffador, that he had every reafon
to believe that the governor of Buenos Ayres had em¬
ployed force at Port Egmont without any orders ; and
hoped that, by difavowing this proceeding, he might
prevent any mifunderftanding betwixt the two king¬
doms. To this his lordfliip replied in a Ipirited manner,
alking, among other things, Whether the prince had
any orders to difavow the proceedings of the governor ?
3 U 2 And
B R I
Britain. And, on Ills reply in the negative,
■—v—was demanded. After fome time, his lordfhip was in¬
formed that the prince had orders to difavow any par¬
ticular orders given to Mr Bucarelli, the governor of
Buenos Ayres, and at the fame time to fay, that he had
adted agreeably to his general inflru&ions and oath as
governor ; that the illand fhould be reftored ; and that
it was expended the king of Britain would, on his part,
diiavow the conduit of Captain Hunt, whole menace
had induced the governor to ait as he did.
This reply did not by any means prove agreeable •,
and foon alter the conduit of the court of Spain be¬
came fo fufpicious, that Mr Harris was ordered to quit
the court of Madrid ; and the correfpondence between
Prince Maferans and the court of England was no
longer continued. About this time Lord Weymouth
religned his office, and was fucceeded by the earl of
Rochford ; and the affair of Falkland’s illands was no
longer openly fpoken of. On the fitting down of the
parliament, January 22. 1771, however, it was again
brought before the houfe, and the declaration of the
Spaniffi ambaffador, with Rochford’s acceptance, were
announced. Prince Maferans then dilavowed, in the
name of his mailer, the violence ufed at Port Egmont ;
to the reftitution of which he agreed, and hoped that
this reftitution lliould be looked upon as ample fatis-
failion, and at the fame time as not affeifing the que-
ftion concerning the prior fovereignty of the illands.
This produced a newT demand for copies of all papers,
letters, and declarations of every kind relating to Falk¬
land’s illands : but though it was now feemingly com¬
plied with, the oppofite party affirmed that it was ftill
only in part ; for befides a chafm of near two months,
during which time there was no account whatever, none
of the copies of the claims or reprefentations made by
the court of Spain fince the firft fettlement of the
illands were given up. Thus a fufpicion was produ¬
ced, that the concealment of thefe papers, and the de¬
ficiencies in the order of their dates, might proceed
from fome mifcondudl during the periods in queftion j
and which adminiftration was willing to conceal from
the world. To thefe objections it was replied, that
every paper which could be found in the feveral offices
had been prefented ; and that if there had been any
correfpondence between the two courts of which no
notice was taken in them, it mull have been verbal 5
but, at any rate, there were papers fufficient to enable
the houfe to determine the propriety or impropriety of
their conduct throughout the whole tranfaftion j for
every thing decifive or explicit was in writing, and
every writing was laid before them.
All thefe excufes, however, could not yet fatisfy
oppofition. It was reported, and generally believed,
that France had interpofed in the affair ; in confequence
of which, a motion was made to addrefs his majefty
for information whether any fuch interference had ta¬
ken place, and of what nature it was, or in what man¬
ner it had been conduced. The minifter denied that
there had been any fuch interference $ but it was in¬
filled that this was infufficient 5 that the word of the
king was requifite, as that of the minifter could not be
fatisfaftory, even fuppofing him to be upright. It did
not, however, appear that any correfpondence in wri¬
ting had taken place betwixt the two courts ; and wffien
the minifter was alked, whether France had ever inter-
t 5H 1 B R 1 „
a formal difavowal pofed as mediator ? he anfwered, that England
u had Britain.
not employed France in that Capacity j but that the v
word interpofed was of a meaning too vague for direft
explanation } and it was unufual to demand verbal ne-
gociations, while papers were laid before them : That
as all Europe had an eye to the compromifing of diffe¬
rences betwixt (fates, it was not to be fuppofed that
France would be altogether filent; but nothing (fays
he) diffionourable has ever paffed.” Oppofition ifill in¬
filled that they had a right to have an account of verbal
negociations as well as others } and that if this right
was given up, a minifter had no more to do, when he
wilhed to promote an infidious meafure, than to con-
duft it by verbal correfpondence. The motion how¬
ever, was loft by a great majority in both houies. 50<f
This manner of deciding the queftion was fo far from A general
allaying the general ferment, that it rendered it much clnlathfac,
worfe. The tranfa&ion was confidered as entirely dif-^^^
graceful to the Britiffi nation ; nor were all the atgu-;n wh,ch
ments that could be ufed by the minifterial party in any the afiair is
degree fufficient to overthrow the general opinion.determined.
The reftitution of the illand was thought to be an in¬
adequate recompenfe for the affront that had been of¬
fered j and the objections to it w'ere urged on a motion
for an addrefs to return thanks for the communication
of the Spanilh declaration, and to teftify their fatisfac-
tion with the addrefs that had been obtained. 1 his
addrefs was not carried without confiderable difficul¬
ty, and produced a proteft from 19 peers. On the part
of Spain, however, every part of the agreement was 507
oftenfibly fulfilled j Port Egmont w^as reftored, and the Bhe ftttLe-
Britifti once more took pofieffion of it, though it w'as
in a (liort time after evacuated, according to a private^
agreement, as was fulpeCled, between the miniftry and
the court of Spain; but of this no evidence ever ap¬
peared to the public.
In other refpeCls, the greateft difcontents raged
throughout the kingdom. A fire which happened at
Portfmouth in the year 1770 excited numbtrlefs jea-
loufies, and was by fome imputed to our enemies on the
continent. The affair of the Middlefex eleaion was
never forgotten; and notwithftanding many repulfes,the
city of London ftill ventured to prefent new petitions
to the throne. In one prefented this year by Mr
Beckford, the lord mayor at that time, they lamented
the heavy difpleafure under which they leemed to have
fallen with his majefty, and renewed a petition, fre¬
quently prefented before, concerning a diffelution of
parliament. This, hoxvever, met wfith a very unfavour¬
able anfwer: his majefty informed the lord mayor, that
his fentiments on that lubjeCl continued unchanged ;
and that “ he ihould ill deferve the title of Father of
his people, ffiould he fuffer himfelf to be prevailed on
to make fuch a ufe of his prerogative as he could not
but think inconfiftent with the intereft, and dangerous ^0j
to the ccnftitution, of the kingdom.” Mr Beckford Remark-^
was fo far from being diffieartened by this anfwer, tliat
he demanded leave to fpeak to the king ; which beingto ^
obtained, he made a fpeech of confiderable length, and majefty.
concluded with telling his majefty, that “ whoever had
already dared, or fhould hereafter endeavour, by falfe
infinuations and fuggeftions, to alienate his majefty’s
affections from his loyal fubjefts in general, and the
city of London in particular, was an enemy to his
majefty’s perfon and family, a violator of the public
peacej
Britain.
S°9
Gives of¬
fence.
5ro
His death.
Propofals
for redu¬
cing the
power of
the attor¬
ney gene¬
ral.
. 512
Rejected.
E R 1 [ S'-
peace, and a betrayer of our happy conftitutlon as it
was eftabliihed at the glorious revolution.” To this
no aniwer was made though it gave great offence :
and when Mr Beckford went afterwards to St James’s
with an addreis on the queen’s fafe deliw ry of a prin-
cefs, he was told, that “ as his lordfhip had thought
fit to fpeak to his majefty after his antwir to the late
remonltrance •, as it was unufual, his majefty defired
that nothing of the kind might happen for the fu¬
ture.”
This behaviour of Mr Beckfoid was by many of the
court partv cenfured in an extreme degree, as indecent,
unprecedented, impudent, and little Ihort of high trea-
fon ; while, on the other hand, he was on the fame ac¬
count raifed to the higheft pinnacle of popular favour.
He did not long, however, enjoy the applaufe of the
people, dying within a Ihort time after he made the
celebrated Ipeech above mentioned, and his death was
reckoned an irreparable lofs to the whole party. Se¬
veral other petitions were prefented on the fubjeft of
popular grievances 5 but the perpetual negleif with
which they were treated at laft brought that mode of
application into difufe. A new fubjeft of contention,
however, now offered itfelf. The navy was in a bad
condition, and the lailors everywhere avoided the ier-
vice. Towards the end of Augull 16 (hips ot the line
were ready to put to fea 5 but the legality of prefs war¬
rants being queftioned, the manning pf them became
a matter of great difficulty. The new lord mayor,
Brafs Croffiy, refufed to back the warrants; which
proved a vexatious matter to the miniftry. 1 hey
were further provoked by the unbounded liberty to
which the prefs had been carried, and the mode of pro¬
ceeding againft fome libellers had produced many com¬
plaints regarding the powers of the attorney gene¬
ral. He had filed informations and carried on profe-
cutions ex officio^ without gomg through the forms ob-
ferved in all other cafes.—d his (it was laid by the
patriotic party) was inconfiftent with the nature of a
free government. No power can be more dangerous
to private liberty, nor to the virtue or principles of him
who enjoys it. The attorney ads under a minifter,
and his fenfe of duty muft be very ftrong, or his inde¬
pendence very thoroughly fecured by contentment, if
he is at no time tempted to fwerve from the laws of
confcience and equity. It is in his power to give
what name he pleafes to a paper, and call it feditious
or treafonable •, then, without the interference of a ju¬
ry, he proceeds to try the offender 5 who, though he
may be acquitted, may neverthelefs be ruined by the
exigences attending his juftification.” Examples were
cited on tins occalion of very flagrant oppreffion and
injuftice from this very power : the laws, it was faid,
were become changeable at the pleafure of a judge ;
and the liberty of the fubjecf was taken from him
whenever he became obnoxious to his fuperiors. As
thefe proceedings had therefore been the caufe of very
general complaint, a motion was made in the houfe of
commons to bring in a bill for explaining and amend¬
ing an ad of the 4th and 5th of William and Mary to
prevent invidious informations, and for the more eafy
reverfal of outlawries in the court of king’s bench.
This motion was rejeded by a great majority ; the mi-
nirterial partv urging, that the power of the attorney
general was the fame that ever it had been, and found-
5 1 B R 1
ed on common law. The abufe of power was no ar- Britain,
gument againft the legal exercife of it •, it was dange- ' : »11
rous to overthrow7 eftablilhed cuftoms; the adions of
the attorney general were cognizable by parliament,
wdiich controul muft for ever prevent a licentious exer¬
tion of his power, &c. 51-
Thefe arguments, however, even with the rejedion Diipntes
of the motion, did not put an end to the dilputes onconce,"inrt
this head. The courts of iullice themfelves were at !llt
this tune held up in a very deipicable light, on ac-jU(jgeS,
count of fome late decifions which had been deemed
contrary to lawr and ufual pradice. By thefe the
judges had affumed a powder of determining whether a
paper was a libel or not \ and the bufinefs of the jury
was confined to the determination of the fad regard¬
ing its publication ; and thus it was faid to have ap¬
peared, that the judges had it in their power to punilh
a man who had been found guilty of publilhing a pa¬
per, whether feditious or not. Lord Chatham, in a
fpeech on the Middlefex eledion, took occafion to
mention thefe abufes; and was anfwered by Lord Manf-
field, who looked upon himfelf to be particularly
pointed at. The former, how'ever, was fo little con¬
vinced by his anfwer, that he drew from it an addi¬
tional confirmation of his own arguments ; and moved
that a day Ihould be appointed for taking into confi-
deration the condud of the judges ", in which he was
ably feconded by the late lord chancellor. A com¬
mittee w7as accordingly moved for on December 6th
1770, to inquire into the matter; but after much de¬
bate, wjas rejeded by 184 to 76. The affair, houmver,
did not yet feem to be terminated. Lord Mansfield gave
notice next day, that on Monday he w'ould communi¬
cate to the houfe of lords a matter of the utmoft im¬
portance j but wdren that day come, he produced no¬
thing but a paper containing the cale of Woodfall the
printer as tried in the court of king’s bench, that wffio-
ever pleafed might read or take copies of it. I his wras
looked upon as exceedingly frivolous, and greatly dif-
appointed the expedations of the whole houfe. His
lordfhip wras afked, whether he meant that the paper
ffiould be entered on the journals of the houfe or not *?
To which he anfwered, that he had no fuch intention,
but only that it ftrould be left in the hands of the
clerk ; on which the affair wmuld probably have been
overlooked altogether, had not the late lord chancel¬
lor, wdio all along ftrongly fupported the motion, flood
up to accufe Lord Mansfield, from the very paper to
wrhich he appealed, of a pradice repugnant to the law
of England. Hence he took occafion to propofe
fome queries relative to the power of juries, and chal¬
lenged his antagonift to a debate either at that time
or foon after. But this method of proceeding was
complained of as too precipitate, and an excufe was
likewife made for not affigning a day for the debate
at any other time j fo that the matter foon funk into
oblivion. It was, how7ever loudly talked of without
doors; and the judges, who had already fallen much in
the eftimation of the people, now became much more
obnoxious. Pamphlets were printed containing the
moft fevere accufations ", comparifons were made be¬
twixt fome of the law lords and their predeceffors, and
even the print (hops were filled with ridiculous and ia-
tirical pidlures.
An accident whicli took place foon after contri¬
buted.
B R I
[ S*6 ]
B R I
Britain.
414
Shameful
tumult in
the houfe
af lor4».
5^5
Members
of the houfe
of commons
affronted,
which occa-
fions a mif-
underftand-
ing betwixt
the two
faoufes.
5^
Monftrous
inftance of
corruption
in New
■ghoreham.
buted alfo greatly to leffen tbe chara&er not only of
the minifterial party, but even that of both houfes of
parliament taken colle&ively in the eyes of the vulgar,
to an extreme degree ; and indeed it muft be owned
that nothing could be more derogatory to the honour
of the lirfl: aflembly of the nation, or to that of the
individuals who compofed it. A motion was made
on the 10th of December 1770 by the duke of Man-
chelter, that an addrefs be prefented to his majefty,
that he would be gracioufly pleafed to give orders for
quickening our preparations for defence in the Weft
Indies and in the Mediterranean •, and particularly for
fecuring the polls of Gibraltar and Minorca. But
while his grace was defcanting on the negligence of
miniftry in leaving polls of fuch importance in a de-
fencelefs ftate, he was fuddenly interrupted by Lord
Gower, who inlifted on having the houfe immediately
cleared of all but thofe rvho had a right to lit there.
“ When motions (faid he) are thus brought in by fur-
prife, and without the knowledge of the houfe as to
their contents, it is impoffible but fuch things may
be fpoken as are improper for the general ear j efpeci-
ally as the enemy may have fpies in the houfe, in or¬
der to convey fecret intelligence, and expofe the na-
kednefs of our poffefllons.” His lordlhip was an-
fwered by the duke of Richmond, who complained of
the interruption given to the duke of Manchefter as
a proceeding both irregular and inlidious. This pro¬
duced a confiderable degree of altercation ; and the
cry of “ Clear the houfe!” refounded from all quar¬
ters. Several members attempted to fpeak, but find¬
ing it impoflible, and piqued at this lhameful beha¬
viour, 18 or 19 of them left the houfe in a body.
The members of the houfe of commons then prefent
were not only commanded to depart, but fome of the
lords went perfonally to the bar, and infilled on their
leaving the houfe immediately. Thefe unfortunate
members alleged in excufe, that they attended with a
bill, and were there in the difcharge of their duty *,
but this availed nothing : they were peremptorily or¬
dered to withdraw’ till their meflage fhould be deliver¬
ed ; and after going through the ulual forms, w?ere
turned out of doors amidft the greateft tumult and up¬
roar. In the mean time the lords, who had juft left
the houfe of peers, had gone to the lower houfe, where
they were liftening to the debates, when the com¬
moners, who had been turned out of the houfe of lords,
arrived full of indignation, and making loud com¬
plaints of the affront they had received. This was re¬
lented by turning out indifcriminately all the fpedla-
tors ; among whom w^ere the 18 peers juft mentioned,
who were thus fhut out from both houfes. The affair
terminated in a mifunderftanding betwixt the two
houfes, which continued during the whole fellion.
Sixteen lords joined in a proteft 5 and in the warm-
eft terms cenfured the treatment they had met with,
as w^ell as the unprecedented behaviour of admini-
ftration, who had thus attempted to fupprefs the free¬
dom of argument, and render the condufl of the
houfe an objedl of cenfure and ridicule to the wdiole
world.
After the difcuffion of the affair of Falkland’s iflands
in the manner already related, a moft unheard of in-
ftabce of corruption was laid before parliament in the
borough of New Shoreham in Suffex. The conteft
was occafioned by the returning officer, Mr Roberts, Britain,
having returned a candidate with only 37 votes, when ——v—•
the other had 87 ; and on bringing him to trial for
this ftrange proceeding, the following fcene of villany
w'as laid open. A great number of the freemen of the
borough had formed themfelves into a fociety called
the Chrijlian Society or Club ; but inftead of keeping
up the charadter indicated by this title, it was clearly
proved by the returning officer, w7ho formerly belong¬
ed to it, that it was employed only for the purpofes of
venality. A feledi committee of the members were
appointed to fell the borough to the higheft bidder.
The committee men never appeared at eledfions them¬
felves, but gave orders to the reft, and diretted them
how to vote ; and after the election was over ffiared
the profits among themfelves. Though all this was
clearly proved, the returning officer was difmiffed with
only a reprimand from the fpeaker of the houfe of
commons, for having trelpaffed upon the forms to be
facredly obferved by a returning officer. A more fe-
vere puniffiment, however, was referved for the bo¬
rough, and thofe wretches who had affumed the name
of the Chrijtian Club. A motion for an inquiry being
carried unanimoufly, a bill was brought in to incapa¬
citate 81 freemen of this borough, whofe names were
mentioned, from ever voting at parliamentary elec¬
tions ; and, for the more effedtually preventing bribery
and corruption, the attorney-general was ordered to
prcfecute the committee belonging to the Chriftian
club : the members were allowed counfel 5 and many
dift'erent opinions were offered regarding the mode of
puniffiment. Some were mercifully inclined only to
reprimand them, while others propofed to disfranchife
the borough *, however, the bill for incapacitation was
paffed at length, though it did not receive the royal
affent till the laft day of the feffion. ^
The unbounded licentioufnefs of the prefs now call-Extreme
ed the attention of parliament, though the evil ap-ftcenbou!*
At
nefs of tlie
peared in a manner incapable of being checked.
this time neither rank nor charafter were any fecurity
againft the voice of calumny from one party or other ;
and indeed it was hard to fay on what fide the moft;
intemperate violence appeared. The miniftry, how¬
ever, provoked by a long courfe of oppofition, made
the loudeft complaints of the freedoms taken with their
names; wffiile it was retorted by oppofition, that the
abufe from one quarter was as great as from the other.
Some members of the houfe of commons complained
that their fpeeches had been mifreprefented in the pa¬
pers, and endeavoured to put a ftop to the praftice of
printing them. It wTas now confidered as a matter
contrary to the Handing order of the houfe to print
the fpeeches of the members of parliament at all; and
a motion for calling two of the principal printers to 0|-
account was carried by a confiderable majority. The the houfe of
printers, however, did not attend the fummons of the commons
meffenger •, and a final order for their appearance was iome
diredled to be left at their houfes, and declared to beF
fufficicnt notice when left at their houfes. The dif-
obedience of the printers on this occafion was un¬
doubtedly heightened by the favour they hoped to ob¬
tain from the popular party ; and indeed it was not
without the moft fevere animadverfions that the mi¬
niftry were able to carry their motions againft them.
This oppofition increafed by its being farther moved
that
b r r
Btitafo, that they faould be taken into euftody by the (erjeant
^ at arms for contempt of the orders of the houfe. The
temper and difpofition of the people towards the houfe
was now objected, and the great impropriety of add¬
ing to their alarms by any unneceflary ftretch of the
executive power ; but the majority urged the neceffi-
ty of preferving the dignity of the houfe, and putting
an end to thofe exceflive freedoms which had been ta¬
ken with its members. The ferjeant at arms next
complained, that not being able to meet with the prin¬
ters at their houfes, he had been treated with indig¬
nity' by their fervants ; pn which a royal proclamation
was iffued for apprehending Wheble and Thomfon,
the twu obnoxious printers, with a reward of 50I. an¬
nexed. But in the mean time fix other printers, who
had rendered themfelves equally obnoxious on a fimi-
lar account, were ordered to attend the houfe, though
the motion was not carried without great oppofition,
during which time the houfe divided between 20 and
30 times. Some of the delinquents were reprimanded
at the bar, and one wbo did not attend was ordered to
be taken into cuftody for contempt. Wheble being
apprehended in confequence of the proclamation, was
carried before Mr . Alderman Wilkes, by whom he
was difcharged. To this magiftrate it appeared that
Mr Wheble had been apprehended in diredt violation
of his rights as an Engliihman, as well as of the char¬
tered privileges of a citizen of London •, which opinion
he declared in a letter to the earl of Halifax, one of
the fecretaries of ftate. Thomfon was difcharged in
the fame manner •, but the captors received certificates
from the magildrates, in order to obtain the promifed
rewards. J. Millar, one of the fix who had refufed
to attend, was taken into cuftody from his own houfe
519 by the meffenger of the houfe of commons. On this
oiTets^Mn' ^°r 3 eonftable, and wras carried along with the
kr atViber-me^enRer before the lord mayor, and Aldermen Wilkes
ty, and im anc^ Oliver at -the manfion-houfe. The lord mayor re-
prifons the fiTed to deliver up the printer and meffenger at the re-
meflenger queft of the ferjeant at arms ; and after fome difputes
o t ie iou the meiienger was committed to prifon, as he had
been accufed by Millar of affault and falfe imprifon-
ment, and the ferjeant had refufed to find bail ; how¬
ever, he was immediately releafed upon the bail being
given.
By this affront not only the majority but many of
the popular party alfo wrere greatly irritated : how¬
ever, the members in oppofition took care to lay all
the blame on the abfurd condudl of adminiftration with
regard to the Middlefex election ; in confequence of
which they had incurred fuch a general odium, that
the people thwarted every meafure propofed by them,
and eluded and defpifed their power on every occafion.
The lord mavor w'as ordered to attend the houfe next
ings againft day 5 at which time he pleaded that he had a£ted in
him. r • - -  
of com-
mions.
520
Proceed-
no manner of way inconfiftent with the duties of his
office ; as, by an oath which he took when entering
upon it, he was bound to preferve the franchifes of the
city, and his conduct was farther to be vindicated from
the terms of the city charters, as recognifed by aft of
parliament. It was then moved that he faould be al-
Vwed counfel ; the queftion appearing to belong to
the lawyers, as his lordfhip did not pretend to deny
the privileges of the houfe, though he contended for
an exemption from that privilege by virtue of charters
f W ] B R I
and an afl of patiiamem. This motion, however, was Britain,
overruled, it being infifted that no counfel could ever ^—^y—^
be permitted againft the privileges of the houfe. This
refufal of counfel took its rife from a tranfadlion in
the reign of Henry VIII. and was now pleaded as the
cuftom of parliament. Some propofed that the lord
mayor fhould be heard by counfel, provided the privi¬
lege of the houfe was not affedfed ; but it was confi-
dered as abfurd to the laft degree, that his lordfhip
fhould be heard by counlel on every point except the
very one in queftion. At the fame time a motion was
carried, that the lord mayor’s clerk fhould attend with
the book of minutes 5 and notwithftanding all oppofi¬
tion, he was obliged to expunge out of it the recogni¬
zance of Whittam the meffenger. This was followed
by a refolution that there fhould be no more proceed¬
ings at law in the cafe ; a great altercation enfued,
and feverai of the minority at laft left the houfe in the
utmoft rage.
Though it was norv one o’clock in the morning,
the minifterial party were fo ardent in the profecution
of their viftory, that they refufed to adjourn ; pro¬
ceeding now to the trial of Mr Oliver, who, as well as 52I
the lord mayor, was far from expreffing any forrow And againft
for what he had done. Some propofed to cenfure his Alderman,
condufr, others were for expulfion ; but when it was0liver*
propofed to fend him to the Tower, the utmoft con-
fufion and mutual reproach took place 5 fome mem¬
bers declared that they would accompany him to the
place of his confinement ; others left the houfe, while
miniftry ufed their utmoft endeavours to perfuade him
into fome kind of apology or conceffion for what he
had done ; but finding that to no purpofe, they at
laft carried the motion for his imprifonment, and he
was committed accordingly. Ample amends, how-Both com-
ever, were made for this punifhment by the unbounded mined to
popular applaufe heaped on both the lord mayor andlhe Tower*
alderman on this occafton, and which indeed threaten¬
ed very ferious confequences. Some days after the
commitment of Mr Oliver, when the lord mayor at¬
tended at the houfe of commons, feverai very alarming
infults were offered to many of the members, particu¬
larly Lord North 5 who on this occafion loft his hat,
and narrowly efcaped with his life. Some of the
members of the minority interpofed, and expoftulated
with the mob on the impropriety of their condufl,
by which means all further diflurbance was prevented y
and had it not been for this timely interference, it is
fuppofed that the fray would not have ended without
much bloodlhed.
After the confufion was in fome meafure difpelJed,
the debates concerning the lord mayor again took
place. Many arguments were brought againft pro¬
ceeding farther in the matter 5 but being difregarded,
the minority members left the houfe. His lordfhip
refufed the favour offered him of being committed to
the cuftody of the ferjeant at arms, upon which it was
reiolved to commit him to the lower j the motion for
this purpofe being carried by 200 againft 39. Mr 523
Wilkes, on being ordered to attend, wrote a letter ad-R^lcuioua
Hurt, to a-
void a con.
dreffed to the fpeaker of the houfe, in which he ob- voul a cor
ferved, that no mention nad been made of his being ateftwith.
member j and that if his feat in parliament, to which Wilkes,
he had been duly defied, was to be granted him, he
would attend and juftify his conduct. Adminiftration,
however*
B R I [52
£«tain. however, were too v'ife nowr to encounter this hero,
" v and at the fame time were under no little embarraffment
how to ^jet ofl" j io at laft they were reduced to the roi-
ferable Ihift of ordering him to attend on the 8th of
April 1771, at the fame time that they adjourned the
houfe to the 9th.
The many affronts and indignities which adminiftra-
tlon had of'late been obliged to put up with now ren¬
dered it abfolutely neceffary to fall upon fome method
524 to {how that their authority was not altogether loft.
Committee Tor this purpofe a committee was appointed by ballot
for inqui- t0 jnqU,re into the reafon why there had been fo many
^ iT obftrudlions to the authority of the houfe of commons,
tions to The This committee having fat from the 28th of March to
authority of the 30th ol April, at laft gave in the following re-
the houft of p0rt. “ Your committee beg leave to oblerve, that
commons. jn the diligent fearch they have made in the journals,
they have not been able to find an inftance that any
court or magiftrate has prefumed to commit, during
the fitting of parliament, an officer of the houfe for
executing the orders of the houfe. They further beg
leave to obferve, that they have not been able to find,
•that there ever has been an inftance wherein this houfe
has fuffered any perfon, committed by order of this
houfe, to be difcharged, during the fame feflions, by
any authority whatever, without again committing
fuch perfons. As therefore, with regard to J. Millar,
-who was delivered from the cuftody of the meiTenger
by the lord mayor, who for the faid offence is now
under the cenfure of the hoide, it appears to your
committee, that it highly concerns the dignity, and
power of the houfe to maintain its authonty in this in¬
ftance, by retaking the faid J. Millar 5 the committee
recommend to the confideration of the houfe, whe¬
ther it may not be expedient, that the houfe ihould
order that the faid J. lYlihar fhould be again taken in¬
to cuftody of the ferjeant at arms •, and that his depu¬
ty or deputies be ftridlly enjoined to call upon the ma-
giftrates, officers of the peace, and other perfons, who
by the -fpeaker’s warrant are required to be aiding and
aiffifting to him in the execution thereof, for Inch af-
-fiftance as the faid ferjeant, his deputy or deputies,
{hall find neceffary, to enable him or them to take into
cuftody the faid J. Millar.
Nothing could have been more imprudent than the
urging with fuch violence a conteft againft fuch con¬
temptible adverfaries j and in which they were finally
vourable to baffled. What they intended for. puniffiment really
adminiftra- aflforded the criminals matter of triumph and exulta-
tion' tion. Every honour that the city .of London, could
beftow was conferred upon the magiftrates, while the
complaints and execrations of the people at large be¬
came louder than ever. Every ftep taken about this
time by adminiftration feemed calculated to add to the
public ill humour. Towards the end of the feffion a
TVfTatisfac bill was brought in “ for enabling certain perfons .to
tk/on ac- enclofe and embank part of the river Thames, adjoin-
count of ing to Durham yard, Sahfbury-ftreet, Cech-ftreet, and
Beaufort buildings in the county of Middlefex.” This
bill was oppofed, as appearing contrary to the ancient
rights and privileges of the city of London • but was
eafily carried through both houfes, though it produced
a oroteft in the upper houfe •, and a few days.before
the riling of the feffion, the city of London petitioned
^gainft it. In this petition it was complained of as a
8 1
B R I
525
The iffue
T>f this con
left unfa
violent and unjuft tranfadlion, totally unprecedented 5
being an invafion of the property which the city claim¬
ed in the foil or bed of the river. It was afterwards
complained of in a remonftrance, as an infringement of
the rights of the people, and urged as a reafon for the
diffolution of parliament.
Britain.
527
the em¬
bankment
bill.
The only other tranfaftion of moment during this Eaft^Indk
feffion related to the Eaft India Company. It was plcjerejt
now propofed to raife 2000 men in England for the
fervice of the company, the officers to be appointed by
the king, and to be paid by the company. But after
much {peculation, it wras itjedled as unconftitutional
and dangerous to keep an armed force in the kingdom
which was not paid by government j and that, however
inconfiderable the number propoled was at piefent, it
might foon be increaied on any frivolous pretence. It
was likewife urged, that it would prove an obftrudlion
to the recruiting fervice for our own army, on account
of the fuperior advantages of enlifting in the Company’s
fervice. The advocates for the bill urged the incon-
veniency of lending out a fufficient number of men
annually to recruit the Indian forces j and that, unlefs
parliament fhould adhere to the promife they formeily
made of affifting the Company in recruiting, they
would be daily expofed to vaft lofs and expence fiom
the tricks of recruiting parties. The fefiion rofe on
the 8th of May. In the fpeech from the throne, it
was obferved, that the fatisfaftion obtained from his
Catholic majefty for the injury done to this kingdom,
and the proofs of the pacific difpofition which the
courts of France and Spain had given by laying afide
their armaments, enabled us to reduce our forces by
fea and land. The zeal manifefted by parliament
could not fail to convince the world of its affedlionate
attachment to the crown and regard to the interefts of
the country. His majefty’s endeavours wrere promiled
to put an end to the troubles which ftill prevailed in
fome parts of the continent ; thanks wrere given to the
commons for the unanimity, cheerfulnefs, and public
fpirit wdth which they had granted the fupplies j and
an apology was made for the extraordinary demands
which had been made. The fpeech concluded with
advifing the members to ufe their beft endeavours, in
their refpeftive ftations and counties, to rendei the na¬
tional happinefs complete, by difeouraging. needlefs
fufpicions and domeftic difturbances. His majeftv had
no other objedl, and could have no other interell, than
to reign in the hearts of a free and happy people j and
it was his earneft wufh that his lubjedfs might not be
prevented, by miftakes or animofities among them-
felves, from enjoying the happinefs they had in their
power. ^ -828
The many defeats that had been received by oppofi-1 ^Pular.f.
tion during this and the foregoing.feffions, now began
to difeourage them from proceeding fuch lengths in
the caufe 'of patriotifm as they had formerly done.
Many of them had alfo loft much of their popularity
by taking an aftive part againft the printers ; and as
every motion had been carried in favour of adminiftra¬
tion by nearly twTo to one, a general difeouragement
and languor began to take place among the popular
party. The only gainers indeed by. the late contentious
were the city magiftrates and printers who had been
puniftied by the houre of commons. O the rifing of the
parliament, when the lord mayor and alderman weie
Britain.
529
B R I [ J2
releafed from the tower, they were welcomed by every
mark of congratulation. The city was illuminated ;
and the mob, as ufual, took vengeance on the refrac¬
tory by breaking their windows. A committee was
even appointed to carry on a profecution againft the
fpeaker of the houfe of commons ; but as this did not
fcem likely to afford any redreis, they determined
once more to have recourfe to the throne. Accord¬
ingly on the 10th of July 1771, another petition and
remonftrance was prefented, the fubjefts of which
were the embankments on the Thames, the proceed-
ings againft the magiftrates*, and a fpeedy diffolution of
parliament was requefted. But this met with as un¬
favourable an anfwer as before. His majefty replied,
that he was ready to put an end to the real grievances
of his faithful fubje&s 3 but he was forry to find that a
part of them ftiil renewed requefts which he had re¬
peatedly refufed to comply with.
In the fpeech from the throne, when the parliament
met, January 21. 1772, his majefty obferved, that the
performance of the king of Spain’s engagements, and .
the behaviour of the other European powers, promifed
a continuance of peace ; and though the neceflity of
keeping up a refpeftable naval force was evident, yet
no extraordinary aid for that purpofe would be necel-
fary 5 and he concluded with recommending the moft
vigilant and aiftive attention to the concerns of the
country, with an affurance of the interpofttion of the
crown to remedy abufes or fupply defefts. Little dif-
pute was made about the addreftes in anfwer to this
fpeech, though an ample fubjeft of altercation very
Debates on foon occurred. This was a motion made by admini-
the aug- ftration, intimating the neceftity of railing 25,000 fea-
ofThenum men ^0r t^e ^erV!Ce t^ie current year ; it being al-
ber of fea-'ways ucceffary, they faid, for us to preferve a fuperio-
men. rity to the French in the Eaft Indies, which had not
been the cafe fince they fent a confiderable fleet thi¬
ther. “ It was equally neceffary (they added) to pre-
ferve the prefent ftrength of the Weft Indies unim¬
paired ; as the Spaniards knew the importance of our
fettlements there too well not to make an attack upon
them firft if ever a rupture fhould take place. Twen¬
ty of the beft (hips in the navy were alfo now employ¬
ed as guard-fhips, and wanted nothing but men to fit
them for aftual fervice.”
A declaration of this kind, coming immediately af¬
ter the affurances of peace that had been given from
the throne, was faid to be a contradiftion ; that the
peace eftabliihment would thus be augmented till we
were overburdened by it *, 500,000k would thus be
added to the national expences : and as the fame aug¬
mentation might every year be made on fimilar pre¬
tences, we fhould thus be obliged to fubmit to the
hardfhips of war in time of a profound peace. If the
affurances of peace from the throne v/ere well founded,
the force in the Eaft Indies was already too great ; if,
on the contrary, a war was at hand, it would be too
fmall notwithftanding the propofed augmentation *, and
the fame way Jamaica was likely to fuller from the in¬
feriority.
Thefe remonftrances were by no means fufficient to
put a flop to any meafure which had at this time been
fuggefted by adminiftration. The queftion for the
augmentation was carried without a divifion : after
■which the fubjeft of religion came to be difeuffed.
Vol. IV. Part II.
Britain.
53°
9 ] B R I
This was occafioned by the general tendency to Aiia-
nifm 01 Socinianifm, which had for fome time prevail- '
ed to a great degree, and had at laft infecled the efta-
bliHied church in fuch a manner, that the fubfeription
to her ftandards was reckoned intolerable by many of
the clergy. Meetings had been frequently held by
the dife on tented members, in order to confider of fome
mode of relief'*, and in the beginning of February 1772, Petition a-
about 250 of them, with feveral profeffors of law andgamft fub-
phyfic, joined in a petition to the houfe of commons,
exprefling their diffatisfaftion with fubfeription to anyarticie‘
human forms, and praying for relief. In this petition
they aflerted, that they held certain rights and privi¬
leges from God alone, without being fubjefl to any
other authority ; fuch as the exeroife of their own rea-
fon and judgment, by which they were inftru£led and
confirmed in their belief of the Chriftian religion, as
contained in the Holy Scriptures. They accounted it
a blefling to live under a government which maintained
the fufficiency of the Scriptures to inftrudl in all things
neceffary to falvation. Hence they concluded, that
they had a right from nature, as well as fronj the prin¬
ciples of the reformed religion, to judge for themfelves
what was or was not contained in the Scriptures. From
this invaluable privilege, however, they found them¬
felves in a great meafure precluded by the laws rela¬
tive to fubfeription *, by which they were enjoined to
acknowledge certain articles and confeflions of faith
framed by fallible men as entirely agreeable to Scrip¬
ture. They prayed therefore to be relieved from fuch
an impofition, and to be reftored to their undoubted
right of interpreting Scripture for themfelves, with¬
out being bound by any human explanation of it, or
being required to acknowledge by fubfeription or de¬
claration the truth of any formulary of religious faith
and dodlrine whatever, excepting the Holy Scripture
itfelf.
The affair of fubfeription they looked upon to be
not only a grievance to themfelves, but an encroach¬
ment on their rights as men and members of a Prote-
ftant eftablilhment, as well as a great hinderance to
the fpreading of the Chriftian religion, tending to dil-
courage further inquiry into the true fenfe of Scrip¬
ture, to divide communions, and to caufe a mutual
dillike betwixt fellow Proteftants; giving occafion for
unbelievers to reproach and vilify the clergy, by re-
prefenting them as guilty of prevarication, and of ac¬
commodating their faith to lucrative views and politi¬
cal confiderations. It afforded alfo to Papifts and o~
thers difaffefted to the religious eftablifhment of the
church of England, an occafton of reflefting upon it
as inconfiftent, and authorizing doubtful ajid precari¬
ous doflrines, at the fame time that the Scripture alone
was acknowledged to be certain and fufficient foe fal¬
vation. It had likewife a tendency to divide the cler¬
gy among themfelves *, fubjeffing one part, who af-
ferted their privilege as Proteftants, to be reviled both
from the pulpit and the prefs, by another who ieemed
to judge the articles they had fubferibed to be of equal
authority with the Scripture itfelf *, and, laftly, it oc¬
cafioned fcruples and embarrafiments of confcience to
thofe who w’ere about to enter into the miniftry, or
prevented the cheerful exercile of it to thofe who were
already entered. By reaion of thefe embarraflments
the clerical part of the petitioners found themfelves un-
2 X der
B R I [ 53° ] B R I
Britain. Jer great difficulties, being obliged in fome fenfe to
join with the adverfaries of revelation, in fuppofing
the one true fenfe of Scripture to be expreffed in the
prefent eftabhlhed fyftem of faith ; or elfe to incur the
reproach of having deferted their fubfcription, &.c.
while fuch of the petitioners as had been educated
with a view to the profeffions of civil law and phyfic
could not but think it a great hardffiip to be obliged,
as they all were in one of the univerfities, even at their
firll; matriculation and admiffion, though at an age
very improper for fuch important difquifitions, to fub-
feribe their affent to a variety of theological tenets,
concerning which their private opinions could be of
no confequence to the public, in order to entitle them
to academical degrees in thofe faculties; more efpe-
ciaily as the courfe of their ftudies and attention to
their pra&ice did not afford them leifure fufficient to
examine how far thefe tenets were confonant to the
word of God.
This petition was prefented by Sir William Mere¬
dith, who, along with the other members who favour¬
ed the caufe, enforced it by many arguments drawn
from the principles of toleration. They maintained
alfo that nothing but hypocrify and prevarication could
arife from obliging men to fubferibe what they did
not believe j that the repeal of the laws for fubfcrip¬
tion would prevent the increafe of diffenters, fo very
confpicuous at this time, and incline many of.them to
return to the church. The articles themfelves were
faid to have been compiled in a hurry ; that they con¬
tained dodtrines highly controvertible ; and that this
reftraint on the confciences of men was of all others
the greateft hardffiip. The majority of parliament,
however, were found inimical to the petition, though
fome who oppofed it at prefent wiffied for time to
_ confider it more deliberately, or to refer it to a com¬
mittee of the clergy. By the reff it was urged, that
the matter of the petition was a violent infradlion of
the laws of the Engliffi religion •, and that if this
was granted, another would foon follow againft the li¬
turgy. The condudt of many of the petitioners, in-
ftead of being founded in any regard for religion, had
its origin in hypocrify and diffolutenefs, and certainly
proceeded in many inftances from a diffielief of the
Trinity, and of the divinity of our Saviour. The
complaints of men were to be difregarded when they
wiffied to profit by the emoluments of the church with¬
out fubferibing to its laws ; befides, the king was
bound by his coronation oath to continue the church-
government without alteration. It was likewife urged,
that if people were to be reftrained by no other article
than an affent to the truth of the feriptures, the church
would foon be overrun with impiety. Many had al¬
ready founded blafphemous tenets on the right of pri¬
vate opinion 5 and though it could not be denied that
every man has this right for himfelf, yet none has a
right to obtrude his Angularities upon others ; and if
any of the clergy found the delicacy of their confciences
affe&ed after they had accepted of benefices, they were
welcome to leave them.
Some of the more moderate oppofers of the peti¬
tion endeavoured to vindicate the character of the
clergy from the imputations laid upon them •, and con¬
tended that the legifiature had a controuling power
over the articles of the union, and confirmed their af-
fertion by mentioning the aft againft occafional con- Britain.
formity, as well as another againft eleftive patronages, ' v-***1"^
both of them paffed fince the union : and it ftemed to
be the general wiffi of the houfe that the profeffors of
law and phyfic might be relieved from fubfcription,
though they did not confider their ftiare in the matter
as of any great importance to the public. It was at
laft thrown out by a majority of near 150. ^,r
The rejeftion of the fubfcription bill was followed Rejected,
by that of a bill for quieting the poffeffions of his ma-
jelly’s fubjefts from dormant claims of the church ;
after wffiich the attention of parliament was called to
one of the utmoft importance, and which was introdu¬
ced by a meffage from the king. This was the famous Rcipma-
royal marriage bill, occafioned by the marriage of the riage-biil,
duke of Cumberland with Mrs Horton, a widow lady,
daughter of Lord Irnham, and filier to Colonel Luttrel,
and that of the duke of Gloucefter with the countefs-
dowager of Waldegrave. By the meffage it w-as recom¬
mended to both houfes to take it into their confidera-
tion, whether it might not be expedient to fupply the
defefts of the law's then in being, and by fome new re¬
gulations more effeftually to prevent the defendants of
his late majefty (excepting the iffue of the princeffes
who had married, or might hereafter marry, into foreign
families) from marrying without the confentof his ma¬
jefty, his heirs, and fucceffors. In confequence of this
a bill was brought in, declaring all fuch marriages,
without the confent above mentioned, to be null and
void. The defendants of his majefty, however, if a-
bove the age of 25 years, might marry without the royal
confent, provided they gave intimation twelve months
beforehand to the privy council, and no oppofition to
the match was made by parliament during that interval. ^
This bill met with the moft violent and powerful Protefts a-
oppofition. rI he principal arguments againft it weregaillftffi
expreffed in two protefts from the upper houfe, and
were to the following purpole : 1. The doftrine that
marriages in the royal family are of the higheft impor¬
tance to the ftate, and that therefore the kings of this
realm have ever been trufted with the care thereof, is
both abfurd and unconftitutional ; though it would
from that period have the force of a parliamentary de¬
claration. The immediate tendency of this was to
create as many prerogatives to the crown as there are
matters of importance in the ftate •, and to extend them
in a manner as vague and exceptionable as had ever
been done in the meft defpotic periods. 2. The en-
afting part of the bill had an inconvenient and impo¬
litic extent j namely, to all the defendants of Geo. II.
In procefs of time, that deferiptien might become
very general, and comprehend a great number of peo¬
ple ; and it was apprehended that it would be an
intolerable grievance for the marriages of fo many fub¬
jefts, perhaps difperf d among the various ranks of ci¬
vil life, to be fubjeft to the reftriftions of this aft j
efpecially as the abettors of this doftrine had alfo main¬
tained, that the care and approbation of the marriage
alfo included the education and cuftody of the perfon.
This extenfive power might in time make many of the
fiift families of the kingdom entirely dependent on the
crown ; and it was regretted that all endeavours to li¬
mit, in fome degree, the generality of that def ription,
had proved ineffeftual. 3. The time of nonage for the
royal family appeared to be improperly extended be-
SRI [53
Britain, yond tlie limit of 2i years j a period which the wifdom
——' of the conftitution feems with great wifdom to have
affigned to minority. 4. The deferring their marriage
to the age of 26 might alfo be attended with other
bad coniequences, by driving them into a diforderly
courfe of life, which ought to be particularly guarded
againft in thofe of fuch an exalted ftation. 5. The
power given by this bill to a prince to marry after the
age of 26, is totally defeated by the provifo which de¬
clares the confent of parliament to be ultimately necef-
fary. Thus great difficulties muft be laid on future
parliaments, as their lilence in fuch a cafe muft imply
a difapprobation of the king’s refufal j and their con¬
currence with it might prove a perpetual prohibition
from marriage to the party concerned. 6. The right
of conferring a difcretionary power of prohibiting all
marriages, appears to be above the reach of any legifla-
ture wherever, as being contrary to the inherent rights
of human nature ; which, as they are not derived from,
or held under, the fanflion of any civil laws, cannot be
taken away by them in any cafe whatever. The legif-
lature no doubt has a right to prefcribe rules to mar¬
riage as wrell as to every other kind of contradl $ but
there is an effential difference between regulating the
mode by w'hich a right may be enjoyed, and eftablifh-
ing a principle which may tend entirely to annihilate
that right. To difable a man during life from con-
trafting marriage, or, which is the fame thing, to make
his power of contrafting fuch marriage dependent nei¬
ther on his own choice nor on any fixed rule of law,
but on the arbitrary pleafure of any man, or fet of men,
is exceeding the powrer permitted by Divine Providence
to human legiflature, and dire&ly contrary not only to
the divine command, but alfo to the rights of do-
meftic fociety and comfort, &c. 7 This bill has a
natural tendency to produce a difputed title to the
crown. If thofe who are affedled by it are in powder,
they will eafily procure a repeal of this adft, and the
confirmation of a marriage made contrary to it 5 and
if they are not, it will at leaft be the fource of the moft
dangerous faftion that can exift in any country, viz.
one attached to the pretender to the crown ; whofe
claim, he may affert, has been fet afide by no other
authority than that of an adt to which the legiflature
was not competent, as being contrary to the common
rights of mankind. 8. The bill provides no fecurity
againft the improper marriages of princeffes married
into foreign families, and thofe of their iffue ; wffiich
may full as materially affedl the intereft of this nation
as the marriages of princes refiding in the dominions
of Great Britain. It provides no remedy againft the
improper marriage of the king reigning, though evi¬
dently the moft important of all others to the public.
It provides nothing a^ainft the indifcreet marriage of
a prince of the blood, being regent at the age of 21 ;
nor furnilhes any remedy againft his permitting fuch
marriages to others of the blood-royal, being fully in-
vefted with the legal power for this purpofe, without
the affiftance of council.
The anfwer to all thefe arguments was, that the in¬
conveniences fo much talked of were merely imagina¬
ry 3 and if the king flrould make any improper ufe of
his authority, parliament had it either in their power to
prevent the effedl, or to punilhthe minifter who advifed
it. The crown, it was faid, was diihonoured by im-
1 ] B R I
proper connedlions, and many of the greateff national Brfnie.
calamities haye proceeded from improper alliances be-1 ■*—
tween the royal family and fubjefts ; and that if, from
after experience, we ftiould find any material grievan¬
ces enfue from this act, it could as eafily be repealed at
that time as thrown out now, and on better grounds. It
was very rapidly carried through both houfes; in the up¬
per houfe by 90 to 26 •, and in the lower by 165 to 115.
Though the late decifion concerning fubfcription to 534
the 39 articles did not feem to promife much fuccefs Bill tor the
to any innovations in religious matters, yet the cafe of^.jjf^^
diffenting minifters was introduced foon after the dif- pr0p0fe4.
cuffion of the royal marriage aft ; the advocates for it
being encouraged to bring it forward chiefly on ac¬
count of fome favourable hints thrown out in the de¬
bates on the fubfcription bill. A petition was now
prefented by a great body of thefe people, praying to
be relieved from the hardihip of fubfcribing to the ar¬
ticles of a church to which they did not belong. This,
however, wras moft violently oppofed by the opponents
of the former bill, though with very little fuccefs in
the houfe of commons, where it was carried through
by a prodigious majority. Here it was maintained
that nothing can advance the true intereft of religion
fo much as toleration ; and if articles of fubfcription
are neceffary, it muft only be for men deftitute of prin¬
ciple, and who would, in compliance writh ambition or
avarice, as readily fubfcribe to one fet of articles as
another. If thus any of the fundamental doftrines of
Chriftianity are impugned, there are abundance of
laws in exiftence to correft the impiety. The diffent-
ers have indeed altered fome of their original forms
and doftrines, but that only in matters of indifference.
It is the effeft of learning, leifure, and refinement, to
give men many opportunities of altering eftablifhed
forms. This has been the cafe formerly, and always
will be. The diffenters have long been virtually ex¬
empted from this fubfcription ; and yet the piety and
decency of many of them, particularly in Scotland and
Ireland, where no fuch laws are in being, fufficiently
fliow that men, w'hofe minds are ftedfaft in the puri¬
ty of religion, will not be confined nor influenced by
law's of human invention. But though the diffenters
enjoy full liberty by connivance at prefent, where is
their fecurity againft the hidden attacks of malice and
envy, which may be backed by the fanftion of law ?
Every negleft of a law by connivance is an additional
proof of the neceffity of abrogating that law : and li¬
berty is but an empty name, where it is enjoyed by an
overfight only, as it were, of our fuperiors. In the Rejected,
houfe of lords, how'ever, the bill was rejefted by a ma¬
jority of 70. Here the doftrine of univerfal toleration
was ftrenuoufly oppofed, as well as the great danger
fet forth to which the church of England would be
expofed by departing from the laws which guarded its
privileges. The diffenters, it was faid, had great caufe
to be fatisfied with the favour they enjoyed by conni¬
vance } and the laws were only kept on record as a ne¬
ceffary curb, left in the degenerecy of a declining king¬
dom, religion fhould be deftitute of proteftion againft
herefy and blafphemy.
The only other affairs of this feffion ivere fome at¬
tempts at an inquiry into the affairs of the Eaft India .
Company, which were now in a very critical fituation. jn[]:s
Thefe, however, did not come under confideration till affairs.
3X2 the
. B . R 1 l S3
Britain.^ the next feflion, which took place November 26.
..tt-v- \nj2, when his majeity gave this fituation of the af¬
fairs of the company as a reafon why he had called
them together fooner than ufual. The continuance of
the pacific difpoiition of other powers was mentioned/
and fatisfaelion expreiTed that the continuance of peace
had afforded an opportunity of reducing the naval effa-
blifhment, though a great force muff always be necel-
lary for the defence of thefe kingdoms. Economy
was promifed with regard to the fupplies, and it was
recommended to take every method that could be de¬
viled to remedy the dearnefs of provifions.
I he affairs of the Eaft India Company took up the
greateft part of the prefent ieffion. It had been pro-
. jefled, as far back as the year 1667, when they were
in a very flourifhing condition, to bring them under
the infpe&ion of government, that the nation might
lhare the immenfe wealth fuppofcd to be enjoyed by
the company. The defign, however, did not fucceed
at that time, nor would it probably have been eafily
brought to bear, had not the affairs of the company
been embarraffed by the bad conduit of their fervants.
During the latt feflion a bill had been brought in for
reftraining the governor and council from all kind of
trade, as well as for enlarging the power of the com¬
pany over its fervants. The bill, however, w’as rejec-
ed after the fecond reading, and indeed was thought
to have been propofed only to introduce the fucceed-
ing bufinefs. I he debates on the fubjedf procured in
a great meafure the general belief of two points of
much importance to the fuccefs of the fcheme, viz.
that the affairs of the Eafl India Company were in a
very bad fituation, owing to the behaviour of its fer¬
vants ; and that the company was at any rate infuffi-
cient for the government of fuch extenfive pofleflions;
of confequence that there was an evident neceflity of
giving up the management of it to the crown. A mo¬
tion was now made in parliament, by a gentleman un¬
connected with adminiftration, for a feledt committee
to inquire into the affairs of the company : but many
reafons were urged againlt this appointment, particu¬
larly that the feaion was too far advanced fora bufinefs
of fuch importance ; that the committee, being a fecret
one, was not accountable for its conduct j and that as
the minifler would have it in his power to nominate
the members of the committee, confiderable partiality
might on that account take place. The motion, how¬
ever, was carried without a divifion j and the members
wxre chofen by ballot.
I he affairs of the Eaft India Company proceeded
from bad to worfe during the recefs. The treafury at
home was quite exhaufted; while bills to a vaft amount
drawn on Bengal were nearly due j which, with their
debt to the bank and other public offices, along with
the fum to be paid to government, reduced them almort
to the brink of bankruptcy. They were therefore re¬
duced to the expedient of borrowing a fum of money
from adrainiftratien ; but their application w^as received
with great indifference. The minifter defired them to
apply to parliament. The reports of the feledl com¬
mittee, in the mean time, contrary to the promife of
fecrecy, were publifhed, and gave the public no favour¬
able opinion of the behaviour of the company’s fervants.
On the meeting of parliament, the minifter moved for
another committee, under the title pf the committee
2 ] B R I
fecrecy, to confift of 13 perfons, for taking into confi- Britainr
deration the ftate of the company’s affairs ; whichv A
might thus undergo a full inveftigation without any
thing being known to the world, which had excited
luch indignation in the former cafe. The members of
this new7 committee were alfo to be chofen by ballot;
fo that no objection could militate againff them that
did not militate with equal ftrength again!! the whole
houfe. It w7as objected, that this mode of fecret in¬
quiry, by a fmall number, was unprecedented and un-
conftitutional 5 that the members would in effedl be
nominated by the minifter, and aft under his direction;
and that a free inveftigation by the whole parliament
was effentially different from that by a fecret commit¬
tee. In the latter cafe, every information that the
minifter thought proper to conceal would be withheld;
at any rate, a committee of fecrecy is an evident ab-
furdity \ a committee can be no longer a fecret than
during the time it takes up for inquiry. Its pioceed-
ings muft be laid before the public ; and in cafe of un-
juft accounts, the parliament had no means of being
undeceived. Thefe reafons, however, were of no avail
at prefent. The committee of fecrecy was carried, as
the other had been, without a divifion ; and, as had
been predifted, the members, though cholen by bal¬
lot, were almoft all of them devoted to adminiftration.
The feleft committee was likewife revived, that they
might be, as it was laid, checks upon one another j fo
that between them the nation would have every requi-
fite degree of information on the whole affair.
In a very fhort time after the appointment of the Retfmmng-
fecret committee, a report was given in, ftating that the bill propo-
cempany were in great diftrefs for want of money; and fed-
as this was the cafe, a bill ought to be brought in for
reftraining them from fending out fupervifors to India,
a fcheme which they bad meditated at this time. The
minifter and his adherents enlarged greatly on the uti¬
lity of this bill 5 which, they faid, was highly expe¬
dient, It was the fincere wifh of parliament to render
them a great and glorious company : it was abfolutely
neceffary for this purpofe not to allow them to engage
in an expenfive commiflion, at a time when their affairs
were fo much embarraffed that they were obliged to ap¬
ply to government for a loan. It was even doubted
whether the company, without the fanftion of parlia¬
mentary authority, had power to appoint a commiflion
of this kind. On the other hand, the minifter’s propo-
fal was faid by oppofition to be unconftitutional and in-
fidious. The want of cafh at prefent experienced by
the Eaft India Company was not of fuch great impor¬
tance, their credit being then as fully eftablifhed as even
They had made choice of a fet of men in whom they
could confide \ the many Ioffes occafioned by their fer¬
vants rendered the commiflion indifpenfably neceffary $
and the expence would be paid from the favings which
muft undoubtedly arife from fo prudent a ftep. It was
unreafonable, becaufe the Eaft India Company, or any
other, are diftrtfi'ed, to allow them no opportunities of
extricating themfelves. The company could not be
faid to want refpeft for parliament 5 they had fhowed
this already by delaying the departure of the commif-
fi-on till the inquiry begun by the houfe was finifhed :
nor could they~be wanting in refpeft to their own in-
tereft, charafter, and conftitution; which they feemed
to ftiow bv every poffrble mark of onpofition to this
bilk
B R I [ 533 j B R I
Britain, bill. Admiaiftration boafted of tlitir intentions and
" their wiihes to render this company great and glorious:
but how could we expect greatnefs or glory to proceed
from a quarter where it did not exiil ? The dignity of
parliarnent was leffened, and its glory effaced, by the
conduct of minifters, and the many wanton adts of au¬
thority lately committed. It was a curious method of
rendering a company great and glorious to plunder the
proprietors of immenfe fums of money by exorbitant
grants, or by taking away their charters j for after
this adl it was plain that charters could no longer be
depended upon. Two gentlemen belonging to the com¬
pany, and then prefent in the houfe, offered to pledge
themfelves, that the commiffion of fupervifion fliould
not be allowed to depart until, from further reports, a
full knowledge of the company’s affairs fhould be ac¬
quired. This, however, was inllantly rejedled, it be¬
ing faid to be defedfive in fecurity •, that the Eaft In¬
dia Company would not fcruple to make an agreement
of this kind to day and break it to morrow j which
could only be prevented by an adl of parliament,
efpecially as the miniflry had no motives for promo¬
ting this meafure, but a regard for the welfare of the
company, and a defire to reflore its affairs to a better
538 ftate‘
Ineffectual Notwithftanding all the arguments ufed by admini-
attempts of flration in favour of this bill, however, the company
the compa- were fQ far from thinking it to their advantage, that
vent'the6' u^ed every endeavour to prevent its paffing into
faffing of a law. They petitioned j and fome of their fervants
*he bill. were examined in the houfe of commons, in order to
fliow the neceflity of fupervifors being fent out, who
might be qualified to reduce their affairs to fome or¬
der by being on the fpot, and enabled to curb the
exceffes of which the company’s fervants had too fre¬
quently been guilty. During this examination it ap¬
peared, that from the year 1765 to 1773 the expen-
ces of the company had increafed from 700,000!. to
1,700,000k annually, and that government had recei¬
ved near two millions from the company every year ;
that they had immenfe profits in extraordinaries, while
the proprietors loft confiderably of the dividend which
the profits of their trade alone would have produced.
In fpite of all oppofition, however, the bill for reftrain-
ing the company from fending out any commiflion of
fupervifion was carried by a majority of 153 to 28.
In th# houfe of lords it met with fimilar fuccefs, being
carried by 26 to 6, though the minority thought pro-
■proteft a- per to enter a proteft. The reafons given againft it in
gainft it in this proteft were, that it took away from a great body
*1! corPorate> and from feveral free fubjefls of this realm,
the exercife of a legal franchife, wfithout any legal
caufe of forfeiture affigned. The perfons appointing
the commiflioners had by law a right to eleft, and
the perfons chofen had a legal capacity of being defi¬
ed. The fupervifors had a full right veiled in them
agreeable to the powers and conditions of their ap¬
pointment ; but though no abufe was fuggefted, nor
any delinquency charged upon them, thofe legal rights
and capacities were taken away by a mere arbitrary
afl of power, the precedent for which leaves no fort
of fecurity to the fubjeft for his liberties. The bill
feemed likewife a manifell violation of the public
faith. The charter of the Eaft India Company was
granted by the crown, authorized by afl of parliament.
and purchafed for valuable confiderations of money lent Bnutin.-
and paid. Ey this the company were allowed to ma-
nage their own affairs as they thought proper, and by
perfons of their own appointment j but by this bill the
exercife of the power juft mentioned was fufpended
for a time, and by grounding the fupervifion upon
the aflual interference of parliament with the affairs
of the company, eftablilhed a principle which might'
be ufed for perpetuating the reftraint to an indefinite
length of time. It is indeed difficult to fettle the
legal boundary of legiilative power, but it is evident
that parliament is as much bound as any individual
to obferve its own compafls 5 otherwife it is irnpof-
fible to underftand what is meant by public faith, or
how public credit can fublift. It appeared by evi¬
dence upon oath at the bar of the houfe of lords,
that the company had received affurances from their
chairman and deputy chairman, that the appointment
of a commiffion for fuperintending and regulating
their affairs would be approved by adminiftration ;
and it was extremely hard that they fliould be able to
find no fecurity for their charter privileges againft
thofe very minifters under whofe famffion they had
reafon to believe they wrere all along ailing. It was
alfo the more incumbent on the company at prefent
to give the moft ftri<ft attention to their affairs, to
enable them to anfwer the exorbitant demands of go¬
vernment ; as it appeared from the witnefles at the
bar, that its exaftions amounted to more than the
whole profits of the late acquifitions, and the trade en-
fuing from them; while the proprietors, who had fpent
fo much, and fo often rilked their all for obtaining
thefe acquifitions, had not been permitted even to di¬
vide fo much as the profits of their former trade would
have afforded.
The fecret committee now gave in their fecond re-Second re¬
port, containing a ftatement of the debt, credit, and P°r^°f ^
effefls of the company in England; beginning with an
account of the cafli in the company’s treafury on the
iff day of December 1772, and containing a ftatement
of all their debts and claims againft them in every
part of the world. Thus it appeared that the oath,
credit, and effefts of the company amounted to
6,397,299k i-cs. 6d. and their debts to 2-,052,3o6]. statetff
which being deducted from the above account of their the compa-
effe&s, left a balance in favour of the company of ny’s affairs.
4,364,993k 1 os. 6d. without any valuation of the for- ^
tifieations and buildings of the company abroad. The The ffate-
ftatement, however, tvas complained of as unfair ; and !>1ent unfa-
it was faid, that impartiality was not to be expefled
from a fet of men who had it in their power to make
what report they pleafed for the intereft of govern¬
ment meafures : but the members protefted their in¬
nocence ; and adminiftration infilled, that, until proof
could be brought that the ftatement was unfair, the
houfe was bound to adhere to it as juft.
ft'he bufinefs was revived after the holidays by an Application
application from the company to government for a loan of the coin-
of 1,5-00,0001. for four years, at 4 per cent, intereft, Pany to IQ*
with liberty of repaying the fame according to the a- fg^^ioan*
bilitics of the company, in payments of not lefs than
300,000k; and that the company fhould not make
a dividend of more than 6 per cent, until the loan
fhould be reduced to 750,000k ; that then they might
xaife their dividend to 8 per cent, and after the whole
loan.
544
ftration in
confe-
quence
B R I [53
Britain, loan was dlfcliarged, that the furplus of the nett pro-
fits arifing in England, above the faid dividend, fhould
be appropriated to the payment of the company’s bond
debt, until it was reduced to 1,500,000!. when the
furplus profits (hould be equally divided between the
public and the company. It was alfo requefted, that
the company ihould be releafed from the heavy penal
intereft incurred by the non-payment of money owing
in confequence of the late afts for the indemnity on
teas; and that they fhould be difcharged from the an¬
nual payment of the 400,000!. to the public for the
remainder of the five years fpecified in the agreement.
They farther requefted, that the accounts of the Du-
annee revenues, of the charges of collection, expences of
Bengal, company’s accounts of fales, &c.fliould be de¬
livered annually to parliament, and that leave might be
given to export teas free of all duty to America, and
to foreign parts. This requelt was judged expedient
to be granted, and the following refolutions were a-
Refolutions greed to: “ That the affairs of the Eaft India Com-
ofadmini- pany are jn fuc]a a ftate as to require the alfiitance of
parliament j that a loan is neceffary to reinftate the
company’s affairs ; that the fupply be granted; and
that care be taken that the company be prevented from
experiencing the like exigencies for the future. The
twm following motions were alfo founded upon the re¬
port of the fecret committee, viz. That, fuppofing the
public fhould advance a loan to the Eaft India Com¬
pany, it w7as the opinion of the committee that the di¬
vidend Ihould be reftrained to 6 per cent, until the pay¬
ment of the fum advanced ; and that the company be
allowed to divide no more than 7 per cent, until their
bond-debt be reduced to 1,500,000!.
Thefe fevere reftriCtions were judged proper by ad-
miniftration for the fecurity of the public, and wTere
fuch, they faid, as every creditor has a right to make
beforehand with a perfon who wnfhes to borrow mo-
Oppofed in ney from him. The company, however, replied, that
vam by the thefe reftrictions were contrary to the propofals they
company, macje^ ancj Qf foundation, as being built on
the erroneous reports of the fecret committee. The
chairman of the company declared at a general court
that the government had agreed, or w'ould agree, to the
propofed increafe of dividend, before the participation
of profits took place betwixt the government and com¬
pany the firft lord of the treafury had told him fo,
and now w'ifhed to deny what he had faid by ufing
thefe expreffions in private converfation, and when he
did not confider the chairman as afting officially.
But if this was the cafe, to what purpofe did public
men hold converfations, fince they were afterwards to
deny or forget what paffed ? Some time was alfo de¬
manded to confider of thefe motions ; but that being
denied, the queftion w’as put and carried as miniftry
wnflied.
‘ ht f tl e ^'^e neXt WaS t0 ^ePr'-ve the company of their
com iany 1 territorial right to the countries they poflelfed in the
to their poi'- Eaft Indies. This had been allowed them in the moft:
fefiiom de- explicit manner, as appears by fome of the papers which
rued. paffed betw’een the French and Engliffi minifters du¬
ring the negociations for the treaty of Paris-, from one
of which papers the following is an extra6I : “ Re-
fpe&ing thofe territorial acquifitions wffiich the Eng¬
liffi Eaft India Company have made in Afia, every
difpute relative thereto muff be fettled by that com-
545.
546
Territorial
4 1 B R I
pany itfelf, the crown of England having no right to Britain,
interfere in what is allowed to be the legal and exclu-l—--y—
five property of a body corporate belonging to the
Enghlh nation.” This territorial right, however, was
now denied. After reading the company’s petition,
Lord North told the houfe that it was the opinion of
feveral great lawyers, that fuch territorial pofleffions as
the fubjetts of any ftate fttall acquire by conqueft, are
virtually the property of the ftate, and not of thofe
individuals who acquire them. It was his opinion,
however, that it would be more beneficial to the pub¬
lic and to the Eaft India Company, to let the territorial
acquifitions remain in the poffeffion of the company
for a limited time not exceeding fix years, to com¬
mence from the agreement betwixt the public and the
company. At the lame time it was moved, that
no participation of profits ihould take place betwixt
the public and the company until after the repayment
of 1,400,000!. advanced to the company-, and the
reduction of the company’s bond debt to 1,500,000!.
That after the payment of the loan advanced to
the company, and the redudfion of their bond-debts
to the fum fpecified, three-fourths of the nett furplus
profits of the company at home, above the fum of 8
per cent, upon their capital ftock, ffiould be paid into
the exchequer for the ufe of the public, and the re¬
maining fourth be fet apart either for reducing the
company’s bond debt, or for compofmg a fund for the
difeharging of any contingent exigencies the company
might labour under. ^
Thefe proceedings were exceedingly difagreeable to Tht cem-
the company. They now prefented a petition com-Pany Peti-
plaining of the injuftice of demanding any farther
terms on account of a loan, after that loan was dichar-aj|y
ged. The limitations of the company’s dividend to
7 per cent, after the difeharge of the loan, until their
bond-debt ffiould be reduced to 1,500,000!. feemed
not to be founded upon any juft calculation of their
commercial profits ; nor could it with reafon be al¬
leged that it was neceflary either to their credit or that
of the public to reftrain them in fuch a manner. The
additional dividend of 1 per cent, was an object of fome
confequence to the proprietors, but very little to the
difeharge of their debt to the public ; and the hard-
ffiips of being limited in this manner were exceedingly
aggravated by the Ioffes fuftained, and the expences
they had incurred in acquiring and fecuring the terri¬
torial revenues in India, at the rifk of their whole ca¬
pital, while the public reaped fuch great advantages.
The limitation of the company to a term not exceed¬
ing fix years for the poUeffion of their Indian territo¬
ries they looked upon to be entirely arbitrary, as it might
be conftrued into a final decifion againft the company
refpe£!ing thofe territories to which they infilled that
they had an undoubted right. Neither could they ac-
quiefee in the refolutions by which three-fourths of the
furplus nett profits of the company at home, above the
fum of 8 per cent, per annum upon their capital ftock,
Ihould’ be paid into the exchequer for the ufe of the
public, and the remainder be employed either in fur¬
ther reducing the company’s bond-debt, or for com-
pofing a fund to be fet apart for the ufe of the com¬
pany in cafe of extraordinary emergencies ; fuch un¬
heard-of difpofal of their poverty without their con-
fent not being warranted by the largeft pretenfions e-
B R I
Britain, ver made againft them. It was likewife fubverfive of
u*’''■'V—all their rights and privileges, by denying them the
difpofal of their own property after their creditors
were properly fecured by law. Their petition con¬
cluded with affuring minifters, that, rather than fubmit
to thefe conditions, they defired that any claims a-
gainft the pofleflians of the company might receive a
legal decilion •, from which, whatever might be the
event, they would at leaft have the fatisfadtion to know
what they could call their own.
They are No regard being Ihow to this petition, the motions
allow?d to were carried in favour of adminiftration. To make
dutyfree* fbme kind of recompenfe, however, it was agreed on
J " ‘ their part, that as the company had a flock of teas
amounting to about 17 millions of pounds in their
warehoufes, they Ihould be allowed to export as much
of it as they thought proper free of duty, and employ
the money thence arifing for the behoof of their own
affairs.
This conceflion in favour of the Eaft India Compa¬
ny proved in the event the lofs of the American colo¬
nies j nor indeed cdbld thefe arbitrary proceedings
with fuch a conliderable body tend to imprefs the
minds of any part of the nation with ideas favourable
to the views of adminiftration. In other refpefts the
minifter abated nothing of the difpofition he had from
549 firft to laft fhown with regard to the company. On
Eaft India the 3d of May 1773 the following refolutions were
blubrou^ht ^own as t^le foundation of a bill for the
° eftablifhing certain regulations for the better manage¬
ment of the Eaft India Company, as well in India as
in Europe. Thefe were, 1. That the court of direc¬
tors fhould in future be elefted for four years j fix mem¬
bers annually, but not to hold their feats longer than
four years. 2. That no perfon fhould vote at the e-
ledlion of the direftors who had not pofleffed their
flock twelve months. 3. That the ftock of qualifica¬
tion fhould for the future be 1000I. inftead of 500I.
4. The mayor’s court of Calcutta fhould for the future
be confined to fmall mercantile caufes, to which its
jurifdi£lion only extended before the territorial acqui-
fitions. 5. That, inftead of this court, thus taken a-
way, a new one fhould be eftablifhed, confifting of a
chief juftice and three puifne judges. 6. Thefe judges
to be appointed by the crown. 7. That a fuperiority
be given to the prefidency of Bengal over the other
prefidencies in India. Each of thefe refolutions was
carried by a great majority. The falaries of the judges
were fixed at 6000I. each, and that of the chief juf¬
tice at 8000I. The governor of the council was to
have 2 5,oool. annually, and the members of the coun-
Is difagree-cil lo.oool. each. By the friends of the company,
able to the however, the bill was fuppofed to have a tendency to
company, effeft a total alteration in the company’s conftitution
in England, as wTell as the adminiftration of all its pre¬
fidencies in Alia, in order to fubjeft all their affairs,
both at home and abroad, to the immediate power of
the crown. No delinquency wras charged, nor any fpe-
cific ground of forfeiture afligned j yet by this bill
more than 1200 freemen were to be disfranchifed and
deprived of any voice in the management of their pro¬
perty. By cutting off the 500I. ftockholders, the
proprietary would become more manageable by the
crown 1 nor w^as there any fecurity that the directors
would be faithful to the interefts of the company when
[ 535 1
B R I
they wrere no longer refponfible to them for their ac- ten'tam.
tions. By the eftablifhment of a general prefidency
over all the affairs of the company, and by the nomi¬
nation of judges for Indja, government would in effefl
transfer the whole management of the affairs of the
company to the crown, and the company would have
no farther ftiare in the bufineis than to pay what fala-
ries the crown thought fit to aflign them. The pro-Petition of
prietors of 500I. ftock prefented a petition, letting Pr°-
forth, that, by King William’s charter granted to the
company, and repeatedly confirmed fince that time, ^ * *
in confideration of many large fuftis repeatedly advan¬
ced by the company to the public, they were legally
poffeffed of a right of voting at the election of direc¬
tors, making of by-laws, or in any other matter re¬
lating to the affairs and government of the company j
but by a claufe in this regulating bill they were de¬
prived of this right, and that under a pretence of pre¬
venting the pernicious praftice of fplitting ftock by
collufive transfers j but fo far were the proprietors from
giving way to fuch praftices, that in the year 1767
they petitioned parliament for an aft, by which the
feveral proprietors entitled to vote ftiould be obliged to
hold this qualification fix months at leaft before the ex~
ercife of their right, afterwards extending the time to
twelve months, rather than the aft ftiould fail of its
intended effeft. This propofed increafe of the quali¬
fication of the voters, however, could not in any de¬
gree anfwer the end defired j for the fplitting of ftock
being confined to fuch proprietors as held large quan¬
tities, they would find it an eafy matter to place their
flocks in the hands of half the number of perfons,
and thus extend their influence in a great and undue
proportion 5 but if ever government conceived defigns
againft the company, they would find it much eafier
to execute them while the proprietors w-erc few and
opulent, than when they were numerous, and at the
fame time independent and poffeffed of moderate for¬
tunes. This petition produced a motion in the houfe 553
of commons, “ That it does not appear that the pro- Motion in
prietors of 500I. ftock in the Eaft India Company fav<?u?1
have been guilty of any delinquency in theexcrcifeofS"
their charter-rights according to the feveral afts of par-0f com.
liament made in their behalf.” This, however, being mons.
rejefted, their regulating bill paffed in the houfe of
commons by a majority of more than fix to one. In
the houfe of lords it paffed by 74 to 17. The duke *
of Richmond moved for a conference wuth the houfe
of commons ; but this was refufed. He then moved
that copies of all the papers which had been laid be¬
fore the commons ftiould be laid before the lords alfo ;
but this being likewife refufed, he joined fix other
members in a proteft, the fubftance of which w^as, that
the whole was a fcheme of government to get the
power and wealth of the company into their hands 4
pointing out at the fame time the many particular in¬
fringements on public and private rights by pafling the
bil1-   553
All this time inquiries went on by the feleft and fe-Invtftiga-
cret committees ; the affairs of the company were in-b°n the
veftigated from the year 1756* and many witneffes^Pa^yV
examined concerning them. A report was prefented
by General Burgoyne, containing many charges of and fecret
cruelty and rapacity in the conduft of feveral gentle- commit-
men concerned in the management of the affairs oftecs*
the
B R I
[ 5Zg ]
B R I
Britain.
554.
Lord Clive
accufed.
* See In-
dylun.
555
He is,ac-
quitted.
5S6
Proceed¬
ings in A-
merican af
fairs.
tire company *, particularly with regard to the depofi-
tion of Surajah Dowlah in 1756. This was faid to
have been the origin of all the evils that had happened
fince that time. He infilled much on the treachery uled
in bringing about that revrolution, and particularly the
fi&itious treaty with iOmichund; expofing the conduft
of Lord Clive, who had caufed Admiral Watfon’s name
to be affixed to that treaty, which the admiral had re-
fufed to fign in perfon*. He concluded with moving
for the reflitution of all the money received in prefents
or otherwife in India, while the receivers afi:ed in a
public capacity ; and at lad Hated the following refo-
lutions : “ That all acquifitions made under the influ¬
ence of a military force, or by treaty with foreign
powers, do of right belong to the flate ; that, to ap¬
propriate acquifitions obtained by fuch means is illegal}
and that great fums .of money had been obtained by
fuch means from the fovereign princes in India.” The
general belief that many of the company’s fervants
had afted in a.mod infamous manner, was at this time
fo ftrong, that the above refolutions were carried al-
rnod unanimoufly. Lord Clive defended himfelf by
general protedations of innocence ; which, however,
gained but little credit, till he entered into a particular
refutation of the charges againd him. His friends
-were not of opinion that thefe were of an atrocious
nature, and wifhed to excufe him by policy, neceffity,
&c. rather than load him with any great degree of
guilt. The treaty with Omichund was judified by ne¬
ceffity. Some Laid, indeed, that as Gmichund.had the
charafter of the mod accomplidied villain in Ada,
an Engliffiman only wifhed to have a trial of fkill with
him. This fevere farcafm, however, was a mere piece
of wit, without any foiid foundation } for the crime,
if any there was in that tranfaftion, usdoubtedly lay
in the dethroning a fovereign prince by means ot.-trai¬
tors, not the cheating of thefc traitors of their re-
-vvard. Indeed, if once we admit treachery into our
dealings at all, it is in vain to pretend any fubje&ion
to the rules of judice ; for we are already beyond its
jurifditdion. ^
General Burgoyne now moved, “ I hat Lord -Clive,
In confequence of the powers veded in him in India,
had received at various times prefents to the amount
of 234,000!. Sterling, to the diihonour and detri¬
ment of the date 5” but this being rejeded after vio¬
lent debates, the following was fubdituted : “ That
Lord Clive did, in fo doing, abufe the power with
which he was entrufted, to the evil example of the fer¬
vants of the public.” This alfo being rejeded, another
was added, “ That lord Clive, when he received the fum
above mentioned, did at the fame time render great and
meritorious fervices to his country.” I hus the matter
was concluded, and the affairs of the company delivered
into the hands ef adminiftration, who declared that their
regard for its welfare was the foie motive for bringing
about this revolution.
The affairs of the Ead India Company were fucceed-
ed by thofe of America. The ill humour occafioned
by the taxes laid on that country has been already ta¬
ken notice of. The-damp aCt had excited among them
a fpirit of indudry, economy, and a dcfire of .fervmg
themfelves with their own manufactures, which had
never been forgotten. This was, at that time, as well
as afterwards, imputed to wilfulnefs, -or the difcontent
,2
Britain.
of a few, which would afterwards fubfide of itfelf, or
be fuppreffed by the voice of the majority *, when things ' -" ~
would of courfe revert to their old channel. I he
trifling tax on tea, however, which had not been re¬
pealed, and the allowance given to the company to ex¬
part what quantities they pleafed, now threw matters
into a ferment not to be quelled by any means wffiat-
ever. The various proceedings in America, the tu¬
mults, and fubfequent w7ar, are fully taken notice of
under the article United States of Jmericj. .Here it
only remains to give an account of the manner in which
the legiflature and people of Great Britain were affeft-
ed by thefe events. It has already been, remarked,
that ever fince the conclufion of the peace in 17^3
difpofition fliown by government to augment the reve¬
nue, for which indeed there was at that time an evi¬
dent neceffity, had produced in the popular, party of
Great Britain a fpirit very fimilar to that manifeded by
the Americans, though in an inferior degree } fo that
the patriots of Britain affefted to confider the Ameri¬
cans as oppreffed by government, and fuffering in the
fame caufe w’ith themielves. The dedruftion of the
tea at Bodon and other places in America, however,
confiderably diminidied the number of their friends,
and made many of thofie who dill adhered much lels
fanguine in their caufe. The matter was announced
to parliament -by a fpecial meffage from the throne.
Lord North and the other miniders fet forth the con-
dudt of the colonids, particularly .of the town of Bo¬
don, in a mod atrocious light, and concluded that
now government was perfectly judifiable in any mea-
fures they might think proper to red-refs the wrong,
and inflift fuch puniffiment on the town as the enor¬
mity of the crime feemed to deforve. Qppofition did
not pretend to exculpate, though it was Hill attempted
to excufe them, by deriving all the didurbances in that
country from the arbitrary and abfurd meafures pur¬
ged and obdinately adhered to at home. This heavy
charge the minidry evaded by drawing the attention
of the houfe to the more important confideration,
Whether the Americans were now to be dependant, or
Independant, on Great Britain ? The Bodon port-bill
being then brought -in, was carried, but not without ss7
confiderable oppofition, both within and without doors. ^eb^tes on
A petition was fird prefented by Mr Bollan, agent for
the council of Maffachufet’s Bay, urging an act o an(j peti-c
Queen Elizabeth for the fecurity of the liberty of the tions a-
coTonies. This was prefented before the bill had a&u- gainit it.
ally made its appearance; but fo little regard was paid
to it, that, during the very time it lay on the table,
the bill was brought in by Lord North. After it had
paffed two readings, that gentleman prefented another,
defiring to be heard in behalf of the town, of Bodon,
for the council of Maffachufet’s Bay. This was abio-
lutely refufed } becaufe, though Mr Bollan vas agent
for the colony, he was not for the corporation of the
town of Bodon. Neither could he be fo for the coun¬
cil of Maffachufet’s Bay *, for as that was nec.effanly
fluauating, the body which had appointed him was
now no longer exiding. This appeared Very mconfid-
ent to many of the members, and produced a greater
oppofition in the houfe than would otherwife m a 1
probability have enfued. A new petition quickly Al¬
lowed from the lord mayor in the name of the natives
and inhabitants of North America refiding at that
time
I
B R I
jtfo
Britain, time in London. This was written in a more fpirited
ftyle, and boldly inlifted that the bill was illegal, un¬
precedented, unjuft; and that, under fuch a precedent,
no man or body of men in America could have a mo¬
ment’s fecurity j the charge being brought by the ene¬
mies of the town, and the punilhment inflifted with¬
out hearing them in their own defence, or even ma¬
king them acquainted with the charge; and they con¬
cluded with thefe remarkable words, that “ the at-
_ , tachment of America would not furvive the juftice of
f'mta'divi- As little regard being paid to this as to
{ion. the former petitions, and all propofals for a delay re-
jefted, the bill paffed both houfes without a divifion ;
the minority, notwithflanding their oppofition, not
choofing to diffent publicly from the firft ftep taken
559 ^ government to reduce the difobedient colonies.
Repeal of That this obnoxious bill might not be fent to Ameri-
thetea duty ca without fome mitigation, however, they propofed
tefufed. repeai 0f ^ on tea igjj on jn 1^67 ; but
this was alfo rejefted, probably from a vain expecta¬
tion that the oppofition of the Americans was that of
a mere tumultuous mob, and that by {bowing a pro¬
per fpirit and perfeverance the miniflry could not fail to
came off victorious at laft.
The extreme obftinacy (hown by minifters in this
firft inftance, undoubtedly proved very prejudicial to
their caufe, not only by exafperating the Americans,
but by roufing the indignation of minority, and ma¬
king their oppofition fo violent and determined that
the Americans could not but conclude that they had
a very ftrong party in their favour on this fide of the
Atlantic. This appeared in every fubfequent tranf-
Proteft on a&i°n relating to the colonies. The bill for regulating
the regula- the government of Maflachufet’s Bay did not pafs with-
ting bill. out a proteft, from which we {hall only extraft the
following fentence : “ This aCl, unexampled in the
records of parliament, has been entered on the jour¬
nals of this houfe as voted nemine dijfenticnte, and has
been ftated in the debate of this day to have been fent
to the colonies as paffed without a divifion in either
houfe, and therefore as conveying the uncontroverted
univerfal fenfe of the nation. The defpair of making
effeftual oppofition to an unjuft meafure has been con-
ftrued into an approbation of it.”
The like confequences enfued on pafling the ad for
the impartial adminiftration of juftice. In the proteft
on this occafion the lords ufed the following expref-
fions: “ The bill amounts to a declaration, that the
houfe knows no means of retaining the colonies in due
obedience but by an army rendered independent of the
ordinary courfe of law in the place where they are em¬
ployed. A military force fufficient for governing up¬
on this plan cannot be maintained without the inevi¬
table ruin of the nation. This bill feems to be one of
the many experiments towards the introduction of ef-
fential innovations into the government of this empire.
The virtual indemnity provided by this bill for thofe
who fhall be indiCted for murders committed under co¬
lour ot office, can anfwer no other purpofe. We con-
fider that to be an indemnity which renders trial,
and confequently puniflrment, impracticable. And
trial is impracticable, when the very governor, under
whole authority aCts of violence may be committed, is
rmpowered to fend the inftruments of that violence to
3000 miles diftance from the fcene of their offence, be-
Vol. IV. Part II.
[ 537 1
B R I
561.
On the im¬
partial ad-
miniltra-
tion of ju¬
ftice bill.
yond the reach of their profecutor, and the local evi- Britain,
dence which may tend to their conviction. The an-
thority given by this bill to compel the tranfportation
from America to Great Britain of any number of wit-
neffes at the pleafure of the parties profecuting and
profecuted, without any regard to their age, fex, health,
circumftances, bufinefs, or duties, feems to us fo extra¬
vagant in its principle, and fo impraCHcable in its exe¬
cution, as to confirm us farther in our opinion of the
fpirit which animates the whole fyftem of the prefent
American regulations.” 562
A ftill greater oppofition was made to the Quebec Debates on
bill, infomuch that, before it could be carried, the mi-^^e^c
nifters were obliged to drop much of that high and
afpiring tone to which they had accuftomed themfelves
in talking of American affairs. The minority contend¬
ed, that here, without any neceffity pleaded, or even
fuggefted, an arbitrary influence was extended by aft
of parliament to that province, furnilliing a dangerous
precedent, and an additional inftance of the averfion
which miniftry bore to the rights of the people. They
argued likewife in favour of the mode of trial by ju¬
ries, and thought that the eflablifhment of the Roman
Catholic religion there gave it a preference over the
Proteftant, which was now only to be exercifed by
toleration. The people at large alfo were alarmed at
the religious part of the bill, and it is not impoflible
that the fufpicions conceived at this time might contri¬
bute in fome meafure to the dangerous infurreftions of
1779 and 1780.
At the conclufion of the feflion his majeffy expref-
fed the greateft fatisfaftion at what had been done,
and hopes of the good effefts that would attend the
new regulations. The reception they met with in Ame¬
rica is related in its proper place ; in Britain the peo¬
ple feemed to wait the event with indifference, but their
bad fuccefs with the colonifts furniffied the minority
with new matter of reproach to caff on adminiftration.
The parliament in the mean time was diffolved by pro¬
clamation, and a very fhort time allowed for the elec¬
tion of new members ; fo that if oppofition at that time
had any ftrength, they had not now time to exert it. 553
The new parliament met on the 30th of November Par'iameri-
1774 > when his majefty acquainted the houfes that ataryPr°-.
moft daring fpirit of refiftance ftill prevailed in Ameri-in
ca, notwithftanding the moft proper means had been
taken to prevent the mifehiefs thence arifing, and af-
fured them that they might depend on a firm refolution
to withftand every attempt to weaken or impair the fu-
preme authority of this legiflature over all the domi¬
nions of the crown. In anfwer to this fpeech the mi¬
nority demanded a communication of all the letters, or¬
ders, and inftruftions, relating to American affairs; but
this being overruled, and the addrefs carried as a mat¬
ter of form, American affairs were delayed, in fpite of
all oppofition, till after the holidays. In the queftion
on the addrefs, the ftrength of adminiftration was to
that of their adverfaries as 264 to 73. 564
In the beginning of 1775 the minority received aLordCha-
confiderable acceftion of ftrength by the return of Lord ^anif’s ni0"
Chatham, who, after long abfence, again m-ide his ap re( aj of the
pearance in pariiament. He now teftified his difap-troops re¬
probation of the meafures which had been purfued jefted.
with regard to America in the warmeft terms ; moved
for addrefling the king to recal the troops from Bofton;
3 Y predifted,
S*5
American
li ament.
566
A great
B R I [ S:
Britain, predi&ed, that if minifters went on in the way they
“^'v m”J'J had done for fome time, they would make the crown
not worth the king’s wearing ; that the kingdom was
undone, &c. All his eloquence, however, proved at
this time ineffectual ; adminiftration was determined
upon forcing the Americans into fubjeClion, and his
motion was rejeCted by 68 to 18.
Lord North now prefented the papers which had
papers laid been called for by the minority •, but left the publica-
before par- t;i0!1 Qf particular names (hould prove detrimental to in¬
dividuals, only fuch parts as adminiftration thought
proper for public infpeftion were laid before the houfe.
This was complained of, but to no purpofe 5 and the
papers, in their mutilated ftate, were laid before a
committee of the whole houfe. In the mean time pe-
number of titions againft coercive meafures with America had
from'the keen received from moft of the trading companies of
trading6 t1ne kingdom : which, though highly difpleafing to ad-
companies. miniftration, could not be abfolutely rejefted, though
it was fully determined not to yield to their requefts
in the fmalleft degree. A committee was therefore ap¬
pointed to take them into confideration, which was not
to take place until the American affairs were alfo con-
fidered. The reafon given for this method of proceed¬
ing was, that the confideration of commercial matters
ought not to interfere with thofe of the political kind j
each of them being fufficiently embarrafling without
any other. This delay of hearing thefe petitions was
Configned hippofed to be an abfolute rejeftion of them in effeft 5
to the com-and fo indeed it proved to be, the committee to which
mittee of they w'ere configued being humouroufly called the com.
mittee of oblivion. The merchants of London, how-
ever, were determined not to give up the point until
they had exerted themfelves to the utmoft. They
drew up a paper in which they denied the diftinftion
eftablifhed by ininiftry. They affirmed that the con-
neclion between Great Britain and America wras chief¬
ly of a commercial nature, and that the manifold regu¬
lations adopted for the mutual profperity of the colo¬
nies and of the mother-country formed the great poli¬
tical chain which united them to one another. Que-
ilions of commerce and policy, therefore, with regard
to them, ought never to be divided, but examined
jointly, and could never be thoroughly underftood if
conftdered in any other wTay.
This remonftrance was feconded by all the powers
of oppofition •, but the truth was, that adminiftration
had already determined what line of conduft they w^ere
to follow, and therefore wiffied to hear as little as pof-
fible on the fubjeft. “ War (fays Dr Andrews) was
now the word : and notwithftanding no weightier rea¬
fon could be given for not attending to what the mer¬
chants had to fay, than this very determination, yet
that was the very motive that impelled minifters to re-
fufe them a hearing, left thefe {hould make it appear
how unwife it was to precipitate the nation into fuch a
meafure.”
But though there is not the leaft reafon to doubt
that adminiftration were now fully determined upon a
war, and therefore wifhed to be troubled with as few
<69 objections as poffible, they were by no means deficient
■ Arguments ]n arguments for the defence of their own conduft.
ufedint'a- 'pfoey alleged that the petitions fo much recommended
vour of ad- ^ attentJon 0f the houfe were principally the work
mmiftia- ^ ^ £a^jous p3rtjr, phe advantages accruing from the
oblivion.
568
Ineffedlual
remon¬
ftrance.
A merican trade were owing to the dependent fituation
of the colonies, who now aimed at a fuperiority over
Great Britain, or at leaf! at {baking off entirely the fu-
Eritani.
periority which the mother country had till now.exer-
cifed over them without the fmalleft; complaint. It
was the advantage of the mdrchants themfelves that was
confulted by maintaining that fuperiority} and the
merchants themfelves would be the firft to feel the bad
confequences of its being loft. War and its confequen-
ces are no doubt very terrible, but fometimes are ne-
ceffary, to prevent greater evils. The greateft evil that
can befal a trading nation is the lofs of its commerce j
and were the Americans to perfift in their courfes at
that time for a few years longer, this confequence muft
inevitably enfue.
It wras befides infifted, that though adminiftration
were to yield the prefent conteft, the warmeft advo¬
cates for America could not pretend to fay what would
be the laft of its demands. The Americans aimed in
reality at the repeal of whatever appeared obnoxious to
their immediate intereft : But that and their real in-
tereft differed very much. The greateft political evil
that could befal them was to be deprived of the politi¬
cal and commercial fupport they received from Great
Britain ; and to this they muft; ultimately fubmit, if
they {hould ever fucceed in the purfuit o* that delufive
phantom of independence which they now accounted
their happieft fituation. In ffiort, adminiftration in¬
fifted, not without a great fnow of reafon, that the
Americans were not to be reclaimed by conceffions.
Mercantile people, indeed, might imagine fo, from the
facility with wffiich conceffions would be made, and the
fpeed with which tranquillity would be reftored. But
tranquillity procured in this manner would laft no
longer than till the colonies, unfettered by any regu¬
lations, perceived, or imagined they perceived, the be¬
nefit of dealing with other countries, and carried their
own commodities wffierever they thought proper. 1 his
was the point at which they inconteftably aimed, what¬
ever they might pretend to the contrary 5 for, notwith¬
ftanding the boafts they made of the vail bufinefs tranf-
afted with Britain, it was w^ell known to ariie from
the immenfe credit they were indulged with there, and
wffiich they could not expefl elfewffiere.
The honour and charaffer of the nation were now
alfo faid to be at flake. The Britifh had often taken
up arms for matters of lefs confequence j why then
{hould they nowr hefitate in a cafe like the prefent,
where honour and intereft both called upon them for
the moft vigorous and fpeedy exertions ? Formerly it
was the cuftom of the merchants to fecond the wifties
of miniury in this refpe£l, inftead of oppofing them.
The inconvenience of lufpending their profits for a
time muft be fubmitted to, and their enemies would
experience as many if'not more of the fame kind 5 and
it would be umvoithy of the charaffer they had fo
long fuftained, to yield to indignities for the fake of
nrofit. The Ioffes above mentioned, however, would
be but trifling in comparifon of thofe that would fol¬
low in time to come, {hould Britain from wrant of fpi-
rit give up the affertion of her juft rights. T his w as
a policy hitherto unknown in Britain, which had here¬
tofore been noted for the ardour and celerity with
wffiich they wTere maintained.
The end of all this altercation was, that the motion
in
B R I
Britain. in favour of tlie merchants petitions was rejefted by
v 250 to 89. This point, however, was no fooner dif-
57° cuffed, than a violent debate arofe about the petition
tition of36” °f congrefs to the king, which had been delivered,
congrefs to anc* ^ra ^herred to parliament. It was argued by
the king, adminiftration, that no petition could be received from
the continental congrefs, which was no legal body, and
it would be admitting their legality to receive a petition
from them *, the general affemblies and their agents
were the only lawful reprefentatives of the colonies,
and none elfe would be admitted. Oppolition replied
and argued as much as poffible, but to no purpofe ;
and, after an ineffectual ftruggle, they had the morti¬
fication to find that the petition was finally rejected by
5^t 218 to 68.
Chatham’s In the mean time a conciliatory plan was prepared
conciliatory by the earl of Chatham, which was prefented on the
phn rejec- 0f ]7ebruary 1775. The intent of this bill, he faid,
was to fettle the troubles in America, and to affert at
the fame time the fupreme legiflative authority and
fuperintending power of Great Britain over her colo¬
nies. This was to be done by their acknowledging
on their part the fupremacy of the Britifh legiliature
and the fuperintending power of parliament. No
taxes were to be levied in America but wuth the free
confent of their affemblies. It afferted a right in the
crown to keep and ftation a military force ellablilhed
by law in any part of its dominions ; but declared,
that it could not be legally employed to enforce im¬
plicit and unlawful fubmitlion. A congrefs might
alfo be held, in order to recognize the fupreme fove-
reignty of Great Britain over the colonies, and to fet¬
tle, at the fame time, an annual revenue upon the
crown, difpofeable by parliament, and applicable to
the exigencies of the nation. On complying with thefe
conditions, the a£Is complained of by congrefs were to
be fufpended, with every other meafure pointed out
as a grievance, and the conftitution of their govern¬
ments to remain as fettled by their charters. This bill
was, however, deemed at once totally inadmiffible, on
account of its alleged partiality to America, by the
various conceffions it enafted, and particularly by em¬
powering the colonies to affemble in congrefs j a mea¬
fure which, of all others, w^as at that time the moll
offenfive, and fuppofed to be the moft injurious to the
Britilh interefts.
Lord Chatham was by no means deficient in argu¬
ments in fupport of his favourite plan ; but thefe, though
fupported by all the powers of eloquence, proved un-
fuccefsful ; the propofal was ultimately rejedted by 61
to 32. So determined wrere the majority in giving this
an entire rejedlion, that it was not even permitted to
lie upon the table ; which, however, may be confider-
ed as a piece of indignity offered to that great man,
proceeding rather from the indifference with which he
had been received at court for fome time, than from
any real and thorough conviftion of the inutility of the
plan he propofed.
Petition of A new petition was next prefented to the houfe of
the Weft commons by the proprietors of eftates in the Weft In-
India plan- (i;a iftands ; reprefenting their alarm at the aflbeiation
of the Americans, and their intended ftoppage of trade
with the Britifh iflands; the fituation of which, they
faid, wrould be very calamitous, if the adts in queftion
were not immediately repealed. The trade of thefe
B R I
iilands w-as at that time of the moft extenlive naturek Britai.a
All quarters of the globe were concerned in it; the re-
turns centered in Britain, and were an immenfe addi¬
tion to its opulence, infomuch that the Britifti property
there amounted to no lefs than 30 millions Sterling.
But the Weft Indies, however wealthy, did not produce
the neceffaries of life in fufticient abundance for their
inhabitants. Large importations were continually
wanted, which could only be fupplied from North
America; and were they to be cut off from a commu¬
nication with that continent, they would ftiortly be re¬
duced to the utmoft diftrefs. Such was the fubftance
of this petition ; to which no more attention was paid
than had been to the reft. To adminiftration all pe-r.
titions now appeared to be the contrivance of fadtion ; V
and it was faid, that however inconvenient the coer¬
cive meafures might be, they ought not to be retarded
by the confideration of any temporary Ioffes. As it
was neceffary, however, to let the nation know the ul¬
timate refolves of adminiftration refpedting America,
it was at laft done by Lord North in a long fpeech, in
which the moft remarkable circumftances relating to
the difpute were enumerated. It was afferted, that
univerfal fermentation, then prevailing in America,
proceeded from the unwarrantable arts and pradlices
uied to difpofe them againft the ruling powers in Bri¬
tain ; and afferted, that, notwithftanding all their com ¬
plaints, the public charges borne by individuals in Ame¬
rica were, on the ftridleft computation, not more than
J to 50, when compared wdth what was paid by indi¬
viduals in England. Nothing, therefore, but a fettled
determination to quarrel with the parent ftate could in¬
duce the Americans to perfift in their difobedience to
the lawful injunctions laid upon them, which were
neither injudicious nor oppreflive ; but on the con¬
trary, framed w h all poffible lenity, and counterba¬
lanced by advantages wdiich were not poffeffed by Bri¬
tain. It was therefore a fpirit of refiftance which ani¬
mated America, and not a difeontent at oppreffions
which plainly had no exiftence. For this reafon it
was propofed to the houfe to fend a greater force to A-
merica_; and to pafs a temporary act, fufpending all the
foreign trade of the different colonies of New England,
and particularly the Newfoundland fifhery, until they
confented to acknowledge the fupreme authority of
the Britifh legiflature, See. upon which thefe reftriCtions
ftiould be taken off, and their real grievances, if any
fuch there wrere, redreffed upon making proper appli¬
cation. New England, they faid, was juftly fingled
out upon this occasion, as being the moft guilty of the
whole. The others, as lefs faulty, it was hoped, would
yield with lefs compulfion ; but the queftion nowr was
limply, Whether we would at once abandon all claims
on the colonies, and inftantly give up the advantages
arifing from our fovereignty, and the commerce de¬
pendent on it ? or, Whether wre fhould refort to the
meafurcs indifpenfably neceffary to enfure both ? ^74
An addrefs was now carried, which, in the ideas of On the ad-
oppofition, amounted to an abfolute declaration of war.drefs on the
The confequences, therefore, were painted out with the Amencan
utmoft freedom, and fome even denied the charge 0fPaPers*
rebellion fixed on the province of Maffachufet’s Bay.
The people there, they faid, had done nothing but
what the conftitution allowed : they had refifted arbi¬
trary meafures) and the examples fo frequently fet
3 Y 2 them
[ 539 ]
B R I [ 54° 1 B R I
Britain, them at home were fufficient to juftify their conduft.
; /**—' The appellation of rebels, they faid, was dangerous, and
might better be fpared ; it would only ferve to render
them defperate, and infpke them with a determination
to refift to the laft, from an apprehenlion that their
lives and properties were forfeited. This laft conftde-
ration, however, was made very light of by adminiftra-
tion. Great ftrefs, they faid, was laid upon the union
of the colonies, but a very little time would ihow with
how much impropriety. The principles on which
they wTere aflociated were too felf-denying to be fup-
ported by human nature, and were too inimical to the
intereft and feelings of individuals to bind them long
together. In other refpedts this union of the colonies
might be viewed with indifference, and even contempt.
The natives of America, it was faid, were no foldiers j
they were averfe to military difcipline, and incapable
of fubordination ; they were of a flothful and fpiritlefs
difpofition ; uncleanly, liable to ficknefs, and eafily
overcome by fatigue. Such people as thefe would
never face a Britiih army j and a very fmall force
would be neceffary to put an end to all their projefts
of independence.
On the re- Thefe were the principal arguments for and againft
commit- this addrefs, which was carried by 296 to 106 : but
mentofit. f0 important was the fubjeft of it deemed by the mi¬
nority, that a motion was made for recommitting it, on
account of the confequences that would probably re-
fult from the profecution of the meafures recommended.
A very long and violent debate enfued : the event of
which was, that adminiftration contended as ufual for
the neceflity of enforcing obedience with fire and fword.
The Americans, they faid, were become incorrigible
through forbearance ■, lenity was a fubjedl of derifion
among them, and was imputed to imbecillity and fear 5
they imagined themfelves able to abol.d the lovereign-
ty of Britain in that country, and were now refolved
to do it. It was therefore incumbent on every native
of Britain in fuch a cafe to ftand forth, and vindicate
the intereft and glory of his country ; and it was the
duty of parliament and miniftry to call forth the whole
fpirit of the nation to a conteft in which every thing
dear to them both in their public and private capaci¬
ties were fo deeply concerned.
In this, and fome former debates, the danger of be-
ing involved m foreign wars on account of the colonies
had been infifted on ; but this was looked upon by ad¬
miniftration to be improbable. It was hardly to be
imagined, they faid, that foreign powers would behave
in a manner fo very impolitic as to encourage rebellions
in other colonies, which might, in a very fliort time,
become precedents for imitation in their owm. The
number of friends to government in America was like-
wife very much relied upon. A proper reinforcement
to the troops tlready there would encourage thole to
declare themfelves who were at prefent too timid to a-
vow their fentiments : Thefe, if duly fupported, would
be found to be no inconliderable number and wdien
added to the forces ftationed among them, would un¬
doubtedly counterbalance the power of the malecon-
tents. This projedt of arming the Americans againft
one another was reprobated by oppofition more than
all the reft. The addrefs itfelf was a meafure replete
with barbarity as well as imprudence; tending to put
arms in the hands of every man throughout the conti- Britain,
nent who fufpedted the defigns of the Britifti admini- v—
ftration, and to expofe to ill ufage and ruin every per-
fon who was known, or imagined, to be a friend to
Great Britain. The Americans were faid to afpire at
independence 5 but if any thing could bring this about
it would be the conduit of miniftry. The molt obedi¬
ent and loyal fubjedts cannot have patience for ever
with a tyrannical government. They will undoubtedly
rife at laft and afl’ert their rights; and thole who ftyle
them rebels on that account ought to remember, that
oppreilion not only produces but juftifies refiftance. It
had always been believed by the Americans, without
any contradidtion from Britain, that internal taxation
in America belonged to the affemblies of the colonies,
and to them only. There were opinions in all na¬
tions, which the legiflature wmuld refpedt, while they
produced no bad confequences. This opinion ought
not therefore to have been attacked at fuch an impro¬
per fealon, after having been virtually recognized by
the repeal of feveral adls, and approved by fome of the
moft learned and intelligent people in the kingdom.
It w^as the greateft misfortune that could befal a ftate,
when its rulers endeavoured without any apparent ne-
ceftity, to alter the fyftem and maxims of governing
long adopted, and the utility of which had been con¬
firmed by experience. This was, however, the cafe
with Britain. The mildnefs and benignity w'hich was
wmnt to diredl the meafures of former minilters was
now' laid afide for feverity and imperioufnefs j while
implicit obedience was impofed upon the colonifts, as
the only condition by which they could purchafe peace.
The afperfions of cowardice, fo largely throwm upon
the Americans by the minifterial party, did not pafs
unnoticed. It was obferved, however, that were thefe
ever fo juft, the very nature of their country would
fight for them. By this alone our military enterprifes
would be retarded and impeded in a conliderable de¬
gree j while the finews of war w’ould undoubtedly be
greatly relaxed, as the fufpenfion of fuch a confiderable
commerce as that of our colonies could not fail to be
feverely felt.
Befides all this, the views and principles of minifters
wrere attacked in the moft violent manner. They were
faid to be reviving the old exploded do&rines of here¬
ditary right and paflive obedience.—They required the
Americans to fubmit unconditionally to the will of
Great Britain, for no other reafon but becaufe Ihe was
the parent ftate : but if no better reafon could be pro¬
duced, they could not be juftly blamed for their difo-
bedience. The ties between Great Britain and her
colonies, however, W'ere of a far more noble as w ell as
more binding nature than even origin and confangui-
nity. Thefe ties were the conftitution tranfmitted
from Britain, and the brotherly afliftance hitherto af¬
forded them by Engliftimen j and which ought to ren¬
der the name dear to them. W hile thefe ties remained
unviolated, there was no room to complain of their be¬
haviour } but they would never lubmit to defpotic au¬
thority in Engliftimen more than in any others. Such
unwarrantable principles rendered it no longer a que-
ftion, whether the meafures of adminiftration fhould be
confidered, but whether the minifters themfelves ought
not to be deprived of the povyer they exercifed io un-
conftitutionally ?
B R I
[ J41 1
B R I
S7«
Petition
from the
Britain, eonftxtutionally ? And the queftion was not now be-
tween Great Britain and America, but, whether we
fttould give up our colonies or our minifters ?
Language of this kind excited the indignation of the
tninifterial party to a very high degree. They now
charged miniflry in very plain terms, with the guilt of
all that had happened. A fadlious republican fpirit,
they faid, was gone forth •, by which every perfon who
wrote or fpoke on the American caufe w^as actuated j
and which had not only induced the Americans to
commence a rebellion againft the parent date, but had
filled the houfe with incendiaries. The final blue of
the difpute was, that the recommitment of the addrefs
was loft by 288 to 109. The debates were the moft
violent that had ever been known in the Britilh par¬
liament ; and fo important was the fubject reckoned,
that not only the natives of Britain, but even the fo¬
reign minifters in London, watched the motions of
adminiftration with the utmoft anxiety, as confidering
it a point which might probably give a new face to
the alTairs of all Europe.
All thefe victories of adminiftration wTere not fufti-
cient to prevent new enemies from ftarting up. Peti-
Weft India tions had been preparing by the London merchants
merchants. t;racling to America, and from thofe concerned in the
Weft India trade, to be prefented to the houfe of lords.
This talk was undertaken by the marquis of Rocking¬
ham, but he was prevented by a previous motion in
favour of the addrefs. A long and violent debate,
however, enfued concerning the neceflity and propriety
of receiving them. The papers on which the addrefs
had been founded were faid to be partial and mutila¬
ted, for which reafon the houfe ought to pay the great¬
er regard to the reprefentation of the merchants j
whofe teftimony, as perfons deeply and effentially in-
terefted in bringing truth to light, might be depended
on with much greater fafety. It was urged, that they
earneftly defired to be heard before the houfe took
any final determination with regard to America ; a
refufal would amount to a public declaration, that par¬
liament was refolved tooppofe the fenfe of the petition,
right or wrong *, and fuch treatment was in every re-
fpe£I unwarrantable, and no lefs contrary to found po¬
licy than to equity and good manners.
All thefe reprefentations, how'ever, had no weight
with adminiftration : they affecfted great forrow at be¬
ing obliged to declare that the petition could not be
received confidently with the intereft of the kingdom ;
they put the merchants in mind that the American
proceedings threatened fatally to diminifh the commer¬
cial greatnefs of this kingdom, in which cafe none
would fuflfer fo much as themfelves ; and they infifted
that confidence ought to be put in the wifdom of par¬
liament, as it was not doubted that by properly alfert-
ing the fupremacy of the Britilh legiftature in the
manner propofed, all thofe advantages about which
they were fo anxious would be fecured. They were
therefore exhorted to fubmit to temporary inconveni¬
ences, which could not be avoided in the prefent pof-
ture of affairs, though probably they would not be of
long duration.
In the mean time matters went on from bad to
worfe in New England •, fo that it was foon perceived
either that the friends of government in that colony
did not exert themfelves, or that they were far from
T> .577
Rejected.
being fo numerous as had been imagined. In order Britain,
to make their coercive plan the more effe£lual, there- v
fore, it was now judged neceffary to extend it fo that
every individual of the colony fhould become fenfible 578
of the puniftiment. This, it was fuppofed, would be 0° the
done by a bill for reftraining the four provinces of New
England from commerce with Great Britain, 5Ireland,^rajning
or the Britilh Weft India iflands ; and prohibiting bill,
them from carrying on the filhery at Newfoundland.
The reafons given for this were in fubftance the fame
with thofe for the others •, and indeed both parties had
now fo much exhaufted their arguments, that very lit¬
tle new matter wras left for either. Every ftep taken
by miniftry, and every propofal made by them, how¬
ever', produced a violent debate ; and though they con-
ftantly gained the vidlory, it was not wnthout the mor¬
tification of hearing their principles and conduct re¬
probated in the moft opprobrious manner. In the
prefent inftance the bill was carried by 261 againft 85^
but a petition againft it was quickly offered by the
London merchants concerned in the American trade,
fetting forth the danger that would accrue to the fiflr-
eries of Great Britain from fuch a prohibition. 579'
From the evidence brought in fupport of this peti-^eneral ac¬
tion it appeared, that ten years before the American^mericai*^
fiftreries had been in fuch a flourifhing ftate, that the ^qierjes*a
four provinces of New England alone employed near
46,000 ton of {hipping and 6000 feamen j and that
the produce of their fifheries in the foreign markets
amounted in the year 1764 to upwards of 320,000!.
Since that time they had greatly increafed ; and whai
rendered the fifheries particularly valuable was, that
all the materials ufed in them, excepting only the tim¬
ber for building the veflels, and the fait for curing
the fiftr, were purchafed in Britain, and the nett
proceeds of the trade were alfo remitted thither. It
appeared alfo, that it would not be practicable to tranf-
fer thefe fitheries to Halifax or Quebec, though ever
fo much encouragement were given to either of thefe
places, as they had neither veffels nor people to man
them, and would never be able to procure fupplies of
feamen from New England on account of the averfion
of the inhabitants to the government of thefe two pro¬
vinces.
Some other circumftances were likewife urged as
ftrong reafons againft this bill ; particularly the com¬
mercial concerns of the city of London with New Eng¬
land (to which alone the colony flood indebted for
near a million), and the bad confequences of it to the 5So
people of Nantucket. This is a barren ifland, lying of the in-
off the coaft of New England, about 15 miles long, habitants of
and three broad, containing about 6000 inhabitants, ai_Nantucket,
moft all Quakers. The natural produce of this ifland,
it w^as alleged, could not maintain 20 families j but the
induftry of the inhabitants wras fuch, that they kept
130 veffels conftantly employed in the whale-fiftrery,
w'hich they carried on in the north feas, to the coafts
of Africa and Brazil, and even as far as the Falkland
iflands and the flrores of Terra Magellanica. Thefe
people, it was faid, ought undoubtedly to have been
exempted from the common calamity, were it only
from the applaufe due to fo much induftry and refolu-
tion.
The inftance of Nantucket wras fo ftrong, that ad¬
miniftration, with all their obftinacy, were obliged to.
relax
,1
j
SR! [54
Britain, relax a little *, and, of their own accord, afforded them
' the relief they had fach juft reafon to expedl. That
the petition in the main might prove unfuccefsful,
however, another was prefented by the inhabitants eft
Poole, the tenor of which was direftly oppolite to that
of the city of London. In this it was fet forth, that
the reftri£lions propofed by the bill wmuld not prove
detrimental to the trade of England, wdnch was fully
able, with proper exertions, to fupply the demands of
foreign markets. The advantage of the Newfound¬
land fifhery more than that of New England to this
country w^as, that it bred a great number of hardy lea-
men peculiarly fit for the fervice of the navy, while
the New England feamen were, by aft of parliament,
exempt from being preffed. It appeared alfo from
the examination of witnefles taken in fupport oTthis
petition, that the fiihery from Britain to Newfound¬
land employed about 400 drips, amounting to 360,000
tons, and 2000 lhallops carrying 20,000 tons and na¬
vigated by as many leamen. Each leafon produced
600,000 quintals of fiftr, and the returns at a moderate
j.gj rate were valued at 500,000!.
Remark- The bill was debated with great animofity in the
able proteft houfe of peers, and produced a remarkable proteft, in
againft the t^e meafures of government were fpoken of w ith
reftraining great feverjtyt “ That government (laid they) which
attempts to preferve its authority by deftroying the
trade of its fubjefts, and by involving the innocent and
guilty in a common ruin, if it afts from a choice of fuch
means, confeftes itfelf unworthy ; if from inability to
find any other, admits itfelf wholly incompetent to the
end of its inftitution.” They alfo reprobated in fe-
vere terms the affertion already mentioned, that the
Americans wanted fpirit to refill, and that Britain
wmuld find them an eafy conqueft. Such language was
reprefented as altogether void of foundation, and the
mere effeft of party-fpirit and refentment. It was al¬
fo the more imprudent and unadvifed, as tending, in
cafe of coercive meafutes, to llacken the care and foli-
citude with which they ought to be purfued, and to oc-
cafion remiffnefs in thofe to whom they might be entruft-
ed, from a perfuafion that the enemy to be encountered
i-gj was not to be feared, and could eafily be overcome.
On the The final refolution of reducing the colonies by force
force to be being now taken, it became neceffary to make proper
m a prep.arat;ons for the purpofe •, and in this the conduct of
adminiftration was little lefs cenfured than in other re-
fpefts. As the above-mentioned opinion, that the A-
mericans wTere timid and incapable of becoming fol-
diers, prevailed greatly at that time, a force of 10,000
men was judged fufficient to reduce the province of
Newr England to obedience. This wTas vehemently op-
pofed by the minority. They infilled that the lorce
was totally inadequate, and only calculated to produce
expence to no purpofe. The firft impreflion, they ve¬
ry juftly obferved, ought to be decifive, if poftible j
and in order to render it fo, it was neceffary to fend
fuch a fleet and army as might enfure the confidence
of the public, and be certainly capable of furmounting
all obitacles. Many of the friends of adminiftration
were of the fame fentiments in this refpeft •, and the
only reafon afligned for afting other wife was a hope
that the Americans wmuld, upon more mature confi-
deration, defift from their oppofition. That they
might the more readily be induced to this fubmiflion,
5S3
md if Jtorc;
North s
lent to A
meric a.
2 ] B R I
Lord North’s conciliatory propcfition was formed. By _ Britain,
this it was enafted, that when the governor, council,
and aiTembly of any of the colonies, fhould propofe to
make a provilion for the common defence, &c.
fuch provifion fhould be approved of by the king in conciliatory
parliament, the levying or impofing of taxes on that bill,
colony fhould then be forborne, thofe duties excepted
which it might be expedient to impofe for the regula¬
tion of commerce ; the nett produce of which Ihould be
carried to the account of the colony where it was rai-
fed. But this propofal, though highly extolled by the
friends of adminiftration, was no lefs reprobated by
minority than the others had been. It w'as faid to be
infidious, and calculated for the purpofe of raifing a
revenue, which w-as now faid to be the objeft of mini-
fters. There was no eflfential difference between the
prefent and former modes of taxation. The colonies
were as effeftually taxed without their confent by re¬
quiring them to pay a ftated fum, as by laying a num¬
ber of duties upon them to the fame amount. There
was befides a capital deficiency in the propofal, viz.
that no fum was fpecified 5 fo that the Americans were
left totally ignorant of what the demands of Britain
might be. After a long debate, however, the queftion
was carried in favour of adminiftration by 274 to 88.
The like fate attended a petition to the throne from
the ifland of Jamaica. Inftead of relaxing any thing of
their feverity, the miniftry now included the fouthern
colonies in the reftriftions laid on New7 England.
Still, however, the petitioners were indefatigable in 5g4
their endeavours to be heard. T he Weft India mer-Ineffe<ftuai
chants and planters feconded their laft petition by a £^d,eav°“r!.
large detail of circumftances relating to the Britilh £t‘
iflands in that part of the world. This affair was con-erSt
dufted by Mr Glover, a gentleman equally celebrated
for his literary talents and commercial knowledge. 1
From his inveftigations it appeared, that, exclufive
of the intrinfic worth of the iilands themfelves, their
ftock in trade and other property amounted to no lefs Imi^^]fe
than 60 millions; the exportation to Britain had ofvaiue 0f
late been near 200,000 hoglheads and puncheons oftbefe
fugar and rum, amounting to no lefs than four millions iflands.
in value ; the direft revenue arifing from which was
700,000 pounds, befides that which accrued from the
collateral branches depending upon it. All this, how- All concili-
ever, was urged in vain. Conciliatory propofals were atory pro-
made by Mr Burke and Mr Hartley, but they were P°fals.
rejefted by great majorities. Thefe propofals, indeed,
inftead of ferving the caufe they were meant to pro- detrimen-
mote, did the very reverfe. A dread w7as entertained tal.
of the confequences which might enfue from the re¬
publican opinions now7 fo prevalent in the colonies,
and all partiality towards them was looked upon in
fuch a criminal light, that their opponents became
deaf, on many occafions, to the voice of reafon and
humanity w hen urged in their behalf. On the other Extreme
hand, the favourers of America, urged on by a furious violence of
zeal, and even refentment againft thofe whom theyboth Par*
looked upon to be promoters of arbitrary meafures,
erred equally in their oppofition to miniftry. This
violent party fpirit appeared not ©nly among the peo¬
ple at large, but broke forth with the utmoft fury in
parliament, where the debates often refembled the
railings of Billingfgate rather than the deliberations of
the firft affembly in a great and powerful nation.
In
B R I t 543 1 B R I
Britain. In this temper of mind it is no wonder that the
* ' * date of affairs was fcarce ever truly reprefented by d-
S88^ ther party. Government continued to enact new laws,
fentauons now in vaJn> againd the Americans their antagonifts
on both oppofed thefe in a manner fo little different from what
{ides. has been already related, that any farther account of
the debates would be as unentertaining as tedious.
Other petitions were prefented and treated with ne-
gleft. The increafe of union and preparations for
war among the colonilts were by the miniderial party
treated as the mere commotions of a headftrong mob 5
and by the other as an afibciation of an injured and
virtuous people, who wefe about to found a mighty
empire in the weft, while Britain was to fink in utter
difgrace and contempt by their mere feceftion, without
making any account of their exploits in the field,
w’hicn could not fail to equal thofe of the heroes of
antiquity. On the fame principles the event of the
fkirmifh at Lexington was magnified by the one into
a “ difgraceful defeat” on the part of the Britifh 5
and by the other treated with abfolute unconcern, as
if no regard whatever was to be paid to it, nor any
inference drawn from thence concerning the fate of
the war in general. Thus alfo the battle at Bunkers
Hill, and all the tranfaflions of the year 1775, were
unfairly ftated by both parties 5 and the only confe-
quence enfuing from thefe mrfreprefentations was
tne inflaming to a violent degree the refentment be¬
twixt the two parties j one of which deprefled the
Americans to the rank of confummate poltroons,
while the other exalted them almoft to that of demi¬
gods.
While thefe altercations continued to agitate the
minds of the fuperior claffes of people in Britain, the
middle and lower ranks remained in a kind of indiffer¬
ence, or ratner were againft the proceedings of mini-
ftry. This oppofition could not indeed influence the
councils of the nation, but in other refpedls it proved
very troublelome. The levies were obftrufled, and
the recruiting fervice was never known to go on fo
heavily ; numbers of people of that defcription not on¬
ly refufing the ufual proffers, but even reprobating the
caufe in which they were folicited to engage. Be-
Ss9 . fides this feveral officers of high rank fhowed a great
o^Loix^Ef- a!erri?n at t^e ferv’ce" Lord Effingham, who had di-
fingham ftinguiftied himfelf by his oppofition to-aainifterial mea-
and other fures, refigned the command of his regiment rather
officers. than fight againft the caufe he had efpoufed fo warm¬
ly. His example was followed by that of feveral o-
ther officers ; and it is not to be doubted that, while
this ftep conferred upon them a very confiderable ffiare
of popularity, it excited in the minds of miniftry an
equal degree of refentment. Lord Effingham, in par¬
ticular, received the public thanks of the cities of Lon¬
don and Dublin $ both of which (bowed an extreme
590 aveiiion to the commencement of hoililities with Ame-
The city ofrica. The former, indeed, could fcarce reftrain them-
London re- felves within any bounds of moderation. After the
conduct of at Lexington they framed a remonftrance and
tniniftry. petition, animadverting in the moft fevere manner on
the miniftry and parliament; and it was not without
. the greateft difficulty that the more moderate party
procured one to be drawn up, under the name of an
“ humble petition,” couched in lefs reprehenfible
terms.
In the mean time feveral inconveniences began to be Britain,
felt in different parts of the nation. The fufpenfion ^
of the fale and purchafe of negro (laves in the WeftQ^g^
Indies and in North America, and the prohibition toofthena-
export arms and gunpowder, had greatly impeded thetionin con-
African trade from Briftol and Liverpool. In confe-fecluence °f
quenee of this, a great number of (hips which former- ^
ly failed from thefe ports had been laid up, and near
3000 failors belonging to Liverpool difmiffed from fer¬
vice. Their fituation Coon rendered them riotous j
and it was not without the affiftance of the military
that they were quelled. Thefe diftreffes, however,
made no impreffion on adminiftration ; who having
once laid it down as a maxim, that the fubjeftion of
America was the greateft political good that could
happen to Britain, were, in a confidence with their
owm principles, obliged to overlook every difafter that
might happen in the mean time as a temporal inconve¬
nience, which ought not to be regarded in the profe-
cution of a great and magnificent plan.
But whatever might be the viewTs of adminiftration
in this refpeft, it was far otherwife with the generality
of the nation. They felt the prefent inconveniences
feverely, while the fubjugation of America prefented
them with no folid foundation to hope for an equiva- 592
lent. It was with the utmoft fatisfa&ion, therefore, Laft peti-
that they received the news of Mr Penn’s arrival Jn don °f
I775, with a new petition from the congrefs to be g^ehrejC(^"'
prefented to the king •, after which he was to give it to
the public. Their expeftation, however, was foon dif-
appointed. The petition was delivered to Lord Dart¬
mouth on the 1 ft of September; and in three days it
was replied, that no anlwer would be given to it. This
laconic procedure excited no fmall furprife, as it was
univerfally allowed that the language of the petition
was refpedlful, and that it expreffed the higheft defire
of peace and reconciliation. Lord Dartmouth’s an-
fwer, therefore, could not but be confidered as a final
renunciation of all friendly intercourfe with the colo¬
nies, and which would drive them into a connexion
with foreign powers ; a refource at which they them-
felves had hinted when they firft took up arms. It
was alfo thought not only to be injudicious in itfelf,
but very ill-timed, and not at all confident with the
fituation of the affairs of Britain at that time. On the
other hand, the friends of adminiftration infilled, that
the petition offered nothing that could in a confiftency
with the dignity of the Britiffi empire be taken any
notice of. Inftead of profeffing any repentance for
their own condufl, they had offered ftipulations, and
even required conceffions on the part of Britain. It
was likewife faid on the part of adminiftration, that
fear had a ffiare in framing the propofals now held out.
The Americans were very fenfible, that though the firft
fteps taken by Britain had not anfwered the purpofe,
much greater efforts would quickly follow ; and that,
without being allowed fome time, it was impoffible they
could bring their matters to bear. The petition,
therefore, might be confidered as written with a view
to procraftinate matters, which was by no means ad-
miffible on the part of Britain. The colonies wrere al¬
ready well apprifed of the conditions on wfliich they
would be reftored to favour 5 and had it at any time in
their power to put a (lop to the operations of wrar by
accepting thefe conditions; but it tvould be imprudent
tO’
<•
B R I
[ J44 1
B R I
Britain.
betwixt
whigs and
tories.
to flop the military preparations upon fucli an uncer-
v tain expectation as the petition from congrefs held
out. It was alfo plain, that a great majority of the
nation approved of the meafures of government; for
addreffes were received from all quarters, recommend¬
ing, in the moft explicit manner, a vigorous exertion
593 againft America.
Revival of " rphe reje£;on 0f xh\s petition inflamed the minds of
tion^a'nd^w both parties more than ever again!! each other. The
nimofity obfolete diftinClion of Whig and Tory was now revived,
and that tvith fuch animoflty, that Britain itfelf, as
well as America, now feemed in danger of becoming
a feat of war and bloodfhed. The tories were accufed
as the promoters of thofe fanguinary addreffes already
mentioned. They were faid to be the great mifmform-
ers of government} and the falfe reprefentations they
induftrioufly procured from all quarters had contribut¬
ed more than any thing elfe to inflame the animofity
and produce the civil war. They were upbraided
with their attachment to the Stuart family. _ England,
it was faid, had, through their machinations, been
made a fcene of blood in the laft century ■, and had
been perpetually tottering on the brink of ruin from
the reftoration to the revolution. At that time indeed
the more fenfible part of the nation, wearied out with
perpetual attempts to enflave them, took the refolu-
tion of expelling an ill-advifed monarch, whom nothing
could prevent from purfuing their pernicious plans to
his own ruin. But the tories were an incorrigible
race, w'ho could not be cured even by experience ; for
though they had feen repeated inftances of the mif-
chief attending their plans, they adhered to them with
as great obftinacy as if the greateft benefits had on all
occafions accrued from them. Diffenfion at home and
difgrace abroad had been the conflant attendant of
their councils } while the only objedls they ever had
in view were the eftablifhment and propagation of their
ow n tenets *, for thefe alone they laboured, the honour
and intereft of the nation being entirely out of the
queftion. Thefe they would wflllingly facrifice to the
points above mentioned ; and as an inftance of the ef-
fefts of their councils, the treaty of Utrecht was men¬
tioned. Here, faid their antagonifts, the fruits of a
triumphant war, carried on for twelve years, were loft
at once by thofe feuds which the tories occafioned
through their reftlefs endeavours to compafs their ini¬
quitous projects.
On the other hand, the tories faid that the whigs
w’ere the genuine defcendants and reprefentatives of
thofe republican incendiaries who had in the laft cen¬
tury overturned the conftitution and defolated the
kingdom. They pretended indeed to affert the liberty
of Britain ■, but under this pretence they wiftied to
engrofs all the authority to themfelves, as might eafdy
be proved by an impartial examination of their conduft
in the unhappy times alluded to. In the prefent dif-
pute the principal queftion wjas, Whether the king and
parliament, when united, were to be obeyed or refift-
ed ? 7"he tories infilled that they were to be obeyed j
the w'higs that they were to be refilled. The truth
was, therefore, that there were two parties in Britain 5
the one of which w7as of opinion that the colonies
owed obedience to Great Britain in all cafes whatever,
and that in cafe of refufal they ought to be compelled
to obey $ but the other, though it acknowledged the
Britain.
fame obligation on the colonies, thought it wTas unad- ^
vifable to force it. The only conftitutional method of '1 y
deciding this queftion was by an appeal to parliament.
That appeal had already been made, and parliament
had determined on compullion. The decifion ought
therefore to be confidered as that of the voice of the
nation ; and were a parliamentary majority to. be
viewed in any other light, all things would fall into
confufion, and no rule of government remain. The
dodlrines of the wdrigs were alfo faid to be inadmiflible
in found policy. ' Authority, fovereign and uncon-
trouled, mull refide fomevvhere •, and allowing every
charge of bribery and corruption (which w’ere brought
by the other party moft liberally) to be true, it were
ftill better to be governed in iome inftances by fuch
means, than to have no government at all. 7 his mull
at laft be the cafe were continual appeals to be made
to the people j as they would undoubtedly be followed
by perpetual broils at home as wTell as difafters a-
broad. 594
To thefe violent bickerings at home, fome very fe* Misfor-
rious commercial misfortunes were now added. It had t“ne® °^
been reprefented as very probable, during the laft fef-^nd]^
fion of parliament, that the bill for depriving the peo-fleet>
pie of New England of the benefits of t » Newfound¬
land fiftiery, would redound greatly to the intereft of
Great Britain, by throwing into her hands alone the
profits which were formerly divided with the colonies.
7'his expectation, however, proved totally void of
foundation. The number of (hips fitted out that year
was fcarcely greater than ufual. The congrefs had al¬
fo prohibited them from being fupplied with provifions;
fo that not only thofe on board the {hips, but even the
inhabitants on the ifland of Newdoundland itfelf, were
in danger of perifliing. Many of the {hips were tnere-
fore obliged to go in queft of provifions, inftead of
profecutmg the bufinefs on which they came. On the
whole, therefore, inftead of any increafe, the profits
of the fifhery fuffered this year a diminution of near
500,000!. Along with this, fome natural caufes co¬
operated, which, by the more fuperftitious, were con-
fidered as the effefts of divine wrath. A moft violent yioientanj
and uncommon ftorm took place in thefe latitudes du-deftruAive
ring the fifhing feafon. The fea rofe full 30 feet a-ftorm.
bove its ordinary level ; and that with fuch rapidity,
that no time was allowed for avoiding its fury. Up¬
wards of 700 fiftring boats periftred, with all the peo¬
ple in them •, and fome fliips foundered, with their
whole crew's. Nor was the devaftation much lefs on
Chore, as the waters broke in upon the land, occafion-
ing vaft lofs and deftruClion. . 596
By thefe misfortunes, the general ftagnation of com-InefitAual
merce, and the little fuccefs that had hitherto attended P^ltl0ns» .
the Britilh arms, the mercantile part of the nation w ere
thrown into defpair. Petitions were poured in from
all quarters, the contents of wdiich were fimilar to thofe
already mentioned, and their reception exaClly the
fame. Minifters had determined on their plan 5 and
the only difficulty w as, how7 to put it in execution as 597)
quickly as they defired. For this purpofe, application difficulty
was made to the petty ftates of Germany, who arei!ngfor_
wont to hire out their forces, and who had frequentlyre gnfuc.
fent auxiliaries to Britain in former cafes of exigency.cours.
At prefent, how7ever, the fcheme met with confiderable
difficulties, occafioned by the diftance, as well as the
danger,
[
598
American
caufe.
B R I •
Britain, danger, of the defertion of the mercenaries.
ces were likewife alarmed at the appearance of lofing
fo many fubjefts for ever ; while the latter were no lefs
flartled at the propofal of being tranfported acrofs the
ocean into a new world, there to be expofed to all the
miferies of war, with very little hope of ever feeing
their native country again. Other refources, however,
were devifed, by calling in the aftiftance of the Heflians,
and obtaining from Holland that body of Scots troops
which had been fo long in their fervice. But in
HoUandand t^e^'e views adminiftration were difappointed. All
efpoufe the ^le ^ates Europe looked upon Britain with an in¬
vidious eye, though none fo much as Holland and
France j thefe being the two powers who had molt rea-
fon to hope for advantage from the quarrel. A very
ftrong party in Holland contended for the American
intereft. Pamphlets w'ere daily publifhed at Amfter-
dam in juftification of the colonies : their cafe was
compared with that of the Netherlands in former
times : and they were exhorted to perfevere in their
claims againft the pretenfions of Britain. Her they
reprefented as infatiably covetous of wealth and power,
and defirous of feizing every thing lire could. She was
alfo taxed with being of a domineering difpofition, and
that lire had become intolerable, fince her fuccelfes in
the w’ar of 1755, not only to her neighbours, but to
the whole world : nay, that even during the wTar (he
had exercifed an abfolute fovereignty at fea, and did
not fcruple to avow a right and title to rule over that
element.
But though thefe powers thus early expreffed their
hoflile difpolition towards Britain, it was otherwife
with the princes of Helfe and Brunfwick j by w'hom,
and fome other German princes of inferior note, a con-
fiderable number of troops were fupplied. At the
fame time, that as many Britilh forces as poffible might
be employed, large draughts wrere made from the gar-
lifons of Gibraltar and Minorca, who were fupplied in
return with an equal number of men from the ele&orate
of Hanover. In juftice to the minifters, indeed, it mull
be owned, that they profecuted the fcheme they had
undertaken with all polfible vigour ; infomuch that the
expences already began to occafion confiderable alarm.
This was owing, in the firft inftance, to the bad fuc-
cefs of the Britifh arms, which occafioned a demand
on this country altogether unlooked for. It had always
been fuppofed, that the Britilh army would be com¬
pletely vi&orious •, or at leaft would remain fo far
mailers of the field, that they could eafily command
what fupplies of frefh provifions were necelfary. In-
expended to Head of this, they were now cooped up in fuch a man-
fupply the ner as to be a&ually Jn danger of perifhing for want.
lofton.11 0t ^.e fuPP^es> therefore, of necefiity, were fent from
Britain ; and indeed the exertions for their relief were
fuch as mull give high ideas of the opulence and fpi-
rit of the Britilh. nation. For thefe troops there were
Ihipped no fewer than 5000 live oxen, 14,000 Iheep,
with a proportionable number of hogs, immenfe quan¬
tities of vegetables, prepared with all poflible care ;
10,000 butts of fmall beer, and 5000 butts of ftrong
beer. Some idea of the expences of thefe articles may
be obtained from an account of what was paid for ar¬
ticles trifling in comparifon of the above. For a re¬
giment of light horfe in Bofton, 20,oooI. were paid
for oats, hay, and beans. The articles of vinegar, ve-
Vol. IV. Part II.
599.
Auxiliaries
obtained
from Hefle
and Brunf¬
wick.
600
Vaft fums
.545 1 B R I
The prin- getables, and calks, at no lefs; and every thing elfe in Britain,
proportion. The contingencies occafioned by military
operations amounted to near 5C0 oool. The prodi¬
gious expences, therefore, of maintaining an inconfi-
derable armament at fuch a diftance, could not fail to
give a very unfavourable opinion of the war at large,
and juftly raile fupicions, that even the treafures of
Britain would not be able to defray the expence. One
advantage, however, was derived from fuch immenfe
profufion ; the price of every thing was augmented ;
that of Ihipping particularly rofe one-fourth in the
ton : and though the profits made by contraftors and
their numerous friends were complained of, the bene¬
fits wdiich accrued to multitudes employed in the va¬
rious branches of public bufinefs feemed in fome mea-
fure to make amends for every thing.
Misfortune, however, feemed now to attend every Almoft all
fcheme in which Britain engaged herfelf. Some partthe t'ofton
of it, indeed, in the prefent cafe, might be derived ||ores j6'
from mifmanagement. The failing of the tranfports ta™eyn. °
was delayed fo long that their voyages were loft. They
remained for a long time wind-bound ; and, after leav¬
ing port, met with fuch ftormy weather, that they
were tolled to and fro in the Channel till molt of the
live ftock they had on board perilhed. After clearing
the coalt of England, their progrefs was retarded by a
continuance of bad weather. They were forced by
the periodical winds from the coaft of America into
the ocean. Some were driven to the Weft Indies,
others were captured by American privateers, and only
a very few reached the harbour of Bofton, with their
cargoes, quite damaged, fo that they could be of little
or no ule. Notwithftanding the immenfe fupplies
above-mentioned, therefore, a fubfeription was let on
foot for the relief of the foldiers, as v. ell as of the fa¬
milies of thofe who died in the fervice. This was li¬
beral on the whole, though many refufed to contri¬
bute, from their difapprobation of the caufe ; and bit¬
ter complaints were made of want of economy through¬
out the whole American department. 60s
All this time the violent animofities between the Violent a-
parties continued ; the defire of peace was gradually
extinguilbed on both fides j and the foundati ’ * ’
of an enmity fcarcely ever to be extinguilhed.
feemed to be ferioully of opinion that the other would
willingly ruin the nation if poflible ; a remarkable
ftance of which was the commitment of Stephen Mr Sayre
Sayre, Efq. banker (one of the Iherifts of the preced-committed
ing year), to the Tower for high treafon. The ac-t(? ^
cufation laid againft him was no lefs than that of hav-^owcr*
ing formed a delign to feize his majefty as he went to
the houfe of lords : but the fcheme itfelf, and the me¬
thod in which it was to be executed, appeared both fo
ridiculous, that the prifoner was very foon difeharged;
after which he commenced a procefs againft Lord
Rochfort for falfe imprifonment. 604
With refpeft to the parliamentary proceedings du- Pariiamen*
ring this period, very little can be faid, further than^sde'
that every meafure of adminiftration, whether right ’
or wrong, was violently oppofed. The employment of
foreign troops, and admitting them into the fortrefles
of Gibraltar and Minorca, were moft feverely cenfured,
as being contrary to the bill of rights. Adminiftra¬
tion contended that this bill only forbade the introduc¬
tion of a foreign military power into the kingdom du-
3 Z ring
the foundation laid two par-^
Each ties.
603
B R I
[ 546 ]
B R I
Britain.
. . 6o5
Military 0-
be defpe-
rate-
ring peace j but the times were not peaceable, and the
introdu£Uon of the troops was evidently with a view
to quell a rebellion. The* force defigned for the con-
quelt of America was then declared to be inadequate
to the purpofe } but it was replied on the part of mi-
niftry, that the defign was to conciliate, not to con¬
quer The force (25,000 men) was fufficient to ftrike
terror ; and though this (hould not inftantly be produ¬
ced, conciliatory offers would Hill be held out after
every blow that was ftruck.
inu.uuyu- In the mean time the Americans, fenfible of the
perations of dangerous iituation in which they Hood, exerted them-
the Ameri-felves t0 the utmoff to diflodge the Britifh troops from
cans' BoHon. This being at length accomplifbed in March
I'y'yG, they proceeded to put their towns in the moH
formidable Hate of defence 5 infomuch that they feem,
if properly defended, to have been almoif impregnable.
This was evident from the repulfe of Sir Peter Parker
at Charleftown : But they did not exert equal fpirit in
the defence of New York 5 where, befides lofmg the
town, they received fuch a defeat as feemed to threaten
their affairs with total ruin. See America.
^ .6c6 In this view it appeared to the generality of the
believeTin people in Britain. The fuccefsful campaign of 1776
Britain to was looked upon as fo decifive, that little room was left
to fuppofe the Americans capable of ever retrieving
their affairs. Oppofition were much embarrafled, and
now almoH reduced to the fingle argument of the in¬
terference of foreign powers, which they had often un-
fuccefsfully ufed before. Befides this, indeed, the ob-
flinacy of the Americans in refufing the offers of Lord
Howe, even at the moment of their greateH depref-
fion, feemed to be a very bad prefage. I he flrength
of minifiry, however, now became fo decifive, that
whatever they propofed was immediately carried. I he
number of feamen for 1777 was augmented to 45,000,
and upwards of five millions voted for the expence of
the navy, and to difcharge its debt. I he expences of
the land-fervice amounted to near three millions, be¬
fides the extraordinaries of the former year, which
amounted to more than 1,200,0001.5 and though this
Vaft expen-vafl provifion became the fubjeft of much complaint
ces attend- ail'd animadverfion, the power of miniflry filenced eve-
ingtbewar.ry oppofer.
Perplexity * But however adminifiration might now triumph,
ofadmini- their exultation was but of fhort continuance. The
ftration on misfortune of General Burgoyne at Saratoga threw the
the news nat;0n into a kind of defpair, and reduced the
P"Plexi7- Thre
defeat. culty now was to contrive means for railing a .uihcient
number of forces to carry on the war 5 but from this
They extri-they extr}cated themfelves by what muR be allowed a
felves with maRerly contrivance. This was the encouraging levies
great dex- for government fervice by cities and private perfons 5
terity. and as the defign tvas kept a profound lecret before the
ChriRmas recefs, they were not diRurbed by the dan¬
gerous clamours of oppofition. The recefs was pur-
pofely extended in order to give time for the fcheme to
take effeft 5 and before parliament met again it wfas
a finally accomplifiied, fo that miniflers could once more
face their opponents without any fear.
610 Another and more weighty confideration, however.
The French now occurred. The European Rates in general had
affiftAme long beheld the grandeur of Britain with an invidious
rica. eye. The news of the difaRer at Saratoga was there¬
fore received among them as thofe of the defeat of Britain,
Charles XII. at Pultowa was among the powders whom 'Y*—-*
he had fo long commanded. Of all thefe the French,
for obvious reafons, w'ere the mod active in fupport-
ing the Americans. Numbers of the young nobility
were eager to fignalize themfelves in the American
caufe f and among the reR the marquis de la Fayette,
a young nobleman of the firR rank and fortune. Im¬
pelled by an enthufiaRic ardour in favour of the Ame¬
rican caufe, he purchafed a veffel, loaded her with mi¬
litary Rores, and failed in her with feveral of his
friends to America, where he prefented his fervices
to congrefs. From them he met with a moR gracious
reception, and was invefled with a command, in which
he loR no opportunity of diRinguiRiing himfelf. Be¬
fides this nobleman, feveral other officers from France
and Germany aftually entered the American fervice,
and by their military talents greatly contributed to the
exertions which the colonies were afterwards enabled
to make.
This aRiRance, however, would have been but trif¬
ling, had not the French court alio intereRed itfelf in
their behalf 5 for by the time, or very foon after, the
news of General Burgoyne’s difaRer arrived in Britain,
a treaty was on foot between the French court and the
United States of America.
Even before this time France bad Riowed fuch an
extreme partiality tov/ards the Americans, as might
have plainly indicated their defign of ultimately alibi¬
ing them in their national capacity. The encourage¬
ment given to tke American privateers in all the ports
of France had produced firong remonllrances on the
part of Britain ; and an order Avas at lall demanded,
that all thefe privateers with their prizes ibould depart
the kingdom. With this they found it neceflary to
comply at that time, led reprifals fliould be made by
capturing their whole Newfoundland fleet then out on
the fifliery. So many delays, however, were made on
various pretences, that not a fingle veffel was diimifled
from any of their ports. So far indeed were the French
court from any defign of this kind, that in the month
of July 1777 the whole body of merchants through¬
out the kingdom were affured from government that
they might depend on prote£lion in their trade with
America.
All this time the greateR preparations were made
throughout the whole kingdom of trance for war 5 fo
that the mofl judicious politicians were of opinion that
a rupture with that power fliould have immediately fol¬
lowed the commencement of hoRilities with America,
and for which the behaviour of the former furniflied
abundant reafons of juflification. Whatever might
have been the motives of the Britifli miniRry, however,
it is certain, that in defiance of probability, even when
joined by the moR acrimonious cenfures of oppofition,
they continued to pretend ignorance of any hoflile in¬
tentions in the court of France, until that court of its 611
own accord thought proper to. announce them. This^'.^y^
was done by a formal notification to the court of Bri-r;ca an_
tain in the month of March 1778, and that in thenouncedto
mofl mortifying terms. In this declaration it was an-the court
nounced, not only that a treaty of friendfhip and com-of ■bntai5U
merce was concluded betwixt h ranee and America,
but Britain was infulted with being told that America
was actually in pcffeflion of independency, as if the for¬
mer
B R I
[ 547 1
B R I
Yin tain, tner had already exerted her utmofl efforts without be-
v ” ing able to reduce them. A merit was alfo made of
having entered into no commercial ftipulations in favour
of France excluiive of Britain. Nothing, therefore,
could be more offenlive ; and though it could not de¬
cently be laid on the part of the French monarch that
he wifhed for war, yet his fpecific intentions were con¬
veyed in fuch haughty terms, that the whole could on¬
ly be confidered as a declaration of thofe hoftilities
which he pretended to avoid.
Both parties now united in their opinion that a war
with France was unavoidable j but they were not for
that reafon any farther advanced towards a reconcilia-
Sever tion. It mult be owned, indeed, that the minority
eharges Fad now, according to their own account, received
cdmimilra veT provocation. They had from the beginning
tLon. reprobated the American w^ar, and pregnolticated its
bad fuccefs. In this they had been overruled, and
the chara&er of the Americans reprefented in fuch a
manner as almolt to preclude the idea of their being
able to refill. They had refilled, however 5 and by
deltroying or taking prifoners a whole army, verified
thofe predictions which had been fo often treated with
ridicule. The popular party had, times without num¬
ber, infilled in the molt earnelt manner for fome kind
of conceffion towards America •, but this had conllant-
ly been refufed with an unparalleled and inveterate ob-
llinacy. They now faw thefe very conceflions offered
to America after the defeat of Burgoyne, which, had
they been granted in time, would have prevented all
the mifchief. Added to all this, the expences for the
enfuing year had been hurried through the houfe be¬
fore the Chriltmas vacation •, the levies had been raifed
by fubfcription without confent of parliament at all 5
yet both thefe proceedings had been determined to be
faiCtly legal and conftitutional. Every inquiry into
the meafures of government had been fruitrated $ and
one into the Hate of the nation in general, which could
not be abfolutely rejected, w7as rendered ineffectual by
delays and evafion. Laltly, They nowT faw their coun¬
try involved in a foreign w'arwith a nation well provi¬
ded for all emergencies, while we had lupinely fuffered
them to go on, without making the lealt effort to put
ourielves in a proper Hate of defence..
•Removal of ^'or thefe reafons oppofition infilled that the prefent
the mini- miniitry ought no longer to be trulted with the ma¬
nagement of public affairs. An acknowledgment of
the independence of America was now by many fup-
pofed to be the only rational ftep that could be taken,
which might now be done with a good grace, and
which we would unavoidably be obliged to take at laft
whether he would or not. By acknowledging this
independence before they had time to enter into
exclufive engagements with France, their trade would
be open to all the world. This of courfe would
ieffen their correfpondence with France, and leave
them at liberty to form fuch connections as they
thought molt proper. The ininilterial party, however,
It ill infilled on vigorous meafures, representing it as a
fpiritlefs and difgraceful meafure to bend beneath the
powrer of France, and fetting forth the refources of
Great Britain as fufficient to refill the efforts of all
her enemies. The diffonour of leaving the American
loyalills expofed to the refentment of their country¬
men .was alfo fet forth in the flrongeft manner. Thefe,
4ters infift-
ed upon.
by very intelligent people, were faid to be by far the Britain,
greater number. Were it not more eligible, on the ' v™”1 ■'
very ftrength of fuch an affirmation, to make trial of
its veracity, and to put arms into their hands ? What¬
ever the danger of the experiment might be, we could
not abandon them without expofing our reputation,
and lofing that charaCter of fidelity to our engage¬
ments for which we had hitherto been lo jultly refpeCt-
ed. Unanimity in the prefent cafe was itrongly, and
indeed very jultly, infilled upon ; but when oppofition
complained of fome occult irreiiltible influence by
which the councils of the nation were direCted, in dc-
fpite of every fuggeltion of reafon and argument, the
charge was denied in the ftrongelt manner, and mini-
llers difclaimed every motive of their conduCt, except¬
ing that of an internal conviCtion of its own reCti-
tude.
Notwithftanding the violence of thefe altercations,
however, the greatelt courage and Iteadinefs w’as mani-
felled by the cool and deliberate part of the nation. ^
The French refolved in the firlt place to excite a ge- jnvafion
neral terror by threatening an invafion. This was threatened
evidently impracticable, without their procuring firlt hy the
the fuperiority at fea : yet as multitudes in the country trentb-
were apt to be terrified by the very mention of a
French invafion, orders were iffued to draw out and
embody the militia, which was then compofcd of men
in every refpeCt as well exercifed and difciplined as
any regular troops. It was complained, however,
that a French fquadron of 12 Ihips of the line had D’Eftaing
failed from Toulon without any obltruCtion, under fail5 with a
the command of the count d’Eltaing. The molt
grievous apprehenfions were entertained from the great jon>
inferiority of Lord Howe’s naval force, which might
expofe him to a total defeat, and the whole fleet of
traniports to be taken or deftroyed by the enemy.
But whatever might have been the probabilities in this
cafe, it is certain that either the fortune or conduCt
of this commander were fuch, that no exploit of any
great confequence was ever performed by him. That
matters, however, might be put in the belt fituation
poffible, addreffes were moved for the recalling of the
fleets and armies from America, in order to llation them
in places where they might contribute more effectually
to the defence of the kingdom. This was oppofed
uot only by adminiftration, but even by fome of the
molt popular members of oppofition themfelves. Of
this opinion were Lord Chatham and the -earl of Shel¬
burne 5 the former of whom refilled it with a vehemence
of fpeech peculiar on this occafion.
The operations of the French in America, with the Exploits of
various luccefs of the war, are related under the article d’Eftaing-
bailed States of America. Here we have only to take
notice, that d’Eltaing having failed in his attempt on
the Britilh fleeft at New York, and in aflilting his al¬
lies in their attempt on Rhode Bland, as well as having
by other parts of his conduct greatly difgufted them,
failed for the Welt Indies, where he unfuccefsfully at¬
tacked the ifland of St Lucia *. Being repulfed in * gee
this attempt, he failed to the ifland of Grenada, which Lucia.
he reduced, treating the vanquilhed in a very cruel
manner f $ while a body of troops difpatched by him f See Grt-
alfo reduced the ifland of St Vincent. nada.
By this time the French admiral was powerfully re¬
inforced } fo that his fleet confilted of 26 fail of the
2 Z 2 line
B R t
[ 548 ]
B R I
Britain.
617
Engage¬
ment be¬
twixt him
and Admi¬
ral Byron.
618
Bravery of
fome Eng-
lifh cap-
619
General
ftate of the
fuccefs of
the Ame¬
rican and
Weft Indi¬
an war.
I See thofe
articles.
| See St
Lucia.
line and 12 frigates. During the time he was em¬
ployed at Grenada, Admiral Byron with the Britifh
fquadron was accompanying the homeward-bound
Weft India fleet till out of danger*, after which he
failed with a body of troops under General Grant for
the recovery of St Vincent j but before they could
reach that ifland, certain intelligence was received of
the defcent at Grenada. On this they fleered direftly
for that ifland, where they encountered the French
fleet without hefitation, notwithftanding the great
fuperiority of the latter. At this time the French
fquadron amounted to 27 fail of the line and feven
frigates *, while that of Britain confifted only of 21
line of battle ftups and one frigate. The Britifh ad¬
mirals, Byron and Barrington, endeavoured to bring
the enemy to a clofe engagement, but this was as ftu*
dioufly avoided by d’Eftaing j and fuch w7as the dex¬
terity and circumfpeftion with w’hich the latter con¬
duced matters, that it was only by feizing the tran-
ftent opportunities of the different movements occa-
fioned by the wind and wreather, that fome of the Bri-
tilh fhips could clofe in with their antagonifts. Even
when this w7as the cafe, the engagement w7as carried
on upon fuch unequal terms, that the Britifh fhips
were terribly ftiattered. For fome time Captains Col-
lingwood, Edwards, and Cornwallis, flood the fire of
the whole French fleet. Captain Fanfhaw of the
Monmouth, a 64 gun (hip, fingly threw himfelf in the
way of the enemy’s van to flop them. Several of the
Britilh fhips forced their way to the very mouth of St
George’s harbour on the ifland of Grenada : but find¬
ing it in the hands of the French, an end was put
to the engagement j nor did the French care to
renew it, though the Britifh fhips had fuffered very
much.
D’Eftaing now having received frefh reinforcements,
fet fail for the continent of America, after convoying
the homeward-bound fleet of French merchantmen in
their return from the Weft India iflands. His difaf-
trous attempt on the town of Savannah, with the fub-
fequent diforder betwixt him and the colonifts, are re¬
lated under the article United States of America.
Here we have only to take notice, that thus the fears
which had been excited by the fuperiority of the
French in the Weft Indian feas were effeflually difli-
pated. The iflands of Dominica, St Vincent, and
Grenada, were indeed loft ; the firft being taken by
the marquis de Bouille, governor of Martinico, and
the two laft by d’Eftaing as already related f : but
thefe fuccefl'es were balanced by the failure of the
French commander in every other enterprife ; by his
terrible difafler at the Savannah ; and by the acquifi-
tion of St Lucia, which was taken in the year 1778
by Admiral Barrington and Generals Prefect and Mea¬
dows In other parts of the Weft Indian feas alfo
the honour of the Britifh arms was very effeftually
fupported by the bravery and vigilance of the com¬
manders on that ftation. Flere Admiral Hyde Parker,
afiifted by Admiral Rowley, kept the enemy in con¬
tinual alarm, and intercepted the trade of the French
iflands in fuch a manner as greatly diftrefled them.
Three large frigates difpatched by count d’Eftaing
after his failure in America were taken, and a great part
of a convoy feized or deftroyed in fight of M. de la
Motte Piquet’s fquadron in the harbour of Port Royal
at Martinico, the admiral himfelf having narrowly efca- Britain,
ped. Fie had failed out of that harbour, in order to ' ,
favour the efcape of the convoy already mentioned ;
which having partly effected, he withdraw ; but was
purfued fo clofely, that he had fcarcely time to flrelter
himfelf under the batteries on flrore.
Thefe fuccefles, wdrich happened in the year 1778,
1779, and beginning of 1780, kept the event of the
war pretty much in an equilibrium on the weftern feas
and continent 5 but in the mean time the moft un¬
happy diffenfions prevailed through every department
of the Britifh government in Europe, which threaten¬
ed at laft to involve the whole nation irr confufion and
bloodfhed. 620
Among other charges brought by the members in Bad condl-
oppofition againft the miniitry, that of neglecting the
navy had been one of the moft confiderable j nor indeed
does it appear that the charge was altogether without
foundation. Without a fleet, however, it was now7 im-
poflible to avoid the danger of an invafion. At this
time, indeed, the fleet was in a very weak condition,
but the valour and experience of the officers feemed in
fome meafure to compenfate that defeft. The chief
command was given to Admiral Keppel, who had fer-Operations
ved with uncommon reputation during the laft war. Admiral
Admirals Sir Robert Harland and Sir Hugh Pallifer fer- an^js’en<
ved under him, both of them officers of undoubted o-agement
courage and capacity. Arriving at Portfmouth towards with the
the end of March 1778, Admiral Keppel exerted him- French
felf with fo much induftry and diligence, that exclufive fleet*
of thofe fhips which it was found neceffary to difpatch
to the coaft of North America under Admiral Byron,
a fleet of 20 fail of the line was got in complete readi-
nefs by the beginning of June, and ten more in a for¬
ward ftate of preparation.
At the head of this fleet Admiral Keppel failed from
Portfmouth on the 13th of June, in order to proteft
the vaft number of commercial fhipping expeCled from
all parts of the w7orld, and at the fame time to watch
the motion of the French fleet at Breft.
On the arrival of the Britifh fleet off the coaft of
France, tw7o French frigates approached it, in order to
make their obfervations. Thefe were the Licorne of
32 guns and the Belle Poule of 26. In confequence
of a fignal to give chafe, the Milford frigate overtook
the Licorne towards the clofe of the day, and requeft-
ed the French captain to come under the Britifh admi¬
ral’s ftern; upon his refufal, a fhip of the line came up,
and compelled him to come into the fleet. Next mor¬
ning, the Licorne feeming by her motions to be alter¬
ing her courfe, a ffiot was fired acrofs her w7ay as a fig¬
nal for keeping it. Hereupon fhe difeharged a broad-
fide and a volley of fmall arms into the America of 64
guns that lay clofe to her, and immediately ftruck.
The behaviour of the French captain was the more a-
ftonifhing, as Lord Longford, captain of the America,
was at that inftant engaged in converfation wdth him
in terms of civility } but though fuch behaviour cer¬
tainly merited fevere chaftifement, no hoftile return was
made.
The Arethufa of 26 guns, commanded by Captain
Marfhal, with the Alert cutter, was meanwhile in pur-
fuit of the Belle Poule, that was alfo accompanied by
a fchooner, and the chafe was continued till they were
both out of fight of the fleet. On his coming up, he
informed
Britain.
B R I [ 549 j B R I
informed the French captain of his orders to bring him
to the admiral, and requefted his compliance. This
being refufed, the Arethufa fired a fhot acrofs the
Belle Poule, which fhe returned with a difcharge of her
broadfide. The engagement thus begun, continued
more than two hours with uncommon warmth and
fury.
The Belle Poule was greatly fuperior not only in
number, but in the weight of her metal: her guns were
all 12 pounders; thofe of the Arethufa only fix : Not-
W'ithilanding this inferiority, fhe maintained fo defpe-
rate. a fight, that the French frigate fuffered a much
greater lofs of men than the Britifh. The flain and
wounded on board the former, amounted, by their own
account, to near loo; on board the latter they were
not half that proportion.
Captain Fairfax in the Alert, during the engagement
between the two frigates, attacked the French fchocn-
er, which being of much the fame force, the difpute
continued two hours with great bravery on both fides,
when fhe flruck to the Englifli cutter.
The Arethufa received fo much damage, that fhe be¬
came almofl: unmanageable ; the captain endeavoured
to put her into fuch a pofition, as to continue the en¬
gagement ; but was unable to do it. Being at the
fame time upon the enemy’s coaft, and clofe on the
fhore, the danger of grounding in fuch a fituation
obliged him to a£t with the more caution, as it wras
midnight. The Belle Poule, in the mean time, flood
into a fmall bay furrounded with rocks, where fhe was
protedted from all attacks: fire had fuftered fo much,
that the captain, apprehending that fhe could not Hand
another engagement, had refolved, in cafe he found
himfelf in danger of one, to run her aground ; but her
fituation prevented any fuch attempt; and as foon as
it wjas day-light, a number of boats came out from
fhore, and towed her into a place of fafety. Notwith-
ftanding the evident and great fuperiority on the fide
of the French, this adlion wTas extolled by them as a
proof of lingular bravery, and the account of it received
with as much triumph as if it had been a vidfory.
On the 18th of June, the day following the engage¬
ment with the Belle Poule, another frigate fell in with
the Britifh fleet; and wras captured by the admiral’s or¬
ders, on account of the behaviour of the Licorne.
The capture of thefe French frigates produced fuch
intelligence to the admiral, as proved of the utmoft im¬
portance, at the fame time that it w7as highly alarming.
He was informed that the fleet at Breff confifted of 32
fhips of the line and 12 frigates. This w7as in every
refpedl a moft fortunate difcovery, as he had no more
w7ith him than 20 fhips of the line and three frigates.
The fuperiority of the enemy being fuch as neither
fkill nor courage could oppofe in his prefent circum-
ftances; and as the confequences of a defeat muft have
been fatal to this country, he thought himfelf bound
in prudence to return to Portfmouth for a reinforce¬
ment. Here he arrived on the 27th of June, and re¬
mained there till the fhips from the Mediterranean,
and the Spanifh and Portuguefe trade, and the fummer
fleet from the Weft Indies, coming home, brought
him a fupply of feamen, and enabled him to put to fea
again, with an addition of ten fhips of the line. But
ftill there was a great deficiency of frigates, owing to
the great numbers that were on the American ftation,
and the neceflity of manning the fhips of the line pre- Britain,
ferably to all others. v
In the mean time, the preparations at Breft being
fully completed, the French fleet put to fea on the 8th
of July. It confifted of 32 fail of the line, befides a
large number of frigates. Count D’Orvilliers com¬
manded in chief. The other principal officers in this
fleet were counts Duchaftault, de Guichen, and de
Graffe ; monfieur de Rochechoart and monfieur de la
Motte Piquet. A prince of the blood royal had alfo
been fent to ferve on board of this fleet; this was the
duke of Chartres, fon and heir to the duke of Orleans,
firft prince of the blood royal of France in the colla¬
teral line. He commanded one of the divifions in qua¬
lity of admiral.
On the 9th day of July, the Britifh fleet failed out
of Portfmouth in three divifions ; the firft commanded
by Sir Robert Harland, the third by Sir Hugh Palli-
fer, and the centre by Admiral Keppel, accompanied
by Admiral Campbell, an officer of great courage and
merit. The French had been informed that the Bri¬
tifh fleet was greatly inferior to their own; which was
but too true at the time when they received this infor¬
mation. Being yet unapprifed of the reinforcement it
was returned with, the admiral failed at firft in queft of
it, intending to attack it rvhile in the weak condition
it had been reprefented to him.
As the Britifh admiral was equally intent on coming
to adlion as foon as poflible, they were not long before
they met. On the 2 3d of July they came in fight. But
the appearance of the Britifh fhips foon convinced the
French admiral of his miftake, and he immediately de¬
termined to avoid an engagement no lefs cautioufly
than he eagerly fought it before.
Herein he was favoured by the approach of night:
All that could be done on the part of the Bntifh was
to form the line of battle in expectation that the enemy
would do the fame. During the night the wind changed
fo favourably for the French, as to give them the wea¬
ther gage. This putting the choice of coming to ac¬
tion, or of declining it, entirely in their own power,
deprived the Britifh admiral of the opportunity of for¬
cing them to engage as he had propofed.
During the fpace of four days, the French had the
option of coming to aCtion ; but conftantly exerted
their utmoft care and induftry to avoid it. The Bri-
tifh fleet continued the whole time beating up againft
the wind, evidently with a refolution to attack them.
But notwithftanding the vigour and fkill manifefted in
this purfuit, the Britifh admiral had the mortification
to fee his endeavours continually eluded by the vigi¬
lance and precaution of the enemy not to lofe the leaft
advantage that w7ind and weather could afford.
The chafe lafted till the 27th of July. Between
ten and eleven in the morning, an alteration of wind and
wTeather occafioned feveral motions in both fleets, that
brought them, unintentionally on the part of the French,
and chiefly through the dexterous management of the
Britifh admiral, fo near each other, that it was no long¬
er in their pow'er to decline an engagement. Both
fleets were now on the fame tack: had they fo remain¬
ed, the Britifh fleet on coming up with the French
would have had an opportunity of a fair engagement,
fliip to fhip ; which would hardly have failed of pro¬
ving very decifive ; but this was a manner of combat-
B R I [ 5J0 ] B R I
ing quite contrary to the wiftes of the French admi¬
ral. Inftead of receiving the Britifh tleet in this pofi-
tion, as foon as he found that an action muft enfue, he
put his (hips on the contrary tack, that, failing in op-
pofite diredtions, they might only fire at each other as
they palTed by. By this means a clofe and fidelong ac¬
tion would be effedtually evaded. A.s foon as the van
of the Britifh fleet, confiding of Sir R.obert Harland’s
divifion, came up, they dire&ed their fire uponjtj but
at too great a didance to make any inypreflion : the
fire was not returned by the Britifli drips till they
came clofe up to the enemy, and were fure of doing
execution. In this manner they all pafied clofe along-
lide each other in oppofite directions, making a very
heavy and dedruftive fire.
The centre divifion of the Britidr line having paffed
the rearmod drips of the enemy, the fird care of the
admiral was to effedl a renewal of the engagement, as
foon as the drips of the different deets, yet in aft ion,
had got clear of each other refpeftively. Sir Robert
Karland, with fome drips of his divifion, had already
tacked, and flood tcwar'ds the French} but the remain¬
ing part of the fleet had not yet tacked, and fome were
dropped to leeward, and repairing the damages they
had received in the aftion. His own drip the Viftory
had fuffered too much to tack about indantly} and had
he done it, he would have throwm the drips adern of
him into diforder. As foon as it was prafticable, how¬
ever, the Viftory wore, and deergd again upon the ene¬
my before any other flrip of the centre divifion *, of which
not above three or four were able to do the fame. I he
other drips not having recovered their dations near
enough to fupport each other on a renewal of aftion,
in order to colleft them more readily for that purpofe,
he made the fignal for the line of battle a-head. It
was now three in the afternoon .} but the ddps of the
Brithh deet had not fuffrciently regained their dations
to engage. The Viftory lay neared the enemy, with
the four drips above mentioned, and feven more of Sir
Robert Harland’s divifion. Thefe twelve were the only
drips in any condition for immediate fervice } of the
ethers belonging to the centre and to Sir Robert Har¬
land’s divifion, three were a great way adern, and .five
at a confiderable didance to leeward, much difabled in
their rigging.
Sir Hugh Pallifer who commanded the rear divifion
during the time of aftion, in which he behaved with
ffgnal bravery, came of courfe the lad out of it} and in
confequence of the admiral’s fignal for the line, was to
have led the van on renewing the fight } but his divi-
lion was upon the contrary tack, and was entirely out of
the line. The French, on the other hand, expefting
direftly to be re-attacked, had clofed together in tack¬
ing, and were now fpreading themfelves into a line of
battle. On difeovering the pofition of the Britifh diips
that were fallen to leeward, they immediately dood
towards them, In order to cut them off. This obliged
the admiral to wear and to deer athwart the enemy’s
foremod divifion, in order to fecure them } direfting,
at the fame time, Sir Robert Harland to form his di¬
vifion in a line adern, in order to face the enemy till
Sir Hugh Pallifer could come up, and enable him to
aft more effeftually.,
The admiral, in moving to the proteftion of the
,Imvard (hips, was now drawing near the enemy. As
2
Sir Hugh Pallifer dill continued to windward, he made Britain.' ^
a fignal for all the (hips in that pofition to come into v
his wake: Sir Hugh Pallifer repeated this fignal} but
it was unluckily midaken by the (hips of his divifion
as an order to come into his own wake, which they did
accordingly ; and as he dill remained in his pofition,
they retained theirs of courfe.
Sir Robert Harland was now direfted to take his
dation ahead, and the fignal repeated for Sir Hugh
Pallifer’s divifion .to come into his wake } but this fig¬
nal was not complied with, any more than a verbal me(-
fage to that purpofe, and other fubfequent fignals for
that divifion’s coming into its (lation in the line, before
it was too late to recommence any operations againlt
the enemy.
In the night, the French took the determination to
put it wholly out of the -power of the Britifh fleet to
attack them a fecond time. For this purpofe, three
of their fwifted (ailing veffels .were fixed in the Rations
occupied during the day by the three admirals (hips of
the refpeftive diyifions, with lights at the mafl-heads.,
to deceive the Britifli fleet into the belief that the
French fleet kept its pofition with an intent to fight
next morning. Protefted by this dratagem, the re¬
mainder of the French deet drew off unperceived and
unfufpefted during the night, and retired with all
fpeed towards Bred : they continued this retreat the
whole courfe of the following day, and entered that
port in the evening. Their departure wfis not difeo-
vered till break of day } but it was too late to purfue
them, as they were only difcernihle from the mad-
heads of the larged (hips in the Britidi deet. The three
diips that had remained with the lights were purfued :
but the veffels that chaced them were fo unable to over¬
take them from the damages they had received in the
preceding day’s engagement, that they were quickly
recalled 5 and the admiral made the belt of his way to
Plymouth, as being the neared port, in order to put
his fleet into a proper condition to return in qued of
the enemy.
The killed and wounded on board the Britidi fleet,
amounted -to fomewhat more .than 500 } but the
French, it has been afferted on grounds of great cre¬
dibility, lod 3000. This appears the lefs improbable,
from the confideration that the French, in all their
naval engagements, aim principally at the mads and
rigging, and the Britidi chiedy at the Body of the dnps.
This aftion, whatever might have been the merit of ^
the commanders, proved a fource of the molt fatal ani- Subfequent
mofities. The Bulk of the nation had fo long been difi'enly ns,_
accudomed to hear of great and glorious viftories at a"dtna! 0(f
fea* that it was fuppofed a kind of impoffibility for aUiea miraiA
French and Britidi fleet to encounter without the to¬
tal ruin of the former. The event of the lad engage¬
ment, therefore, became an objeft of very fevere cri-
ticifm} and complaints were made, that, through the
bad conduft of the blue divifion, an opportunity had
been lod of gaining a complete viftory over the b rench
fleet. Thefe complaints were quickly introduced into
the public papers} and were carried on with a warmth
and vehemence that fet the whole nation into a fer¬
ment .of the mod violent and outrageous nature. I he
friends of Sir Hugh Pallifer, the vice-admiral of the
blue, were no lefs violent in the defence of his con¬
duft than his opponents were in its condemnation j
while
B R I [ 55
Btitam. uLile thofe who efpouied the caufe of the admiral, ma-
» nifefted no lefs determination in accufing him of being
the real caufe of the efcape of the French Heet, through
his difobedience of the fignals and orders of his com¬
mander, and by remaining at a diftance with his divi-
fion, inftead of coming to the affitfance of the reft of
the fleet.
An accufation of fo weighty a nature very much
alarmed Sir Hugh Pallifer. He therefore applied
to Admiral Keppel for a juftification of his conducl 5
and required of him to fign and publilh a paper re¬
lative to the engagement of the 27th of July •, there¬
in fpecifying as a fadt, that he did not intend by his
fignals on the evening of that day to renew the battle
then, but to be in readinefs for it the next morning.
On the rejedfion of this demand, Sir Hugh Pallifer
publifhed in one of the daily papers a variety of cir-
cumftances concerning that engagement j refledling fe-
verely on the conduft of the admiral, and prefacing
the wrhole by a letter figned with his name.
An attack fo public, and fo detrimental to his cha-
rafter, induced Admiral Keppel to declare to the ad¬
miralty, that unlefs Sir Hugh Pallifer fhould explain
this matter to his fatisfadlion, he could not, confiftently
with his reputation, ever add conjointly with him.
This altercation happening before the meeting of
parliament, was of courfe taken notice of wdien it met.
In the houfe of peers an inquiry was demanded into the
condutd of the commanders of the fleet on the 27th of
July, on account of the declaration of Admiral Keppel,
that he would not refume the command until fuch an
inquiry had taken place.
In the houfe of commons alfo it was urged, that as
Admiral Keppel had expreffed a public refufal to ferve
in conjunftion with Sir Hugh Pallifer, the caufe of
fuch a declaration ought to be inveftigated. Admiral
Keppel and Sir Hugh Pallifer, who were both prefent
m the houfe on this occafion, fpoke feverally to the
point in queftion in fupport of their refpe&ive condudd.
The Hue of the conteft between them was, that a mo¬
tion was made for an addrefs to the crown to bring
Sir Hugh Pallifer to a trial for his behaviour in the late
engagement with the French fleet. In anfwer to this
motion, Sir Hugh Pallifer replied, in a fpcech of great
warmth and vehemence, that he had already demanded
and obtained a court-martial to fit on Admiral Keppel,
whom he charged with having through his mifconduift
caufed the failure of fuccefs in that engagement.
This intelligence was received with great aftonifh-
ment in the houfe. It had been, and ftill continued to
be, the general defire of individuals of all parties, to
heal this breach between the two officers at a time
when the fervices of both w’ere fo much needed. It
was therefore with univerfal concern the houfe was in¬
formed of the determination that had been taken to
bring Admiral Keppel to a trial. The admiral, how¬
ever, conducted himfelf on this occafion with remark¬
able temper and coolnefs of expreflion. He acquiefced
without reluftance in the orders that had been laid
upon him to prepare for a trial of his condu£f ; which
he hoped would not, upon inquiry, appear to have
been difhonourable or injurious to his country, any
more than difgraceful to himfelf.
The conduct of the board of admiralty in admitting
the charges againft Admiral Keppel, and appointing a
1 ] B r 1
trial, was greatly condemned in the houie. It was Britain,
laid to have been their duty to have laboured with the r*
utmoft earneftnefs, and exerted their W’hole official in¬
fluence, to ftifle this unhappy difagreeraent between
two brave and valuable men ; the confequences of
which they well knew, and ought to have obviated, by
interpofing as reconciliators, inftead of promoting the
difpute, by confenting to bring it to a judicial and
public hearing. On the other hand, it was anfwered,
that they could not, confiftently with the impartiality
which they owed to every officer of the navy, refufe to
receive all matters of complaint relating to fubje&s of
their department. They had no right to decide on
the merits of any cafe laid before them, but were
bound to refer it to a court compofed of naval officers,
who were the only proper and competent judges of
each others conduct in profeffional matters. In con¬
formity with thefe principles, which were founded
upon the cleareft equity, they left the decifion of the
prefent altercation to the gentlemen of the navy j
whofe honour and integrity in all inftances of this kind
had never been called in queftion, and by whofe verdidt
alone it was but juft and reafonable that every officer
in that line of fervice fhould wifti to ftand or fall.
The arguments upon this fubjeft were urged with
great heat and violence on both fides. They produced
uncommon animofity and rancour, and gave rife to a
fpirit of contention that diffufed itfelf through all claffes
of fociety. Such was the height of paffion that pre¬
vailed everywhere, that the critical circumftances of
the nation were wholly forgotten, and the attention of
the public entirely abforbed in this fatal difpute. In¬
dividuals of all ranks and all profeffions engaged in it
with as much zeal as if they had been perfonally con¬
cerned in the Hue. The diffatisfadlion that was ex¬
cited upon this occafion among the upper daffies in
the navy, appeared in a memorial prefented to the king;
by twelve of the eldeft and moft diftinguiftied admirals,
at the head of whom was the name of Lord Hawke.
The conduff of Sir Hugh Pallifer was therein con¬
demned without referve •, that of the admiralty itfelf
W’as feverely cenfured, as having eftablifhed a precedent
pregnant with the moft ruinous confequences to the
naval fervice of the kingdom. By the meafure it had
now adopted, that board had fubmitted to become the.
inftrument of any individual who might be prompted-
by iniquitous motives to deprive the navy of its beft
and higheft officers. It was a deftrudive violation,
they faid, of all order and difcipline in the navy, to
permit and countenance long concealed, and after¬
wards precipitately adopted charges, and recriminatory
accufations of fubordinate officers againft their com¬
manders in chief. It was no lefs improper and fcan-
dalous, to fuffer men at once in high civil office, and
in fubordinate command, previous to their making
fuch accufations, to attempt to corrupt the judgment
of the public, by publilhing libels on their officers in
a common newfpaper, which tended at. once to excite
diffienfions in the navy, and to prejudice the minds of
thofe who were to try the merits of the accufation a-
gainft the fuperior officer.
It was remarkable in this memorial, that the majo¬
rity of thofe wrho fubfcribed it were not only officers
of the firft rank and importance in the navy, but un-
connefted with the oppofition, and attached by various
mouses.
B R I [55
motives to the court and miniftry. This evinced their
condudt in the prefent inftance to have been uninflu¬
enced by confiderations of party.
No bufinefs of any confequence was agitated in either
of the houfes of parliament while the trial continued.
It began upon the 7th of January 1779, and lafted
more than a month, not ending till the nth day of
February enfuing. After a long and accurate invefti-
gation of every fpecies of evidence that could be pro¬
duced, the court-martial acquitted Admiral Keppel of
all the charges that had been brought againft him in
the moft complete and honourable manner. He was
declared to have a&ed the part of a judicious, brave,
and experienced officer; and the accufation was con¬
demned in the moft fevere manner.
Both houfes of parliament voted him their thanks
for the eminent fervices he had performed, and the
whole nation refounded with his applaufe. The city
of London beftowed every honour and mark of refpeft
in its power upon Admiral Keppel •, while the refent-
ment againft his accufer was fo ftrong, that it con-
ftrained him to retire wholly from public life, and to
refign all his employments.
But notwithftanding the high degree of national
favour and efteem in which Admiral Keppel now flood,
he thought it prudent to withdraw from a fituation
wherein he found himfelf not acceptable to thofe in
power, by refigning his command,
mcccis- r^^le con^U(^ °f thofe who preflded at the admiralty
ful attack board now became an objeft of fevere cenfure j and a
on the hoai-d number of fa6ls were cited to prove that its condutl
ofadmi- for many years paft hhd been highly reprehenfible.
raItr- The debates were uncommonly violent; and the refolu-
tion to condemn the conduft of the admiralty was
loft only by a majority of 34. Adminiftration, how¬
ever, ftill kept their ground ; for though a fecond at¬
tempt was made to fhow that the ftate of the navy was
inadequate to the vaft fums beftowed upon it, the
point was again loft by much the fame majority. The
argument ufed by the miniftry in defence of their con-
duft in this cafe was, that the Ihips now conftrufted
were of a much larger fize, and confequently much
more expenfive than formerly. But however they
might be vidlorious in argument, it is certain that the
624 condu& of the admiralty was very far from giving ge-
Refignation neraj fat;sfa(qion at prefent. Not only Admiral Keppel,
Keel * kut Lord Howe, declared his refolution to relinquilh the
Howe, and fervice while it continued under the direftion of its
other offi- managers at that time. Their refignation was followed
cers. by that Qf Sir Robert Harland, Sir John Lindfay, and
feveral others j nay, fo general was the diflike to the
fervice now become, that no fewer than 20 captains of
the firft diftinftion had propofed to go in a body to re¬
fign their commiflions at once j and were prevented
from doing fo only by the great occafion they faw
there was at that time for their fervices.
This extreme averfion to the fervice produced a di-
re£l: attack upon Lord Sandwich, at that time firft lord
of the admiralty. But though in this as w^ell as other
cafes the miniftry were ftill victorious, they could not
prevent an inquiry into the caufe of our want of fuc-
cefs in the American war. This was infilled upon by
du<ft of the Lord and General Howe, whofe conduCt had been fo
American mucb refleCted upon, that a vindication was become
War* abfolutely neceffary. The inquiry was indeed very
623
Unfuccefs-
*25
Inquiry in¬
to the con-
2 ] B R I
difagreeable to adminiftration, and therefore evaded as Britain,
long as polfible. From the evidence of Lord Cornwallis ; --v"1—*
and other olficers of high rank, however, it appeared
that the forces fent to America were not at any time
fufficient to reduce it $ that the Americans were almoft '
univerfally unfriendly to the Britilh caufe $ and that
the nature of the country was fuch, that the conqueft
of it muft be excefiively difficult. It appeared alfo,
that the camp of the Americans on Long Ifland was
fo ftrong, that it could not have been attacked with
any probability of fuccefs, after their defeat in 1776,
without artillery and other neceffary preparations. In
every inftance, therefore, the general’s conduft was
fhown to have been the moft eligible and judicious pof.
fible. Thefe faCts, however, being direftly oppofite
to what the miniftry wilhed to appear, counter evidence
was brought in, wfith a view to invalidate the teftimony
of the very refpeftable wfitneffes above mentioned. In
this bufinefs only two w'ere examined, viz. Major-ge¬
neral Robertfon, and Mr Jofeph Galloway an Ameri¬
can gentleman. From the evidence of Mr Galloway
efpecially, it appeared, that the conduCt of General
Howe had not been unexceptionable ; that the greater
part of the Americans were friendly to the caufe of
Britain } that the country was not fo full of obftruc-
tions as had been reprefented j woods and forefts being
no obftruftions to the marching of armies in as many
columns as they pleafed j that foldiers might carry
provifions for 19 days on their backs, &c.
Though no ftrefs could be laid upon fuch extrava¬
gant affertions proceeding undoubtedly from ignorance,
yet they fully anfwered the purpofe of miniftry at this
time, viz. procraftination, and preventing the difagree¬
able truths above-mentioned from ftriking the minds of Int0
the public too forcibly. The event of this inquiry, rai j}ur_
however, encouraged General Burgoyne to infill forgoyne’s
an examination of his condudlj which indeed had been con<iu<^j
fo unmercifully cenfured, that even the minifters began
to think he had fuffered too much, and that he ought
to be allowed to vindicate himfelf. He was accord¬
ingly permitted to bring witnefles in his own behalf;
and from the moft refpe&able - evidence it appeared
that he had adled the part, as occafion required, both
of a general and foldier $ that the attachment of his
army to him w^as fo great, that no dangers or difficulties
could fliake it; and that, even when all their patience
and courage were found to be ineffedlual, they were
ftill ready to obey his commands, and die with arms
in their hands. A great number of other particulars
relating to his expedition were alfo cleared up entirely
to the honour of the general, and feveral charges againft
him were totally refuted. It appeared, however, that
the Americans, far from being the contemptible ene¬
my they had been called, were intrepid and refolute.
On the whole, it was remarked by a great number of
the moft judicious people in the nation, that the fpirit
of defamation, which for fome time had been fo pre¬
valent, muft at laft produce the moft fatal effe£ls ; by
depriving the nation of its beft officers, through the
averfion that would be produced in them, both in the
fea and land departments, to enter into a fervice where ^
they were certain of being calumniated. Acceflionof
After the refignation of Admiral Keppel, the com- Spain to the
mand of the Channel fleet was beftowed, though not ^ont.e^^c.y
without violent debates, on Sir Charles Hardy, a hravea^n n*
and
B R I
Britain.
' See Spa
628
Schemes
for the in¬
ternal de¬
fence of
the nation.
629
Vigorous
efforts of
the people
on this oc-
cafion.
630
Britifh fet-
tlements in
Africa re-
-duced.
631
Unluccefs-
ful attempt
on Jerfey.
and experienced officer, but now advanced in years,
and who had retired from the lervice with a defign of
never returning to it, being at that time governor of
Greenwich hofpital. The choice of an admiral to
command this fleet was now of the greater importance,
on account of the acceffion of Spain to the general
confederacy which took place this year*. The quar¬
rel, like that with France, was formally intimated by the
Spanilh minifter on the 17th of June 1779 ; and like
that alfo was attended with new but ineffeflual pro-
pofals of an accommodation with America, and remo¬
val of the miniftry. The imminent danger, however,
to which the nation was now expofed, required a vi¬
gorous exertion, and various projects for its internal
defence were laid before the parliament. The princi¬
pal of thefe were the railing of volunteer companies to
be added to the regiments of militia belonging to the
counties where they were raifed, and the augmenting
the number of militia. The latter was judged unad-
vifable, on account of the neceffity there would be to
fend a great number of regular forces out of the king¬
dom, which would require new fupplies of recruits j and
the increafe of the militia might prove detrimental to
the recruiting fervice. The fpirit and magnanimity
difplayed on this occafion, however, did the higheit
honour to the national chara61er, and fully jullified
the opinion generally entertained of its opulence and
valour. All parts of the kingdom feemed actuated by
a laudable zeal to concur in every meafure necefiary
for its defence ; large fums were fubfcribed by people
of rank and affluence ; and companies were raifed, and
regiments formed, with fuch alacrity, as quickly
baniffled all apprehenfions for the fafety of the king¬
dom.
On the other hand, the French, now thinking them-
felves fecure of vidlory by the acceffion of the whole
llrength of Spain to their caufe, began to extend their
plans of conqueft. A fquadron was fitted out under
the command of the marquis de Vadreuil, deflined to
reinforce the fleet commanded by D’Eflaing. But
before its proceeding thither, an attack was made on
the Britifh fettlements on the rivers Senegal and Gam¬
bia in Africa. Thefe were eafily conquered j and on
this occafion the French quitted their own bland of Go-
ree, which was very foon after taken poffeffion of by
Sir Edward Hughes in his way to the Eaft Indies.
Thefe unimportant and diftant conquefts, however, be¬
ing infufficient to produce any great eclat, it was re-
folved to ftrike a blow nearer home, by the conquefl
of Jerfey and Guernfey. An attempt was according¬
ly made •, but with fo little fuccefs, that not a fingle
man could be difembarked on the ifland they intended
to conquer. The enterprife, however, proved indi-
reftly of great fervice to the caufe of America. A
fleet of 400 merchantmen and tranfports were at that
time on the point of failing for New York, under the
condufl of Admiral Arbuthnot j but that officer, be¬
ing informed of the attack on Jerfey, thought it his
duty to come to the affiftance of the ifland rather than
proceed on his voyage. This delay was followed by
another, occafioned by bad weather j fo that the fleet,
which was laden with warlike flores and neceflaries,
did not arrive till the end of Augufl:, and feveral im¬
portant enterprifes proje&ed by Sir Henry Clinton
were of courfe laid afide.
Vql. IV. Part II.
[ 553 ]
B R I
The French, in the mean time, determined to make Entaiii.
a fecond attempt on Jerfey j but their fquadron, being ‘ "v'' ^
attacked by another under Sir fames Wallace, w’as ^
driven afhore in afmall bay on the coaft of Normandy, fqua(|ron 0f
under cover of a battery. Thither they were purfued frigates de-
by the Britifli commander, who filenced the battery, droyed by
took a large frigate of 34 guns, with two rich prizes, Janies
and burned two other frigates and feveral other vef- '
fels.^ .... 633
Thus difappointed in their attempt on Jerfey, a invafion of
pro]eft was formed of invading Great Britain itfelf j Great Bri.
and the preparations for it, whether ferious or not, ta’f1 Prp~
were fo formidable, that they very juftly excited a conN(C u'
fiderable alarm in this country. Not only were the
bell troops in the French fervice marched down to the
coafts of the Britifh channel, but tranfports u'ere pro¬
vided in great numbers, and many general officers pro¬
moted \ the commanders alfo who wrere to have the-
charge of this important expedition wrere named by
government. A junftion v7as formed betwixt the
French and Spanilh fleets, in fpite of the endeavours
ufed on the part of the Britilh to prevent it •, and then Formidable
the allies made their appearance in the Britilh feas with appearance
upwards of 60 fliips of the line, befides avail number thfacoin*
of frigates and other armed veiiels.
All this formidable apparatus, however, ended in They take
nothing more than the taking of a Angle Ihip, the Ar-onlya
dent, of 64 guns. They had paffed the Britifh fleet {mSle
under Sir Charles Hardy in the mouth of the Chan¬
nel without obferving him. Sailing then along the
coaft of England, they came in fight of Plymouth,
where they took the Ardent, as has been already men¬
tioned ; after which they returned, without making
the leaf! attempt to land anywhere. The Britifli ad¬
miral made good his entrance, without oppofition, in¬
to the Channel, on their quitting it, which a flrong
eafterly wind obliged them to do. He endeavoured
to entice them up the Channel in purfuit of him ; but
the great ficknefs and mortality on board their flaps,
as they gave out, obliged them to retire, in order to
repair their fliips, and recruit the health of their people.
Thus ended the firft, and indeed the greatefl, exploit
performed by the combined fleets in the Britifli feas.
An annual parade of a fimilar kind was afterwards
kept up, which was as formally oppofed on the part of
the Britifli; but not the leaf! aft of hoftility w'as ever
committed by either of the Channel fleets againfl each
other.
Though this ill fuccefs, or rather pufillanimity, ma-
nifeft in the conduft of the combined fleets, was fuch
that the French themfelves were afliamed of it, the
appearance of them in the Channel furnifhed oppofition ^
with abundance of matter for declamation. All ranks American
of men, indeed, now began to be wearied of the A-wargene-
merican war; and even thofe who had formerly been rally difa"
the moft fanguine in defence of coercive meafures,greeable'
now began to be convinced of their inutility. The
calamitous effefts produced by the continuation of
thefe meafures, indeed, had by this time rendered the
far greater part of the people exceedingly averfe to
them 5 and the almoft univerfal wdlh wras, that the op-
preflive burden of the American wrar fliould be call off,
and the whole national llrength exerted againli thole
whom, on account of our frequent contefts with them,
we had been accuftomed to call our natural enemies.
4 A For
B R I [ 55+ 3 ,B R . 1
Britain. For this purpofe the national fpirit continued to be inflead of fixpence, coft two fiiillings
Large fums were fub-
637
Miniftry
become ob¬
noxious to
the people
at large.
•}■ See Irt-
(and.
C3S
Various
fchemes of
economy
rejefted.
exerted with unabated
leribed in the feveral counties, and employed in raifing
volunteers, and forming them into independent compa¬
nies ; alTociations were alio formed in the towns, where
the inhabitants bellowed a conliderable portion of their
time in training themfelves to the ufe of arms. 1 he
Eafl India Company now forgot their quarrel with mi-
nillry, and not only prefented government wuth a fum
lufficient for levying 6000 feamen, but at its oum coll
added three 74 gun Ihips to the navy. Adminiftration
were not yet, however, weary of the plans they had
laid down, and which they feemed inclined to profe-
cute, and indeed did profecute, as long as the nation
would fupport them. The virulence of oppofition,
therefore, llill continued j and what was worfe, every
part of the kingdom feemed to imbibe their fentiments.
Among other charges now brought againft them was
that of mifapplying the national force. An hundred
thoufand men were employed for the internal defence
of the kingdom 5 which being much more than fuffi-
cient for the purpofe, ought therefore to have been dif-
tributed into places where it might have acled to ad¬
vantage. The army of Great Jdritain, it wras faid,
now amounted to 300,000 men ; the navy to 300 fail,
including frigates and armed veflels j twenty millions
had been expended on the fervice of the year 1779 :
and yet, with all this force and treafure, the utmoll
boalt that minilters could make was, that the enemy
had been hitherto kept at bay, and not allowed to in¬
vade Great Britain. Nor were the charges lefs heavy
in other refpedls. Veteran officers had been palled by
to make room for thofe of inferior merit. The dif-
contents and miferable Hate of Ireland f, the lodes
of the Well India Blands, &c. were all put to the ac¬
count of minillers ; and it wras laid that the univerfal
cry of the nation was for their difmiffion. Their in¬
capacity was now vilible to every body •, and it was a
matter of univerfal furprife how they durll retain their
places in oppofition to the general deiire of the na¬
tion.
To all this minilf ry replied in a refolute and deter¬
mined manner, denying or refuting every circumllance ;
and at laft, after violent debates, gained their point of
an add^ef- without any amendment propofmg their re¬
moval, in the upper houfe by 82 to 41, and in the
lower by 253 to 134. The enormous expences already
incurred, however, and hereafter to be incurred, for
the carrying on of the war, occafioned fuch a general
alarm, that it was no longer poffible to refufe compli¬
ance with fome fcheme of economy, or at leall giving
it a patient hearing. The duke of Richmond propo-
fed that the crown thould fet the example, and moved
for an addrefs to this purpofe •, but the motion was
loll by 77 to 36. The earl of Shelburne next under¬
took the difcuffion of the fubjefl ; and having, in a
moll elaborate fpeech, compared the expences of for¬
mer times with the prefent, and Ihown the immenfe
difparity, he proceeded to Ihow the reafons. Thefe
were, that minillers formerly employed fewer perfons,
and obliged them to be content with fmaller profits.
One contra£lor fupplied all the troops in America du-
.rino- the lalt war, and his agreement was to furnilh a
ration of provinons at fixpence *, but fo different was
the management now, that the ration of provifions.
One perfon on- Britain,
ly had enjoyed contrails to the amount of 1,300,000!.;1
3,700,000!. had paffed through the hands of another
contradlor to be tranfmitted to America : but no
voucher had been given for the expenditure of this
immenfe fum ; the accounts being contained in a few
lines, accounting for 20,000!. in one line, 30,000!.
in another, See. Thus, he faid, the miniltry acquired
a mod unbounded and unconllitutional influence $ and
having the dangerous power of expending the national
treafure without any check, corruption and venality
everywhere abounded. He moved, therefore, that
the expenditure of thofe vail fums annually funk in ex.
traordinaries Ihould be brought under fome controul ;
and that to extend the public expences beyond the
fums granted by parliament, was an invafion of its pe¬
culiar and exclufive rights.
Though this motion of the earl of Shelburne’s, and
fome others of a fimilar tendency, -were rejected on
folid principles according to the minillry, the minds
of the people were far from being conciliated to their 639
views. Inllead of this, the opinion began to be lb General o-
general, that minillers exercifed an unconllitutional in-P1^1™^!^
fluence over the reprefentatives, and that fuch influ-tionai
ence was very much augmented within thefe few fterial in¬
years, it was now fuppofed by numbers of people, fluence.
that nothing fhort of a change in the conllitution of 640
parliament could remedy the evil complained of. To Produces a
this purpofe a petition was framed in the city of York,
on the 30th of December 1779, where a number of^1^^0
the moll refpedlable people in the county had affem-0fcomr
bled, and delegated 61 gentlemen as a committee tomons.
manage the correfpondence neceffary for carrying on
the defign, and forming an affociation to fupport and
promote it. In the prefent petition it was fet forth,
that, in confequence of the war in which the nation
was involved, the public debt was greatly augmented,
taxes increafed, and trade and manufabtures much af-
fefted. The profufion attending the war was com¬
plained of} and parliament was requelled, previous to
the raifing of any new taxes, to inquire into, and cor-
recl the abufe of expenditure in the public money ; to
reduce exorbitant emoluments, abolilh finecure places
and unmerited penfions, and apply the produce to the
exigencies of the Hate. '1 his petition was followed
by ethers of a fimilar kind from 27 of the principal
counties, and mofi of the large towns in England.
The mofl fevere and opprobrious language was ufed in
the county-meetings with regard to the miniflry and
parliament. The latter were reprefented as void of all
principle, ready to facrifice both confidence and repu¬
tation to the will of thofe in power and, in fhort,
bound by no ties but thofe of the mofi fordid interefi *,
ready on all occafions to enrich themfelves by the
fpoils of their country j and perfons to whom the
honour or interefi of the kingdom were matters of no
confideration. The court, on the other hand, was
looked upon as the receptacle of every one who har¬
boured ill defigns againft the people of Britain, and
where no body flood any chance of advancing himfelf
but by adulation and extreme fervility.
The emiffaries of America and the other enemies of
Great Britain are faid to have been aflive in foment¬
ing thefe difeords, which at this period arofe to a
height unknown for a century paft. d he miniftry,
however.
641
Mr Burke’s
economy.
B R I [5
'fcutain. however, continued firm and undaunted. Previous to
-"■'v—— the taking any of the petitions into confideration, they
in lifted on going through the bufinefs of the fupply,
by determining the ways and means j nor did either
the number of Englilh petitions, or an additional one
from the illand of Jamaica fetting forth the extreme
danger that illand was in, make them alter their refo-
lution in the leaft.
At laft, in the beginning of February 1780, a plan
plan of par-was brought forward by Mr Burke, for lecuring the
indepen^ indePendency of parliament, and introducing economy
dence and ^nto various departments of government. This
plan, among other things, propofed the abolition of the
offices of treafurer, comptroller, and cofferer of the
houfehold •, treafurer of the chamber, mafter of the
houfehold, the board of green cloth, with ieveral other
places under the fteward of the houfehold ; the great
and removing wardrobe, the jewel office, the robes,
board of works, and the civil branch of the board of
ordnance. Other reformations were alfo propofed j
but though the temper of the times obliged the mi-
nifter to admit the bills, and even to pretend an appro¬
bation of the plan, he meant nothing lefs than to admit
it in its full extent, or indeed in any part, if it could
poffibly be prevented. When the plan, therefore,
which he had approved in general, came to be particu¬
larly confidered, he was found to be determined againft;
every part of it. The general temper of the people,
without doors, however, feemed now to have affefted
many of the members of parliament, and made them
defert their old ftandard. An economical plan pro¬
pofed in the houfe of lords by the earl of Shelburne
was reje6ted only by a majority of 101 to 55. This
was the ftrongeft oppofition that had appeared in that
houfe for many years; but 1 ; the lower houfe matters
ftill went worfe. The firit propofition in Mr Burke’s
plan was to abolifh the office of fecretary of ftate for
the colonies *, and the utmoft efforts of adminiftration
could preferve this office only by a majority of 208 to
201. The board of trade was abolifhed by 207 to
198 : but this was the only defeat fuftained by miniftry
at prefent •, all the reft of the plan being rejected ex¬
cepting only one claufe, by which it was determined
that the offices of lieutenant and enfign, &c. belonging
to the yeomen of the guards, ftiould not any longer
be fold, but given to officers in the army and navy on
half pay, and of 15 years Handing in their refpeftive
lines of fervice.
This ill fuccefs was very mortifying to Mr Burke,
who had expe&ed to fave more than a million annually
to the nation. Adminiftration, however, had ftill a
greater defeat to meet with than what they had expe¬
rienced in the abolition of the board of trade. The
6th of April was the day appointed for taking into
able defeat confideration the numerous petitions, from half the
€f,the mi* kingdom of England, already mentioned. They were
the 6th of introduced by Mr Dunning 5 who, in a very elaborate
nApril 1780. hpeech, fet forth the many attempts that-had been
made to introduce reformation and economy into the
plans of government. Thefe had been defeated by
minifterial artifice, or overthrown by mere dint of
numbers : he concluded theftfore, and moved as a re-
folution of the houfe, That the influence of the crown
had increafed, was increafing, and ought to be dimi-
iftftied. This motion being carried after a long and
642
Remark
SS 1 B R I
violent debate, he next moved* that the houfe of com- Britain.
mons was as competent to examine into and corrett v'-—/
abufes in the expenditure of the civil lift as in any
other branch of the public revenue. To this another
was added by Mr Thomas Pitt, That it was the duty
of the houfe to provide an immediate and eft'edfual re-
drefs of the abufes complained of in the petitions.
The miniftry now requefted that nothing farther might
be done that night: but fuch was the temper of the
houfe, that both thefe motions were carried without a
divifion ; after which they were read a firft and fecond
time, and agreed to without a divifion.
Miniftry had never received fuch a complete defeat,
nor ever been treated with fo much afperity of lan¬
guage. The news of the proceedings of this day were
received by the people at large with as much joy as if
the moft complete vidfory over a foreign enemy had
been announced. Oppofition, however, though mailers
of the field at prefent, did not imagine they had obtain¬
ed any permanent vidlory, and therefore refolved to
make the moft of the advantages they had gained. It.
w-as moved by Mr Dunning at the next meeting, that
to afeertain the independence of parliament, and re¬
move all fufpicions of its being under undue influence,
there fhould, every feffion, feven days after the meeting
of parliament, be laid before that houfe an account of
all the fums iffued out of the civil lift, or any other
branch of the revenue, fince the lart recefs, in favour
of any of its members. This paffed with little diffi¬
culty ; but when he moved that the treafurers of the
chamber and houfehold, the cofferer, comptroller, and
mafter of the houfehold, with the clerks of the green
cloth, and their deputies, fliould be excluded from ha¬
ving feats in the houfe, a warm debate enfued ; and
the motion was carried only by 215 againft 213. This They again
was the laft triumph of the popular party ; their next ?et. a ‘ff1’
motion, for the exclufion of revenue officers, being -in
thrown out by 224 againft 195. A laft effort wasyoun 3'
made, by Mr Dunning’s propolal of an addrefs to the
throne againft proroguing or diftblving the parliament,
until meafures had been taken to prevent the im¬
proper influence complained of in the petitions. On
this occafion the debates were long and violent; but
the motion was loft by 254 againft 203. Miniftry
would gladly have fereened their friends from the ven¬
geance of oppofition ; alleging the latenefs of the hour
it being then paft midnight. The fpeaker of the houfe,
however, perceiving Mr Fox about to rife, infilled that
the houfe Ihould remain fitting j and thus the delerters
from the popular party were condemned to hear their
condudt fet forth in fuch terms as perhaps were never
applied on any other occafion to members of the Bri-
tilh fenate. ^
This laft vidlory of adminiftration confirmed the dif-Dreadful
fatisfadlion and ill opinion which the people had con-^'lturb*dn-
ceived of the majority of their reprefentatives. It was count'of "
in the height of that ill temper which the condudl of rhe popilh
parliament had created in the multitude, that thofe bill,
difeontents broke out which were fo near involving
the kingdom in univerfal defolation. The hardihips
under wffiich individuals profeifing the Roman Catho¬
lic perfuafion had laboured for many years in England,
had lately awakened the conlideration of the liberal
minded. The inutility and impropriety of perfecuting
people from whom no danger was apprehended, and
4 2 who
B R I
[ 556 ]
B R I
Britain, who were not fufpefted of difaffeifUon to the civil con-
•““"■v ftitution of this country, induced feveral perfons of
rank and influence to undertake the procuring them
relief.
The calamities of the times had aflorded the Eng-
lifh Roman Catholics a very proper occafion to mani-
feft their attachment to government. They preiented
a moft loyal and dutiful addrefs to the king, contain¬
ing the ilrongeif affurances of affeidion and fidelity to
his perfon and the civil government of this country.
“ Qur exclufion (laid they) from many of the be¬
nefits of that conftitution, has not diminiihed our re¬
verence for it. We behold with fatisfaclion the felicity
of our fellow-fubjefls •, and we partake of the general
profperity which refults from an inftitution fo full of
wifdom. We have patiently fubmitted to fuch re-
flriftions and difcouragements as the legifiature thought
expedient. We have thankfully received fuch relaxa¬
tions of the rigour of the laws, as the mildnefs of an
enlightened age, and the benignity of the Britifh go¬
vernment have gradually produced *, and we fubmif-
fively wait, without prefuming to fuggeft either time
or meafure, for fuch other indulgence as thofe happy
caufes cannot fail in their own fealon to efFeft.
“ We beg leave to affure your majefty, that our dif-
fent from the legal eftablifiiment in matters of religion
is purely confcientious •, that we hold no opinions ad-
verfe to your majefly’s government, or repugnant to
the duties of good citizens •, and we truft that this has
been drown more decifively by our irreproachable
conduft for many years pall, under circumflances of
public difcountenance and difplealure, than it can be
manifefted by any declaration whatever.
“ In a time of public danger, when your majefly’s
fubjefts can have but one intereft, and ought to have
but one wifh and one fentiment, we think it our duty
to affure your majefiy of our unreferved affeflion to
your government, of our unalterable attachment to the
caufe and welfare of this our common country, and our
utter deteflation of the defigns and views of any fo¬
reign power againft the dignity of your crown, and the
fafety and tranquillity of your fubjefts.
“ The delicacy of our fituation is fuch, that we do
not prefume to point out the particular means by which
we may be allowed to teflify our zeal to your majefty,
and our wifhes to ferve our country 5 but we entreat
leave faithfully to affure your majefty, that we fhall
be perfectly ready, on every occafion, to give fuch
proofs of our fidelity, and the purity of our intentions,
as your majefty’s wnfdom and the fenfe of the nation
lhall at any time deem expedient.”
This addrefs was prefented to the king on the firfl
day of May 1778, and was figned by the duke of
Norfolk, the earls of Surrey and Shrewfbury, the lords
Stourton, Petre, Arundel, Dormer, Teynham, Clif¬
ford, and Linton j and by 163 commoners of rank
and fortune.
The only obftacle that flood in the way of their
wifhes was, the difficulty of overcoming the prejudices
of the lower claffes, who would probably difapprove
and condemn the indulgence fhown to the people of a
perfuafion which they had been taught to look upon
with horror and deteftation. But notwithftanding the
prepoffeflions of the vulgar, it was determined by feve¬
ral individuals of generous and liberal fentiments, to
efpoufe their caufe as far as it could be done confiflent- Britain,
ly with the principles of the conftitution and the gene- —
ral temper of the times. Their being patronized by
fome of the principal leaders in oppofition, was a cir-
cumilance greatly in their favour 5 as it Ihowed that
thofe who profeffed to be the moft ftrenuous friends
to the freedom and conftitution of this country, did
not imagine they would be endangered by treating the
Roman Catholics with more lenity than they had hi¬
therto experienced.
About the middle of May, Sir George Saville made
a motion for the repeal of fome penalties enabled againft
them. He grounded his motion on the neceffity of
vindicating the honour and afferting the true princi¬
ples of the Proteftant religion, of which the peculiar
merit was to admit of no perfecution. It ill became
the profeffors of fuch a religion to be guilty of that in¬
tolerance with which they reproached others. The
ftatutes he meant to repeal were fuch as gave occafion
to deeds that debafed and were a diigrace to human
nature, by inciting relations to dived themfelves of the
feelings of humanity, and by encouraging the rapaci¬
ty of informers.
He reprefented the addrefs above quoted as a full
proof of the loyal difpofition of the Roman Catholics,
and as an unfeigned teftimony of the foundnefs of their
political principles. In order, however, to filence the
objections of thofe who might fufpeft them of duplici¬
ty, a tell was propofed of fo binding and folemn a na¬
ture, that no man could be fuppofed to imagine that
any authority could annul its efficacy.
The pains and penalties of the ftatutes to be repeal¬
ed were laid before the houfe by Mr Dunning. By
thefe ilatutes it was made felony in a foreign clergy¬
man of the Roman communion, and high treafon in
one that was a native of this kingdom, to teach the
doClrines or perform divine fervice according to the
rites of that church ; the eftates of perfons educated
abroad in that perfuafion were forfeited to the next
Proteftant heir } a fon or any other neareft relation,
being a Proteftant, was empowered to take poffeffion
of his owm father’s, or neareft of kin’s eftate, during
their lives ; a Roman Catholic was difabled from ac¬
quiring any legal property by purchafe.
The mildnefs of the Britiffi government did not in¬
deed countenance the praclice of the feverities enaCled
by thefe ftatutes : but Hill the profpeCl of gain fubjeft-
ed every man of the Roman perfuafion to the ill ufage
of informers •, as on their evidence the magiftrates were
bound, however unwilling, to carry thele cruel laws
into execution.
In confequence of thefe reprefentations, the motion
made in favour of the Roman Catholics was received
without one diffenting voice ; and a bill in purfuance
to its intent was brought in and palled both houfes.
The tell or oath by which they were bound, was con¬
ceived in the ftrongeft and moil expreffive terms. They
were enjoined to fwear allegiance to the king’s perfon
and family, and to abjure efpecially the pretenfions to
the crown affumed by the perfon called Charles III.
They were to declare their difbelief and deteftation ot
the following pofitions : That it is lawful to put indi¬
viduals to death on pretence of their being heretics;
that no faith is to be kept with heretics ; that princes
excommunicated bv the pope and council, or by the
fee
I
B R I ' l 557 1 B R f
Britain, fee of Rome, or any other authority, may be depofed
or murdered by their fubje&s or by any others ; that
the pope of Rome, or any other foreign prelate or fo-
vereign, is entitled to any temporal or civil jurifdic-
tion or pre-eminence, either dire&ly or indiredlly, in
this kingdom. They were folemnly to profefs, that
they made the aforefaid declarations with the utmoft
fincerity, and in the ftridleft and plained meaning of
the words and language of the ted, without harbour¬
ing any fecret perfualion that any difpenfation from
Rome, or any other authority, could acquit or abfolve
them from the obligations contracted by this oath, or
declare it null and void.
The indulgence drown to the Roman Catholics in
England, encouraged thofe of the fame perfuafion in
Scotland to hope for a dmilar relief. Several gentle¬
men of that nation of great rank and charafter, and
who were members of parliament, expreffed their
warmed widres that it drould be extended to their
country ; and declared their intention to bring in a bill
for that purpofe the following fedion. The defign
was approved by the general affembly of the church of
Scotland ; who reje&ed, by a majority of no lefs than
100, a remondrance that had been propofed againd it.
In confequence of thefe flattering appearances, a peti¬
tion was prepared for parliament on behalf of the
Roman Catholics in Scotland. But thefe expectations
were foon damped. A pamphlet was publidied againd
the dodtrine and profedbrs of the Popifh religion, which
reprefented them as the common foes to mankind and
the didurbers of all dates ; and this being circulated
among all claffes, raifed a number of enemies to the
intended petition.
The oppofitipn was at fird chiefly condudted by fome
perfons at Edinburgh, w’ho aflumed the title of Com¬
mittee for the Protedant Intered 5 and under that de¬
nomination carried on a correfpondence with all thofe
who coincided with their opinions, and who formed a
very large proportion of the common people in Scot¬
land. As the committee at Edinburgh, from its refi-
dence in the capital of the kingdom, was deemed to
confid of perfons of the fird importance, it direfted in
a manner the motion 3 of all the others.
The perfons who made up this committee, how'ever,
afted from no mean or mercenary views : they aimed
only at the prefervation of the Protedant religion, and
the liberties of their country ; both which they con¬
ceived vrere in danger, from the indulgence of govern¬
ment to individuals of the Roman Catholic perfuafion.
Aftuated by thefe ideas, they exerted themfelves
with fo much adlivity, that the principal gentlemen of
the Catholic perfuafion thought it requifite for their
fafety to convey an intimation to the Britiflr minidry,
that they were defirous to drop the application they
had propofed to make for an indulgence fimilar to that
W'hich had been granted to their fellow-fubjedls in Eng¬
land of the fame communion.
They publidied alfo in the newfpapers the reprefen-
tation they had made to minidry y hoping thereby to
convince the public, that they were fincerely defirous
to remove any caule of diffatisfaidion on their own ac¬
count, and to fubmit to any inconveniency fooner than
occafion didurbance. But matters were now gone too
far to be conciliated by any means.
On the 2d day of February 1779, the populace met
according to appointment, in order to carry into exe¬
cution the various projedls they had in contemplation.
They began by an attack upon a houfe inhabited by a
Roman Catholic bidiop, with others of his perfuafion,
and which contained a place of wrorlhip. They com¬
mitted it to the flames. They dedroyed in the fame
manner another houfe that had alfo a chapel y after
which they proceeded to vent their refentment on fe-
veral individuals of that perfuaflon by burning their ef-
fefts.
The next objects of their vengeance were thofe who
had patronized the Roman Catholics. They befet the
houfes of Dr Robertfon and Mr Crofby; but, on hear¬
ing of the intentions of the rioters, the friends of both
came to their adidance in fuch numbers, and fo wTell
prepared to repel the fury of the populace, that they
did not dare to exercife the violence they had preme¬
ditated.
This difappointment, wdiich was accompanied by
further precautions againd their malevolent dedgns, put
an end to the attempts of the mob at Edinburgh. But
the fpirit of diffatisfaftion at the indulgence intended
to the Roman Catholics dill remained in full force.
Minidry w’as held out as harbouring a fecret determi¬
nation to undermine the Protedant religion, and to in¬
troduce Popery ^ and loaded in confequence with the
mod outrageous inveftives.
By degrees the fame ungovernable fpirit wras com¬
municated to part of the Englilh nation. The cry a-
gaind Popery became daily more loud among tire in¬
ferior clafles •, and that inveteracy which had fubfided
during fo many years, began to revive in as powerful
a degree, as if the nation were aftually under the im¬
pending terrors of perfecution. To this were added
the fecret fears of others j who dill imagined it was
not inconfldent with good policy to difcourage a reli¬
gion, from the profeffors of which fo much danger had
accrued to the conditution of this country in former
times. Thefe, though averfe to all a£ts of violence,,
thought it neceflary to keep alive the antipathy to it,
and by no means to fhow the lead willingnefs to grant
any further indulgence than it had hitherto experi¬
enced.
From this motive they were of opinion, that a fuf-
pendon of the laws enabled againd it, though, tacit and
unauthorized, was fudicient to remove all complaints of
hardinefs and oppreflion on the part of the Roman Ca¬
tholics ; and they looked upon the penal datutes as a
requifite bar to confine them within the bounds of fub-
miffion, and fear of offending.
Thus a lociety was formed in London, which took
the title of the Protedant Affociation, of which Lord
George Gordon, who had rendered himfelf confpicu-
ous in Scotland by his oppodtion to the repeal, was
defied prefident : and it now prepared to afl in a de-
cifive manner againd the refolutions of the legifla-
ture.
On the 29th of May 1780, the affociators held a
meeting in order to fettle in what manner they (hould
prefent a petition to the houfe of commons againd the
repeal of the penal datutes. A long fpeech was made,
on this occadon by their prefident, who reprefented the.
Roman perfuafion as gaining ground rapidly in this
country j that the only method of dopping its pro-
grefs, was to go up with a fpirited remondrance to,
their
Britain.
B R I t JfS 3 B R I
Britain, tlieir reprefentatives, and to tell them in plain and re-
    folute terms that they were determined to preferve
their religious freedom with their lives, &c.
This harangue being received with the loudeft ap-
plaufe, he moved, that the whole body of the aflbcia-
tion fliould meet on the 2d day of June in St George’s
Fields, at ten in the morning, to accompany him to
the houfe of commons on the delivery of the petition.
This being unanimouny affented to, he informed them,
that if he found himfelf attended by fewer than
20,000, he would not prefent the petition. He then
direfted they fhould form themfelves' into four divi-
fions ; the firft, fecond, and third, to confift of thofe
who belonged to the City, Weftminfter, and South¬
wark ; the fourth of the Scotch refidents in London.
They were, by way of diftindlion, to wear blue coc¬
kades in their hats.
Three days previous to the prefentation of the peti¬
tion, he gave notice of it to the houfe, and acquaint¬
ed it with the manner in which it was to be prefent-
ed ; but this was received with as much indifference
and unconcern as all his former intimations.
On the 2d day of June, according to appointment,
about 50 or 60,000 men affembled in St George’s
Fields. They drew up in four feparate divifions, as
had been agreed, and proceeded to the parliament
houfe, with Lord George Gordon at their head. An
immenfe roll of parchment was carried before them,
containing the names of thofe who had figned the
petition.
On their way to the houfe, they behaved with
great peaceablenefs and decency ; but as foon as they
were arrived, great difturbances took place. The
rioters began by compelling all the members of both
houfes they met with, to put blue cockades in their
hats, and call out, “ No Popery.” They forced fome
to take an oath that they would vote for the repeal of
-the Popery aft, as they ftyled it. They treated others
with great indignity, porting themfelves in all the ave¬
nues to both houfes *, the doors of which they twice
endeavoured to break open.
Their rage was chiefly direfted againft the members
of the houfe of lords j feveral of whom narrowly efca-
ped with their lives.
During thefe difturbances, Lord George Gordon
moved for leave to bring up the petition. This was
readily granted ; but when he propofed it fhould beta¬
ken into immediate confideration, it was ftrenuoufly op-
pofed by almoft the whole houfe. Enraged at this
oppofition, he came out feveral times to the people du¬
ring the debates, acquainting them how averfe the
houfe appeared to grant their petition, and naming
particularly thofe who had fpoken againft it.
Several members of the houfe expoftulated with him
in the warmeft terms on the unjuftifiablenefs of his con-
duft •, and one of his relations, Golonel Gordon, threat¬
ened to run him through the moment any of the riot¬
ers Ihould force tlreir entrance into the houfe. It was
fome hours before the houfe could carry on its delibe¬
rations with any regularity, which was not done till
the members were relieved by the arrival of a party of
the guards. Order being reftored, the bufinefs of the
petition was refumed $ when Lord George Gordon
told them it had been figned by near 120,000 Britiftr
Proteftant fubjefts. He therefore infilled that the pe¬
tition Ihould be confidered without delay. But not- Britain,
witliftanding the dangers with which they were men a--v—"”
ced, and the proof which the mover ot the petition
had given that no means ihould be left unemployed to
compel them to grant it, the commons continued im¬
moveable in their determination. Of 200 members,
then prefent in the houfe, fix only voted for it.
In the mean time the mob bad dilperfed itfelf into
various parts of the metropolis, where they demoliftied
two Romiih chapels belonging to foreign minifters ;
and openly vented the molt terrible menaces againft all
people of that perfuafton.
On the 4th of June they affembled in great numbers
in the eaftern parts of London ; and attacked the cha¬
pels and houfes of the Roman Catholics in that quar¬
ter, ftripping them of their contents, which they threw
into the ftreet, and committed to the ftames.
They renewed their outrages on the following day,
deftroying feveral Romiih chapels, and demoiiftung tlie
houfe of Sir George Saville, in refentment of his hav¬
ing brought into parliament the bill in favour of the
Roman Catholics.
Next day both houfes met as ufual; but finding
that no bufinefs could be done, they adjourned to the
19th.
During this day and the follow ing, which were the
6th and 7th of June, the rioters were abfolute mailers
of the metropolis and its environs.
Some of thofe who had been concerned in the de¬
molition of the chapels belonging to foreign minifters,
having been feized and fent to Newgate, the mob col-
lefted before that prifon, and "demanded their immedi¬
ate releafe. On being refilled, tliey proceeded to
throw firebrands and all manner of combuftibles into
the keeper’s houfe ; which unhappily communicated
the fire to the whole building *, fo that this immenfe
pile wras foon in flames. In this feene of confufton,
the prifoners were all releafed. They amounted to a-
bout 300 ; among whom feveral w^ere under fentence
of death. They let fire, in the fame manner, to the
King’s-bench and Fleet prifons, and to a number of
houfes belonging to Roman Catholics. The terror
occafioned by thefe incendiaries was fucb, that moft
people hung out of their window's pieces of blue filk,
which was the colour aflumed by the rioters; and
chalked on their doors and flmtters the words, “ No
Popery,” by way of fignifying they W'ere friendly to
their caufe.
The night of the 7th of June concluded thefe hor¬
rors. No lefs than 36 different conflagrations wrere
counted at the fame time. The bank bad been threat¬
ened, and w'as twice affailed } but happily was too
w'ell guarded for their attempts. In the evening, large
bodies of troops arrived from all parts, and came in
time to put a flop to the progrefs of the rioters. They
fell upon them everywhere, and multitudes were ilain
and wounded, befides the numbers that perilhed through
intoxication. It was not until the afternoon of the
8th, that people began to recover from their confter-
nation. During great part of the day, the diforders
of the preceding night had created fo terrible an alarm,
that the (hops were almoft univerfally flint up over all
London. The melancholy effefts of mifguided zeal
were not, however, confined folely to London. 1 he
outrageous difpofition of the populace was preparing
to
Britain.
' v 
.645 _
Minilterial
power con-
tinned by
the riots.
B R I [ 559 ] B R I
to a£l the like horrid fcenes in other parts of England.
* 1'he mob rofe in Hull, Briilol, and Bath j but through
the timely interpofition of the magiftracy, thefe places
were faved from their fury.
On the fubfiding of this violent and unexpecled
commotion, it was thought proper to fecure Lord
George Gordon. He was arrefted, and committed
clofe prifoner to the Tower, after having undergone a
long examination before the principal lords of the
council.
On the 19th of June, both houfes met again accord¬
ing to adjournment. A fpeech was made on this oc-
calion from the throne, acquainting them with the
meafures that had been taken in confequence of the
difturbances, and affuring them of the utmoft readinefs
to concur in whatever could contribute to the fafety
and maintenance of the laws and liberties of the peo¬
ple. The fpeech was highly approved : but the con-
duft of adminiftration was feverely cenfured, and char¬
ged with unpardonable negle£! for not calling forth
the civil power, and employing the military in due
time to obviate the mifchiefs that had been committed.
Miniftry excufed itfelf, from the want of fufficient
ftrength to anfwer all the demands of affiftance that
were made during the riots, and the abfolute impoffi-
bility of fupprelTing them till the arrival of troops from
the country. The various petitions were now taken
into confideration that had been prefented for the re¬
peal of the adl which had occafioned the riots j but
the houfe continued in the fame mind. Neverthelefs
it was thought proper to yield fomewhat to the pre¬
judices of the people, by palling a bill for preventing
perfons of the Popilh perfuafion from teaching or e-
ducating the children of Proteflants ; but this was af¬
terwards thrown out by the lords.
Nothing could have happened more opportunely
for the prefent miniftry than the riots juft now related j
for fuch rvere the alarm and terror occafioned by them,
that the ardour which had appeared for promoting po¬
pular meetings and aflbciations, and for oppofing the
meafures of government, was in a great degree fup-
preifed. rl he county meetings were reprefented as
having a tendency, like the Proteftant Afibciation, to
bring on infurreftions and rebellions. Many began to
confider all popular meetings as extremely dangerous ;
and among the commercial and monied people, there
was not an inconfiderable number, who were fo panic-
ftruck by the late riots, that all attention to the prin¬
ciples of the conftitution was overruled by their ex¬
treme anxiety about the prefervation of their property.
Had it not been for thefe events, though the minifter
was again at the head of a majority in parliament, it
is probable that the fpirit of oppofition'which prevailed
in the different counties would have compelled admi¬
niftration to make fome conceftions to the people. But
thefe tranfaftions extremely ftrengthened the hands of
adminiftration, and rendered the exertions of the po¬
pular leaders lefs formidable. T he popular party were
alfo fomewhat weakened, by the diifenfions which
took place among them in the county meetings, and
affemblies of that kind, relative to annual parliaments
and other political regulations which w’ere propofed
to be adopted.
In the fuppreflion of thefe riots, however, the inter¬
ference of the military without the command of the
civil magiflrate became a matter of fufpicion to the Britain,
people at large. In the houfe of lords the duke
of Richmond exprelfed an expectation that feme of
his majefty’s miniliers would rife, and give their lord-
Ihips afl’urances, that the meafures taken in order to
fupprels the riots, which were defenfible only upon
the ground of neceftity, would be fo ftated ; and that
what was illegally done, on the ground of neceffitv,
wTould be cured by an adf of indemnity.
Various other obfervations were thrown out relative
to the king’s prerogative and military law : upon
which Lord Mansfield obferved, that neither the king’s
prerogative nor military law had any thing to do
with the condufl of government in their endeavours
to quell the late outrages. All men, of all ranks,
deferiptions, and denominations, were bound, by their
oath of allegiance, to interpofe for the prevention of
a£!s of high treafon, or felony, wherever any at¬
tempts to perpetrate fuch crimes w’ere made in their
prefence ; and rvere criminal, if they did not do it.
In the whole of thefe proceedings, therefore, the
military had not adled in their technical capacity as
military, but had merely exercifed their duty as civil
men, wLich they, in common wdth other civil men,
had both a right and an obligation to exercife. When
a body of men were convened, without proceeding to
the aftual perpetration of treafonable or felonious
atts, then, by a claufe in the riot-aft, the prefence of
the civil magiftrate wras necelfary, before the military
could interpofe at all; and for this reafon, that as no
afts of felony were committed, they could have no
plea in the civil charafter for meddling at all. But
by the ftatute-law of the country, it became felonious-
in any combinatiou of men to perfevere in that combi¬
nation, after the riot-aft had been read by a juftice of
the peace ; and this being done, then, and not till then,
they had a conftitutional reafon for their interpofition ;
namely, the privilege and duty of hindering the com-
miftion of felony, whenever they had it in their power.
This being, therefore, the plain voice of the law, his
lordfhip did not fee how any prerogative of the king
had been exercifed, nor howT military law had been
eftablifhed. Nothing had been done out of the regu¬
lar courfe of the law, and no power had been aflumed
by the foldiery, which they did not poflefs as civil indi¬
viduals, and not in their technical capacity as members
of the military.
This doftrine was far from being agreeable to the
nation in general, and was very freely cenfured both
in newfpapers and pamphlets. It was admitted, that
if foldiers came accidentally, as individuals, to any¬
place where felonies were committing, they might in¬
terfere, as well as others of the king’s fubjefts, in the
prevention of them. But this was a different cafe
from that of bodies of armed troops being lent under
officers commiffioned by the king, and with orders
to aft againfi: riotous and diforderly perfons without
any authority from the civil magiftrate. It was main¬
tained that the conftitution of England knew no fuch
charafter as a mercenary foldier, at the foie will of
the executive power. Soldiers were held to their du¬
ty by laws which affefted no other part of the com¬
munity : and no foldier, as fuch, could he employed
in the fervice of the conftitution, without 2 particular
aft of parliament in his favour. The idea that a mi¬
litary •
'Britain.
B R I [56'
litary man was convertible into a foklier, or a citizen,
as royalty might move its fceptre, was a novel idea,
and only made for the prefent occalion. Mercenary
armies were underftood to confift of men, who had either
detached themfelves or been forced from civil fo-
cieties. Laws were made on thofe (uppofitions, re¬
garding their liberties and lives, fuch as no members
of civil fociety could fubmit to. Soldiers were only
tolerated by annual bills, and under repeated pretences j
and the very idea of blending them with the common
fubje&s of the date, and giving perfons of their de-
fciiption a right of judging on its moll important oc¬
currences, wmuld have filled our anceftors with honor.
The laws tolerated an army for certain periods, and
under certain reftri&ions ; but there was no law which
■admitted the interference of the military in any of the
operations of civil government.
1 It was acknowledged, that the late atrocious riots
had rendered an extraordinary exertion of power ab-
Tolutely neceffary : but it was at -the fame time con¬
tended, that the interpofition of the anny in thofe
outrages, without any authority from the civil ma-
giffrate, was an a£l of prerogative unconftitutional
and illegal, though perfeftly feafonable and benefi¬
cial. The public fafety and benefit might fometimes
excufe exertions of power, which would be injurious
and tyrannical on ordinary occafions : but the ut-
moft care fhould be taken, that fuch extraordinary ex¬
ertions fhould not be eftablifhed as precedents, which
might operate very fatally to the conftitution. An
aft of indemnity to ’the miniftry, therefore, on ac¬
count of the neceffity of the cafe, fhould be immedi¬
ately pafied. But if a large Handing army was kept
up, and the king was underftood to be invefted with
a power of ordering the troops to aft difcretionally,
whenever he fhould judge proper, without any autho¬
rity from the civil magiftrate, the people could have
no poflible fecurity for their liberties. In vain might
be their appeals to the courts of juftice : for the effica¬
cy of appeals of that kind, in fuch cafes, would depend
on the pleafure of the prince.
Many wxre filled with fimilar apprehenfions, and
alarmed at the dangerous precedent which the late
exertions of the military afforded, however neceffary
they might be from the very fingular circumftances of
the cafe. Among others, Sir George Saville, in an
addrefs to his conftituents fome time afterwards, de¬
clared, that he cor.fidered them as “ fully, effeftually,
and abfolutely under the difcretion and power of a mi¬
litary force, which w-as to aft without waiting for the
authority of the civil magiftrates.”
A letter written by Lord Amherft to Lieutenant-co¬
lonel Twifleton, wdio commanded the troops employed
in London for the fuppreffion of the riots, and which
was underftood to be an order for difarming the citi¬
zens, wTas much canvaffed in both houfes of parlia¬
ment. The letter, however, was denied to have fuch a
meaning, and wras faid to be levelled only at diforderly
perfons wdio were found in arms. It excited, never-
thelefs, no inconfiderable alarm ; and was an induce¬
ment, added to the confideration of the late riots, to
lead a great number of citizens to provide themfelves
with arms, and to join in plans of military aflociation,
■that they might be enabled to proteft themfelves and
>3 B R r
the city from violence and outrage, without any future Britain,
interpofition of the military. v
We muft now proceed to a detail of the operations tn
of the wrar, which, notwithftanding the powerful col> gagements
federacy againft Great Britain, feenied rather to be in at iea) $cc.
her favour than otherwife. 1 he Spaniards had begun
their military operations with the fiege of Gibraltar,
but with very little fuccefs * ) and the clofe of the * See Gik~
year 1779, and beginning of 1780, were attended
wdth fome confiderable naval advantages to Gteat Bri¬
tain. On the 18th of December 1779, the fleet under
the command of Sir Hyde Parker in the Weft Indies
captured nine fail of French merchant (hips, which,
with feveral others, were under the convoy of lome
{hips of war. Two days after he detached Rear Admi¬
ral Rowley in purfuit of three large French fhips, of
which he had received intelligence, and which were
fuppofed to be part of Monk la Mothe Piquet’s fqua-
dron returning from Grenada. His fuccefs there has
been already mentioned 5 and about the fame time fe¬
veral other veflels were taken by the fame fquadron
commanded by Sir Hyde Parker.
On the 8th of January 1780, Sir George Brydges
Rodney, who had been intruded with the command of
a fleet, one objeft of the deftination of which was the
relief of Gibraltar, fell in with 22 fail of Spanifti (hips,
and in a few hours the whole fleet was taken.
In little more than a w7eek after, the fame for¬
tunate admiral met w’ith ftill more fignal fuccefs.
On the 16th of the month he engaged, near Cape
St Vincent, a Spanifti fleet, confifting of 11 fhips of
the line and twro frigates, under Don Juan de Langara.
The Spaniards made a gallant defence 5 but four of
their largeft fhips were taken, and carried into Gib¬
raltar. Thefe were, the Phoenix of 80 guns and 700
men, on board of which was the admiral, Don Juan de
Langara; the Monarca, of 70 guns and 600 men,
Don Antonio Oyarvide commander j the Princeffa, of
70 guns and 600 men, Don Manuel de Leon com¬
mander ; and the Diligente, of 70 guns and 600
men, Don Antonio Abornoz commander. Two other
70 gun fhips were alfo taken •, but one of them w7as
driven on Ihore on the breakers and loft, and the
other was likewife driven on ftiore, but afterwards re¬
covered. Four fliips of the line efcaped, and the two
frigates : but twro of the former wTere much damaged
in the aftion ; in the courfe of wdiich one Spanifti
{hip, the San Domingo, of 70 guns and 600 men, was
blown up. The five men of w'ar taken were remark¬
ably fine {hips-, and were afterwards completely refitted,
manned, and put into the Englifti line of battle. The
Spanifti admiral and his officers applied to Sir George
Rodney to obtain the liberty of returning to Spain up¬
on their parole of honour : but this he declined for
fome time, becaufe he was informed that a great num¬
ber of Britilh feamen were then prifoners in Spain,
who ought to have been releafed. However, after¬
wards receiving aflurances that thefe Ihould be imme¬
diately fet at liberty, he releafed the Spanifti admiral
and officers upon-their parole y and the prifoners in
general w7ere treated with fuch generofity and huma¬
nity, as appeared to make a great impreflion upon the
court of Madrid and the Spanifti nation. When Ad¬
miral Rodney had fupplied the garrifon of Gibraltar
with
2
B R I [ S
Britain, with provifions, ammunition, and money, he proceed-
e(j Qn jjjj VOjj?age t0 the Weft Indies; having fent
home part of his fleet, with his Spanifh prizes, under
the command of Rear-admiral Digby ; who took a
French man of war on his return, the Prothee, of 64
guns and 700 men.
On the 20th of March there was an aftion in the
Weft Indies, between fome French and Englifti men
of war, the former under the command of Monf. de
la Mothe Piquet, and the latter, being part of- Sir
Peter Parker’s fquadron, under that of Commodore
Cornwallis. The engagement was maintained on both
fides with great fpirit; but the French at length gave
up the conteft, and made the beft of their way for
Cape Francois.
Admiral Rodney having arrived in the Weft Indies,
and taken upon him the command of his majefty’s flops
at the Leeward iflands, an a£fion happened between
him and the French fleet under the command of
Count de Guichen, on the 17th of April. The Bri-
tifh fquadron confifted of 20 fliips of the line, befides
frigates; and the French fleet of 23 fliips of the line,
and feveral frigates. The a&ion began a little before
one, and continued till about a quarter after four in
the afternoon. Admiral Rodney was on board the
Sandwich, a 90 gun fliip, which beat three of the
French fliips out of their line of battle, and entirely
broke it. But fuch was at length the crippled condi¬
tion of the Sandwich, and of feveral other fliips, that it
was impoflible to purfue the French that night with¬
out the greateft difadvantage. The vidtory was, in¬
deed, claimed on both fides $ but no ftiip was taken on
cither : and the French retired to Guadaloupe. Ad¬
miral Rodney’s fliip, the Sandwich, had fullered fo
much, that for 24 hours flie was wnth difficulty kept
above water. Of the Britiffi there were killed in this
engagement 120, and 353 were wmunded.
On the 15th of May, an nher adlion happened be¬
tween the fame commanders. It did not commence
till near feven in the evening, only a few fliips having
engaged, which w^ere foon feparated ; and the whole
ended in nothing decifive. Of the Britiffi 21 were
killed, and 100 wounded. The fleets met again on
the 19th of the fame month, when another action en-
iued ; but this alfo terminated without any material
advantage on either fide. In the laft engagement 47
of the Britifli were killed and 193 wounded. Ac¬
cording to the French accounts, the total of their lofs,
inthefe three aflions, amounted to 158 killed, and 820
wounded.
It was a very unfavourable circumftance for Great
Britain, that the French fliould have fo formidable a fleet
in the Weft Indies: and this great force of the enemy
was augmented in June, by being joined with a Spaniffi
fquadron near the iiland of Dominica. 'The French and
Spanifli fleets, when united, amounted to 36 fail of
the line. They did not, however, attack any of the
Britifli iflands, or even reconnoitre the fleet under the
command of Sir George Brydges Rodney, which then
lay at anchor in Gros Iflet bay. Such, indeed, were
the vigilance and good conduct of that admiral, and
lb fenfible svere the inhabitants of thefe iflands of his
fervices, that the houfes of affembly of St Chrifto-
tffier’s and Nevis prefented addreffes to him, teftifving
Vol. IV. Part II.
Britain,
61 ] B R I
their gratitude for the fecurity they enjoyed in confe-
quence of his fpirited and feafonable exertions.
In the month of June, Admiral Geary, who com¬
manded the grand fleet, took twelve valuable merchant
ftiips bound from Port an Prince to Bourdeaux and
other ports of France : But in the month of July a
very important and unexpected capture was made by
the Spaniards, which could not but excite much alarm
in Great Britain. On the 8th of Auguft, Captain
Moutray, who had under his command the Ramilies
of 74 guns and twm frigates, with the trade bound for
the Eaft and Weft Indies under convoy, had the mif-
fortune to fall in with the combined fleets of France
and Spain, which had failed from Cadiz the preceding
day. The Ramilies and the two frigates efcaped : but
the reft were fo completely furrounded, that five Eaft
Indiamen were taken, and 50 merchant fliips bound
for the Weft Indies. Their cargoes were extremely
valuable : it was one of the moft complete naval cap¬
tures ever made ; and was a heavy ftroke to the com¬
merce of Great Britain. The Spaniards on this occa-
fion behaved to their prifoners with great attention and
humanity ; and appeared difpofed to make an adequate
return for the generous treatment which their country¬
men had experienced from Admiral Rodney. This lofs,
however, great as it w^as, wfasfcarcely fufficient to com-
penfate the capture of Fort Omoa from the Spaniards,
where upwards of three millions of dollars w^ere gain¬
ed by the viClors, and, among other valuable commo¬
dities, 25 quintals of quickfilver, without which the
Spaniards could not extract the precious metals from
their ores ; the lofs of which confequently rendered
their mines ufelefs.
But while the Britifli were making the moft vigo¬
rous efforts, and even in the main getting the better
of the powers wffio oppofed them fairly in the field,
enemies were raifed up throughout all Europe, who,
by reafon of their a£ting indire£lly, could neither be
oppofed nor refifted. The power which moft openly Account of
manifefted its hoftile intentions was Holland 5 but be- t^ie arn?e<l
fides this, a moft formidable confederacy, under theneutrallty’
title of the armed neutrality, was formed, evidently
with a defign to crufti the power of Great Britain.
Of this confederacy the emprefs of Ruffia declared
herfelf the head ; and her plan was intimated on the
26th of February 1780, in a declaration addreffed to
the courts of London, Verfailles, and Madrid. In
this piece it was obferved, that though from the> con¬
duct of her imperial majefty it might have been hoped
that her fubjefts would have been allowed peaceably
to enjoy the fruits of their induftry, and of the ad¬
vantages belonging to all neutral nations, experience
had proved the contrary : her imperial majefty’s fub-
jefls had been often molefted in their navigation, and
retarded in their operations, by the fliips and priva¬
teers of the belligerent powers. Her imperial majefty
therefore declared, that ftie found herfelf under the
neceffity of removing thofe vexations which w7ere of¬
fered to the commerce of Ruffia, as well as to the li¬
berty of commerce in general, by all the means com¬
patible with her dignity and the welfare of her fub-
jeefts: but before ftie came to any ferious meafures,
and in order to prevent all newT mifunderftandings, ftie
thought it juft and equitable to expofe to the eyes of
4. B all
*47
E R I [ 562 ] B R I
Britain, all Europe the principles which Hie had adopted for
“"'V'"-’—' her conduft, and which were contained in the follow¬
ing propofitions:
1. That neutral (hips Ihould enjoy a free navigation,
even from port to port, and on the coafts of the bel¬
ligerent powers.
2. That all effe&s belonging to the fubje&s of the
belligerent powers Ihould be looked upon as free on
board fuch neutral fhips, excepting only fuch goods
as vvere ftipulated contraband.
3. Her imperial majefty, for the proper underfland-
ing of this, refers to the articles 10. and 11. of her
treaty of commerce with Great Britain, extending her
obligations to all the other belligerent powers.
In the treaty made between Great Britain and Ruf-
iia in 1734 it is feid, “ The fubjedb of either party
may freely pafs, repafs, and trade in all countries which
now are or hereafter lhaR be at enmity with the other
of the faid parties, places a&ually blocked up or befieged
only excepted, provided they do hot cany any warlike
{lores or ammunition to the enemy : as for all other ef-
fe£ls, their {hips, paffengers, and goods, Ihall be free
and unmolefted. Cannons, mortars, or other warlike
utenfils, in any quantity beyond what may be neceflaty
for the {hip’s provifion, and may properly appertain to
and be judged neceflary for every man of the {hip’s crew,
or for each paffertger, {hall be deemed ammunition of
war ; and if any filch be found, they may feize and
confifcate the fame according to law : but neither the
, veffels, paffengers, or the reft of the goods, {hall be
detained for that reafpn, or hindered from purfuirig
their voyage.” The fame enumeration of the goods,
ftipulated as contraband, was given in the treaty con¬
cluded between Great Britain and'Ruffia in 1766.
4. That in order to determine what characterizes a
port blocked up, that denomination (hould not be
■granted but to fuch places before which there were
aftually a number of enemy’s fhips ftationed near
enough fo as to make its entry dangerous.
5. That thefe principles {hould ferve as rules jn the
judicial proceedings and fentences upon the legality of
prizes.
Her imperial majefty declared, that fire vras firmly
refolved to maintain thefe principles j and that, in or¬
der to proteCt the honour of her flag and the fecurity
of the commerce and navigation of her fubjeCts, {he
had given an order to fit out a confiderable part of her
naval forces. She added, that this meafure would
have no influence on the ftriCt and rigorous neutrality
which {he was refolved to obferve, fo long as {he {hould
not he provoked and forced to depart from her prin¬
ciples of moderation and impartiality. It was only in
that extremity that her fleet would be ordered to aCt
wherever her honour, intereft, and neceflity {hould
require. This declaration was alfo communicated to
the ftates-general by Prince Gallitzin, envoy extraor¬
dinary from the emprefs 6f Ruflia 5 and .{lie invited
them to make a common caufe with her, fo far as
Tuch an union might ferve to proteCt commerce and
navigation. Similar 'communications and invitations
were alfo made to the courts of Copenhagen, of Stock¬
holm, and of Lilbon, in order, it was faid, that, by
the united care of all the neutral maritime powers, the
navigation of all the neutral trading nations might be
eftabliihed and legalized, and a fyftem adopted Found¬
ed upon juftice, and which, by its real advantage, Britain,
might ferve for rules to future ages. w-y—
The memorial of the emprefs of Ruflia, though very
unfavourable to the views of Great Britain, received
a civil anfwer from that court : but by other powers
it was received, as it might naturally be expeCted,
with much more cordiality. In the anfwer of the
king of France it was faid, that “ what her imperial
majefty claimed from the belligerent powers was no¬
thing elfe than the rules prefcribed to the French navy^
the execution whereof was maintained with an exadt-
nefs known and applauded by all Europe.” He ex-
prefled his approbation of the principles and views of
her imperial majefty j and declared, that from the mea-
fures Ihe had now adopted, ‘‘ folid advantages would
undoubtedly refult, not only to her fubjedts, but alfo
to all nations.” The kings of Sweden and Denmark
alfo formally acceded to the armed neutrality propofed
by the emprefs of Ruflia, and declared their perfedt
approbation of her fentiments. The ftates-general
did the fame : but on account of that flownefs of
deliberation which prevails in the councils of the re¬
public, it was not till towards the clofe of the year
that their concurrence was notified to the court of
Ruflia. It was refolved by the powers engaged in
this armed neutrality to make a common caufe of it
at fea againft any of the belligerent powers who {hould
vioUte, with refpedt to neutral nations, the principles
which had been laid down in the<meniorial of the em¬
prefs of Ruflia.
But though the Britifti miniftry could not openly Origin of
engage in war with all the other powers of Europe, the war
they determined to take fevere vengeance on the the
Dutch, whofe ingratitude and perfidy now became a
general fobjedt of fpeculation. It has already been
obferved, that, ever fince the commencement of hofti-
lities with the Americans, the Dutch had ftiown much
partiality towards, them This continued to be the
cafe, even beyond what the natural avidity of a mer¬
cantile people could be fuppofed to produce : Frequent
memorials and remonftrances had of confequence pafied
between the two nations, and the breach gradually
grew wider and wider, until at laft matters came to
an extremity, by a difeovery that the town of Amfter-
dam was about to enter into a commercial treaty with
America. This happened in the beginning of Sep¬
tember 1780,-by the capture of Mr Laurens, lately
prefident of the American congrefs, and who had been
empowered by that body to conclude a treaty with
Holland. Mr Laurens himfelf was inftantly commit¬
ted prifoner to the tower of London, and a fpirited
remonftrance was made to the ftates of Holland, re¬
quiring a formal difavowal of the tranfadtion. To
this, however, no other anfwer could be obtained,
than that they would take the matter into confidera-
tion according to the forms and ufages of the countryj
and that a reply would be given as foon as the nature
of their government would admit.
Such an equivocal anfwer could not by any means
be fatisfadtory *, and therefore the molt vigorous mea-
fures were refolved on. On the 25th of January 1781,
it was announced to the houfe, that his majefty had
been obliged to diredt letters of marque and reprifal
to be iffued againft the ftates-general and their fubjedts.
For the caufes and motives of his cpndudt in this re¬
fpedt,
B R I
fpe&, he referred to a public manifefto againft that re-
1 public, which he had ordered to be laid before the
houfe. The charges againft the republic, however,
were briefly fummed up by Lord North in his fpeech
on the occafion. The ftates, he faid, in open violation
of treaties, had not only refufed to give Great Britain
that afliftauce which thofe treaties entitled her to claim
when attacked by the houfe of Bourbon, but had alfo,
in direfbviolation of the law of nations, contributed as
far as they could to furnilh France with warlike ftores,
and had alfo at length thought proper to countenance
the magiftracy of Amfterdam in the infult which they
had offered to this country, by entering into a treaty
with the rebellious colonies of Great Britain, as free
and independent ftates. By the treaty of 1678, it was
ftipulated, that, in cafe Great Britain was attacked by
the houfe of Bourbon, fire had a right to take her
choice of either calling upon the ftates-general to be¬
come parties in the war, and to attack the houfe of
Bourbon within two months, or of requiring an aid of
€000 troops, and 20 fhips of war, which the ftates
were to furnifh immediately after the claim was made.
But though this country had always preferved her faith
with Holland, yet that republic had refufed to fulfil
the terms of this treaty.
His lordlhip farther obferved, that the ftates gene¬
ral had fuffered Paul Jones, a Scotchman, and a pirate,
a6Ving without legal authority from any acknowledged
government, to bring Britifti (hips into their ports, and
to refit there (a). A rebel privateer had alfo been
faluted at the Dutch ifland of St Euftatius, after (he
had been fuffered to capture two Britifti (hips within
cannon-ftiot of their forts and cattles. A memorial
was prefented at the Hague, in June 1779, on the
breaking out of the war with Spain, to claim the aid
we were entitled to require by the treaty of 167S j
but of this not the leaft notice was taken on the part
of the ftates. Two other notices had fince been de¬
livered, each pf which met with the fame reception.
The Britifti miniftry had done all in their power to
bring the ftates to a true fenfe of their intereft •, and
when the neceflity of the cafe compelled them to feize
on the Dutch (hips carrying ftores to France, they had
paid the full value for the cargoes, and returned the
(hips*; fo that neither the private merchant, the private
adventurer, nor the ftates, had fuffered. France only
had felt the inconvenience, by her being deprived of
B R I
that afliftance which (he would have received from Britain,
thofe cargoes. v~~-
With refpeft to an obfervation that had been made,
that the treaty laid before the houfe, between the
Dutch and the Americans, was nothing more than a
contemplative projeft, his lordfhip remarked, that it
was a&ually figned and fealed ; the names of Van Ber-
kel the penfionary of Amfterdam, and Monf. de Neu-
ville, a merchant and burgefs of that city, being fubT
fcribed to it on the part of the magiftracy of Amfter¬
dam, and the name of John Lee, as commiftioner o?
agent for the congrefs of America. The ftates-gene¬
ral had alfo refufed to pay the leaft attention to the rer
quifition in his majefty’s memorial, delivered by Sir
Jofeph Yorke, that proper notice ftiould be taken of
Van Berkel and his affbciates y fo far as fuch a refufal
could be implied by a contemptuous filence. As to
the principal magiftrates of Amfterdam, they were fo
far from difayowing the fadl, or attempting to palliate
it, that they gloried in the wftiole tranfa&ion ; and ex-
prefsly declared, even to the ftates-general, that what
they had done was what their indifpenfable duty re¬
quired.
His lordftiip added, that he lamented the neceffity
of a war with Holland 5 but it appeared to him to be
an unavoidable meafure. He confeffed the fituation of
this country to be truly alarming ; but when he con-
fidered the powerful (land that had already been made
againft the moft alarming confederacy that had ever
been formed againft Great Britain, .the little fuccefs
that the enemies of this country had met with in all
their various attempts againft it, and the fpirit and re-
fources of the nation, the public profpe.£ls appeared to
him much lefs gloomy than fome gentlemen thought
proper to reprefent them. Our difficulties were certain¬
ly great *, but he trufted that they were by no means in-
fuperable. He was neither defirous of concealing their
magnitude, nor afraid to meet them, great as they muft
be acknowledged $ becaufe he was convinced, that
when the force of this country was fully exerted, it
was equal to the conteft ; and that the only means of
obtaining an honourable and a juft peace, was to (how
ourfelves capable of carrying on the war with fpirit and
wdth vigour.
Before this national tefolution, however, could pof-
fibly have been communicated officially to the naval
commanders in the Weft Indies, the Dutch were a£tu-
4 B 2 ally
r 563 1
(a) This man, who had been formerly a fervant in Lord Selkirk’s houfe, had landed in 1778 and plundered
it of the plate, but without doing any farther mifchief. The adlion, however, was very difagreeable to his
own party *, and, at the defire of Dr Franklin, the plate was afterwards reftored. After this exploit, he at¬
tempted to fet fire to the town of Whitehaven, but without fuccefs. In 1779, he made a defcent on the coaft
of Ireland, but without committing any a£l of hoftility. His people indeed carried off fome (heep and oxen,
but their captain paid liberally for what they had taken. In the month of September 1779 he appeared in the
Frith of Forth with feveral prizes. They advanced up the Frith above the ifland of Inchkeith, fo as to be
nearly oppofite to Leith. His defign was fuppofed to have been to burn the (hipping there ; but he was pre¬
vented from attempting this by a ftrong weft wind j and fuch meafures were alfo taken for the defence of the
harbour, by ere&ing batteries and otherwife, that he would probably have mifcarried had any attempt been
made. On leaving the Coaft of Scotland, he fell in with the Serapis and Scarborough, both of which he took
after a moft defperate engagement ; by which all the veffels were reduced almoft to wrecks. Thefe were car¬
ried into a Dutch harbour j and it was this tranfa&ion to which Lord North now alluded. He was called a
pirate^ on account of his .not being at that time properly furniftied with a commifixon either from France cu
America, though tfiis was denied by the oppofite party.
B R I [ 564
ally attacked. The defencelefs ifland of St Euftatius
was, on the 3d of February 1781, fummoned by Ad¬
miral Rodney and General Vaughan to furrender to the
arms of' Great Britain, and only one hour given to
confider of. it. The immenfe property on the ifland
was confifcated, and a fale inftituted, with fuch circum-
.fiances of apparent rapacity, as not only became the
•fubjedl of a difcuflion in parliament, but drew upon
this nation, whether juftly or not we pretend not to
* See St determine, the ill will of all Europe*.
Eufatius. Yjjg Dutch nation feem not in the prefent cafe to
have behaved with any degree of prudence. Notwith-
flanding their provoking condu£l towards Britain, they
had made no preparations for war in cafe of being at¬
tacked. Notwithftanding this inactivity, however, it
ftill appeared that they retained their ancient valour, and
were in faCl the molt formidable naval enemies Britain
had to contend with. By the month of Augult 1781
they had equipped a confiderable fquadron, the com-
65° mand of which was given to Rear-admiral Zoutman.
Defrerate Qn ^ ^ 0f t]lat month, this fquadron fell in
mint with fleet commanded by Admiral Hyde
Admiral Parker. The force commanded by the Dutch admiral
Zoutman. confilted, according to their own account, of one of 74
guns, one of 68, one of 64, three of 54, and one of 44,
befides frigates : but the Englilh account reprefents
the Dutch fleet as confifting of eight two-decked fhips.
No gun was fired on either fide till they were within
the diftance of half mufket-fhot. The aCtion began
about eight in the morning, and continued with an
unceafing fire for three hours and forty minutes. Both
fides fought with equal ardour, and little advantage
was gained on either. When the heat of the ac¬
tion was over, both fquadrons lay to a confiderable
time near each other, when the Dutch {hips of war
with their convoy bore away for the Texel •, and the
Englifh fhips were all too much difabled to follow them.
A Dutch 74 gun {hip funk foon after the aCtion. On
board the Britifh fleet 104 were killed and 339 wound¬
ed j and the lofs of the Dutch was probably greater.
Admiral Zoutman, in the account of the engagement
tranfmitted by him to the ftadtholder, faid, that his
men “ fought like lions j” and it was faid by the Bri¬
tifh admiral, in the account fent by him to the admi¬
ralty, that “ his majefty’s officers and men behaved
with great bravery, nor did the enemy fhow lefs gal¬
lantry.” The admiral of the Dutch fleet w^as pro¬
moted, honorary rewards were given to the principal
officers, and two months pay to the men, for their be¬
haviour in this a6tion. When Admiral Parker’s fleet
arrived at the Nore, his majefty, in order to teftify his
fenfe of his merit, went on board his fhip, wuth the
avowed defign, as it is faid, of conferring on him the
honour of knighthood : but this the admiral thought
proper to decline ; and it wras generally fuppofed, that
this veteran officer was much difgufted, that more fhips
had not been fent to him, for which he had applied,
and which he conceived might have been fpared, fo
that he might have been enabled to obtain a com-
plete victory.
Vaft efforts Thus the war was ftill carried on in various parts of
Britain, tbe globe in fuch a manner as feemed to evince the im-
poffibility of crufhing the power of Great Britain by
any force whatever. In Europe the utmofl efforts of
Francs and Spain were able to produce nothing more
] b r r
than the annual parade of a mighty fleet in the chan- Britain,
nel. This was anftvered by the appearance of a Bri-
tifh fleet fo formidable that the allies never durft at¬
tack them. The Hates of Holland had drawn out their
force; and this too was oppofed by one, which, if in-
fufficient to conquer, w7as at leaf! able to prevent their
effe£ting any thing detrimental to our poffefficns. In
the Eaft Indies the united powers of the French and
Indians had been conquered, and the Dutch fettlements
had fuffered feverely *. In the year 1781, how-ever, * See
the Britifh naval power in the Weft Indies feemed tc-ftan'
fink, and fome events took place which threatened a ^
total ruin of the empire in thefe parts. This wasoifaftrous
owing to the vaft fuperiority ot the combined fleets of events of
France and Spain, by whom that of Britain was now ^ year
fo far outnumbered, that they could not achieve any I781,
thing of confequence. An ineffectual attempt on the
ifland of St Vincents * w7as made by Admiral Rodney j *See St
and an indecifive engagement took place, April 28th Vincents*
1781, between Admiral Hood and the count de Graffe j
the event of which, however, if not advantageous, was
certainly honourable to Britain, as the French had a
fuperiority of fix fhips of the line. The damage done ^53
to the Britifh fhips having obliged them to retire to^j^0
Barbadoes to refit, the French took that opportunity
to make a defcent on the ifland of Tobago f. The go-1 See TVi
vernor, Mr Fergufon, made a gallant refinance; h\xtba&0'
was at laft obliged to furrender, as no profpeCt of fuc-
cours appeared. On his return to England he com¬
plained loudly that the ifland had been unneceffarily
loft. Admiral Rodney had fent Rear-admiral Drake
w7ith fix fail of the line, three frigates, and fome troops,
to the afliftance of the ifland ; but they were fent too
late, and the ifland had capitulated before any relief was
afforded it. In a letter of Admiral Rodney, which was
publifhed in the gazette, fome furprife w7as expreffed,
that the place had furrendered fo foon : upon which
Governor Fergufon publifhed an account of the fiege,
figned with his name, in all the London papers, in
which he recriminated on the admiral. The gover¬
nor’s narrative was fo perfpicuous, fo apparently fatis-
faCtory, and his charge againft the admiral fo ftrong,
that it wras thought incumbent on the latter to vindi¬
cate his conduCt: but no anfw'er to the governor’s ac-
cufation ever appeared. ^
Befides the inconveniences which the Britifh Weft Difcontent’
India iflands fuffered in confequence of the war, it was in the Weft
alfo a misfortune to fome of them that they were invol-
ved in domeftic difputes, occafioned by their diffatisfac-1 an s’
tion at the conduCt of their governors. This was par¬
ticularly the cafe with Jamaica and Barbadoes, in both
which iflands there were frequent contefts about this
time between the houfes of affembly and the governors.
But the remonftrances of the inhabitants on this fubjeCt
did not meet with much attention from thofe who had
it in their power to afford them relief: for it feemed,
indeed, to be a kind of maxim with the Britifh admi-
niftration at this period, to pay little regard to any
complaints from the fubjeCts of the empire, refpeCting
any abufe of authority, from whatever quarter they
might come, Ireland only excepted; and, with refpeCt
to that kingdom, they were induced to relax a little
from the high tone they were accuftomed to affume,
by the powerful and energetic arguments of the Irifh
volunteers. Sec Irxland*
■ The
B R I [ 5^ ] B R I
Etitain.
:«ss
M'miftry
ftill periift
in their
military
fcheraes.
556
tsiing’s
fpeech
Nov. 17S1.
The great and Jeciiive ftroke, however, which hap¬
pened this year, was the capture of Lord Cornwallis
with the divifion of the army under his command.
Other events, indeed, were fufficiently mortifying.
The province of Weft Florida had been reduced by
the Spaniards; Minorca was befteged by them with an
apparent impoftibility of holding out; the ifland of St
Euftatius was furprifed by the French ; and in ftiort
every circumftance feemed to proclaim the neceffity
of putting an end to a war fo calamitous and deftruc-
tive.
All the difafters that had yet happened, however,
wrere not fmTicient to induce the miniftry to abandon
their favourite fcheme of war with the colonies. The
parliament met on thea'jth of November 1781. It has
already been obferved, that in the year 1780 the mini¬
ftry had received fuch a fignal defeat as feemed to prog-
nofticate the ruin of their power. They had indeed
afterwards acquired a majority, and the extreme ter¬
ror produced by the riots had contributed not a little
to the eftabliihment of their authority. The remem¬
brance of what had palled, however, moft probably in¬
duced them to a diffolution of parliament ; while the
fucceffes at Charleftown and other parts of America,
once more gave them a decided majority in both
houfes. But the difafters of the year 1781 involved
them in the utmoft difficulty and diftrefs. In the
fpeech from the throne, his majefty obferved, that the
war was ftill unhappily prolonged by that reftlefs am¬
bition which firft excited the enemies of his crowm and
people to commence it, and which ftill continued to
difappoint his earned defire and diligent exertions to re-
ftore the public tranquillity. But he fhould not an-
fwer the truft committed to the fovereign of a free
people, nor make a fuitable return to his fubjefts for
their zealous and affectionate attachment to him, if he
confented to facrifice, either to his own defire of peace,
or to their temporarv eafe and relief, thofe effential
rights and permanent interefts, upon the maintenance
and prefervation of which the future ftrength and fecu-
rity of Great Britain muft depend. The events of war
he faid, had been very unfortunate to his arms in Vir¬
ginia, having ended in the lofs of his forces in that pro¬
vince. No endeavours, he added, had been wanting
on his part to extinguifti that fpirit of rebellion which
his enemies had found means to foment and maintain in
the colonies, and to reftore to his deluded fubjeifts in
America that happy and profperous condition which
they had formerly derived from a due obedience to the
laws ; but the late misfortune in that quarter called
loudly for the firm concurrence and affiftance of par¬
liament, in order to fruftrate the defigns of their ene¬
mies, which were equally prejudicial to the real inte¬
refts of America, and to thofe of Great Britain. At
the clofe of the fpeech, his majefty obferved, that a-
mong the many ill confequences which attended the
continuation of the prefent war, he fincerely regretted
the additional burdens which it muft unavoidably bring
upon his faithful fubjedfts: but he ftill declared his per-
fe£l convidlion of the juftice of his caufe; and that he
had no doubt, but that, by the concurrence and fup-
port of his parliament, by the valour of his fleets and
armies, and by a vigorous, animated, and united exer¬
tion of the faculties and refources of his people, he
fhould be enabled to reftore the bleffing of a fafe and
honourable peace to all his dominions.
A motion for an addrefs of thanks, couched in the
ufual ftyle, was made in the houfe of commons. It
was urged, that a durable and advantageous peace
could reiult only from the firm, vigorous, and unremit¬
ting profecution of the w-ar. The prefent was not the
time to relinqir.fh hope, but to refolve upon exertion.
By defpair we fhould invite calamity to overwhelm us;
and it would ill become a great and valiant people,
whofe refources were yet powerful and numerous, to
fubmit where they fhould refill ; to look with indiffer¬
ence upon their political importance ; and to tarnifh,
by indolent pufillanimity, the national and dear-bought
glories both of remote and recent aeras, inftead of
oppofing, with augmented force, a combination whofe
inveterate efforts to throw out of the fcale of Europe
the whole political exiftence of Great Britain, were
ftrengthened by the late vi6lory over Lord Cornwallis
in Virginia. But if a general fpirit of unanimity, fo
requifite at one of the moft alarming and important
periods in the Britifli annals, wrere to arife within the
walls of parliament, and thence to diffufe itfelf through¬
out the body of the people, the gloom that hovered
round us would rapidly difperfe, and great fucceffes.
would condudl the nation back to all its priftine fplen-
dor and felicity.
This was vehemently oppofed by Mr Fox and Mr
Burke. The latter remarked, that if there could be a
greater misfortune than had already been undergone
by this kingdom in the prefent difgraceful conteft, it
rvas hearing men rife up in the great affembly of the
nation to vindicate fuch meafures. If the miniftry
and the parliament were not to be taught by experi¬
ence; if neither calamities could make them feel, nor
the voice of God make them wife ; what had this fal¬
len and undone country to hope for ? If any thing
could tend to dejeft the people of England, to make
them defpair of their fituation, and refign themfelves
to their fate, it muft be to receive information that
their minifters, after all that had been buffered, were
yet determined to go on with the American war. A
battle might be loft, an enterprife might mifcarry, an
ifland might be captured, an army might be loft in the
heft of caufes, and even under a iyftem of vigour and.
forefight; becaufe the battle, after all the wifdom and
bravery of man, was in the hands of heaven : and if
either or all thefe calamities had happened in a good
caufe, and under the aufpices of a vigilant adminiftra-
tion, a brave people would not defpair. But it was
not fo in the prefent cafe. Amidft all their fufferings
and their misfortunes, they faw nothing fo diftreffing
as the weaknefs or wickednefs of their minifters. They
feemed ftill determined to go on, wuthout plan, and
wuthout forefight, in this w7ar of calamities ; for every
thing that happened in it was a calamity. He con-
fidered them all alike, viflories and defeats; towns
taken, and towms evacuated ; new generals appointed,
and old generals recalled ; they were all alike calami¬
ties in his eyes, for they all fpurred us on to this fa¬
tal bufinefs. Vidlories gave us hopes, defeats made
us defperate, and both inftigated us to go on. They
w-ere, therefore, both calamities; and the king’s fpeech
was the greateft calamity of all; for the king’s fptecji
fhoweiL
Britain,
B R I r 566 1 B R I
JStitain, ftiowed us the difpofition of the mimfters; and this dif-
"" pofjtion was not to retreat an inch j to go on, to plunge
us deeper, to make our lituation more dilgraceful and
more unhappy.
In the courfe of the debate, it was contended on
the part of adminiftration, and particularly by Lord
North, that by the addrefs, as originally propofed, the
houfe did not pledge themfelves to any continuance of
the American war; but this was ftrongly denied by the
gentlemen in oppofition. However, the point was at
lad decided in favour of miniftry by a majority of 216
to 129 ; and the addrefs was then carried as original¬
ly propofed. * k
In the houfe of peers, a motion for an addrefs funi-
lar to that of the houfe of commons, was made by
Lord Southampton, and feconded by Lord Walfingham.
It was vigoroufly oppofed by the earl of Shelburne j
who obferved, that feven years had now elapfed fince
blood was firll drawn in America *, and from that pe¬
riod to the prefent the affairs of Great Lutain had
been continually growing worfe. A long progrefs in
the war had left us in a fituation in which there were
no advantages to confole 5 but dangers and calamities
had arifen, which were unknowm to us at the com¬
mencement of hodilities. Of nearly 87,000 men feut
to America, how few had returned! What treafures
had been in vain expended ! What enormous debts
accumulated ! The mod liberal national fupplies
had been followed by nothing but calamities-, and
the wdiole proceedings of the minidry manifeded a
want of fydem and of intelligence. Among other
indances of mifmanagement, his lorddiip remarked,
that, indead of blocking up the French fleets within
their own harbours* or immediately intercepting them
on their putting out to fea, we had fullered them to
fail far upon their expeditions to our didant fettle-
ments $ and when they had acquired this great advan¬
tage, w^e (lowly follow-ed their powerful armaments
with incondderable fquadrons, and fcarcely ever reach¬
ed the place of dedination till the enterprifes of the
enemy were totally accomplidied. His lordlhip alfo
declared it to be his opinion, that the capture of Earl
Cornwallis was owing to the preceding capture of St
Eudatius. As to the farther profecution of the war
with the lead profpett of fuccefs, it was totally impof-
iible: the nation was too much exhauded both of
men and money ; recruits were not to be procured for
the army 5 and as to our navy, if we had the bed fird
lord of the admiralty, and the ableft board that ever
fat, it was impoflible to provide for all the didant fer-
vices of fo extendve a w-ar. The reafon was obvious.
The fine navy that belonged to Great Britain at the
conclufion of the lad war had been fuftered to rot and
moulder away •, w’hile Francfe and Spain had recruited
and repaired their marine during the whole period of
the peace.
Among other ftri&ures on miniderial conduit, it was
obferved by the duke of Richmond, that at prefent
fcarcely a feventh part of the people were reprefented,
while all the remainder had no concern whatever, either
virtually or individually, in the management of their
own affairs 5 which their lordfliips well knew, the con-
ftitution of this country, as originally framed, gave
them a right to have. He appealed to the.houfe,
whether many of their lordlhips did not name the
members for feveral boroughs, and whether the repre- Britain,
fentatives were not cholen only by the management of'1 ” v“"1 jr
two or three burgeffes. Were this point reformed,
his grace declared, that he ihould dill expert to fee the
country capable of regaining fome portion of its for¬
mer greatnefs. He alfo made fome obfervations on
the interior cabinet, which bad, be faid, been the ruin
of this country. To prove its mifehievous tendency,
he indanced the declaration of the late earl of Chatham,
who confefled to the houfe, that “ he was duped and
deceived, and that he had not been ten days in the
cabinet before he felt the ground rotfen under his
feet.’’ His grace likewife faid, that though it was
the middle of a war, he made no fcruple to recommend
it mod drenuoudy to government, immediately to let
about curtailing the numbers of the army, and that as
much as podible. He recommended, that arms fhould
be put into the hands of the people, for the purpofes
of domedic defence and he did not doubt but that
in this cafe, they would aft with greater power and
fuccefs, than even the mod numerous military forces.
He alfo advifed withdrawing the troops from Ame¬
rica, augmenting the navy as much as podible, and
fending fuch fuccours to the Wed India iflands as might
enable them effeftually to refid any attempts from the
enemy.
Lord Stormont defended the addrefs as originally
propofed ; and obferved, that the language of the
Ipeech from the throne was proper to be held by any
prince worthy of the crown, in a moment like the pre¬
fent ; and the long edablilhed cudom rendered fuch
an addrefs as had been moved the fit anfwer to it.
The prefervation of America, as a dependent part, of
the Britid! empire, was too important to be relinquidi-
ed ; and the prefent crifis, lo far from judifying de-
fpair, called for a redoubled ardour, and lor immediate
ekertion.
The lord-chancellor faid, that the prefent fpeech
from the throne, like all others at the commencement
of a felbon, was no more than a brief date of the na¬
tion, delivered in the ancient dyle of compofition, and
conformably to edablidred ulage, from aimed the fird
exidence of a parliament j and as to the addrels, its
language not being fpecifically binding, their lordlhips
might vote in favour of it, without pledging them¬
felves to fupport any future miniderial meafure what¬
ever. The houfe at length divided, when Lord Shel¬
burne’s amendment was reje&ed by a majority of 75
to 31. A fhort proted againd the addrefs was enter¬
ed by the duke of Richmond, the marquis of Rocking¬
ham, and Earl Fitzwilliam , in which they declared,
that they diffented, “ for reafons too often urged in
vain for the lad feven years, againd the ruinous profe¬
cution of the unjud war carrying on by his majedy’s
miniders againd the people of North America j and tod
fatally confirmed by repeated experience, and the late
difgraceful lofs of a fecond army, to dand in need of
repetition.”
Though miniders thus fucceeded in carrying the
add relies in the ufual form, they did not meet with the
like fuccefs in their main plan of carrying on the war. jyiotioni
After the debate on the number of feamen, which was agair.ft tTfc
fixed at 100,000 for the enfuing year, Sir James Low-Amencan
ther moved as a refolution of the houfe, “ ^ hat the
war carried on with Ameiica had been inoffedual tor
the
B R I
the purpofes fop which it was undertaken; and that
^ all farther attempts to reduce that continent by force
of arms would be in vain, and muft be injurious to
this country by weakening her powers to refill: her an¬
cient and confederated enemies.” This was fupport-
ed by a number of arguments interlarded with the moft
fevere rededlions on minifterial conduft. In the courfe
of this debate it was obferved, and indeed with evident
truth, that every ftate of confequence in Europe with¬
held its fuccours, and left us to contend alone againft
a multitude of enemies j fo that wre (hould fcarch in
vain for an ally from one corner of the univerfe to the
other. As to the American war, in which the mini-
ftry fo madly perfifted, it was not like a war between
two rival or two neighbouring dates, about a barrier
or a boundary ; a contell which, however it ended,
.could not detract much from the importance or weight
of either. It was a war in which the conclufion of
every campaign was againft us j in which w'e weaken¬
ed no enemy by our efforts ; in which we had fuffered
everything without gaining anything. The Ameri¬
can war had been a war of delufion from the beginning
to the end. Every promife had been broken, every
affertion had been falfified, every objeft had been com¬
pletely given up. The miniftry had faid one thing
one day •, and the next day they had come down again,
and with grave faces faid what was dire&ly contrary.
But it was time to put an end to thefe dfelufions 5 not
the lead profpe£t of fuccefs in the war now remained 5
the period was therefore come, when ■ it was indifpen-
fably neceffary that the parliament ftiould interfere, in
order to avert that ruin witjh which this unhappy coun¬
try was fo immediately threatened.
The motion was oppofed by Lord North ; who.faid,
plan of war that if it was agreed to by the houfe, it muft put an
propow end to the American war in every ftiape, and even
cripple the hands of government in other refpefts. It
would point out to the enemies of this country what
were, to be the mode and operations of the war ; and
thus inform the enemy in what manner they might
beft point their operations againft this country during
the next campaign. Great Britain muft not retain
any poll in the colonies j for that would be confidered
as one mode of attempting to reduce the Americans
to obedience by force. But was it not manifeft, that
there might be a neceflity of retaining certain polls in
America, for the convenience even of carrying on the
war againft France and Spain ?
With refpedl to the American war in general, his
lordlhip acknowledged, that it had been extremely un¬
fortunate *, but he affirmed, that the misfortunes and
calamities which had attended it, though of a moft fe-
rious and fatal nature, were matters rather to be de¬
plored and lamented as the events of war, in them-
felves perpetually uncertain, than to be afcribed to any
criminality in minifters. He had always confidered
the American war as a war of the moft cruel neceflity $
but at the fame time as a war commenced for the fup-
port of the juft rights of the crown and of the parlia¬
ment of Great Britain. He would alfo Venture to de¬
clare, that as the war was unfortunate to all his fellow-
Tubjedts, fo it was particularly diftrefling to himfelf.
He had always confidered it as the heavieft calamity
of his life ; and if, at any time, a facrifice, not only of
the emoluments of his fituation, but even of the whole
C 567 1
B R I
<SS8
different
by Lord
.North.
of his private fortune, could have purchafed for his Britain,
country a fafe and honourable peace, he would have v'11 ^
made that facrifice with the utmoft cheerfulnefs, and
thought the opportunity of offering it the greateft
blefling which could poflibly have befallen him. His
lordftiip added, that though he totally difapproved of
the motion, yet he was willing to declare it to be his
opinion, that it would not be wife nor right to go on
with the American war as we had hitherto done ; that
is, to fend armies to traverfe from the fouth to the
north of the provinces in their interior parts, as had
been done in a late cafe, and which had failed of pro¬
ducing the intended and the defired effe£h ^ ^
This new method of carrying on the war was as Oppofed by
much difapproved of as the other; nor indeed did it General
feem. to be generally believed that any material altera-Bwrg°ync»
tion was to take place in the minifterial fyftem. Ge¬
neral Burgoyne obferved, that declaring a defign of
maintaining polls in America, of the nature of New
York, was declaring a defign of offenfive war; and
that fuch a maintenance of polls would prove an im¬
provident and a prepofterous war. The great if not
the only purpofe of keeping places of arms upon an ene¬
my’s coalf, and elpecially upon a continent, mull be
for offenfive war. During the glorious adminiftration
of the earl of Chatham, a place of arms was intended
to be eftablilhed at St Malo’s ; and it was afterwards
eftablilhed at Belleille upon a more extenfive view than
that of a mere inlet into the country. It made a
powerful diverfion, and drew a great military force
from Germany, to protefl the whole range of coaft:
from Bayonne to Dunkirk, which was threatened by
an embarkation from that place of arms. But the
circumftance which rendered that menace againft the
French coaft either prafticable or formidable was,
our dominion of the fea. At that refplendant era,
our naval flag rode in the very bays of France as fe •
curely as if anchored at Spithead ; and a few frigates
would have convoyed an army of 20,000 men to any
one point of the French or Spanilh coaft. This then
could be produced as a juft precedent for a place of
arms. But what other precedents exifted ? The com¬
mand of a ftrait, by which it was poflible either to give
an inlet for commerce, or to divide the ports of an
enemy. Gf fuch a nature was Calais, which, together
with Dover, kept feparate as often as we thought pro¬
per the great ocean and the German fea. Such alfo
was Gibraltar ; a place of arms that gave a virtual fu-
periority to the navy of England, though with an in¬
ferior number of Ihips, as feparating the ports of the
houfe of Bourbon in the ocean from their ports in the
Mediterranean, and preventing the junflion of their
fleets. But New York, as a place of arms, could an-
fwer no poflible p irpofe but to feed an impracticable
war, and to multiply that fyftem of contracts, loans, and
influence, which, after having operated to the lofs of
every dependence of the country, was ready to give the
final blow to the laft remains of property and liberty in
the country itfelf.
The general added, that he had not hitherto touched He recants
upon the principle of the American war. The imprac- ^ Qriginal
ticability of it was a fufficient juftification for fUp-PnnclPJ?s
- 1 r . , r- concerning*
porting the prdent motion. But he was now con-Arnerjca ®
vinced that the principle of the American war was
wrong, though he. had not been of that, opinion when
he
I
Britain.
661
Debate on
the army
eftimate.
B R I [ S68
he formerly engaged in the fervice in America. He
had been brought to this conviftion by obferving the
uniform condudl and behaviour of the people of Ame¬
rica. Paffion, prejudice, and intereft, might operate
fuddenly and partially •, but when we faw one principle
pervading the whole continent, the Americans refo-
lutely encountering difficulty and death for a courle of
years, it muft be a ftrong vanity and prefumption in
our own minds, which could only lead us to imagine
that they were not in the right. It was reafon, and
the finger of God alone, that implanted the fame fen-
timent in three millions of people. He would affert
ihc truth of the faff againft all which either art or con¬
trivance could produce to the contrary. He was like-
wife now convinced, upon comparing the condu6l of
the miniftry, as time had developed their fyftem, that
the American war formed only a part of a general de-
fign levelled againft the conftitution of this country
and the general rights of mankind.
After fome farther debate, Sir James Lowther’s mo¬
tion wras rejected by a majority of 220 to 179* I his,
however, was a majority in which the miniftry had lit¬
tle reafon to exult; as it was fufficiently apparent, from
the numbers who voted againft adminiftration, that the
uninfluenced fenfe ol that houfe was clearly and de-
cifively againft; any farther profecution of the Ameri¬
can war.
Other arguments to the fame purpofe with thofe of
General Burgoyne, juft mentioned, were ufed in the
debate on the army eftimates. On the 14th of De¬
cember, the fecretary at war informed the houfe,. that
the whole force of the army, including the militia of
this kingdom, required for the fervice of the year I'jSz,
would amount to 186,220 men, and for this force the
parliament had to provide. The fum required for
thefe troops for pay, clothing, and other articles a-
mounted to four millions two hundred and twenty
thoufand pounds. This military force exceeded that
of the laft year by 4074 men ; and the expence was
confequently greater by 29,067!. 15s. The increafe
was occafioned by the greater number of troops al¬
ready fent, or then going, to the Eaft Indies. But the
expence of thofe troops was to be reimburfed by the
Eaft India Company.
After fome farther ftatements relative to the military
force of the kingdom, and its expence, had been made
by the fecretary at war. Colonel Barre rofe, and with
great vehemence declared, that the eftimates of the ar¬
my which were laid before that houfe were fcandalous
and evafive. There was a much greater number of
non-effe£tive men than were ftated in the eftimates. In
fa£t, they amounted to a fifth part of the army. The
houfe fhould alfo recolleft, that the eftimates lying on
the table did not compofe the whole of the expences of
the army ; for extraordinaries of feveral millions w'ere
yet to come. Neither were the men under the feveral
defcriptions given by the fecretary at war the wffiole
number of military force employed. Other troops
were employed folely at the difcretion of the minifter,
and paid irregularly and unconftitutionally, without
the aflfent or knowledge of the legiflature j particularly
the provincial corps in America, amounting to nine
thoufand men in aftual fervice, the ftatement of which
force, though it had been called for from year to year,
^vas never brought into the eftimates.
] B R I
With refpefl to the army eftimates, the colonel pro
ceeded to obferve, that in many inftances they were '
filled with fuch abandoned impofitions, that there ap¬
peared an a£l:ual defign to treat inquiries from the par¬
liament with fovereign contempt. Several regiments,
of which the number of men did not amount to one
hundred, were fet down at eight hundred ; and others
not having more than fifty were mentioned in the
eftimates as confifting of five, fix, or feven hundred
men. Indeed, too large a part of the armies, !or
which that houfe had been perfuaded to give their
votes, exifted only upon paper. Amongft other regi¬
ments, the royal Engliffi fufileers had not even a fourth
of their complement. The royal Scotch fuiileers were
in a worfe predicament. Their number fell fhort of
even one hundred men. The 60th regiment was ftated
as amounting to 3500 men, when the fa£l was, that it
did not confift of 15005 and many others might be
enumerated in the fame fituation. The ftatement of
the eftimates relative to garrifons, particularly thofe of
Gibraltar and Minorca, were equally delufive and
overcharged.
Lord George Germaine faid, that the reafon why
the provincial corps had not been included in the efti¬
mates was, that fome (hare of the public money might
be fpared, by avoiding to vote an eftabliffiment for
thefe troops. They were railed and paid in a manner
by much the moft economical for the nation. They
were folely under the management of the commander
in chief; and an officer, called the injpettor general of
the provincial corps, regularly took care to mutter them
from time to time 5 nor was a lingle man paid for if
not in aftual employ. His lordlhip alfo informed the
houfe, that the miniftry were unanimouily of opinion,
that, confidering the prefent fituation of affairs, and
the misfortunes of the war, it would not be right to
continue any longer the plan on wffiich it had hitherto
been conduced 5 and therefore that a freih army would
not be fent to fupply the place of that captured at
York-town under Earl Cornwallis.
Sir George Saville expreffed the ftrongeft difappro-
bation of any farther profecution of the American
war, or of railing any more troops for that purpofe.
He adverted to the intimation which had been given
by the miniftry, that a change was to be made in the
mode of conducing the American war. This, he faid,
was in fa£l telling the houfe, that they were determi¬
ned to profecute the w7ar with all the feeble efforts of
which they were yet capable. Every unprejudiced
and fenfible obferver muft perceive, that fo extraordi¬
nary a conduft refembled, if it did not indicate, ffie
violence of infanity. General Conway declared, that
he entirely difapproved of a continuance of the Ame¬
rican w’ar in any form, as he W’ilhed that it might to¬
tally ceafe. He eagerly defired the recal of our fleets
and armies, and was anxious for an entire and imme¬
diate prevention of thofe calamities which had almoft
completed the deftruflion of the empire. He. con-
fidered an avowal of the independence of America as
a fevere misfortune, and a debafing ftroke againft
Great Britain 5 but of the two evils he would choofe
the leaft, and he would fubmit to the independency of
America. In Ihort, he would almoft yield to any cir-
cumftance whatfoever, rather than perfift a day longer
in the profecution of !o pernicious a war. Ideas had
bee»
Britain.
B R I
[ 569 ]
B R I
f See JS«-
Jldtins.
Britain, been ftarted relative to a war of polls, among which
*—V—New York had been particularly mentioned. But on
what military authority did the miniitry prefume to
think that New York was tenible ? What garrifon
would be able to maintain it ? The diverfity of military
opinions given on this fubjeft ferved rather to alarm
than to convince. To fecure New York, the poffeffion
of Long Ifland, which is a hundred miles in length, is
abfolutely neceffary •, and it was well known that Sir
Henry Clinton, with all his troops, did not conlider
himfelf as fecure. Notwithftanding thefe and other ar¬
guments, however, the queftion was carried in favour
of miniitry by a conliderable majority, and the fupplies
were voted accordingly.
. Belides the grand queftion for and againft the con¬
tinuance of the American war, feveral other matters
of fmaller moment wxre agitated this feftion *, particu¬
larly the affair of St Euftatius f as already mentioned,
an inquiry into the ftate of the navy, and into the cau-
fes of our bad fuccefs in the American war. All thefe
queftions were carried in favour of miniftry, though
not without a ftrength of oppofition they had never
experienced before. A motion for cenfuring Lord
Sandwich was loft only by 236 to 217 5 and fo gene¬
ral did the defire of a change of adminiftration now
appear, that it excited no fmall degree of furprife that
66* the prefent minifters Ihould ftill retain their places.
^^s°n Nothing could fet in a more ftriking point of view the
deteftation in which they were held, than the extreme
averfion ftiown at admitting Lord George Germaine to
the dignity of peerage. On this occafion, the Minden
1° bufinefs was not only ripped up, but after his a&ual
inveftiture, and when he had taken his feat in the
houfe, under the title of Lord Vifcount Sackville, a fe-
cond debate enfued relative to the dilhonour the peers
had fuftained by his admiftion into their houfe. It
was moved by the marquis of Caermarthen, that “ it
was reprehenfible in any minifter, and highly deroga¬
tory to the honour of that houfe, to advife the crown
to exercife its indifputable right of creating a peer, in
favour of a perfon labouring under the heavy cenfure
of a court martial,” which was particularly ftated in
the motion, and alfo the public orders given out on
the occafion by the late king. The marquis urged,
that the houfe of peers being a court of honour, it be¬
hoved them moft carefully to preferve that honour un¬
contaminated, and to endeavour to mark out, as for¬
cibly as poflible, the difapprobation which they felt at
receiving into their affembly, as a brother peer, a per¬
fon ftigmatized in the orderly books of every regiment
in the fervice. The earl of Abingdon obferved, that
he could not help conceiving, that although there was
not a right of eleftion, there was and muft be a right
of exclufion, veiled in that houfe, when the admiflion
of any peer happened to be againft the fenfe of their
lordlhips. His judgment of this arofe not only from
the idea, that that houfe was poffeffed of original
rights, as independent of the crowm as of the people 5
but from the circumftance of their being the heredita¬
ry counfellors of the crown, againft the fenfe of wftiom,
he held, the crown could not of right exert itfelf. His
lordfhip declared, that he confidered the admiftion of
Lord George Germaine to a peerage, to be no lefs an
infufferable indignity to that houfe, than an outrageous
infult to the people at large. It was an indignity to
You IV. Part II.
admitting
Lord
George
Germaine
lioufe of
peers.
that houfe, becaufe it was conne&ing them with one
w'hom every foldier was forbidden to affociate with.
It was an infult to the people ; for what had the per¬
fon raifed to the peerage done to merit honours fupe-
rior to his fellow-citizens ? He had only one claim to
any kind of promotion j and that was, that he had un¬
done his country, by executing the plan of that accur-
fed, invifible, though efficient cabinet, from whom, as
he had received his orders, fo he had obtained his re¬
ward.
Lord Sackville declared, that he neither knew' by
whole advice he had been raifed to this dignity, nor
thought, that, in a point of this nature, the recom¬
mendation of any minifter wTas in the leaft needful.
To beftow honours was the peculiar and univerfally
admitted prerogative of the crown, provided that the
parties advanced to them w7ere competent to receive
them. This he infilled was the cafe at prefent. The
fentence of the court-martial was ftated as the ground
of the objedlion againft his elevation to the peerage
but even fuch a fentence did not amount to any legal
difability wffiatfoever. Twrenty-three years had elapfed
fince the court-maitial which fat upon him had pro¬
nounced that fentence ; and he Ihould naturally fup-
pofe, that fuch of their lordlhips, and of the public in
general, as were at all acquainted with the peculiarly
hard and unfair circumftances which accompanied his
trial, had been long accuftomed to behold this bufinefs
in its proper point of view7. Affailed by an excefs of
acrimony, at leaft; equal to any that a Britilh officer
could have experienced from enemies at once implaca¬
ble and unjuft, he was condemned unheard, and pu-
nilhed previoufiy to his trial. In thefe circumftances,
it was well known, that he had challenged his accu-
fers to come forward j that he had provoked inquiry j
and had infilled upon a trial. He was affured at the
time, that if the determination of the court-martial
ftiould even prove capital, it would be carried into
execution : but no intimations of this kind could dif-
fuade him from infilling that a trial ftiould take place ;
and he flattered himfelf, that the candour and equity
of their lordlhips would lead them to conclude, that
fuch behaviour, under fuch circumllances, could only
refult from a confcioufhefs of innocence. To the fen¬
tence of it he had fubmitted j and, as the refult of
fuch fubmiflion, he thought that he had then acquit¬
ted himfelf to his country and to the public. At the
prefent moment, it was extremely lingular, that al¬
though neither the charge, nor the defence, nor the
evidence, nor in Ihort any one part of the proceedings
on the trial, w'as before their lordffiips, they were call¬
ed upon to put the fentence a fecond time in force a-
gainft him. He trufted, however, that their lordfhips
would call to mind the occurrences which had taken
place with refpedl to himfelf, fubfequent to that pe¬
riod. In 1765, not more than four years after the
trial, Ife wTas appointed to an office in adminiftration.
Previoully to his acceptance of the propofitions then
made to him that he Ihould bear a part in admini¬
ftration, it w7as agreed for him to become a member of
the council-board. There he accordingly took his
feat ■, and thenceforward confidered fuch a circum¬
ftance as virtually a repeal of the fentence of the court-
martial. A revifion of the proceedings of the court-
martial was now' unattainable ; for during the fpace of
4 C 23
Brifain.
B R I
[ 57° 3
B R I
Britain. 23 years, the period of time which had elapfed fince
the trial, every member who had fat upon it except
one had been dead and buried. An attempt to inve-
ftigate the motives which afluated the feveral members
of the court was equally impraflicable. He hoped,
therefore, their lordlhips would be of opinion, that he
was fully competent to receive the title which his fo-
vereign had been gracioufly pleafed to bellow upon
him ; and that it was neither expedient, neceffary, nor
becoming, for that houfe, to fly in the face of the
crown, or to oppofe its indifputable prerogative, be-
caufe it had advanced an old and faithful fervant to the
dignity of a feat among their lordlhips.
The duke of Richmond obferved, that from the
reign of Edward III. to the time of Henry VII. it
was exprefsly Hated, in every new patent of the crea¬
tion of a peer, that fuch creation was made with the
confent of parliament; nor did a Angle inflance occur,
during the whole of this period, of any title being
granted without the particular acquiefcence of the
houfe of lords. After the reign of Henry VII. the
crown carried with a conliderably lefs reftraining hand
this exercife of the prerogative ; and during the latter
teras, it had been generally regarded as an incontefla-
ble and eftablilhed right. It appeared, however, that
the ancient principles of the Britilh conflitution had
fet boundaries to reftrain this exercife of the preroga¬
tive 5 and that formerly a legal difability was not the
only circumflance which might amount to a difqualifi-
cation for the peerage. Some infinuations had been
thrown out refpefting the decilion of the court-mar¬
tial, which were far from being well grounded. When
the court-martial took place, for the purpofe of deter¬
mining the criminality or the innocence of the noble
vifcount, the times were not, as had been reprefented,
remarkable for the predominance of clamour or of fac¬
tion. He obferved, that their lordlhips were not ig¬
norant, that the noble vifcount relied a confiderable
part of the vindication of his behaviour at the battle
of Minden, upon the fuppofed exiftence of a ftriking
variation in the orders delivered from Prince Ferdi¬
nand to the commander of the cavalry. It was un-
derftood that the firll order was, that the cavalry ihould
advance •, and the fecond, that the Britifh cavalry
ihould advance. Yet even under thefe fuppofed con-
tradiftory orders, it was evident that the noble lord
Ihould advance ; and, certainly, the diltance being
Ihort, he enjoyed a fufficient fpace of time for obedi¬
ence to his inllruflions. Lord Southampton, who de¬
livered one of the meffages, was now prefent in the
houfe ; and it Ihould feem, that he had no choice, on
this occafion, but to acknowledge, either that he did
not properly deliver fuch orders to the noble vifcount,
or that the latter, having properly received them, ne¬
glected to obey them. But whatever difficulties might
have arifen, during the endeavours to determine ex-
aCIly how much time had aCIually been loll, in confe-
quence of the noncompliance of the noble vifcount
with the orders which he received, his grace faid, that
he could with much facility have folved what all the
witneffes examined as to this point wrere not able pofi-
tively to determine. If, as he was fummoned to ap¬
pear upon the trial, his depofition had been called for,
he could have proved, becaufe he held all the while
his watch within his hand, and feldom ceafed to look
at it, that the time loft w’hen the noble vifcount de- Britain,
layed to advance, under pretence, that, receiving fuch
contradi&ory orders, it w?as impoffible lor him to dif-
cover whether he ought to advance with the whole ca¬
valry, or only with the Biitifli cavalry, was one hour
and a half. It was, therefore, extremely evident,
that the noble lord had it in his power to have brought
up the cavalry from the diftance of a mile and a quar¬
ter $ in confequence of which, by joining in the bat¬
tle, they might have rendered the viftory more bril¬
liant and decifive. But, before the arrival of this ca¬
valry, the engagement was concluded. Such was the
teftimony, his grace faid, which, having had the ho¬
nour to ferve, at the battle of Minden, under Prince
Ferdinand of Brunfwick, he muft have borne, if, be¬
ing fummoned, the members of the court-martial had
thought proper to have examined him on the trial.
Under fuch circumftances, the noble vifcount could
have little reafon to complain of the lentence of the
court-martial, of the orders which followed, or of the
lofs of his commiffion.
The motion was powerfully fupported by other ar¬
guments, both by the duke of Richmond himfelf and
other peers 5 but, however, wes rejefted by a majori¬
ty of 93 againft 28. A proteft was entered, figned 66$
by nine peers, in which the fentence and the public Proteft a-
orders were particularly ftated ; and in which they de- gain.ft re"
dared, that they “ could not look upon the xaifing to^mg
the peerage a perfon fo circumftanced, in any other
light than as a meafure fatal to the interefts as wdl as
to the glory of the crown, and to the dignity of that
houfe j infulting to the memory of the late fovereign,
and likewife to every furviving branch of the illuftri-
ous houfe of Brunfwick ; repugnant to every principle
of military difcipline, and dire&ly contrary to the
maintenance of the honour of that houfe, and to that
honour which has for ages been the glorious charafte-
rittic of the Britifh nation, and which, as far as could
depend on them, they found themfelves called upon,
not more by duty than inclination, to tranfmit pure
and unfullied to pofterity.” 664'
The ruinous tendency of the American war was Motion for
now fo ftrikingly apparent, that it became neceilary an atWrcjs
for thofe who had a juft fenfe of the dangerous fitua-
tion of their country", who wifhed well to its interefts war reje^.
or even to prevent its deftruftion, to exert their moft ed.
vigorous eftorts to put an end to fo fatal a contefL
Accordingly, on the 22d of February, a motion wfas
made by General Conway, “ That an humble addrefs
Ihould be prefented, earneftly imploring his majefty,
that, taking into his royal corffideration the many and
great calamities wffiich had attended the prefent unfor¬
tunate wTar, and the heavy burdens thereby brought
on his loyal and affedlionate people, he would be gra-
cioufly p'leafed to liften to the humble prayer and ad¬
vice of his faithful commons, that the war on the con¬
tinent of North America might no longer be purfued
for the imprafticable purpofe of reducing that country
to obedience by force ; and exprefling their hope that
the earneif deftre and diligent exertion to reftore the
public tranquillity, of which they had received his
majefty’s moft gracious affurances, might, by a happy
reconciliation with the revolted colonies, be forwarded
and made effeUual 5 to which great end, his majefty’s
faithful commons would be ready moft cheerfully to
give
B R I [ 57i ] B R I
Britain, give tlieir utmoft afliftance.” In the fpeech by which
' he introduced this motion, the general fet forth the
enormities with which the Britiih arms had fo fre¬
quently been itigmatized by oppofition, and the ex-
ceflive animofity of the Americans. Not a fingle friend
to the Britiih government (he faid) could be difcover-
ed amongft the inhabitants of North America from
one end of the country to the other. We had, indeed,
at prefent no objeft to contend for : for if it could be
admitted for a moment, even for the fake of argument,
that it were potTible we might conquer at the lall, what
benefits would repay the llruggle for the victory ?
We fhould then only gain a defert, a country depopu¬
lated by the war, which our defpotifm and barbarity,
our avarice and ambition, our antipathy for freedom,
and our pafiion for injuftice, had kindled in her bo-
fbm. But all expeflations of this kind were in the
higheft degree vain and abfurd ; though he had re¬
ceived intelligence (the general faid) from a perfon
lately arrived from America, in whofe veracity, expe¬
rience, and difcernment, he could implicitly confide,
that the people of that country, although in arms
againft us, were frill anxious for the accomplifhment of
peace. He was alfo allured, that certain individuals,
at no confiderable diftance, wTere empowered on the
part of the congrefs to treat with the minillers of
Great Britain for the attainment of fa effential an ob-
jeft. Thefe circumltances were not unknown to go¬
vernment } and a noble lord, who had lately retired
from the office of a fecretary of Hate for the American
department, had been particularly applied to on this
interefting occalion. What reafon could the minifters
affign why they had neglefted to improve this lingular
advantage, and feemed to fpurn at all ideas of negoci-
ation ? Could it be poffible, that a feries of ignomi¬
nious mifcarriages and defeats had not yet operated
as a cure for the inhuman and dellruftive love of war ?
Such was the fituation of the nation, that it behoved
the minifters to negociate for peace almoft on any
terms. But as they had hitherto done nothing of this
kind, it was indifpenfably neceffary that the parliament
ffiould interfere, and put an immediate end to a war fo
calamitous, fo fatal, and fo deftruftive. The motion
was feconded by Lord John Cavendiffi, who remarked,
that the American war had been a war of malice and
refentment, without either dignity in its conduct, pro¬
bability in its object, or juftice in its origin. It was,
however, vigoroully oppofed by adminiftration, who
had frill fufficient ftrength to gain their point, though
only by a fingle vote, the motion being rejected by
655 194 t0.193-
Second mo- I he increafing ftrength of oppofition now lhow7ed
tion for the that the downfal of miniftry was at hand. The deci-
auc^e:S‘ fion of the laft queftion was confidered as a victory
gained by the former ; and Mr Fox inftantly gave no¬
tice that the fubject would be refumed in a few days,
under another form. It w7as accordingly revived on
the 27th of February on which day a petition from
the city of London was prefented to the houfe, foli-
citing the houfe to interpofe in fuch a manner as ffiould
prevent any farther profecution of the American war 5
after which General Conway moved, that it fhould be
refolved, “ That it w7as the opinion of that houfe, that
the farther profecution of offenfive war on the conti¬
nent of North America, for the purpofe of reducing
the revolted colonies to obedience by force, would be
the means of weakening the efforts of this country a-
gainft her European enemies, and tend, under the pre¬
fent circumftances, dangeroully to increafc the mutual
enmity fo fatal to the interefts both of Great Britain
and America 5 and, by preventing a happy reconcili¬
ation with that country, to fruftrate the earneft defire
gracioully exprefled by his majefty to reftore the blef-
fings of public tranquillity.”
In the fpeech by which he' introduced this motion,
the general took notice of fome objedlions that had
been made to his former motion, under the idea that
Britain.
it was unconftitutional in that houle to interfere with
its advice in thofe things which efpecially and indil- ^5^
putably belonged to the executive power. It appear- Parliament
ed, however, from the journals, that from the days of has a right
Edward III. down to the prefent reign, parliament
had at all times given advice to the crown in matters ^ 6
relating to w7ar and peace. In the reign of Richard II.
it was frequently done and alfo in that of Henry IV.
One remarkable inftance of this was in the reign of
Henry VII. when that prince confulted his parliament
refpefring the propriety of fupporting the duke of
Britanny againft France, and alfo of declaring war
againft the latter ; and he told his parliament, that it
was for no other purpofe than to hear their advice on
thefe heads that he called them together. In the reign
of James I. the parliament interfered repeatedly with
their advice x-efpefting the Palatinate, the match with
Spain, and a declaration of war againft that power.
In the time of Charles I. there were fimilar interfe¬
rences j and in the reign of his Ion Charles II. the
parliament made repeated remonftrances, but particu¬
larly in 1674 and 1675, on the fubjedt of the alliance
with France, which they urged ought to be renoun¬
ced, and at the fame time recommended a ft riel trnion
with the united provinces. To fome of thefe remon¬
ftrances, indeed, anfwers were returned not very fa-
tisfadlory ; and the parliament were informed, that
they were exceeding the line of their duty, and en¬
croaching upon the prerogative of the crown. But
fo little did the commons of thofe days reliffi thefe an¬
fwers, that they addrefled the king to know who it
wras that had advifed his majefty to return fuch anfwers
to their loyal and conftitutional rt monftrances. In
the reign of King William, repeated inftances were to
be found in the journals of advice given by parliament
relative to the Iriffi war and the war on the continent.
The like occurred frequently in the reign of Queen
Anne : that princefs, in an addrels from the parlia¬
ment, was advifed not to make peace with France un¬
til Spain ihould be fecured to Auftria 5 and alfo, not
to confent to peace until Dunkirk fficuld be demolifh-
ed. In ffiort, it was manifeft from the whole hiftcry
of Englifti parliaments, that it was ever confidered as
conftitutional for parliament to interfere, whenever it
thought proper, in all matters fo important as thofe
of peace and war. The general urged other argu¬
ments in fupport of his motion, which was feconded
by Lord Althorpe ; and petitions from the mayor,
burgefles, and commonalty of the city of Briftol, and
from the merchants, tradefmen, and inhabitants of that
city, againft the American war, were read. In or¬
der to evade coming to any immediate determination
on the queftion, a propofition was made by Mr Wal-
4 C 2 lace,
Britain.
667
Motion for
the addrefs
carried.
66S
Addrefs
prel'ented,
with his
majefty’s
anfwer.
669
Second
addrefs.
B R I [ 572 ] B R I
lace, tne attorney-general, that a truce fhould be en¬
tered into with America j and that a bill fhould be
prepared to enable his maiefty’s miniflerS to treat on
this ground : and under the pretence of allowing time
for this meafure, he moved, “ that the prefent debate
faould be adjourned for a fortnight.” The houfe di¬
vided upon this motion, when there appeared for it
215, and againft it 234 ; fo that there was a majority
of 19 againll the miniftry. The original motion of
General Conway was then put and carried without a
divifion. The general immediately followed up his
firft motion with another for an addrefs to the king,
in which the American war was fpoken of precifely in
the fame terms made ufe of in the motion, and in
which his majedy was folicited to put a flop to any
farther profecution of offenfive war againft the colo¬
nies. This motion was agreed to ; and it was alfo re-
folved, that the addrefs fhould be prefented to his ma*
jcfty by the whole houfe. The addrefs was accord-
ingly prefented on the ift of March j when his ma-
jelly returned an anfwer, in which he declared, that
there were no objefts nearer to his heart than the eafe,
happinefs, and profperity of his people $ that the
houfe of commons might be allured, that, in purfu-
ance of their advice, he fliould take fuch meafures as
fhould appear to him to be moft conducive to the re-
lloration of harmony between Great Britain and her
revolted colonies, fo efiential to the profperity of both;
and that his efforts fliould be direfted, in the moft ef-
fedlual manner, againft our European enemies, until
fuch a peace could be obtained as fhould confift with
the interefts and permanent welfare of his kingdoms.
But though the proceedings of the houfe of commons,
in addrefling his majefty againft any farther profecu¬
tion of the American war, gave general fatisfaclion,
the royal anfwer, however, was not thought fufhcient-
ly explicit. It was therefore obferved by General Con¬
way, iii the houfe of commons, on the 4th of March,
that he hoped he fhould be fupported by the houfe in
his defire of fecuring the nation againft the poflibility
of a doubt that the American war was not now com¬
pletely concluded. Something, perhaps, might yet
be wanting, by which minifters might be fo exprefsly
bound, that, however, defirous of evafion, they would
not have it in their powder to evade the injundlion of
that houfe. He therefore moved, “ That an humble
addrefs fhould be prefented to his majefty, to return
his majefty the thanks of that houfe for his gracious
anfwer to their laft addiefs j that houfe being convin¬
ced, that nothing could, in the prefent circumftances
of this country, fo effentially promote thofe great ob¬
jects of his majefty’s paternal care for his people as
the meafures which his faithful commons had moft
humbly, but earneftiy, recommended to his majefty.”
This motion was unanimoufly agreed to j after which
the general made a fecond motion, that it fhould be
refolved by that houfe, “ That, after the folemn de¬
claration of the opinion of that houfe, in their humble
addrefs prefented to his majefty on Friday laft, and his
majeftv’s affurance of his gracious intention, that houfe
would confider as enemies to his majefty and this
country, all thofe who fhould endeavopr to fruftrate
his majefty’s paternal care for the eafe and happinefs
of his^people, by adviftng, or by any means attempt¬
ing, the farther profecution of ofFenftve war on the
continent of North America, for the purpofe of re- Britain.
ducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force.” y
After fome debate, the motion was agreed to without
a divifion j and on the 6th of the month, after a num¬
ber of papers had been read in the houfe of peers re¬
lative to the furrender of Earl Cornwallis and the ar¬
my under his command, the two following motions
were made by the duke of Chandos. Firft, “ That Refolutions
it was the opinion of that houfe, that the immediate concerning
caufe of the capture of the army under Earl Cornw-al-^capture
lis in Virginia, appeared to have been the want of awanjsre_
fufhcient naval force to cover and protect the fame.”jC&ed.
Secondly, “ That the not covering and protefling
the army under Earl Cornwallis in a proper manner,
was highly blameable in thofe who advifed and plan¬
ned the expedition.” After fome debate, the motions
were rejefted, upon a divifion, by a majority of 72
to 37.
Thus the miniftry ftill kept their ground, and with
the moft aftonifhing refolution combated the powers of
oppofition, which were daily increafing. On the 8th
of March feveral refolutions were moved by Lord John Refolutions
Cavendifh ; one of which was, that “ the chief caufe agamft mi.
of all the national misfortunes w7as the want of ^ore‘^ferj ^r0”
fight and ability in his majefty’s minifters.” Another130
refpefted the immenfe fum expended on the war, which
was not denied to be lefs than loo millions. The ex¬
penditure of this fum became an object of fevere fcru-
tiny j but ftill all inquiry was fruftrated. Mr Burke
affirmed, that all public documents relative to the fi¬
nances, exhibited the mifmanagement, profufion, and
enormities, of an unprincipled adminiftration ; as an
inftance of which he adduced the prefents given to the
Indians for their fervices during the laft year, amount¬
ing to no lefs than ioo,oool. Several other particu¬
lars w’ere pointed out; but the motions were loft by
226 to 216.
The unpopularity of Lord North was now farther
augmented by his propofal of fome new taxes, particu¬
larly on foap, the carriage of goods, and places of en¬
tertainment. Oppofition therefore ftill determined to
force him to refign j which indeed it feemed improba¬
ble that he would voluntarily do. On the 15th of
March it was moved by Sir John Rous, that “ the na-Another
tion could have no farther confidence in the minifters motion a-
wTho had the condudl of public affairs.” The debate ^
was remarkable for an argument, in the affair of Ame¬
rica, perfedlly original, and unprecedented in all that
had been faid or written on the fubjedl. Sir James
Marriot informed the houfe, that though it had been
frequently pretended, that the inhabitants of the colo¬
nies were not reprefented in the Britifh parliament, yet
the fadl w7as otherwife •, for they w'ere aftually repre¬
fented. The firft colonization, by national and fove-
reign authority, he remarked, was the eftablilhment of
the colony of Virginia. The grants and charters made
of thofe lands, and of all the fubfequent colonies, were
of one tenor, and expreffed in the following terms :
“ To have and to hold of the king or queen’s majefty,
as part and parcel of the manor of Eaft Greenwich,
within the county of Kent, reddendum, a certain rent
at our caftle of Eaft Greemvich, &c.” So that tlm
inhabitants of America were, in fadt, by the nature oi
their tenure, reprefented in parliament by the knights
of the {hire for the county of Kent. This curious le-
B R I [ J73 ] B R I
Britain, gal difcovery, that the American colonies were part
'I' "^v—and parcel of the manor of Eaft Greenwich, though
delivered by the learned judge with all proper gravity
and folemnity, yet excited fo much merriment in the
houfe, that it was with great difficulty, for fome time,
, that the fpeaker could preferve any kind of order.
;Lor(j 0 Lord North endeavoured to vindicate his own ad-
North’s de-miniftration. He affirmed, that it could not be de¬
fence of his clared with truth, by that houfe, that the national ca-
du<£t C°n* ^amit*es originated from the meafures of the prefent
adminiftration. The repeal of the American itamp-
a6t, and the paffing of the declaratory law, took place
before his entrance into office. As a private member
of parliament, he gave his vote in favour of both 5 but,
as a minifter, he was not refponfible for either. When
he accepted his poll, the times were fcarcely lefs vio¬
lent than the prefent. He approached the helm when
others had deferted it j and, Handing there, he had
ufed his utmoft efforts to affift his country. That the
American war was juft and requifite, and profecuted
for the purpofe of fupporting and maintaining the
rights of the Britiffi legiflature, was a pofition, for the
truth of which he would ever contend, whilft he en¬
joyed the power of arguing at all upon the fubjeft.
As to peace, he not only wiffied moft earneftly for it,
but alfo for the formation of fuch a miniftry as might
at once prove welcome to the country, and with una¬
nimous cordiality co-operate for the welfare and the
honour of the ftate. It was not an attachment to the
honours and emoluments of office which had kept him
fo long in place 5 and he ffiould difdain to throw impe¬
diments in the way of any honourable and falutary
coalition of parties, though for the adjuftment of an
adminiftration from which he might perceive himfelf
excluded. The houfe at length divided upon the que-
ftion, when there appeared for it 227, and againft it
236 ; fo that there was a majority of nine in favour of
^ adminiftration.
The mini- Notwithftanding this feemingly favourable determi-
ttcrs at laft nation, it was fo well known that the miniftry could
quit their not ftand their ground, that, four days after, a ftmilar
p.aces. motion to that made by Sir John Rous was to have
been made by the earl of Surrey j but when his lord-
ftiip was about to rife for that purpofe, Lord North
addreffed himfelf to the fpeaker, and endeavoured to
gain the attention of the houfe. This occafioned fome
altercation, it being contended by many members,
that the earl of Surrey ought to be heard firft. But
Lord North being at length fuffered to proceed, he
obferved, that as he underftood the motion to be made
by the noble earl was fimilar to that made a few days
before, and the objeft of which was tire removal of the
minifters, he had fuch information to communicate to
the houfe, as muft, he conceived, render any fuch mo¬
tion new unneceffary. He could with authority affure
the houfe, that his majefty had come to a full deter¬
mination to change his minifters. Indeed, thofe per-
fons who had for fome time condufted the public af¬
fairs were no longer his majefty’s minifters. They were
not now to be confidered as men holding the reins of
government, and tranfafting meafures of ftate, but
merely remaining to do 'their official duty, till other
minifters were appointed to take their places. The
fooner thofe new minifters were appointed, his lordffiip
declared, that, in his opinion, the better it would be
for the public bufinefs, and the general interefts of the Britain^
nation. He returned thanks to the houfe for the ma- 111 ■'
ny inftances of favour and indulgence which he had
received from them during the courfe of his adminiftra¬
tion $ and he declared, that he confidered himfelf as
refponfible, in all fenfes of the word, for every cir-
cumftance of his minifterial conduft, and that he
ftiould be ready to anfwer to his country whenever he
ftiould be called upon for that purpofe.
The earl of Surrey informed the houfe, that the
motion which he intended to have made was defigned
to declare to the nation, and to all Europe, that the
miniftry were not difmiffed becaufe they wanted to a-
void the fatigues of office, but becaufe the parliament
had totally withdrawn from them their good opinion
and their confidence, and were determined no longer
to permit the perpetration of thofe violent abufes of
their truft, to which, with impunity, and to the dif-
grace and detriment of the ftate, they had for fuch a
length of time proceeded. His lordffiip, however, a-
greed, in confequence of the declaration of Lord
North, to wave his intended motion j and, after fome
farther debate, the houfe adjourned.
Thus an end was put to an adminiftration which had Military
for fo long been obnoxious to a great part of the na_pperati°ns
tion, and whofe removal contributed very much to al-m I782’
lay thofe dangerous ferments by which every part of
the Britifh dominions had been fo long agitated.
Peace now became as much the objedl of miniftry as
war had been formerly. Before we proceed to any
account of the negociation for that defirable event,
however, it will be neceffary to take notice of thofe
military events which difpofed the other belligerent
powers to an accommodation. The bad fuccefs of
Britain in America has already been taken notice of.
7 he difafter of Cornwallis had produced a fincere de¬
fire of being at peace with America : but that could
not be accomplifned without making peace with France
alfo j and that power was haughty and elated with
fuccefs. Minorca had now fallen into the hands of the
Spaniards ; and though it is certain that the capture
of a few miferable invalids, attended with fuch extreme
difficulty as the Spaniards experienced f, ought rather ^ ^ee
to have intimidated them than otherwife, they nownorca'
projefted the moft important conquefts. Nothing lefs
than the entire redu&ion of the Britiftr Weft India
iflands became the object of the allies ; and indeed
there was too much reafon to fuppofe that this ©bjedt
was within their reach. In the beginning of the year
1782, the iflands of Nevis and St Chriftopher’s were
obliged to furrender to M. de Graffe the French ad¬
miral, and the marquis de Bouille, who had already
fignalized himfelf by feveral exploits*. Jamaica was * See Nevh
marked out as the next vidtim } but an end of all thefean^^^ri-
afpiring hopes was fall approaching. The advantages^c/^r 'f*
hitherto gained by the French in their naval engage¬
ments with the Britiflr fleet had proceeded from their
keeping at a great diftance during the time of adtion,
and from their good fortune and dexterity in gaining
the wind. At laft, the French admiral, de Graffe,
probably prompted by his natural courage, determined,
after an indecifive adlion on the 9th of April 1782, to
ftand a dole engagement with his formidable anta-
gonift Admiral Rodney. This, with him, appears to
have been a matter of choice, as he interfered to pre¬
vent
B R I [ 574
Britain, vent the lofs of a difabled fhip, by parting with which
' ~xr~ he might have avoided the difarter that followed.
Graffe ^ls memorable engagement took place off the irtand
entirely de-of Dominica, three days after the former. The
feated and Britifh fleet confifted of 37 rtiips.of the line, and the
taken pri- Qf 24. The engagement commenced at feven
B R 1
Other French officers behaved in the Britain,
The valour of the Britiffi requires no "l"1
Admiral o’clock in the morning, and continued with unremit-
Rodney. ting fury till half part fix in the evening. It is faid,
that no other fignal was made by the admiral but the
general one for adlion, and that for clofe fight. Sir
George Rodney was on board the Formidable, a (hip
of 90 guns; and the count de Graffe was on board
the Ville de Paris, a fhip of 110 guns, which was a
prefent to the French king from the city of Paris. In
the courfe of the adtion, the Formidable fired nearly
.80 broadfides ; and for three hours the admiral’s fhip
wras involved in fo thick a cloud of fmoke, that it was
almoft invifible to the officers and men of the reft of
the fleet. The van divifion of the Britifh fleet was
commanded by Sir Samuel Hood, and the rear divifion
by Rear-admiral Drakey and both thefe officers greatly
diftinguifhed themfelves in this important adlion. But
the decifive turn on this memorable day was given by a
bold manoeuvre of the Formidable, which broke the
French line, and threw them into confulion. The firft
French fhip that ftruck was the Caefar, a 74 gun fhip,
the captain of which fought nobly, and fell in the ac¬
tion. It is faid, that when flie ftruck Ihe had not a foot
of canvas without a fliot hole. Unfortunately, foon
after flie was taken poffeffion of, fhe took fire by acci¬
dent, and blew up, when about 200 Frenchmen perifh-
ed in her, together with an Englifti lieutenant and ten
Engliih feamen. But le Glorieux and le Heftor, both
74 gun ihips, were alfo taken by the Britifh fleet ; to¬
gether with P Ardent of 64 guns j and a French 74 gun
fhip was alfo funk in the engagement. It was a very
clofe and hard-fought action on both fides, but the
French fleet w’as at length totally defeated. It was
almoft dark when the Ville de Paris ftruck, on board
which the count de Graffe had fought very gallantly.
Five thoufand five hundred troops were on board the
French fleet, and the havock among thefe w^as very
great, as well as among the French feamen. The Bri-
tifli had 230 killed and 759 wounded. Captain Blair,
who commanded the Anfon, and feveral other officers,
were killed in the adlion •, and Lord Robert Manners,
who commanded the Refolution, died of his wounds on
his return home. On the 19th of the fame month, a
fquadron wffiich was detached from the main fleet,
under the command of Sir Samuel Hood, captured the
Cato and the Jafon, two French men of war of 64
guns each, and alfo I’Aimable of 32 guns, and the Ce-
ics of 18. About the fame time alfo the fleet under
Admiral Barrington took from the French, off Ufhant,
le Pegafe of 74 guns, PA&ionnaire of 64, and ten fail
of veffels under their convoy.
It was univerfally allowed, that in this engagement
the French, notwithrtanding their defeat, behaved with
the greateft valour. Dc Graffe himfelf did not furren-
der till 400 of his people were killed, and only himfelf
and two others remained without a wound. The cap¬
tain of the Csefar, after his enfign-ftaff was fliot away,
and the Ihip almoft battered to pieces, caufed his co¬
lours to be nailed to the mart, and thus continued fight¬
ing till he was-killed. The veffel, when taken, was a
2
mere ivreck.
fame manner.
encomium *, it was evident from their fuccefs.
This vidfory was a very fortunate circumftance both
for the intereft and reputation of the Britilh admiral.
Before this event, the new miniftry had appointed Ad¬
miral Pigot to fuperfede him in the command in the
Weft Indies ; and it was underftood, that they meant
to fet on foot a rigid inquiry into the tranfadlions at St
Euftatius. But the fplendour of this viftory put an end
to all thoughts of that kind : he received the thanks
of both houfes of parliament for his fervices ; and was
created an Englifli peer, by the title of Baron Rod¬
ney, of Rodney Stoke, in the county of Somerfet. Sir
Samuel Hood was alfo created Baron Hood of Cathe-
rington, in the kingdom of Ireland ; and Rear-admiral
Drake, and Captain Affleck, were created baronets of
Great Britain. Some attempts were alfo made, in the
houfe of commons, to procure a vote of ceniure againll
the new miniftry, for having recalled Lord Rodney ;
but the motions made for this purpofe were rejefled by
the majority.
The count de Graffe, after his defeat, was received
on board the Barfleur man of war, and afterwards
landed on the illand of Jamaica, where he was treated
with great refpe£L After continuing there fome time,
he was conveyed to England, and accommodated with
a fuite of apartments at the Royal Hotel in Pall-mall.
His fword, which he had delivered up, according to
the ufual cuftom, to Admiral Rodney, was returned to
him by the king. This etiquette enabled him to ap¬
pear at court, where he was received by their majefties
and the royal family in a manner fuitable to his rank.
From the time of his arrival in London to his depar¬
ture, which was on the 12th of Auguft I'jSi, he was
vifited by many perlons of the firft fafnion and diftinc-
tion, and was much employed in paying vifits to the
great officers of rtate, and fome of the principal nobi¬
lity of the kingdom, by whom he was entertained in a
very fumptuous and hofpitable ftyle. He received, in¬
deed, every mark of civility which the Britiffl nation
could bellow ; and was treated with much refpedl even
by the common people, from the opinion that was ge¬
nerally entertained of his valour and merit.
Though the defigns of the French againft Jamaica
were now effedlually fruftrated, the victory was not
followed by thofe beneficial confequences which by
many w7ere expedled. None of the Bntilh iflands
which had been taken by the French in the Weft In¬
dies were afterwards recaptured •, though it was hoped
that this would have been the refult of our naval fupe-
riority in thofe feas. It was alfo an unfortunate cir¬
cumftance, that fome of thofe Ihips which were taken
by Admiral Rodney were afterwards [loft at fea 5 par¬
ticularly the Ville de Paris, Glorieux, and Lledlor. A
Britilh man of war, the Centaur, of 74 guns, was alfo
funk in lat. 48 deg. 33 min. and long. 43 deg. 20 min.
on the 24th of September 1782, in confequence of the
difabled Hate to which it was reduced by fome very
violent ftorms. Before the Ihip funk, the officers and
crew had fuftained great hardlhips : moll of them at
laft went down with the fliip 5 but the lives of Captain
Inglefield the commander, and ten other officers and
feamen, were preferved by their getting on board a
pinnace. But even this was leaky j and when they
went
Britain.
677
Hudfon’s
bay and the
Bahama
iflands re¬
duced.
67S
Spanifli ar¬
mament
deftroyed
before Gi¬
braltar.
B R I [5
went into it they were nearly in the middle of the
Weftern ocean, wdthout compafs, quadrant, great coat
or cloak j all very thinly clothed, in a gale of wdnd,
and with fcarcely any provifions. After undergoing
extreme hardlhips and fatigues for 16 days, they at
length reached the ifland of Fayall, one of the Azores.
They were fo much reduced by want of food and in-
eeffant labour, that, after they had landed, fome of
the ftouteft men belonging to the Centaur wTere obliged
to be fupported through the ftreets of Fayall. The Ja¬
maica homewrard-bound fleet was alfo difperled this
year by a hurricane off the banks of Newfoundland,
when the Ramillies of 74 guns and feveral merchant¬
men foundered.
The Britifh navy alfo fuftained, about this time, a
confiderable lofs at home, by the Royal George, of
100 guns, being overfet and funk at Portfmouth. This
melancholy accident, wdrich happened on the 29th of
Auguff, was occafioned by a partial heel being given
to the fhip, with a view to cleanfe and fweeten her 5
but the guns on one fide being removed to the other,
or at leaf! the greater part of them, and her lower-
deck ports not being lafhed in, and the fhip thwarting
on the tide with a fquall from the north-weft, fhe
filled with water, and funk in the fpace of about three
minutes. Admiral Kempenfelt, a very brave and me¬
ritorious officer, other officers, upwards of 400 feamen
and 200 women, befides many children, perilhed in
her.
Thus the profecution of the war feemed to be at¬
tended with endlefs difafters and difficulties to all par¬
ties. The fignal defeat above mentioned not only
fecured the iffand of Jamaica effectually from the at¬
tempts of the French, but prevented'them from enter¬
taining any other projeCl than that of diftrefling the
commerce of individuals. In the beginning of May
an expedition w7as undertaken to the remote and inhof-
pitable regions of Hudfon’s Bay ; and though no force
exifted in that place capable of making any refiftance,
a 74 gun fhip and two 36’gun frigates were employed
on the fervice. All the people in that part of the
w'orld either fled or furrendered at the firft fummons.
The lefts- of the Hudfon’s Bay company, on this occa-
fion, amounted to 500,000!. but the humanity of the
French commander was confpicuous in leaving a fuffi-
cient quantity of provifions and ftores of all kinds for
the ufe of the Britifh who had fled at his approach.
Another expedition was undertaken by the Spa¬
niards to the Bahama iflands, w-here a like eafy con-
queft w7as obtained. The ifland of Providence was de¬
fended only by 360 men, who being attacked by 5000,
could make no refiftance. A very honourable capitu¬
lation w7as granted by the victors, w7ho likew’ife treat¬
ed the garrifon with great kindnefs afterw-ards. Some
fettlements on the Mofqueto fliore were alfo taken by
the Spaniards: but the Bay-men, aflifted by their ne¬
groes, bravely retook fome of them j and having form¬
ed a little army wuth the Indians in thofe parts, headed
by Colonel Defpard, they attacked and carried the polls
on the Black River, making prifoners of about 800
Spanifh troops. The great difafter which befel this
power, however, was their failure before Gibraltar,
which happened in the month of September 1782, with
fuch circumftances of horror and deftruCtion as evinced
the abfurdity of perflfting in the epterprife. Thus all
is 1 . . B R r.
parties were taught that it was high time toput'an end Emai.T.
to their contefts. The affair of Cornwallis had fhown i""-1
that it was impoffible for Biitain to conquer America ;
the defeat of de Grafle had rendered the reduCticn of
the Britifh pofleffions in the Weft Indies impracticable
by the French •, the final repulfe before Gibraltar, and
its relief afterwards by the Britifh fleet f, put an end f See G7.-
to that favourite enterprife, in which almoft the whole ra"jr>
ftrength of Spain was employed ; while the engage¬
ment of the Dutch with Admiral Parker fhowed them
that nothing could be gained by a naval war with Bri-
ta!n- , . r . . 6^
We have already taken notice, as fully as the limits Change of
of this article would admit, of the events which led to miniftry iiv
the removal of Lord North and the other minifters who Britain,
for fo long time had direCled public meafures in this
kingdom. On this occafion it uTas faid that his majefty
exprefled a confiderable agitation of mind at being in
a manner compelled to make fuch an entire change in
his councils ; for the members in oppofition would
form no coalition with any of the old miniftry, the
lord chancellor only excepted. On the 27th and 30th
of March 1782, the marquis of Rockingham was
appointed firft lord of the treafury •, Lord John Caven-
difti chancellor of the exchequer ; the earl of Shelburne
and Mr Fox principal fecretaries of ftate j Lord Camden
prefident of the council; the duke of Richmond mailer
of the ordnance ; the duke of Grafton lord privy feal;
Admiral Keppel firft lord of the admiralty 5. General
Conway commander in chief of all the forces in Great
Britain : Mr Thomas Townlhend fecretary at war •,
Mr Burke paymafter of the forces; and Colonel Bane
treafurer of the navy. Other offices and honours were
likewife conferred on different members of the oppo¬
fition ; and fome were raifed to the peerage, particu¬
larly Admiral Keppel, Sir Fletcher Norton, and Mr
Dunning.
6So-
The firft bufinefs in which the new miniftry enga-Negocia 
ged, w7as the taking fuch meafures as w'ere proper to t'0115 f°r5
effedftuate a general peace. No time was loft in thel)eace‘
purfuit of this great objedl, or in taking the neceffary
Heps for its attainment. Accordingly, the emprefs of
Ruflia having offered her mediation, in order to reftore
peace betw'een Great Britain and Holland, Mr Secre¬
tary Fox, within two days after his entrance into of¬
fice, wrote a letter to Monf. Simolin, the Ruffian mi-
nifter in London, informing him, that his majeffy was
ready to enter into a negociation for the purpofe of
fetting on foot a treaty of peace, on the terms and con¬
ditions of that which was agreed to in 1674 between
his majefty and the republic of Holland ; and that, in
order to facilitate fuch a treaty, he was willing to give
immediate orders for a fufpenfion of hoftilities, if the
ftates-general were difpofed to agree to that meafure.
But the ftates of Holland did not appear inclined to
a feparate peace j nor perhaps wrould it have been agree¬
able to the principles of found policy, if they had agreed
to any propofitions of this kind. However, immedi¬
ately after the change of miniftrv, negociations for a
general peace wei’e commenced at Paris. Mr Grenville
wTas invefted with full powers to treat with all the par¬
ties at war; and w?as alfo directed to propofe the in¬
dependency of the 13 United Provinces of America, in
the firft inftance, initead of making it a condition of a
general treaty. Admiral Digbyand General Carleton
were
Britain.
6Si
Death of
the marquis
of Rocking¬
ham occa-
fions new
changes in
the mini-
ftry.
6S2
Strange
i'peech of
Lord Shel¬
burne on
American
indepen¬
dence.
6S3
Gives occa.
lion to the
Americans
to rail a-
gainft Bri¬
tain.
} See Ame~
rica.
B R I [576
were alfo direfted to acquaint the American congrefs
with the pacific views of the Britilh court, and with the
offer that was made to acknowledge the independence
of the United States.
But before this work of pacification had made any
confiderable progrefs, the new miniftry fuftained an ir¬
reparable lofs by the death of the marquis of Rocking¬
ham in July 1782. Even before this event, confider-
able apprehenfions wxre entertained of their want of
union ; but the death of the nobleman jult mentioned
occafioned an abfolute diffolution. The earl of Shel¬
burne, who fucceeded him as firft lord of the treafury,
proved fo difagreeable to fome of his colleagues, that
Mr Fox, Lord John Cavendilh, Mr Burke, Mr Fre¬
derick Montague, and two or three others, inftantly re-
figned their places. Others, however, though little at¬
tached to the earl, kept their places-, and his lordlhip
found means to attach to his interefl Mr William Pitt,
fen to the late earl of Chatham. Though then in an
early ftage of life, that gentleman had diltinguifhed
himfelf greatly in parliament, and was now prevailed
upon to accept the office of chancellor. The feceding
members of the cabinet were at pains to explain their
motives to the houfe for taking this ftep. Thefe were
in general a fufpicion that matters would be managed
differently from the plan they had propofed while in
office, and particularly that American independence
would not be allowed : but this was pofitively de¬
nied at the time and with truth, as appeared by the
event. There appeared indeed a duplicity in the con-
duft of the earl qf Shelburne not eafily to be account¬
ed for. Even after it had been intimated by General
Carleton and Admiral Digby, that the independence
of the united provinces ffiould be granted by his ma-
jefty in the firft inftance, inftead of making it a con¬
dition of a provifional treaty, his lordffiip expreffed
himfelf to the following purpofe : “ He had formerly
been, and ftill was, of opinion, that whenever the in¬
dependence of America was acknowledged by the Bri-
tiffi parliament, the fun of England’s glory was let for
ever. This had been the opinion of Lord Chatham
and other able ftatefmen 5 neverthelefs, as the majority
of the cabinet were of a contrary opinion, he acqui-
efeed in the meafure, though his ideas w?ere different.
Fie did not wilh to fee England’s fun fet for ever, but
looked for a fpark to be left which might light us up
a new day. He wilhed to God that he had been de¬
puted to congrefs, that he might plead the caufe of
America as well as Britain. He was convinced that
the liberties of the former were gone as foon as the
independence of the ftates was allowed : and he con¬
cluded his fpeech w-ith obferving, that he was not a-
fraid of his expreffions being repeated in America; there
being great numbers there who were of the fame opi¬
nion with him, and perceived ruin and independence
linked together.”
If his lordlhip really was of opinion that his orato-
rial powers were able to perfuade the Americans out
of a fyftem for which they had fought fo defperately
for a number of years, it is much to be feared he
overrated them. No obftrmflion, however, arofe to
the general pacification. As early as November 30.
1782, the articles of a provifional treaty were fettled
between Britain and America*. By thefe it was ftipu-
lated, that the people of the united ftates Ihould con-
]
B R I
Britain,
tinue to enjoy, without moleltation, the right to take
fifh of every kind on the grand bank, and on all the -
other banks of Newfoundland j and that they Ihould Art;cje^£
likewife exercile and continue the fame privilege in the provi-
the gulf of St Lawrence, and at every other place Bonal trea-
in the fea, where the inhabitants ufed heretofore
filh. The inhabitants of the united ftates rvere likewife
to have the liberty to take filh of every kind on fuch
part of the coaft of Newfoundland as Britilh feamen lhall
refort to } but not to cure or dry them on that illand.
They were alfo to poffefs the privilege of filhing on
the coafts, bays, and creeks of the other dominions
of his Britannic majefty in America j and the Ameri¬
can fiffiermen were permitted to cure and dry filh in
any of the unfettled bays, harbours, and creeks of
Nova Scotia, Magdalen Blands, and Labrador. But
it was agreed, that, after fuch places Ihould be fettled,
this right could not be legally put in praftice without
the confent of the inhabitants and proprietors of the
ground. It was accorded, that creditors upon either
fide ffiould meet with no impediment in the profecu-
tion of their claims. It was contra61ed, that the con¬
grefs’Ihould earneftly recommend it to the legillatures
of the refpe&ive ftates, to provide for the reftitution
of all eftates and properties which had been confifca-
ted, belonging to real Britilh fubjetts, and of the e-
ftates and properties of perfons refident in diftrifts in the
poffeffion of his majefty’s arms, and who had not borne
arms againft the united ftates. It was refolved, that
perfons of any other defcription Ihould have free liber¬
ty to go to any part whatfoever of any of the thirteen
united ftates, and remain in it for twelve months un-
molefted in their endeavours to recover fuch of their
eftates, rights, and properties, as might not have been
confifcated -, and it was concerted that the congrefs
ffiould earneftly recommend to the feveral ftates a re-
vifion of all afts or laws regarding the premiffes, fo.as
to render them perfe&ly confiftent, not only with
juftice and equity, but with that fpirit of conciliation
which, on the return of the bleffing of peace, Ihould
umverfally prevail. It was underftood that no future
confifcations ffiould be made, nor profecutions com¬
menced againft any perfon, or body of men, on account
of the part wffiich he or they had taken in the prefent
w-ar -, and that thofe who might be in confinement on
fuch a charge, at the time of the ratification of the
treaty in America, ffiould be immediately fet at liber¬
ty. It was concluded that there fhould be a firm and
perpetual peace betw-een his Britannic majefty and the
united ftates j that all hoftilities by fea and land ftiould
immediately ceafe 5 and that prifoners on both fides
ffiould be fet at liberty. It was determined that his
Britannic majefty ffiould expeditioufly, and without
committing deftruftion of any fort, withdraw- all his
armies, garrifons, and fleets, from every port, place,
and harbour, of the united ftates. The navigation of
the river Miffiffippi, from its fource to the ocean, was to
remain for ever free and open to the fubjedls of Great
Britain and the citizens of the united ftates. In fine,
it was agreed in the event, that if any place or territo¬
ry belonging to Great Britain, or to the united ftates,
ffiould be conquered by the arms of either before the
arrival of the provifional articles in America, it ffiould
be reftored without compenfation or difficulty.
In the treaty betw-een Great Britain and J ranee, it
was
B R I
France;
V.rifa'm, was agreed that Newfoundland fhould remain with
England, as before the commencement of the war j
Prelimma- an^’ t0 Prevent difputes about boundaries, it was ae¬
ry articles corded that the French fiihery Ihould begin from Cape
with St John on the eaftern fide, and going round by the
north, fhould have for its boundary Cape Ray on the
weftern fide. The ifiands of St Pierre and Miquelon,
which had been taken in September 1778, were ceded
in full right to France. The French wrere to conti¬
nue to fifh in the gulf of St Lawrence, conformably
to the fifth article of the treaty of Paris. The king
of Great Britain was to reftore to France the illand of
St Lucia, and to cede and guarantee to her that of
Tobago. The king of France was to iurrender to
Great Britain the ifiands of Grenada and the Grena¬
dines, St Vincent, Dominica, St Chriftopher’s, Nevis,
and Montferrat. The river of Senegal and its de¬
pendencies, with the forts of St Louis, Podor, Galam,
Arguin, and Portendice, were to be given to France ;
and the ifiand of Goree was to be reitored to it. Fort
James and the river Gambia were guaranteed to his
Britannic majefty ; and the gum trade was to remain
in the fame condition as before the commencement of
hoftilities. The king of Great Britain was to reftore
to his moft Chriftian majefty all the eftabliftiments
which belonged to him at the breaking out of the war
on the coaft of Orixa and in Bengal, with the liberty
to furround Chandernagore with a ditch for draining
the waters ; and became engaged to fecure to the fub-
jeefs of France in that part of India, and on the coafts
of Orixa, Coromandel, and Malabar, a fafe, free, and
independent trade, either as private traders, or under
the direftion of a company. Pondicherry, as well as
Karical, was to be rendered back to France j and his
Britannic majefty was to give as a dependency round
Pondicherry the two diftri&s of Valanour and Ba-
hour; and as a dependency round Karical, the four
contiguous Magans. The French were again to enter
into the pofi'eftion of Mahe, and of the comptoir at
Surat. 1 he allies of France and Great Britain were
to be invited to accede to the prefent pacification ; and
the term of four months was to be allowed them, for
the purpofe of making their decifion. In the event
of their averfion from peace, no afiiftance on either fide
was to be given to them. Great Britain renounced
every claim with refpedt to Dunkirk. Commiflioners
were to be appointed refpedlively by the two nations
to inquire into the ftate of their commerce, and to
concert new arrangements of trade on the footing of
mutual convenience. All conquefts on either fide, in
any part of the world whatloever, not mentioned or
alluded to in the prefent treaty, were to be reftored
without difficulty, and without requiring compenfa-
tion. It was determined that the king of Great Bri¬
tain ftiould order the evacuation of the ifiands of St
Pierre and Miquelon, three months after the ratifica¬
tion of the preliminary treaty *, and that, if poffible,
before the expiration of the fame period, he ftiould re-
linquifh all connexion with St Lucia in the Weft In¬
dies, and Goree in Africa. It was ftipulated in like
manner, that his Britannic majefty ftiould at the end
of three months after the ratification of the treaty, or
fooner, enter into the poffeftion of the ifiands of Gre¬
nada and the Grenadines, St Vincent, Dominica, St
Chriftopher’s, Nevis, and Montferrat. France was to
Vet. IV. Part II.
[ 577 1
B R I
be put into poflefiion of the towns and comptoirs Britain.
which were to be reftored to her in the Eaft Indies, ' v 
and of the territories which were to ferve as depen¬
dencies round Pondicherry and round Karical, fix
months after the ratification of the definitive treaty j
and at the termination of the fame term fine was to re¬
ftore the towns and diftrifts which her arms might have
taken from the Englilh or their allies in that quarter
of the globe. The priloners upon each fide were reci¬
procally to be furrendered, and without ranfom, upon
the ratification of the treaty, and on paying the debts
they might have contracted during their captivity.
Each crown was refpeCtively to reimburfe the fums
which had been advanced for the maintenance of their
prifoners by the country where they had been detain¬
ed , according to attefted and authentic vouchers. With
a view to prevent every difpute and complaint on
account of prizes which might be made at fea after the
figning of the preliminary articles, it was mutually fet¬
tled and underftood that the veffels and eft'efts which
might be taken in the Channel, and in the North feas,
after the fpace of twelve days, to be computed from the
ratification of the prefent preliminary articles, were to
be reftored upon each fide ; that the term ihould be
one month from the Channel and the North feas, as far
as the Canary ifiands inclufively, whether in the ocean
or the Mediterranean ; two months from the Canary
iflands as far as the equinoctial line or equator j and
laftly, five months without exception in all other parts
of the world.
1 hefe preliminary articles of peace were concluded
at \ erfailles on the 20th of January 1783, between Mr
Alleyne Fitzherbert, minifter plenipotentiary on the
part of his Britannic majefty, and Charles Gravier,
comte de Vergennes, the minifter plenipotentiary on
the part of the king of France. At the fame time the
preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain 6zs
and Spain were alio concluded at Verfailles between with Spain,
Mr Fitzherbert and the comte d’Aranda, the minifter
plenipotentiary for the Spanifti monarch. It w as agreed
that a fincere friendffiip ftiould be re-eftablilhed between
his Britannic majefty and his Catholic majefty, their
kingdoms, ftates, and fubje&s, by lea and land, in all
parts of the world. His Catholic majefty was to keep
the ifland of Minorca ; and was to retain Weft Flo¬
rida. Eaft Florida wras to be ceded to him by the
king of Great Britain. Eighteen months from the
date of the ratification of the definitive treaty w?ere to
be allowed to the fubjedts of the latter who had fettled
in the ifiand of Minorca and in the twro Floridas, to
fell their eftates, to recover their debts, and to tranf-
port their perfons and effe&s, without being reftrained
upon account of their religion, or on any other pre¬
tence whatfoever except that of debts and profecu-
tions for crimes. His Britannic majefty was, at the
fame time, to have the power to caufe all the effe&s
that might belong to him in Eaft Florida, whether
artillery or others, to be carried away. The liberty of
cutting logwood, in a diftrieft: of wffiich the boundaries
were to be afeertained, without moleftation or diftur-
bance of any kind whatfoever, was permitted to Great
Britain. The king of Spain wyas to reftore the ifiands
of Providence and the Bahamas, -without exception,
m the condition in which they were when they wTere
conquered by his arms. All other conquefts of terri-
4 D torieg
B R I
eluded
with the
Dutch,
t Britain, tones and countries upon either fide, not Included in
the prefent articles, were to be mutually refiored with¬
out difficulty or compenfation. The epoch for the re-
ftitutions to be made, and for the evacuations to take
place, the regulations for the releafe of prifoners, and
for the ceflation of captures, were exaftly the fame as
thofe which have already been related, as ftipulated in
687 the preliminary articles with France.
The oeace f00ner were thefe articles ratified and laid before
condemn1 Y Pariiament, than the moft vehement declamations againft
«d. miniftry took place. Never had the adminiftration of
Lord North himfelf been arraigned with more afperity
of language. The miniftry defended themfelves with
great refolution $ but found it impoffible to avoid the
cenfure of parliament. An addrefs without any amend¬
ment was indeed carried in the houfe of lords by 72
to 59; but in the lower houfe it was loft by 224 to
208. On the 2ift of February, fome refolutions were
moved in the houfe of commons by Lord George Caven-
difh, of which the moft remarkable were, that the con-
ceffions made by Britain were greater than its adverfa-
ries had a right to expeft j and that the houfe would
take the cafe of the American loyalifts into confidera-
tion. The laft motion indeed his lordftiip confented
to wave $ but all the reft were carried againft miniftry
by 207 to 190. Thefe proceedings, however, could
make no alteration with regard to the treaty, which
688 had already been ratified by all the contending powers,
Peace con- the Dutch only excepted. The terms offered them
were a renewal of the treaty of 1674 : which, though
the moft advantageous they could poffibly expe£l, were
pofitively refufed at that time. Afterwards they made
an offer to accept the terms they had formerly refufed}
but the compliment was then returned by a refufal on
the part of Britain. When the preliminary articles
were fettled with the courts of France and Spain, a
fufpenfion of arms took place with Holland alfo j but
though the definitive arrangements with the other
powers were finally concluded by the month of Sep¬
tember, it was not till then that the preliminary arti¬
cles were fettled with Holland. The terms were a ge¬
neral reftitution of all places taken on both Tides during
the war, excepting only the fettlement of Negapatnam
in the Eaft Indies, which was to remain in the hands
of Britain, unlefs an equivalent was given on the part
of Holland. The navigation of the eaftern feas was
to remain free and unmolefted to all the Britilh (hip¬
ping. The other articles concerned only the exchange
of prifoners and fuch other matters as are common to
ggp all treaties.
Event of Thus an* end was put to the moft dangerous war in
the war which Britain was ever engaged j and in which, not-
vourable to w^hftandmg the powerful combination againft her,
Britain ^ remained in a ftate of fuperiority to all her
than to her enemies. At that time, and ever fince, it has appear-
cnemies. ed, how much the politicians were miftaken who im¬
agined that the profperity of Britain depended in a
great meafure on her colonies: Though for a number
of years (he had not only been deprived of thefe colo¬
nies, but oppofed by them with all their force j though
attacked at the fame time by three of the greateft
powers in Europe, and looked upon with an invidious
eye by all the reft ; the damage done to her enemies
ftill greatly exceeded that (he had received. Their
trade by fca was alraoft ruined j and on comparing the
[ 578 ]
B R I
6pa
lofs of (hips on both Tides, the balance in favour of Bri¬
tain was 28 (hips of the line and 37 frigates, carrying ^
in all near 2000 guns. Notwithftanding this, however,
the ftate of the nation appears to have been really fuch,
that a much longer continuance of the war would have
been impra&icable. In the debates, which were kept Mr Pitt’s
up with the greateft violence on account of the peace, account of
Mr Pitt fet forth our fituation with great energy and t£e ftat.e
ftrength of argument. “ It was in vain (he faid) to^t thecon
boaft of the ftrength of our navy, we had not moredufion of"
than too fail of the line : but the fleets of France and the peace,
Spain amounted nearly to 140 (hips of the line. A
deftination of 72 drips of the line was to have a&ed
againft Jamaica. Admiral Pigot had only 46 fail to
fupport it ; and it was a favourite maxim of many mem¬
bers of the houfe, that defenfive war muft terminate in
certain ruin. It was not poffible that Admiral Pigot
could have a&ed offenfively againft the iflands of the
enemy j for Lord Rodney, when fluftied with victory,
did not dare to attack them. Would Admiral Pigot
have recovered by arms what the minifters had regain¬
ed by negociation ? With a fuperior fleet againft him,
and in its fight, is it to be conceived that he could
have retaken Grenada, Dominica, St Chriftopher’s,
Nevis, and Montferrat ? On the contrary, is it not
more than, probable that the campaign in the Weft
Indies muft; have terminated in the lofs of Jamaica ?
“ In the eaft, it was true that the fervices of Sir Ed¬
ward Hughes had been highly extolled *, but he could
only be commended for a merely defenfive refiftance.
Vidory feemed to be out of the queftion ; and he had
not been able to prevent the difembarkation of a power¬
ful European armament which had joined itfelf to Hy-
der Ally, and threatened the defolation of the Car¬
natic *. At home and in our own feas the fleets of * Sce
the enemy would have been nearly double to ours. Jo/lan.
We might have feized the intervals of their cruize, and
paraded the Channel for a few weeks j but that parade
would have only ferved to difgrace us. It was yet the
only achievement in our power ; for to have hazarded
an engagement would have been equivalent to a fur-
render of the kingdom.
“ Neither, in his opinion, was the ftate of our army
to be confidered as formidable. New levies could not
be raifed in a depopulated country. We might fend
upon an offenfive fchtme five or fix thoufand men j and
what expe&ation could be excited by a force of this
kind ? To have withdrawn troops from America was a
critical game. There were no tranfports in which they
might be embarked j and if it had been poflible to em¬
bark them, in what miraculous manner were they to
be protected againft the fleets of the enemy.
“ As to our finances, they were melancholy. Let
the immenfe extent of our debts be weighed ; let
our refources be confidered j and let us then afk, what
would have been the confequence of the protradfion
of the war ? It would have endangered the bank¬
ruptcy of the public faith j and this bankrutpey, it is
obvious, if it had come upon us, might have diffolved
all the ties of government, and have operated to the
general ruin.
“To accept the peace on the terms already related,
or to continue the war, was the only alternative in the
power of minifters. Such was the ultimatum of France.
At the fame time, however, it ought to be remember¬
ed,
B R I [ 579..]
Britain, ed, that the peace obtained was better than could have fpirit of wine.
' been expe£led from the lownefs of our condition. We
had acknowledged the American independence ; but
what was that but an empty form ? We had ceded Flo¬
rida •, but had we not obtained the iflands of Provi¬
dence and the Bahamas ? We had granted an extent
of fifhery on the coaft of Newfoundland j but had we
not eftablilhed an exclufive right to the moft valuable
banks ? We had reftored St Lucia, and given up To¬
bago j but had we not regained Grenada, Dominica,
St Chrilfopher’s, Nevis, and Montferrat ? And had we
not refcued Jamaica from inevitable danger ? In Africa
we had given Goree *, but Goree was the grave of our
countrymen j and we had fecured Fort James and the
river Gambia, the bed; and the mod healthy lettlement.
In Europe we had relinquidied Minorca j but Minorca
is not tenible in war, and in peace it mud; be fupport-
ed at a ruinous expence. We had permitted the repa¬
ration of the port of Dunkirk : but Dunkirk could
only be an objeft when fhips of a far inferior draught
to the prefent were in ufe ; the change in the opera¬
tions of naval war had taken away its importance. In
the Ead Indies ceflions had been made j but let it be
remarked that thefe cedions are inconfiderable in them-
felves, and could not be protected by us in the event
of hodilities. In fine, it was objected that we had
abandoned the unhappy loyalids to their implacable
enemies. What is this but to impute to congrefs by
anticipation a violence which common decency forbids
us to expeft ? But let it be confidered, that the prin¬
ciple of adiding thefe unfortunate men would not have
judified miniders to have continued the war. And let
it be confidered, that a continuation of the war would
not have procured them any certain indemnity. The
accumulation of our didredes mud have added to theirs.
A year or two hence, harder terms of peace might
have been forced upon our acceptance. Their fate
then mud have been defperate indeed ! But as matters
were now fituated, there were hopes of mercy and re¬
conciliation.”
Having thus given as full an account as our limits
would allow of the great national events-to the conclu-
fion of the peace in 1783, we (hall now give a detail
of fome others, which, though of fufficient importance
to deferve notice, could not be previoufly inferted with¬
out interrupting the narrative. It has repeatedly been
diftmft and obferved, that through the violence of parties, a general
treacher ^ temPer ddtrud and fufpicion took place throughout
the nation, infomuch that the mod improbable dories
with refpeft to individuals began to gain credit, of which
an indance was given in the cafe of Mr Sayre. From
certain circumdances, however, it appeared, that there
undoubtedly were perfons in the kingdom who widied if
podible to dedroy the national drength in fuch a manner
as to render it impoflible for us to make head againd
691
A general
prevailed
during the
war.
<>9'J . ^
Heightened the attempts of our enemies. On the 8th of December
by a fire 1776, a fire broke out in the ropehoufe of the dock-
mouth*" ^arC* at Port^B°u,:^’ which totally confumed it, but
’ without doing any very material damage. For fome
time the affair palled as an accident; hut in clearing
away the rubbilh, a tin-box w'as found with a wooden
bottom, containing matches which had been lighted,
and underneath was a veffel with fpirits of w ine : how¬
ever, the fire not having being properly fupplied with
air, had extinguidied of itfelf before it touched the
B R I
Had it catched fire, all the flores in Britain,
the dorehoufe, ludicient to rig out 50 lail of men of
■w7ar, would have been dellroyed. In the beginning of 693
the year 1777, a fire happened at Bridol, which con-ari^ at
fumed fix or feven warehoules •, and by the finding Bridol.
of machines fimilar to thole already mentioned, it was
evident that the fire had not been accidental. The
terror of the public was now greatly increafed, and
the mod violent accufations againd each other were
throwm out by the miniderial and popular parties.
On this point, how’ever, they foon came to a right
underdanding, by the diftoveiy of the author of all
this mifehief. This was one James Aitken, tf//#j Tfa incen-
John the Painter, a native of Edinburgh. Having (hary difco-
been from his early years accudomed to a vagrantvere^'
life, to which indeed his profeflion naturally led him,
he had gone through many different adventures'. He
had enlided as a foldier, deferted, and when pinched
by w’ant, made no fcruple of betaking himfelf to the
highway, or committing thefts. Having traverfed a
great part of America, he there imbibed the preju¬
dices againd Britain to luch a degree, that he at lad
took the extraordinary refolution of fingly overturning
the w'hole power of the nation. This he was to ac-
complidi by fetting on fire the dockyards at Portf-
mouth and Plymouth, and afterwards the principal
trading towns of the nation. With this view, he in-
fpefted with the utmod care thole docks and other
places on wdiich his attempts were to be made, in order
to learn with what care they were guarded. This he
found in general as negligent as he could w:idi: and
indeed had he not been lome way or other very defi¬
cient in the condru&ion of his machines, he mud cer¬
tainly have done a great deal of mifehief j for as his
attempts were always difeovered by finding his ma¬
chines, it was apparent that he had met with abundance
of opportunities. ^ ,
For fome time the affair at Portfmouth paffed, as He is ap-
has already been mentioned, for an accident. It WTas prehended,
foon recollefted, however, that a perfon had beentned’ am*
feen loitering about the rope-houfe, and had even beenexeLUte^’
locked up one night in it •, that he had wrorked as a
painter, and taken frequent opportunities of getting
into that houfe, &c. Thele circumdances exciting a
fufpicion that he was the incendiary, he wras traced to
different places, and at lad found in a prifon, to v/hich
he had been committed for a burglary. On his examina¬
tion, however, he behaved with fuch affurance and ap¬
parent confcioufnefs of innocence, as almod difconcert-
ed thole who w'ere authorized to examine him. At lad
he was deceived into a confeffion by another pain¬
ter, a native of America, who pretended to com-
padionate his cafe. Thus evidence was procured a-
gaind him, but he dill maintained his charabler to the
very lad j rejefling and invalidating the tedimony of
his falfe friend, on account of his bafenefs and treache¬
ry. He received his fentence with great fortitude ;
but at length not only confeffed his guilt, but left
lome diredfions for preventing the dock-yards and ma¬
gazines from being expofed to the like danger in time
to come.
Thus it appeared that the whole of this alarm of
treafon and American incendiaries was owing to the
political enthufiafm of a wretched vagabond. Still,
however, it appeared that the French court were very
4 D 2 well
B R I
[ 58o ]
B R I
697
La Motte,
a French¬
man, ap¬
prehended
for high
treafon.
Britain, well acquainted with many particulars relating to the
V"' v 1 ' Hate of this kingdom, and the movements of our fqua-
696 drons, which ought by all means to have been kept
IntelligenceThefe treacherous proceedings were hrii de-
rouflycon in the month of June 1780. One Ratcliffe,
veyed from rnafter of a cutter, gave information that he had been
Britain to hired by one Mr Rogere to carry packets to k ranee,
the french for ■which he was to be paid 20b each time, and to
court’ have look befides at a certain period. Apprehending
at lad, however, that he might incur fome danger by
continuing this employment, he gave information of
what was going on to one Mr Steward, a merchant at
Sandwich, by whom his laft packet was carried to the
fecretary of Hate. After being opened and fealed up
again, it was returned, and he was direfted to carry
it to France as formerly. This was the fate of leveral
iucceeding packets, though it was fome time before
Ratcliffe law the principal party concerned. At laff
this was accomplifhed by his complaining to Mr Rogere
that he had not been paid the tool, according to pro-
mife. A meeting being thus procured, it was found
that the perfon who gave intelligence to the enemy
was one M. Henry de la Motte, a French gentleman
then refiding in London. On fearching his houfe, no
papers of any confequence were found } but on his ar¬
rival, he being abfent when the meflengers firft arrived,
he threw fome out of his pocket, unperceived by any
body, as he thought. The papers, however, were
taken up by the meffengers, and gave plain indications
not only of a treafonable correfpondence with the ene¬
my, but that he tvas connefted with one Henry Lut-
terloch, Efq. a German, who then refided at W ickham
near Portfmouth. This perfon being alio apprehend¬
ed, not only made a full difeovery of the treafonable
correfpondence with France, but gave abundant proofs
of himfelf being one of the molt depraved and hard¬
ened of all mankind, loft to every fenfation except¬
ing the defire of accumulating wealth. His evidence,
however, and other ftrong circumftances, were fufh-
cient to convift M. de la Motte, who was according¬
ly executed, though the king remitted that dreadful
part of his fentence of having his heart taken out
alive, &c. During his trial, and on every other oc-
cafion, he behaved in fuch a manner as fhow'ed him to
be an accomplilhed gentleman 5 and not. only excited
the compaflion, but the admiration of every one who
law him.
During the whole courfe of the war, only one other
perfon was detefted in any a61 of treafon j and he ap¬
pears to have been a£luated merely by mercenary mo¬
tives, though La Motte and John the Painter proba-
■David Ty- bly afted from principle. This wTas one David Tyrie,
rie, a Scotf-a natjve 0f Edinburgh. Having been bred in the mer¬
cantile line, and engaged in a number of fpeculations
wdth a view to gain money, in all of which he difeo-
vered confiderable abilities, he at laft engaged in the
dangerous one of conveying intelligence to the French
of the Ihips of war fitted out in Britain, the time of
their failing, &c. For this he was apprehended in
February 1782. The difeovery was made by means
of one Mrs Afkew, who paffed for his wife, having
delivered a bundle of papers in a hurry to a fchool-
miftrefs, and defiring her not to ftrow them to any
body. Inflead of this, however, Ihe not only infpeft-
ed them herfelf, but Ihowed them to another, by whom
698
He is exe¬
cuted.
(J99
man, ap¬
prehended,
tried, and
executed,
for corre-
fponding
with the
French.
they were fent to the fecretary at war. By this, and Britain, ^
another packet difeovered by W illiam James, who had ’ * y
been employed to carry it to France, Tyrie was con-
vifted and executed in the month of Auguft 1782.
He behaved with great refolution, and at the laft Ihorved
rather an indecent levity and unconcern, by laughing
at the place of execution. The fentence not only took
place in the dreadful manner appointed by law, but
the crowd behaved with the molt fhameful and unex-
ampled barbarity. “ Such (fay the accounts of his Barbarity
execution) being the Jingu/ar conduB of many who were^1^ ^ ^
near the body, that happy was he who could procure 1
a finger, or fome veftige of the criminal!”—This un-his execu-
happy man, while in prifon, had, with his compa-tion.
nions, contrived a method of effedting their efcape, by
working through a brick-wall three feet thick, and
covering the hole with a plank coloured like the
bricks; but the fcheme was difeovered by the impru¬
dence of Tyrie himfelf alking the keeper how thick
the wall was.
On the whole, it appears, that notwithftanding the
exceflive altercation and virulence of parties, which
even went to fuch a length as to produce duels between
fome members of parliament, neither the one nor the
other entertained any deligns againft what they be¬
lieved to be the true intereft of the nation. The one
feem to have regarded its honour too much, and been
inclined to facrifice even its exiftence to that favourite
notion : the other perhaps regarded the national ho¬
nour too little as indeed no advantageous idea could
have been formed of the fpirit of a nation which could
fubmit to the difmemberment of its empire without any
ftruggle. The event, however, has Ihown, that the
lofs of the colonies, fo far from being a difadvantage, ^0I
has been the very reverfe. I he commerce of Britain, Prefent
inftead of being dependent on America, has arrived at fiourifliing
a much greater height than ever, while the confequent
increafe of wealth enabled the nation to fupport thattuini
enormous debt, great part of which has been con-
trafted, firft in defending, and then attempting to
conquer the colonies.
Returning here to our narrative, it has been already xhe nurra-
remarked, that in the debates in the houfe of commons tive re-
upon the treaties concluded under Lord Shelburne’s tume<k
adminiftration, by which the American warwasbrought
to a clofe, the terms of thofe treaties were difapproved
of by the majority of the houfe, and this difapprobation
was expreffed by carrying an amendment to the mini-
flerial motion for an addrefs of thanks to his majefty..
It does not appear however, that the nation at large
difapproved of the conditions of the peace. All ranks of.
men had long been weary of the war with the Ameri¬
can colonies, and' were willing to relinquiih every claim
of fovereignty over them. This point being decided,
other cbje£ls of negociation were of too diminutive va¬
lue to excite any great degree of public intereft.-
majority which now voted againft adminiftration, con-the oppofi-
fifled of men brought together by views little coimec-Cashel
ted with the accomplifhment of any patriotic objea,burne,s ad"^
and in a manner which well merits the attention of the miniftra-
hiftorian. don.
The death of the marquis of Rockingham left in a
very disjointed ftate the party which, oppofed the Ame¬
rican war. Lord Shelburne’s adminiftration appears to
have been formed under the influence of the crown
alone.
rri 7<T ,
I ne Nature of
B R I t 5gl
Britain, alone, to the exclufion of Lord North and his friends,
“V-^ as well aS of Mr Fox and the other principal members
of the former oppofition. Thus an attempt appears to
have been made to govern the kingdom without fup-
porting the royal prerogative by the ftrength of any
faflion or political party. Here, however, an event
occurred of a nature undoubtedly not a little dangerous
to the conftitution *, but which, being new in itlelf,
feems not to have been forefeen by fpeculative writers
-704 upon the Britiih government.
Importance The American war was conduced with a profufion
acquired 0f eXpence totally unexampled in former wars. The
North and Service of government became of itfelf an immenfe ob-
his adhe- je<^ °f trade, or an employment in which thoufands of
rents. all kinds of artifts, manufafturers, and merchants, were
engaged. The patronage enjoyed by the minifter for
the time was proportionally extenlive. In confequence
of this circumftance, he and his friends, and a long
train of their friends and dependants, were enabled to
accumulate great wealth, and rofe to the enjoyment of
influence in all parts of the country. The imprafti-
cability of accomplilhing the great objeff of the war at
lafl: led to its termination ; and the minifler who had
been unfuccefsful in conducing it was difmiffed, as had
ufually been done upon fuch occafions in Britain,
to make way for his antagonifts, who had long recom¬
mended, and who could, therefore, with a better grace
adopt meafures of pacification. But the difmiflion of
the minifter and his friends from their official fituations,
did not at once deftroy their political importance in the
ftate. They conftituted a very formidable body of
men in both houfes of parliament; and fuch was the in¬
fluence w'hich the pofleffion of power had conferred
upon Lord North, that to the lateft period of his life
he wms underftood to be able to carry along with him,
at all times, upwmrds of 40 votes in the houfe of com¬
mons. Such a power wTas evidently of a very dange¬
rous nature, to be attached to a fubjecl of a free ftate ;
iy0- and fo indeed it proved to be.
Fox’s party Mr Fox, and the other gentlemen w7ho had led the
defpair of oppofition to Lord North’s meafures during the Ame-
fo^ower1" r‘can war5 who had retired from adminiftration
by^theif1 on t^ie acceflion of Lord Shelburne to the place of
own firft lord of the treafury, after the death of the mar-
ftrength. quis of Rockingham, appear to have at laft become
weary of an unprofitable oppofition, and to have be¬
come eager, upon almoft any terms, to enter into the
enjoyment of power. This paffion had probably been
augmented in their minds by the ftiort gratification of
it under the marquis of Rockingham. But their party,
though poffefiing very great talents, wras too weak, in
point of numbers, to be able to contend againft the
minifter of the day, fupported by the wffiole patronage
of the crowm. On the other hand, though Lord
North and his friends formed in both houfes of parlia¬
ment a very formidable phalanx, ftill they alfo were
too few to contend againft minifterial influence, and
W'hat were in thefe days ufually called the friends.
From the natural courfe of things they might alfo ex-
pe£t that their numbers wmuld gradually diminifh.
They had rifen by attaching themfelves to the fervice
of the ftate ; and the changes which mortality produ¬
ces, would, by degrees, enable the exifting govern¬
ment to fupplant them by a new race of ambitious
men.
] B R 1
In this ftate of affairs, the national bufinefs, expo- Ahtaiu.
fed to the ftrift infpeftion of rival factions, could not v
fail to have been well conduced under the legitimate
authority of the minifters of the crown ; but fuch an 70S
experiment was not fuffered to be tried. I he twm op- Coalition
pofition parties, led by Lord North and Mr Fox, Lorci
thought fit to come to an agreement to unite their ^ FoJC_
ftrength, which would enable them to form a com- '
plete majority in parliament, and thus to impofe them-
felves upon the fovereign, as the only men whom he
could have the power of employing as his minifters.
In this way the majority was produced which oppofed
Lord Shelburne’s vidminiftration, and it has been fince
known under the appellation of the coalition.
The effedf produced upon the public mind by this
coalition was extremely important ; and it is probable,
that even at the end of tw?enty years its confequences
are not entirely underftood. In almoft any other
country than Britain, and at many former periods of ^
our hiftory, fuch a combination of powerful men, pof-Dangerous
felling a predominance in the legiflature, could not tenc'ency °s
have failed to prove fatal to the conftitution, and de-^A^11
ftru&ive of the internal tranquillity of the ftate. IT
the king gave way to luch an ariftocratical combina=
tion, and received its leaders into his fervice, it was ta
be feared, that by putting into their hands the whole
patronage of the crown, together with the authority of
the royal name, added to the majority which they al¬
ready pofiefled in the reft of the legiflature, they would-
fpeedily find means to fortify themfelves by new infti-
tutions and laws, wLich would render them indepen¬
dent both of the king and people. No hope appear¬
ed from a diflolution of parliament, as the public at
large were not at once aware of the critical fituation
into which the conftitution had been brought by the
coalition. A prince of a ralh character, would, in
fuch circumftances, perhaps, have feen no other re-
fource for the prpteftion of his owm prerogative, than
an attempt to govern without a parliament, the majo¬
rity of which wreie evidently adling not the part of du¬
tiful fubjedls or faithful reprefentatives of the people, but
of individuals confpiring to feize for their own private
advantage, the emoluments and authority of office.
This judgment will not be regarded as too fevere,.
wffien it is confidered, that at this time no pretext for
oppofition to the crowm exifted, founded upon any
complaint of the nation againft the abufe of its prero¬
gatives ; and that the individuals who now united
could not be induced to do fo upon any footing of poli¬
tical principle. Lord North, the fteady affertor and
fupporter of the royal prerogative, and the condudtor
of the American war, nowT joined Mr Fox, the oppo¬
nent of that war, and the eloquent champion of the
privileges of the people. Neither of thefe men, nor
their friends, pretended that they had relinquifhed their
former opinions. The purpofe of the prefent union-
was therefore notorious. The outrageous abufe with
which they had formerly treated each other, ferved
only to afford a new example how completely ambi¬
tion is capable of fubduing every refentment, and all
the ordinary paffions of the human mind.
The party, now7 called the coalition, had difplayed the
fuperiority of their numbers in the houfe of commons in.
the debates upon the treaty of peace in the middle, of
February. From that period, it was confidered as obvi¬
ous,
B R I f 582 ] B R I
Britain, ©us, that a new adminiftration mufl: be formed. Hence
"v—from that time public bufinefs remained at a ftand, and
the nation was kept in fufpenfe. The period was criti¬
cal, on account of the termination of the war, at which
great bodies of troops and feamen were to be difchar-
ged, and many pecuniary arrears paid off. The different
regiments of militia were at this time difembodied,
and failors and foldiers difmiffed in a ftate of turbu¬
lence, natural to men accuftomed to arms, whofe pay
is not corre&ly paid. Thefe and other circumftances,
joined with the unfettled ftate of the government, pro¬
duced various diforderly proceedings at Portfmouth,
Plymouth, and other places. In the mean time, a
loan could not be negociated by the miniftry while
they wanted the countenance of the houfe of commons.
They ftill, however, during the whole month of
March, lingered in their places, and a variety of ne-
gociations were carried on by the court for the pur-
pofe of attempting to form a new miniftry, without an
unconditional transfer of the government of the king¬
dom to the coalition. Confident of their own ftrength,
however, this combination of men were defirous of at¬
taining power upon their own terms, and continued to
difplay their fuperiority in the houfe of commons, with
a view to force their own reception at court. On the
24th of March, on the motion of Mr T. W. Coke,
which was feconded by Lord Surrey, an addrefs was
voted, requefting his majefty to take into confideration
the diftrafted ftate of the empire after an exhaufting
war, and to comply with the wifties of the houfe, by
forming an adminiftration entitled to the confidence of
his people. His majefty anfwered, that it was his
earneft defire to do every thing in his power to com¬
ply with the wilhes of his faithful commons. The de¬
lay, however, continued, and all deferiptions of men
were involved in doubt, fufpenfe, and anxiety. On
the 31ft of the fame month, on the motion of Lord
Surrey, a new addrefs was voted, urging in very ear¬
neft terms the formation of what was called an “ effi¬
cient and refponfible adminiftration, formed upon prin¬
ciples of ftrength and liability, fuited to the ftate of
his majefty’s affairs both at home and abroad.” At
laft, on the 2d of April, his majefty, yielding to what
^og appeared neceffity, appointed an adminiftration confift-
Coalition °f the leaders of the coalition. The duke of
miniftry. Portland was promoted to be firft lord of the treafury j.
Lord North and Mr Fox were appointed principal fe-
cretaries of ftate ; Lord John Cavendilh was made
chancellor of the exchequer j Lord Keppel was made
firft lord of the admiralty ; Lord Stormont was created
prefident of the council, and the earl of Carlifle was
advanced to be keeper of the privy-feal. Thefe form¬
ed the cabinet ; and the other offices of government
w'ere filled by their fupporters and friends. The right
honourable Charles Townfhend was appointed treafu-
rer of the navy j Mr Burke paymafter general of the for¬
ces j Lord Vifcount Townfhend was made mafter-gene-
ral of the ordnance. The feals were put in commif-
fion. At the head of the commiffion was Lord Lough¬
borough ; the right honourable Richard Fitzpatrick
was appointed fecretary at war; James Wallace, Efq.
was made attorney-general •, John Lee, Efq. folicitor-
general ; the earl of Northington was appointed lord-
lieutenant of Ireland j and, in Scotland, the honour¬
able Henry Erfkine was made lord-advocate, in the Britain,
room of Mr Henry Dundas. c-—^
The new adminiftration was no fooner inftalled,,- ^°fP.
than an oppofition to it was formed, which, in thet0 $ie coa<i
houfe of lords, was led by the duke of Richmond andlition mi-
Lord Thurlow ; and in the houfe of commons by Mrnhtry-
Pitt, and Mr Jenkinfon, afterwards created, at different
times, Lord Hawkefbury and earl of Liverpool. yXQ
The new adminiftration, on enteung into office, Taxes,
were under the neceffity of inftantly negociating a loan
of twelve millions, to fupply the neceffities of the
ftate. To provide for the intereft of this loan various
taxes were propofed by Lord John Cavendifh, the
chancellor of the exchequer. Thefe were impofed on
bills of exchange, receipts, probates of wills and le¬
gacies, bonds, and law proceedings, ftage coaches,
quack medicines, carriages, letters-patent, &c. j re-
gifters of births, marriages, and deaths, were alfo tax¬
ed. Thefe taxes gave rife to debates which produced
little intereft. The cafe was otherwife, however,
with regard to another fubje6l in which Mr Pitt took
the lead.
Towards the clofe of the American war, when want
of fuccefs had begun to render it unpopular, it had
repeatedly been urged both in parliament and in various '
publications, that the minifterial majorities in favour
of the meafures purfued againft the colonies, would
never have exifted if the people of this country had
been fairly reprefented in the houfe of commons. By
degrees this fentiment attra&ed attention j and to give
countenance to a parliamentary reform, came to be re¬
garded as a fure ftep towards the attainment of popu¬
lar favour. Accordingly, Mr Pitt, then a very young
man, thought fit to endeavour to recommend himfelf to
notice, by engaging eagerly in the purfuit of this obje6l.ivfr pm’,
He opened the fubjeft in the houfe of commons on the motion for
7th of May, wdth an eloquent fpeech, in which, after de-a Ie{orm in
daring his admiration of the general fabric of the Bri-Par^amen**
tifh conftitution, and that he wifhed not to alter but
to reftore its true fpirit, which time and changes, ac¬
cident and events, had enfeebled and diminifhed, he
afferted, that the ftate of parliamentary reprefentation
was partial and inadequate j the progrefs of undue
influence alarming and ominous : that the true fpirit
of liberty had decayed, and that the powers of con-
troul, in different branches of the government, were
debilitated : that wild fpeculations of reform were a-
float without doors j but that he was about to propofe
the moft moderate and fafe, but neceffary meafures.
He ftated his plan of reform under three refolutions :
I. That meafures ought to be taken to prevent bribery
and expence at eleflions. 2. That for the future,
when the majority of voters of any borough Ihould
be convifted of notorious corruption, the borough
fhould be disfranchifed 5 and the minority of votes, not
fo convifted, ftiould be entitled to vote for the county
in which the borough might be fituated. Laftly, That
an addition ought to be made to the reprefentation,
to confift of knights of the ftiire, and of reprefenta-
tives of the metropolis. Mr Pitt was oppofed with
much earneftnefs by lords North and Mulgrave, and
alfo by Mr Powis. He was fupported, however, by
Mr Fox and Mr Beaufoy, and alfo by Mr Thomas
Pitt, who offered, as a teftimony of his fincerity, to
make
\
Britain.
71*
Irifli inde¬
pendence
bill.
„ 7^3
Mr Dun-
das’s India
bill.
714
Mr Pitt’s
&ffice-re-
form bill.
7*5
Petition of
the Ame¬
rican loya-
Jilts.
B R I [ 583 3 B R I
make a voluntary facrifice of his borough of Old Sarum.
Mr Henry Dundas, who now attached himfelf to Mr Pitt,
fupported on this occafion the motion of his friend,
and aflerted, that to comply with the wifhes of the
people, would be the happieft means of putting an end
to their complaints. Mr Pitt’s refolutions were loft
by a majority of 293 to 149.
During the fame feflion, the new adminiftration
brought forward a bill, admitting in exprefs terms the
exclufive rights and abfolute fupremacy of the parlia¬
ment and courts of Ireland, in matters of legiilation
and judicature ; and for preventing any writs of error
or appeal from the courts of that country to the courts
of Great Britain. The bill pafl’ed with little oppoli-
tion. It tended at the time to gratify the people of
Ireland, though by increafing the line of feparation
between the countries, it placed them in greater hazard
of difunion, an event which could not be intended by
government, and which therefore feems to Ihow', that
this adminiftration had formed no plan for eftabhfhing
the connexion between the two countries on a perma¬
nent bafis. An a£! was pafl’ed during the fame feffion
for regulating the future commercial intercourfe of
Great Britain and America. This aft, however, ap¬
pears to have been merely intended as a temporary
meafure till a commercial treaty could take place.
Mr Dundas, during the prefent feflion, obtained
leave to bring into parliament a bill for regulating the
affairs of India. The chief features of his plan conflfted
of fubjefting the prefidencies of Madras and Bombay,
to a controuling jurifdiftion, to be granted to the go¬
vernment of Bengal. This laft government he wifhed
to eftablifh in the perfon of a governor, who fhould
be entitled to aft when he thought fit, in oppofition to
the opinion of his council. Another objeft of his bill
was to fecure to the native proprietors their eftates in
perpetuity, on payment of a fixed tribute, and to ex¬
tend thefe provifions to the nabob of Arcot and the
rajah of Tanjore. Mr Dundas juftified the neceflity
of this ftatute, in confequence of the improper conduft
and tyranny of the fervants of the Eaft India Compa¬
ny, and efpecially of their principal fervant Mr Ha-
ftings, whom he propofed to recal, and to fend out to In¬
dia Lord Cornwallis, as governor-general, in his ftead.
The fcheme, however, proved abortive, but it led to
other legiflative efforts upon the fame fubjeft.
Though Mr Pitt had been unfuccefsful in his pro-
pofal to reform the reprefentation of the people in par¬
liament *, he did not fail immediately to bring forward
a bill containing the projeft of an inferior fpecies of
reform, that of the fees, gratuities, and perquifites in
the different departments of the public offices. The
objeft of it was economy, for the purpofe of enabling
the nation to fupport the debt incurred in fupporting
the late war. The bill paffed through the houfe of
commons, but was rejefted in the houfe of lords.
Towards the clofe of the feffion, a petition from the
American loyalifts was prefented to the houfe of com¬
mons by Lord John Cavendifh, in confequence of his
majefty’s command. It ftated, that the petitioners, feme
of whom were men of the firft charafter, fortune, and
confequence, having adhered to Great Britain in the
late conteft with the colonies, had been attainted in
North America as traitors, and their effefts confifcated
by the legiflatures of the different ftates. Many of the pe¬
titioners were w'idows and orphans, who had loft huf- Britain,
bands and fathers, in confequence of their adherence to
the Britifh caufej others were military and civil officers,
clergy or other profeffional men, who had loft their
means of fubfiftence in the fame manner. They prayed
the houfe of commons to grant them fuch relief as might
feem adequate to their circumftances. Accordingly,
upon the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer,
an aft was paffed appointing commiffioners to inquire
into the circumftances of fuch perfons as were reduced
to diftrefs by the late diffenfions in America.
On the 23d of June, a meffage from his majefty re-Eftablifh-
quefted affiftance towards making a feparate eftablifh- ment of the
ment for the prince of Wales. Sixty-thoufalid pounds Fin^ °f
only were demanded for this purpofe •, and it was ftated ' ‘l e '
by the minifter of finance, Lord John Cavendiffi, that
his majefty intended to allow the prince 50,000!. a-
year out of the civil lift, without requiring from the
public any farther afliftance than the above fum of
6o,oool. which would be requifite to defray the extra¬
ordinary expence attending a new eftabliftiment. This
laft fum was more readily granted, becaufe rumours
had gone abroad, wffiich were alluded to by Mr Pitt
in the houfe of commons, that an intention, had exift-
ed on the part of the adminiftration, particularly off
Mr Fox, to give the prince a very fplendid eftablifti¬
ment at the public expence $ but that this propofal was
not acceptable to his majefty. Mr Fox laid, that he
undoubtedly confidered the propofed eftabliffiment as
too low ; that if it had remained with him to have ad-
vifed an eftabliffiment, he would moft affuredly have
propoled a fum more adequate to the objeft in view.
The perfon, however, moft proper to decide in the
bufinefs, had been of an opinion very different, and it
was his duty to fubmit.
Parliament was fpeedily thereafter prorogued. TheRecefs.
nation was now in a ftate of tranquillity. Some anxi-State of the
ety, however, exifted in the minds of men with regard natl0n-
to the public welfare. The load of public debt which
had been incurred feemed exceffive. Though com¬
merce began to flow’ into new and extenfive channels,
the returns of trade neceffarily required fome time to
exhibit themfelves in the form of a flourifhing revenue.
In the interval, therefore, between the period at wffiich
the minifterial expenditure for the fupport of the wrar
ceafed, and that at which the firft profits of foreign trade
were received, a confiderable ftiortcoming took place
in the public revenue, and individuals experienced many
difficulties. Thefe, however, gradually paffed away.
Tw’o inventions were, by degrees, brought to perfeftion, New in-
wffiich of themfelves brought a profit to the public, al- ventions.
moft equivalent to the burdens to which it had fubmit-
ted in confequence of the American w?ar. Thefe were
the machine for fpinning cotton, the invention of a man,
originally of low rank (Arkwuight), and the valuable
kinds of pottery contrived by Mr Wedgwood. The
firft of thefe, by producing at a cheap rate the moft
beautiful cotton fabrics, put an end in a great mea¬
fure to the ufe of filk, and gave to the Britifh manu-
fafturers a kind of monopoly of many of the moft ufe-
ful articles of clothing, wffiile the other not only drew
to the nation immenfe fums from foreign countries,
but from the bulky nature of the commodity, employed
an immenfe tonnage of (hipping in its exportation.
In the mean time, men had leifure to refteft upon
the
B R I
Britain.
719
Sentiments
of the pub¬
lic concern¬
ing the
coalition.
720
Meeting of
. parliament,
Nov. 1803.
721 -
Mr Fox’s
/ India bills.
the nature of the coalition of political parties, which
had recently taken place. The tendency of that mea-
fure, and the poflible evils which might refult from it,
did not at once prefent themfelves to the minds of men,
becaufe it was not known to the public at large, that
the fovereign had felt his own independence alfedled
by the event. The general fentiment, however, was
that of indignation againft the political parties, who had
do far forgotten all the principles which they had fo long
and loudly profeffed, as to be capable of uniting with
each other, for the fake of power, or private emolument.
It was univerfally faid that no honefty was to be found
among political men, and that no profeffion of patrio-
tifm ought henceforth to be trufted. Thus a fevere
wound was infli&ed upon the public morals of the na¬
tion, by the want of confiftency which its moft con-
fpicuous charafters had exhibited. The wound was the
more deep, in confequence of the apparent ftrength of ad-
miniftration, which included in itfelf the men of greateft
political influence in the kingdom, who were confidered
as likely long to retain the power which they now poflefled.
In this ftate of affairs, parliament affembled on
the nth of November! In the fpeech from the
throne,* the neceffity of providing for the fecurity of
the revenue, and of attending to the fituation of
the Eaft India Company, were ftated to both houfes,
as apologies for calling them together after fo fhort
a recefs. After fome days part in dtfeuflions re¬
lative to different parts of the revenue, Mr Secretary
Fox moved for leave to bring in two bills relative to
the affairs of the Eaft India Company. By the firft of
thefe bills, it was propofed to take from the Eaft In¬
dia Company the whole adminiftration of their terri¬
torial and commercial affairs, and to veft it in feven
dire&ors, named in the bill; viz. Earl Fitzwilliam,
the right honourable Frederick Montague, Lord Vif-
count Lewilham, the honourable George Auguftus
North, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Sir Henry Fletcher, and
Robert Gregory, Efq. Thefe directors, or commif-
fioners, were to hold their office during four years, not
to be removeable by his majefty, without an addrefs
of either houfe of parliament. The direftors were to
be aflifted by a board confifting of nine affift^nt direc¬
tors, who were to be removeable by hve of the prin¬
cipal directors. The dire&ors were to have full au¬
thority over all the company’s fervants, and affairs ci¬
vil or military. The fecond bill, which accompanied
the firft in all its ftages, was intended to regulate the
adminiftration of affairs in India. It forbade the ex¬
change, acquifition, or invafion of any territory in In¬
dia, by the council general, or any precedency there.
It abolilhed all monopolies in India j prohibited the
acceptance of prefents, and made them recoverable by
any perfon for his foie benefit. It fecured an eftate of
inheritance to the native landholders, and provided a-
gainft the alteration or increafe of rents. It prohi¬
bited the moleftation of princes fubjeft to the com¬
pany, and reftrained the company’s fervants from collec¬
ting or farming their revenues, or having any pecu¬
niary tranfa&ions with them. It preferibed a mode
for adjufting the difputes between the nabob of Arcot,
and the rajah of Tanjore, and between them and
their Britifh creditors. It difqualified the agents of the
company, or of any prote&ed Indian prince, from fit¬
ting in the Britifti houfe of commons, and direfted all
[ 584 3
B R I
offences againft the aft to be profecuted in the courts Britain,
of India, or in the court of king’s bench. <—y—>
The Eaft India Company’s affairs had hitherto
been governed in terms of the charters of the com- an(j noveity
pany, by a court of proprietors, and a court of direc- 0f the mea-
tors elefted by the proprietors. The rights of thefe hue.
courts, however, were thus to be abfolutely taken
away, and their whole powers, or the fovereignty of
Britiih India, was to be verted during four years cer¬
tain in the hands of feven individuals, nominated by
the prefent adminiftration, through the medium of
their parliamentary majority. It was undoubtedly a
bold meafure, openly to affault the privileges of fuch
a body of men as the Eaft India Company; but it was
ftill more new and Angular under the Britiff conftitu-
tion, in the form in which it had exifted for more than
a century, to veft a large portion of the executive
power, including the command of armies, and an im-
menfe pecuniary patronage, in the hands of a few in¬
dividuals, who were to hold their places for a fixed
period, independent of the will of the crown. It was
immediately faid, that by taking poffeffion in this man¬
ner of the patronage of Hindoftan, the prefent admi¬
niftration had found means to render themfelves for a
certain time avowedly independent of their fovereign,
and that they would not fail to renew their own powers
at the end of that period. They were reprefented as
not fcrupulous in the meafures adopted by them, to ac-
cemplilh this objeft of their ambition, feeing they
treated with contempt, what has always been account¬
ed extremely facred in England, the chartered privi¬
leges of an incorporation.
It is to be obferved, however, that the prefent ad¬
miniftration had in fome degree been led by circum-
ftances, which previoufly occurred, and which did not
originate with them, to adopt fome decifive meafures for
reducing India under better management than that in
which it had been placed under the care of the Eaft
India Company. Of thefe it will not be improper
here to take a ftiort review. 733
The circumftance of a great and wealthy empire, ha- Circum-
ving been vanquiftied by a company of merchants, was a dances
thing fo new in the hiftory of the world, that it could |^e
not fail to be attended with a variety of inconve-Fox>s ^
niences. The European nations have a near refem-
blance to each- qther in laws, manners, arts, and reli¬
gion. The n.afual jealoufy, which for fome centu¬
ries they had been accuftomed to entertain of each
other, had prevented any of them from making great
conquefts. When any power happened to acquire an
addition of territory, this addition was never very
great; and the laws of neighbouring ftates being near¬
ly alike, the conquered province fcarcely experienced
any misfortune from a change of mafters. Hence the
evils attending upon great conquefts, had ceafed to
be known among the nations of Europe. The con¬
querors and the conquered, being in all cafes men of
of fimilar charafters and talents, ealily mingled with
each other. The nobles of Alface were as well re¬
ceived at the court of France, as thofe belonging to
the ancient dominions of that crown *, and the natives
of the Netherlands regarded with much indiffer¬
ence their tranfition from the dominion of Spain, to
that of Auftria and of France. But when the Bri-
tifti made conquefts in Hindoftan, all the evils occur¬
red
B R I [ 585 ] B R 1
Britain, red which naturally attend the lots of national inde-
'v pendence, and that molt wretched of all dates of hu¬
man affairs, in which a race of fti'angers enjoys per¬
manent dominion, while the natives of a country are
lubje&ed to hopelefs depreflion and flavery. The Bri-
tith invaders of India undoubtedly poffeffed, or fpeedi-
ly acquired, the fame rapacity with other conquerors;
and as they were the fervants of a company of mer¬
chants, whofe only principle of exertion is profit, it is
probable that under them avarice and extortion aflum-
ed more vexatious forms, becaufe accompanied with
greater affiduity and a more perfevering temper than
could be exhibited by the former conquerors of that
country, who iffued from the deferts of Taitary and
Arabia. The people of Great Britain, accuftomed at
home to the mildeft of all governments, and to the mod:
equitable adminidration of judice that the world ever
faw, heard with horror of the crimes, the robberies,
the perfidies, and the maffacres which their countrymen
had committed, and by which their national name and
character had been rendered odious in the ead. The
Britidi government being no party to thefe crimes, widi-
ed to fee them remedied, and very naturally fuppofed,
that the bed remedy would confid of taking India under
its own immediate management. Some public-fpirited
men dreaded the accedion of influence which the crown
%vould thus neceffarily acquire. Men of humanity, how-
ever, were willing to encounter confiderable hazard, for
the fake of altering the unjudifiable mode of manage¬
ment, which was admitted to exid in the ead.
Early in the year 1781, two committees were
appointed by the houfe of commons, to inquire in¬
to the mal-adminidration of the Ead India Com¬
pany’s affairs both at home and abroad. All parties
in the houfe appear to have concurred in thefe mea-
fures. The fird, which wTas diled a felefl committee,
was direfted to take into confideration the date of the
adminidration of judice, in the provinces of Bengal,
Bahar, and Orixa, and how the Britidi poffeflions in
the Ead Indies might be held and governed with the
greated advantage to this country, and happinefs to
the native inhabitants. The bufinefs of this commit¬
tee was conduced by fome of the mod didinguilhed
members of oppofition. The fecond was a fecret com¬
mittee, under the management of perfons in the con¬
fidence of adminidration. It was direfled to inquire in¬
to the caufes of the war in the Carnatic, and the condi-
^24 tion of the Britifli poffedions in thofe parts.
Report of On the 9th of April 1782, Mr Henry Dundas, then
the iecret lorcj advocate of Scotland, and chairman of the fecret
cm India60 comraitteej moved that the reports of that committee
affairs. diould be referred to a committee of the whole houfe.
On this occafion, Mr Dundas in a fpeech which laded
nearly three hours, enumerated the caufes of the cala¬
mities of the ead, particularly the departure of the
company’s prefidencies from the line of policy pre-
feribed to them, of avoiding military operations with
a view to conqued ; the corrupt interference of their
fervants in the domedic and national quarrels of the
country powers ; their breaches of faith and difregard
of treaties ; their peculation and fcandaious oppreflion
of the natives; together with the criminal relaxation
which prevailed on the part of the dire&ors at home
. in the exercife of their controlling power over their
fervants, and their ready connivance at the groffed
¥ol. IV. Part II.
mifeonduft. Inftances of all thefe were given by Mr Britain.
Dundas, and he inferred the neceflity of legillative in-v
terpofition for the purpofe of punifhing delinquents,
and to take the power out of thofe hands in which it
had been fo grofsly abufed. ^
At the fame time, Mr Dundas brought forward a sir Thomas
variety of other refolutions, which wrere adopted by theRumbold
houfe, and which criminated in drong terms the lateaml J^r
governor of Madras, Sir Thomas Rumbold, and Mr
dings, then governor-general of Bengal. Among various Mr Dundas.
other charges, it was dated in the refolutions, that Sir
Thomas Rumbold had remitted to Europe, between the
8th of February 1778 (the day of his arrival at Ma¬
dras), and the beginning of Augud in the fame year,
the fum of 41,000!. and during the two fubfequent
years, a farther fum of 119,000!. the whole amounting
to i6o,oool. although his falary did not exceed [3,335k
per annum, and he had no other fair means of acquiring
wealth. He was charged with having abolidied the
committees, indituted to fuperintend the payment of
the revenue due by the zemindars, or natives, holding
lands under the company, and with having compelled
thofe zemindars to travel many hundred miles, to ne¬
gotiate feparately with himfelf, the terms on wfliich they
were to be allowed to hold their edates. He w7as char¬
ged with having fuffered his private fecretary to re¬
ceive a bribe of no lefs than 20,000!. ; with having
concealed other peculations of the company’s fervants;
writh having given a leafe of lands to the nabob of Ar-
cot, in direiff difobedience of the company’s orders; and
with having violated the mod folemn treaties, entered
into with the nizam of the Decan. In confequence of
thefe, and other accufations contained in the refolutions
moved by Mr Dundas, leave w7as given to bring in a
bill of pains and penalties againd Sir Thomas Rum¬
bold, and tw'o of his affociates, Peter Perry and John
Whitehill, for breaches of public trud and high crimes
and mifdemeanours; at the fame time, an aft w7as paf-
fed, rettraining thofe perfons from leaving the king¬
dom, obliging a difeovery of their property, and pre¬
venting its alienation. Sir Thomas Rumbold was heard
by council at great length in his defence, fo that no¬
thing could be done during the fhort period that re¬
mained of the feflion 1782. The unfettled date of
public affairs prevented much attention from being gi¬
ven to the fubjeft, till the middle of the feflion 1783.
The variety of accufations rendered a very minute de¬
fence neceffary, to which the members gradually be¬
came fomewhat remifs in giving attention. At lad, on
the id of July, a motion was made, and carried, for
adjourning the further confideration of the bill till the
fird of Oftober, by which means the whole proceeding
fell to the ground. Sir Thomas Rumbold appears to
have been willing to accept of indemnity wflthout ac¬
quittal, and Mr Dundas never afterwards thought fit to
revive the difeuflion.
In other refolutions brought forward on the 15th
of April 1782, Mr Dundas dated a variety of accufa¬
tions againd Warren Hadings Efq. and Mr Hornfby,
and prevailed wfith the houfe to adopt a refolution, de¬
claring it to be the duty of the direftors of the Ead
India Company to recal the governor-general, and Mr
Hornlby the prefident, from their refpeftive offices.
Accordingly the court of direftors, iffued orders for
this purpofe 4 but thefe were appealed from, to a court
4 E of
v
B R I [ 536 ] B R I
Britain, of proprietors, who, on the 31 ft of October 1782, pro-
i-—'Y—hibited the court of directors from complying with the
refolution of the houfe of commons *, the refult was, th *
Mr Haftings retained his office, and Mr Dundas, in the
following feffion of parliament, brought forward the
bill which we have already mentioned, but which was
726 not enacted into a law'.
Report of At the fame time that Mr Dundas, as chairman of
the feledt ^ or fccret committee, brought forward the
refolutions already mentioned j the feleft committee,
which chiefly confided of members of oppofition, pre-
fented their report ; and on the 18th of April 1782,
General Smith, their chairman, propofed various refo¬
lutions, in fome of which Mr Haftings was criminated
along with Sir Elijah Impey, chief juftice of the fu-
preme court of Bengal. It is underftood that by means
of inveftigations, which they carried on in this laft
committee, the leading members of oppofition, particu¬
larly Mr Fox and Mr Burke, qualified themfelves for
direding at a future period the attention of the legifla-
ture, and of the public, to the ftate of Indian affairs.
OftheEaft Mr Fox made ufe of his knowledge to bring for-
India Com- ward the two important bills already mentioned, which
pany. propofed to veft the management of the whole af¬
fairs in India, for behoof of the proprietors or ftcck-
holders, in feven commiffioners to be named by par¬
liament. To juftify this ftrong meafure, it was alleg¬
ed, that, by the mifmanagement of the courts of direc¬
tors and proprietors, the affairs of the company had
728 been brought into a ftate of extreme embarraffment.
Arguments But the argument chiefly refted upon confifted of the
by which
enormous abufes committed under the company’s
fin Ported government in India, which rendered it abfolutely
his bills. neceffary to veft the adminiftration in other hands.
Thefe abufes were arranged under three heads, as they
affefted, iff, The independent powers of India 5
adly, The Hates in alliance with us; and 3dly, Our
own territorial poffeflions.
Under the firft clafs wrere ranged the extravagant
proje&s and expenfive wars entered into by the com¬
pany to extend their dominions ; their violations of
treaty j the fale of their afliftance in fupport of the
ambition, rapacity, and cruelty of others j and the be¬
traying in his turn every prince, without exception,
with whom they had formed any connexion in India.
The fecond clafs of abufes comprehended the corrupt
and ruinous interference of the company in the inter-
r.al government of the princes dependant on them 5
the unjuft exaction of exorbitant aids and tribute ; the
enormous peculations of the company’s civil lervants,
and the rapacity of the military.
With relpedf to the management of the countries
under the immediate dominion of the company, it was
afferted by Mr Fox, and the fupporters of adminiftra¬
tion, that the general fyftem of their condudf in India
was direfted to a Angle end, the tranfmiffion of wealth
from that country to this. With this view, at one
time, monopolies had been eftablilhed, not only of every
article of trade, but even of the neceffaries of life. At
another period the privilege of pre-emption was fe-
curec’ to the company, and thefe were followed by a
variety of no lefs ruinous arbitrary preferences. By
this oppreflive conduct the merchants and bankers of
India, many of whom in extent of trade and credit
were fcarcely equalled by thofe of the firft; clafs in
Europe, being difabled from all undertakings of mag- Britain,
nitude, fell gradually into decay, whilft the native cul-
tivators and manufafturers were obliged to accept of a
bare lufficiency for their maintenance, meafured out to
them by the judgment of thefe who were to profit by
their labour. But this was not the worft •, for, in the
progrefs of thefe deftrmftive meafures, the oppreftions
and cruelties ufed by thofe to whom the execution of
them was committed went far beyond the extent of
the original evil. The fervants of the company adopt¬
ing, as might naturally be expe&ed, the principles of
their employers; extended the practice of them to their
own private purpofes ; and, to complete the mifehief,
they found themfelves under the neceflity of fupport-
ing the injuries done to the natives for their felfiftr
ends, by new iniuries done in favour of thofe before
whom they wTere to account.
The cafe of the zemindars, and of the renters under
them, was, if poflible, full more deplorable. At the
time we obtained the devvannee, or ftewardftrip, from
the Mogul, the provinces of Bengal and Bahar had
been laid wafte by a famine, that had carried off up¬
wards of one-third of their inhabitants. 1 he firft
thing done for their relief was to exaft from the re¬
maining part of the inhabitants the fame tribute that
had before been paid by the whole. The country
daily declining, and the diftrefs occafioned by this ra¬
pacious condudl threatening the lofs of the objedf for
the fake of which it had been adopted, the company’s
government in India had proceeded to perhaps one of
moft arbitrary, the moft unjuft, and meft cruel a£!s of
power recorded in hiftory. They had fet up to public
au£Hon the whole landed intereft of Bengal, without
the leaft regard to the rights of private property, or
even a preference being given to the ancient pcffeffors.
The zemindars, moft of them perfons of ancient fa¬
milies and refpeftable fortunes, were under the necei-
fity either of bidding againft every temporary adven¬
turer and defperate fchemer, or of feeing their eftates
transferred or delivered up to the management of
ftrangers. The loweft and moft knavilh jobbers enter¬
ed into their patrimonial lands ; and the banyan or
black fteward of the governor-general, in particular^
was found after this auftion to be in pcffefiion of
farms amounting to the annual value of upwards ot
130,000!.
Thefe fufferings of the natives under our dominion
in India were greatly aggravated by their being al-
moft w'holly excluded from any {hare in the expendi¬
tures of the company’s government. All the princi¬
pal colleftions of the revenue, all the honourable, all
the lucrative fituations in the army, all the fupplies
and contrails of every kind, were folely in the hands
of the Englifh. So that the natives, with very few
exceptions, were only employed as the fervants or
agents of Europeans, in fubordinate ftations in the
army, and in the inferior department of colleftion,
w'here it was impoffible to proceed a ftep without their
afliftance.
It was further urged, that the prefent government
of India wras not in its nature capable of reform. No¬
thing could be expeiled from the court of proprietors
or ftockholders, becaufe the members, as individuals,
derived more profit from giving lupport to Indian de¬
linquents, than they could ever hope to receive from
Britain.
B R I [ 587 ] B R I
the fair dividends of the company. The court of di-
redlors, being a reprefentative body, naturally partook
of the imperfeftions of its conftituents. The influence
of delinquent fervants in India equally domineered
there, and from the fame caufes, as in the court of pro¬
prietors. The interefl that a diredlor poffeffed from
his qualification in the company’s profits did not ex¬
ceed 160I. a-year j but the fupport he could thereby
lend to an obnoxious fervant abroad might be turned
to much better account, by being repaid with a fliare
of the boundlefs plunder of the call. It was ftated,
that the fon of a pcrfon who had been for fome time
the chairman of that court, before he was in Bengal
two months, fold the grant of a Angle contradl for
40,000k
Upon thefe and other topics, Mr Fox was fupported
by the higheft efforts of the fplendid eloquence of Mr
Burke. This laft gentlemen pointed out a few of the
many lines of difference which were to be found be¬
tween the vices of the company’s government and
thofe of the conquerors who preceded us in India.
The feveral irruptions of Arabs, Tartars, and Perfians,
had been, for the greater part, wafteful in the ex¬
treme : our entrance into the dominion had been with
fmall comparative effufion of blood, and was lefs ef-
fefted by open force than by various frauds and delu-
lions. But the difference in favour of the firft con¬
querors was this j the Afiatic conquerors had foon
abated of their ferocity, becaufe they made the con¬
quered country their own. Fathers there depofited
the hopes of their poflerity, and children there beheld
the monuments of their fathers. Poverty, flerility,
and defolation, were not a recreating profpeft to the
eye of man, and few there were that could bear to
grow old among the curfes of a whole people. If
their paffion or their avarice drove the Tartar lords to
a£Is of rapacity or tyranny, there had been time
enough in the fhort life of man to repair the defola-
tions of war by the arts of magnificence and peace.
.But under the Englifh government all this order was
reverfed. Our conqueft there, after 20 years, wras as
cruel as it had been the firft day. The natives fcarce-
ly knew what it was to fee the grey head of an Eng-
lifhman. Young men (boys almoft) governed there,
without fociety and without fympathy with the natives.
They had no more facial habits with the people than
if they ftill refided in England, nor indeed any fpecies
of intercourfe but that w'hich was neceffary to the
making a hidden fortune wath a view to a remote fet-
tlement. Animated with all the avarice of age, and
all the impetuofity of youth, they rolled in one after
another, wave after w?ave 5 and there was nothing be¬
fore the eyes of the natives but an endlefs hopelefs
profpeft of new flights of birds of prey and paffage,
with appetites continually renewing for a food that
was continually wafting. Every rupee of profit made
by an Englilhman, was loft for ever to India. With
us were no retributory fuperftitions, by which a foun¬
dation of charity compenfated for ages to the poor, for
the rapine and injuftice of a day. With us no pride
erefled ftately monuments, which repaired the mif-
chiefs pride had produced, and adorned a country out
of its own fpoils. England had erefled no churches,
no hofpitals, no palaces, no fchools; England had
built no bridges, made no high roads, cut no naviga¬
tions, dug no refervoirs. Every other conqueror ol Britaia.
every other defeription had left fome monument, either —"-v
of ftate or of beneficence, behind him. Were we to
be driven out of India this day, nothing would re¬
main to tell, that it had been poffeffed, during the in¬
glorious period of our dominion, by any thing better
than the ouran-outang or the tyger. 729
In oppofition to all this, Mr William Pitt contend- Arguments
ed, that although India undoubtedly wanted reform, the
alteration to be adopted ought to be conftitutional,
and not fuch as in its principle endangered the i’afety
of every chartered incorporation in the kingdom. The
India company’s charter was not the refult of the mad
prodigality of a Plantagenet, a Tudor, or a Stuart,
but a fair purchafe deliberately made from parliament,
which could not be violated without a grofs difregard
to public faith. He afferted, that by veiling the whole
patronage of India in commiftioners nominally appoint¬
ed by parliament, but aftually felefted by adminiftra-
tion, the influence of the crown wmuld be augmented
to a degree that would enable it, like an irrefiftible
torrent, utterly to overpower and fweep away the re¬
maining liberties of our country. On the other hand,
Mr Dundas faid, he did not objedl to the meafure
under confideration becaufe it increafed the influence
of the crown, but becaufe it did what was much worfe,
it placed a new and unexampled influence in the hands
of the minifter and his party for five years, which
would be independent both of the crown and of parlia¬
ment. A fourth eftate was about to be created in the
realm of the moft alarming nature, which in its pro-
grefs might overturn the crown and fubvert the Britifti
conftitution.
On this occafion the bills were attacked not merelyThebills
by thofe perfons who might be fuppofed to afpire to 0PlJ0fed by
fupplant minifters in their offices, but alfo by feveral rna^.y inc*e*
country gentlemen of independent chara£lers and high Members,
reputation for integrity. They faid they had once re¬
garded Mr Fox with the fondeft admiration. They
reminded him of his conduct when a leader of oppofi¬
tion, the perfeverance, the animation, and the ardour of
his efforts, which rendered it impoffible to hear him
without convidlion, or to doubt the finglenefs of his
zeal, and the fincerity of his reprobation. Thev de¬
clared they had expefled from him the eftablifhment
of our liberties upon the moft permanent bafis ; but
that they muft ever regard the connexion he had
formed with Lord North, againft whom his efforts had
been fo well and fo fuccefsfully direfled, as an inftance
of political defection and apoftafy that would admit of
no defence j they had augured every thing unhappy
and tremendous from that moment, and the meafure of
that day proved their apprehenfions to have been well
founded ; it was big with corruption and misfortune :
in confequence of it the crown would be no longer
worth wearing, and it was impoffible that the man
who had brought it forward could ever heieafter be
trufied as the minifter of this country.
The ordinary members of oppofition alfo attacked
Mr Fox’s motives on this occafion in very pointed
terms. It appeared, they faid, that nothing could
fatisfy his inordinate ambition fliort of a perpetual
diclatorlliip. They profeffed to perceive in him many
refpeftable qualities 5 but they could by no means con-
fent to fee him exalted upon the ruins of the ccnftitu-
4 E 2 tion,
v'
Britain.
731
Enumera¬
tion of the
principal
Ipeakers.
732
The firft
B & ! [
tion. “ He would be crowned. How that
change his nature, there’s the queftion.” This idea
was placed in a great variety of lights, and illuftrated
by comparifons borrowed from Cfefar, from Cromwell,
and from Catiline. It was faid that he was prepared
to facrifice the king, the parliament, and the people, at
the fhrine of a party, and that he delired to elevate his
prefent connexions to a lituation in which no political
convulfions, and no Ihiftings of power, might be able
to deftroy their importance and put an end to their
afcendancy.
The bills were fupported by various fpeakers, among
whom were the two fecretaries of Hate, Mr Burke, Mr
Sheridan, Mr Erfkine, Mr Lee, Mr Adam, Sir Grey
Coupar, Mr Anllruther, Mr Courteney, Mr Rigby,
Lord Maitland, and Sir Henry Fletcher. They were
oppofed by Mr William Pitt, Mr Thomas Pitt, Mr
Jenkinfon, Mr Powis, Mr Dundas, Mr Macdonald, Sir
James Lowther, Mr Duncombe, Mr Martin, the mar¬
quis of Graham, Mr Arden, Mr William Grenville, Mr
Beaufoy, Mr Wilberforce, Lord Mulgrave, and Mr
Wilkes. During the progrefs of the bills the court of
directors of the Eaft India Company were heard againlt
them by couniel *, and the mayor and common council
of the city of London prefented a petition, praying
they might not pafs into laws. The firft bill, however,
bill carried was carried, firft by a majority of 229 to 120, and
in the afterwards on the 8th of December by a divifion of
houfe of 20g to I 02> Qn t;]ie 0f December it was prefent-
. omnaons. at tbe bar of the houfe of lords by Mr Fox, attend¬
ed by a great number of members. On the firft read¬
ing of the bill in the houfe of lords on the nth of
December, Earl Temple, Lord Thurlow, and the
duke of Richmond, exprefled their abhorence of the
meafure in the moft unqualified terms, but without
attempting to call a vote of the houfe. Lord Thur¬
low, at the fame time, pronounced an ample panegyric
upon the charafter and fervices of Mr Haftings, who,
according to his lordlhip, had eftabliftted in Bengal a
government of fuch order and energy, that he did not
believe it would be in the powrer of the folly and igno¬
rance of the moft favourite clerks Mr Fox’s directors
could fend out, to throw Bengal into confufion in the
term that was afligned for the duration of his bill.
One of the peculiar advantages attending the Britifti
conftitution, is the facility with which both prince and
people receive political inftrudftion, and are put upon
their guard againft any invafion of their rights. The
parliamentary debates on this occafion being diffufed
through the nation in the ufual way, by periodical
publications, excited great intereft, and probably pro¬
duced much alarm in the mind of the fovereign. He
had relu&antly given way to the {Length of the coali¬
tion, and conferred upon its leaders the firft offices of
the ftate. He now faw it alleged, with much plaufibi-
lity, that this combination of ambitious men, not fatis-
fied with the ordinary influence attending their fitua-
tion, were about to fortify themfelves in the pofleffion
of power in fuch a way as might gradually enable
them to become independent both of him and his
people. The moment feemed therefore to have ar¬
rived at which temporizing meafures muft prove in-
effeftual, and a ftand be made for the fupport of the
royal prerogative. Such at leaft appear to have been
the feelings under which his roajefty a&ed upon this
588 ]
might occafion.
733
The king
takes an
alarm a-
^gainft the
bill.
B R I
On the 1 ith of December he had a confer- Britam. ^
ence with Earl Temple, in which he confefled him-
felf completely convinced of the correftnefs of the
views of oppoiltion. It w7as now late, however, for
his majefty to oppofe a meafure after it had been
brought forward by the minifters of the crown, and
carried through the houfe of commons apparently un¬
der the fanflion of the royal authority. A refolution
was, neverthelefs, adopted, to endeavour to prevent its
farther progrefs by means of the houte of lords, many
of the members of w hich wTere in habits of perlonal in¬
timacy with the fovereign, bound, by offices which
they held, to attend his perfon, and might be fuppofed
ready to gratify his wiffies, could a lufficient pledge be
given, that he had taken a decidea part againft his 734
owrn minifters. What perfonal interview's pafled be-EarlTem-
tween him and thele noblemen is not knowm ; but a
card was circulated, underftood to be lent by Earl maje^y»s
Temple, in confequence of written authority from his ditappro-
majefty, in which it was ftated, that “ his majefty bation of
allowed Earl Temple to fay, that whoever voted fortte bills,
the India bill w'as not only not his friend, but w'ould
be confidered by him as his enemy. And if thefe
w'ords were not ftrong enough, Earl Temple might
ufe w'hatever wrords he might deem {Longer or more
to the purpofe.”
The confequence of this interpofition was, that, on
the 15th of December, upon a queftion of adjourn¬
ment in the houfe of lords, the minifters were left in
a minority of 79 to 87. On the fame day Mr Baker
brought forward, in the houfe of commons, a motion
to declare, that, to report any opinion of his majefty,
upon proceedings depending in parliament, with a
view7 to influence the votes of the members, is a high
crime and mifdemeanour, and a breach of the fun¬
damental privileges of parliament. The motion was
feconded by Lord Maitland, and fupported by re¬
ferences to the journals, and by this principle, that
advice ought only to be given to the king by his
minifters, who are refponfible for all the meafures of
government. Mr William Pitt oppofed the motion,
as proceeding upon unauthenticated rumours ; and af-
ferted that the precedents alluded to in the journals,
which had been feledied from the glorious times of
King Charles I. were not applicable to the prefent
cafe. Mr Pitt concluded with reproaching minifters
for bafely retaining their offices, after it appeared, from
their own ftatement, that they had loft the confidence
of the prince. The motion, however, w7as carried by
153 againft 80. As it was feared that a difiblution of
parliament would inftantly take place, the houfe re-
folved, upon the motion of the honourable Thomas
Erfldne, That they would confider any perfon as an
enemy to his country, who ffiould advife his majefty,
in any manner, to interrupt their difeharging the im¬
portant duty of providing a remedy for the abufes
w7hich prevailed in the Eaft Indies. They alfo re-
folved to form themfelves into a committee on the ftate
of the nation on Monday the 22d. In the mean Mr Fox’s
while, on Wednefday the 17th of December, Mr Fox’s bill rejeeft-
India bill was rejected in the houfe of lords, on a divi-f^by the
fion of 95 to 76, and, at 12 o’clock on the night of
the 18th, a meffage was delivered to the fecretaries of 736
ftate, requiring them to tranfmit to his majefty the Change ef
feals of their offices, by the under fecretaries, as a per- mnultry.
fonal
But aim
737
Conte ft be¬
tween the
crown and
the houfe
of com-
B R I
fonal interview would be difagreeable.
morning, letters of difmiflion, figned Temple, were
fent to the other members of the cabinet, and a gene¬
ral refignation of offices took place.
A new adminiftration was immediately formed, in
which Mr William Pitt was appointed fit ft lord of the
treafury and chancellor of the exchequer. The mar¬
quis of Caermarthen and Mr Townffiend, who had
been created Lord Sidney, were made fecretaries of
ftate •, Lord Thurlow became lord high-chancellor ;
the privy-feal was transferred to the duke of Rutland $
Earl Gower became prefident of the council 5 the
duke of Richmond was made mafter of the ordnance,
and Lord Howe firft lord of the admiralty ; Mr Gren¬
ville and Lord Mulgrave were appointed joint payma-
fters of the forces, and Mr Henry Dundas, treafurer
of the navy. The office of lord advocate of Scotland,
which this gentleman had formerly held, was now
transferred from the honourable Henry Erfkine to Mr
Hay Campbell.
A fpedfacle was now about to be exhibited, which
had long been unknown in Britain, that of an admi¬
niftration appointed by the crown, in direft oppofition
to the houfe of commons. This, however, was no
longer that houfe of commons which had fubdued the
royal prerogative, and contended with fuccefs againft
our ableft and moft ambitious monarchs. The late
coalition had produced throughout the nation a gene¬
ral diftruft of the character of thofe who formed the
majority of its members ; and it was foon found, that
a reprefentative body pofleiTes little power or influence,
and may fafely be difregarded, when it ceafes to render
itfelf the organ of the fentiments of the public. It
was expelled that an immediate diffblution of parlia¬
ment would take place ; but the change of the higheft
officers of the crown having been haftily made, it is
probable that the new miniftry dreaded entering in-
ftantly upon the bufinefs of an eleclion againft the
powerful parties coalefced in oppofition to them •, per¬
haps alfo they might wiffi to obferve the effetft of the
late meafures upon the public mind, and a<ft as cir-
cumftances Ihould direft. The majority, however, of
the houfe of commons, feared a diflblution ; and, on
Monday the 22d of December, voted an addrefs to
the king, ftating the inconveniences to the public cre¬
dit and the affairs of India, which would attend a pro¬
rogation or diffolution of parliament. His majefty re¬
turned an anfwer on the 24th, acquiefcing, in general
terms, in the fentiments contained in the addrefs, and
affuring the houfe, that after a fliort adjournment, their
meeting would not be interrupted by any prorogation
or diffolution. This anfwer was regarded as ambigu¬
ous ; and a diffolution was expected to take place im¬
mediately after the ufual adjournment at Chriftmas.
When the houfe met on the I 2th of January, Mr
Fox attempted to introduce, previous to any other bu¬
finefs, the difcuffion of certain refolutions, which had
been prepared by the oppofition ; while the new mr-
nitters endeavoured to be heard firft, by means of a
ftratagem, which confifted of a declaration by Mr
Pitt, that he had a meffage to deliver from the king.
After fome tumult, Mr Fox was allowed to proceed.
He called upon Mr Pitt to give the houfe fatisfac-
tory affurances that no diffolution would take place :
but this laft gentleman having declined to comply with
Britain.
[ 589. 1 , . . B R 1 . ,
Early the next this requifition, Mr Fox moved, that the houfe Ihould
relolve itfelf into a committee on the ftate of the na-
tion. The motion was carried, on a divifion of 232 t0 Refohation?
193. Various refolutions were then carried : 1.7 hat to()fthe
iffue public money after a prorogation or diffolution of houfe of
parliament, unlefs an a£l fliall have previouily paffed, com.ri^ns^
appropriating the fupplies to fpecific fervices, will be a “
high crime and mifdemeanour; a breach of public tjon<
truft, derogatory to the privileges of parliament and
to the conftitution of the country. Accounts of mo¬
ney already iffued were ordered, and the farther iffuing
of any money was prohibited till three days after this
account fhould be prefented. It was farther refolved,
on the motion of the earl of Surrey, that, in the pre-
fent ftate of his majefty’s dominions, an adminiftration
was neceffary that Ihould have the confidence of that
houfe and the public, and that the recent appoint
ments did not engage the confidence of the houfe. It
was laftly refolved, on the motion of Mr rox, that
the fecond reading of the mutiny bill Ihould be defer¬
red to the 23d of February.
Warm debates took place upon thefe refolutions, in Debates ot*
which the moft pointed perfonalities were call out, tl;e refoln-
and retorted from both fides of the houfe. 7’he coa-tlons‘
lition was branded, as a corrupt confederacy of two
defperate faftions to feize upon the government of the
country ; and the India bill was reprefented as having
been an experiment made by the late fecretary of ftate,
with a view, if not to place the crown on his own
head, at leaft to raife himfelf to a degree of power fu-
perior to that of the fovereign. On the other hand,
the party compofing the new adminiftration, was de-
fcribed as a coalition, not indeed of parties, but of the.
Ihreds and remnants, of the dregs and outcafts of par¬
ties ; as a body colle&ed for the purpofe of fighting
the battles of fecret and unconftitutional influence, of
trampling on the power and dignity of the houfe of com¬
mons, of eftablifhing a government of cabal, intrigue,
and favoritifm, and of deftroying the very principles of
laudable ambition and honourable fervice in the ftate.
On the 14th of January, Mr Pitt obtained leave Mr Pitt's
to bring in a bill for the better government and bill for re¬
management of the affairs of the Eaft India Com- k^Lung
pany. By this bill, commiffioners were appointed *
by his majefty, authorized to fuperintend and con-
troul all operations of the courts of direftors and pro¬
prietors of the Eaft India Company, relative to the
civil and military government or revenues of the ter¬
ritories and poffeffions of the company. This board
of controul was to have accefs to all papers belonging,
to the company *, and the court of directors was on no
pretence to fend out orders to India, without the pre¬
vious approbation of the board, which was alfo author
rized to alter and amend the orders of the directors.
His majefty was authorized to name the commanders
in chief in India, and to remove any governor, gene¬
ral, or member of the councils, of any Britilh fettle-
ment in India 5 and all nominations by the court of
directors to thefe offices, were declared to be' fubjeft
to the approbation of his majefty ; nor was the court
of proprietors allowed, for the future, to revoke any
proceeding of the court of direftors wffiich had been
approved of by his majefty. It was chiefly objedled
to this bill, that it disfranchifed the Eaft India Com¬
pany or violated their charter no lefs than Mr Fox?s
bill'.
B R I [ 590 ]
Britain, bill had done. A meeting of the court of proprietors, lie principles.
t“—however, had pafled a vote in favour of the regulations
Mr pin’s contained in it 5 but at the fecond reading of the bill,
bill rejedl- on the 22d of January, the bill was negatived upon a
ed. divifion of 222 againft 214.
742 The difeuffion of this bill did not prevent the houfe
refolution commons, in the mean time, from endeavouring to
of the com-Ihake the determination of the court, and to intimi-
mons date the new adminiftration. A refolution was moved
tion.
- 743
4The public
adopt the
caufe of the
new mini-
'tiry.
againft ad- by Lord Charles Spencer, and carried by a majority
mmiftra- 0f 2Q^ again(t which declared, in pointed terms,
the difapprobation of the houfe, of the appointment
and continuance in office of the prefent minifters, which
they confidered as unconllitutional. On various occa-
{ions, Mr Pitt was called upon to explain upon what
principle he ventured to remain in office after the
houfe of commons had declared him unworthy of their
confidence. He anfwered, that though novel and ex¬
traordinary, his conduft was by no means unconftitu-
tional: That the immediate appointment or removal
of a minifter did not reft with that houfe. That he nei¬
ther could nor ought to remain long in fuch a fitua-
tion, he was ready to confefs j but he was bound to
ufe his own diferetion to prevent the confequences that
might attend an inftant refignation, which might
leave the country without an executive government.
In the mean time, the public at large began to
be greatly interefted in the difpute which had oc¬
curred between the king and the houfe of commons.
The common council of London voted an addrefs of
thanks to his majefty for the difmiffion of his late mi¬
nifters *, exprefled their approbation of the condudt of
the houfe of lords} and declared their refolution al¬
ways to fupport the conftitutional exercife of preroga¬
tive. This addrefs was almoft immediately followed
by fimilar addreffes from the merchants and trades of
the city of London, and from the city of Norwich.
The contagion gradually extended itfelf from one part
of the kingdom to another ; addreffes poured in from
every fide, and filled every day’s gazette ; coming from
corporations, from cities, from manufacturing towms,
and from counties. Every addrefs ferved to infpire
perfeverance and energy into the fuccefsful party, and
to haften and render irrefiftible the event of this extra¬
ordinary conteft. The coalition made fome attempts
in the county of Middlefex, in Weftminfter, and in
the great county of York, to turn the tide of addreffes
in their own favour ; but in thefe inftances, if they
avoided a defeat, they gained no viClory.
In the meanwhile, as if the recent coalition of par-
alitionpro- tJes deferved to be confidered rather as an example
poled. worthy of imitation than as an error to be avoided, a
number of independent members of the houfe of com¬
mons attempted to heal the whole of the prefent
breaches, by propofing a new coalition of parties, and
^ the formation of an adminiftration upon a flill broader
Meeting at bafis than formerly. On the 26th of January, nearly
the St Al- ijo members of the houfe of commons met at the St
Alban’s tavern, and fignedan addrefs, to be prefented
by a committee of their body, to the duke of Portland
and Mr Pitt, requefting them to communicate with
each other, on the arduous ftate of public affairs, and
trufting, that by a liberal intercourfe, every impedi¬
ment might be removed to a cordial co-operation of
-men of refpeClable charaClers, afting on the fame pub-
744
A new co¬
ban’s
^tavern,
B R I
fn anftver to this addrefs, both parties Britain,
expreffed themfelves defirous to comply with the wifties l—''v—■"
of fo refpeftable a meeting. But the duke of Port¬
land declined any interview with Mr Pitt, for the pu'r-
pofe of union, while that gentleman ftiould continue
prime minifter in defiance of the refolutions of the houfe
of commons. On the other hand, Mr Pitt declined
refigning as a preliminary to negociation.
To co-operate with the St Alban’s meeting, one of
its members moved, and carried unanimoufly in the
houfe of commons, a refolution, that the prefent criti¬
cal ftate of public affairs required an efficient, extend¬
ed, and united adminiftration, entitled to the confi¬
dence of the people. A fecond refolution was carried
on a divifion of 223 againft 204, that the continuance
of the prefent minifters in office was an obftacle to
forming an efficient, extended, and united adminiftra¬
tion. On the following day thefe refolutions w7ere
ordered, by a majority of 24, to be laid before his
majefty. The meeting at the St Alban’s tavern next
came to a refolution, which was read to the houfe of
commons, in which they declared, that an adminiftra¬
tion formed on the total exclufion of the members of the
laft or prefent adminiftration would be inadequate to
the exigencies of public affairs. Mr Fox declared his
wifties for an union, but infifted on the refignation of
the chancellor of the exchequer in compliance with
the refolutions of the houfe of commons, as an indifpen-
fable preliminary ftep. Mr Pitt, on the contrary, ad¬
hered to his office, and declared, that the houfe might
addrefs the crown for his difmiffion j but till, in con-
fequence of fuch a meafure, the king ffiould think pro¬
per to remove him from his fituation, he held it neither
illegal nor unconftitutional to retain it, and would not
recede from his former determination. He at the fame
time fuggefted, that there might be perfons on the op-
pofite fide of the houfe with whom he could not adt.
Lord North underftanding himfelf to be alluded to,
declared his readinefs to relinquiffi his pretenfions to
an official fituation, if they ffiould be deemed an ob¬
ftacle to an union. This felf-denying declaration was
received with great applaufe ; and Mr Marffiam, Mr
Powis, and other members of the St Alban’s affocia-
tion, in vain called upon Mr Pitt to yield to the pref-
fing exigencies of his country. T hefe gentlemen ftill
continued their efforts, and to remove the difficulty
arifing from Mr Pitt’s refufal to refign in compliance
with the refolutions and addreffes of the houfe of com¬
mons, or to fave the honour of the houfe upon that
fubjeft, they procured the royal interference for the
purpofe of requefting, that a negotiation fliould be fet
on foot between the duke of Portland and Mr Pitt.
A meffage was accordingly lent by Mr Pitt, acquaint¬
ing the duke, that he was commanded to fignify to
him his majefty’s earneft defire that his grace ftiould
have a perfonal conference with Mr Pitt for the pur¬
pofe of forming a new adminiftration, on a wide bafis,
and on fair and equal terms. The duke requefted an
explanation of the meffage with regard to the w ords
equal terms, but Mr Pitt declined any preliminary
difeuffion. The duke of Portland likewife propofeffi
that he ftiould be permitted to underftand that the
meffage implied a virtual refignation by Mr Pitt, or
that he bimfelf ffiould receive his majefty’s commands
perfonally relative to the conference. Both of thefe
were
B R I
Britain.
- 746
Mr Pitt
perfifts a-
gainft the
houl'e of
commons
in refufing
to refign.
‘747
^he king
repeatedly
refufes to
difmifs his
new mini-
iters.
74S
Reprefen-
tation by
the com¬
mons.
were refilled, and here terminated the efforts of the St
Alban’s affociation.
On the 18th of February the chancellor of the ex¬
chequer was required in his place in the houfe of com¬
mons, to fay, previous to the confideration of the queition
of fupply to the ordnance department, whether any
communication was to be expedled relative to the re-
folutions of the houfe which had recently been laid
before the king. He replied that his majefty, after
confidering all the circumftances of the country, had
not thought fit to difmifs his minifters, and that his
minifters had not refigned. This produced a warm de¬
bate, in which it was obferved by Mr Fox, that it was
the firft inftance fince the revolution, of a direft denial
on the part of the crown, to comply with the wilhes of
the houfe of commons, and he threw out a hint that it
might be neceffary for the houfe to proteft its own au¬
thority by refufing to vote the fupplies. To allow h'is
majefty’s nunifters time, however, to confidcr well their
fituation, he propofed to defer the report of the ord¬
nance eftimate only for two days ; the refufal of the fup¬
plies was treated by the friends of the new adminiftration
as a threat which the utmoft madnefs of faftion wouldnot
ferioully attempt to execute, and which could never be
juftified by his majefty’s refufal to difmifs minifters who
had been condemned without a trial. On a divifion,
there appeared for poftponing the fupplies 208; againft
it 196. On the 20th of February a new addrefs to the
throne for the removal of the minifters was carried by
a majority of 21. On the 27th, his majefty’s anfwer
■was reported by the fpeaker, in which it was ftated
that no charge or complaint w^as fuggefted againft the
minifters, nor was any one of them fpecifically objec¬
ted to j and, on the other hand, that numbers of his fub-
je&s had expreffed to this majefty the utmoft fatisfac-
tion on the change of his councils. This anfw’er was
aoundantly artful, as it tended to divide the people at
large from the houfe of commons; and, at the fame
time, to perplex the coalition, who could not accufe
the prime minifter of any political crime, as he was
a young man who had never enjoyed the chief
dire&ion of any important affair. A fecond addrefs
to the throne was moved in the houie of commons
on the 1 ft of March, and agreed to by a majority of
12, remonftrating againft the anfwer to'the former ad¬
drefs. His majefty replied in civil terms, but perfe-
vered in his refolution to retain his minifters. The
oppofition now made their laft effort. Mr Fox declar¬
ed that he would not propofe what is called an addrefs
to the throne, becaufe he wiftied for no anfwer 5 but a
humble reprefentation, to which it is not cuftomary to
make an anfwer. This reprefentation confifted of a
long remonftrance againft what was termed the uncon-
ftitutionai appointment of an adminiftration in oppofi-
tion to the willies of the houfe of commons. It conclu¬
ded by ftating that the houfe had done its duty by point¬
ing out the evil, and that the blame and refponfibility
muft henceforth lie wholly upon thofe who had prefum¬
ed to advife his majefty to a& in contradiaion to the
uniform maxims which had hitherto governed his own
condua, as well as that of every other prince of his
illuftrious houfe. d he motion for this reprefentation
was carried by a majority of only one vote, that is, bv
a divifion of 191 to 190. Here the coalition appear
to have felt themfelves defeated, and to have finally
[ 591 1
B R 1
yielded to their deftiny, as they fuftered the mutiny Britain,
bill, which had been their laft fecurity^ againft a pre- ‘
mature diffolution, to pafs in the ufual terms. 749
While theie contefts had been going on in the houfe Condudl of
of commons, the houfe of lords was little attended to,the houfe
and its ftrength feems to have been as it w^ere exhauf-lords'
ted by the extraordinary effort made by it in reje&ing
Mr Fox’s India bill. As its filence during fo critical a
time was neither calculated to fupport its own dignity,
nor the intereft of the minifter, an effort was made on
the 14th of February to bring it into afrion. The
earl of Effingham moved a relolution expreftive of the
firm reliance of the houfe in his majefty’s wifdom in
the exercife of the prerogative of appointing his own
minifters, I his, which was meant as a counter refo¬
lution to the votes of the commons, paffed by a confi-
derable majority after a fhort debate 5 and here the houfe
of lords, confcious of the fecondary place in point of im¬
portance which they held, if not in the conftitution, at
leaft in the eftimation of the public, appear to have re-
lapfed into their former taciturnity. 7^0
On the 25th of March, parliament was diffolved. Diflblutioif^
In the eleftions which immediately took place, theofParlia*
new adminiftration were extremely fuccefsful. Thement*
Eaft India company and their fervants wrere uncom- 751
monly zealous 5 and the diffenters, a powerful body in Eledtionsi
England, of a confcientious charadfer and great acti¬
vity, having regarded with indignation the late coali¬
tion as the refult of a total difregard of all principle,
call their whole weight into the fame fcale with the
influence of the crown. Upwards of 160 members of
the late houfe of commons loft their feats; and of thefe,
almolt the whole number wrere the friends of the late
adminiftration. Thus the defeat of what was looked Totdde-
upon as a moft powerful and dangerous combination feat of the
was completely accomplifhed, and its leaders were ren-ccalition-
dered of little importance in the legillature of the em-
Pire’ • 753
hus terminated the ftrength of the celebrated coa-Confequen.
lition, the fate and effeCls of which ought never to ces°f t*ie
be forgotten. That fatal meafure may&be faid tocoaIition
have abfolutely ruined the fortunes of the honourable 7-4
Charles Fox, undoubtedly one of the moft accompliftr-to Mr F0X5
ed ftatefmen that the Britifti nation ever produced.
From that period, he was generally regarded as unfit
to be trufted with power j his eloquence ceafed to per-
iuade, and his counfels, even when full of wifdom, were
regarded with diftruft, becaufe his odious coalition with
Lord North conftantly rofe up in remembrance againft
him, and fuggefted the ftrongeft fufpicions of his in¬
tegrity, a circumftance which has probably proved on
fome occafions not lefs unfortunate to his country than
to himfelf. The fame coalition undoubtedly had atothemr-
tendency to diminiftr the attachment of the nation todor1,
the houfe of commons, and its confidence in that branch
of the conftitution. It appeared that a majority of that
houfe might be nothing more than a combination of
fadfious men, afpiring to perfonal aggrandizement or
emolument, and that in certain circumftances it might
be neceffary for the people at large to arrange them¬
felves ^behind the throne, to obtain protection againft
what is undoubtedly one of the worft and moft op-
preflive of all governments, that of a corrupted arifto-
cracy. 75$-
On the 18th of May, parliament affembled, and in IJar-
the haments
B R I [ 592 ] B R I
'Britain, the fpeech from the throne, his majefty affured both
‘’‘“■“V—*'' houfes of his fatisfaftion in meeting them, after recur¬
ring in fo important a moment to the fenfe of his peo¬
ple, and of his reliance that they were animated by the
fame fentiments of loyalty and attachment to the con-
ilitution, which had been fo fully manifefted through¬
out the kingdom : He direfled their attention towards
the affairs of the Eaft India Company ; but warned
them againft adopting any meafures which might affefl
the conftitution at home j and concluded with expref-
. Ung; his inclination to maintain in their juft balance
the privileges and rights of every branch in the legif-
757 lature.
•^aft India affairs 0f the Eaft India Company were fpeedi-
ty brought before parliament. On the 24th of June,
■a bill was introduced by the chancellor of the exchequer,
-to allow the company to divide four per cent, on their
capital for the half year concluding at midfummer
.1784. The neceflity of the cafe was urged to juftify
this bill to fupport the credit of the company ; and it
was alleged, that notwithftanding their prefent dif-
treffes, which were admitted to be great, there exifted
a fufficient probability that their affairs upon the whole
might warrant fuch a dividend. The bill paffed
iyS8 through both houfes, and received the royal affent.
Mr Pitt’s On the 2d of July, Mr Pitt brought forward another
new India biU} which had for its objeft to allow the company a
j-efpite of duties due to the exchequer, to enable them
to accept of bills beyond the amount prefcribed by
former ftatutes, and to eftablifti the regularity of their
future dividends. This aft gave rife to various de¬
bates, particularly, in confequence of a queftion put
by Mr Phillip Francis, howT far the honour of parlia¬
ment would be pledged by this aft to enable the
Eaft India Company to make payment of the bills ac¬
cepted by them, in cafe the funds of the company
ihould prove deficient. Mr Eden alfo endeavoured to
expofe the bilj, by contrafting the two diftinft propo-
fitions contained in it 5 the one for refpiting the du¬
ties due by the company, and the other for allowing
the company to divide eight per cent. He alleged
that thefe propofitions could only be juftified by being
argued feparately, and by contending in fupport of the
firft, that the company was fo poor that it required
every poflible afliftance, and in fupport of the other,
that their affairs were fo flouriftiing that they could
well afford to make an enormous dividend. On the
contrary, Mr Pitt contended that the company had fuf-
fered like the reft of the Britilh empire by the late
w’ar, and therefore wanted a temporary relief j but
.-that they were ftill in the proper fenfe of the word
aftually folvent; that the beft hope exifted of their
future profperity, which rendered the regular payment
of their dividends a rational rneafure, efpecially as go¬
vernment had juft received intelligence -of peace being
concluded in the Eaft with Tippoo tire fon of Hyder
* Ally. This aft alfo paffed into a law j and Mr Pitt,
ftill farther to fupport the Eaft India Company, brought
forward a bill to diminifti the duty upon tea for the
759 fake of preventing fmuggling, and in lieu thereof, to
Commuta- fubftitute what has been called the commutation tax,
tion tax. or a tax Up0n windows. The amount of the revenue
raifed from tea rvSs between 700,000!. and 8oo,oool.
and the objeft of this new aft was to proportion it
in fuch a way as to raife upon that article in future no
2
more than 159,000!. which it was fuppofed would en* Britafe.
able the company to fell 13 millions of pounds of tea,
inftead of five millions and a half. Upon this and
the former bills, by which fuch extenfive favours were
conferred upon the Eaft India Company, Mr Fox ani¬
madverted at different times with great feverity ; he
afferted, that confidering the tenor of thefe bills and
the conduft of adminiftration during the whole feflion,
it was palpable that they were wholly under the di-
xeftion of the Eaft India Company, and that the com¬
pany w'ere making rapid ftrides, after having defpoiled
and enflaved many millions of men in a diifant quar¬
ter of the globe, to reduce the inhabitants of this
ifland under their fway. The afts paffed, however, New India
and received the royal affent. In themfelves they were bib by Mr
fubordinate to the bill for regulating the general
management of the affairs of the company. This aft,
though framed upon the fame model with that pro-
pofed by Mr Pitt in the laft parliament, yet differed
from it in feveral points. The powers of the board of
controul were enlarged. In cafes of urgency and
fecrecy, the board were authorized to tranfmit their
own orders to India, without their being fubjeft to the
revifion of the court of direftors. It alfo veiled in the
governor-general and council of Bengal, an abfolute
power over the other prefidencies in tranfaftions with the
country powers, and in all applications of the revenues
and forces in time of war. The receiving of prefents
was declared to be extortion and difobedience of orders,
and all corrupt bargains to be mifdemeanours, and pu-
niihable as fuch. The company’s fervants were requir¬
ed on their return to England, to lodge in the exchequer
a ftatement upon oath of their whole property. For the
effeftual puniihment of crimes committed in the Eaft
Indies, a new court of juftice was conftituted, con-
.fifting of three judges appointed by the three coilrts,
four peers taken by lot from a lift of twenty-fix,
chofen at the commencement of every feflion of par¬
liament, and fix commoners out of a lift of forty mem¬
bers chofen in like manner.
Mr Francis oppofed in ftrong terms the general
principle of this bilk He faid that by the confeflion
of all parties, the court of direftors were too weak to
inforce their own orders. To remedy this weaknefs a
dafhing power was created, nominal on the part of the
direftors, real on the part of adminiftration. This he
reprobated as injudicious, declaring that mere forms
were of no ufe, and ought not to fubfift when a confti¬
tution was effentially altered. Mr Fox affirmed, as
formerly, that this propofed board of controul violated
the privileges of the India Company, no lefs than
the enaftments of his bills had done, while it increafed
in a greater degree the dangerous influence of the
crown. He treated with great contempt the new court
of judicature, which he faid might fairly be called a -*
bed of juftice, as juftice would fleep upon it, and there¬
by imbitter the calamities of India, by removing all
fear of punUhment. Upon the queftion whether the
bill ftiould be referred t© a committee of the whole
houfe, the minifter was fupported by 276 voices, a-
gainft 61.
When the bill came to be difeuffed in the committee,
Mr Pitt afted in a manner, which afterwards on many
occafions ferved to diftinguilh his mode of tranfafting
the national bufinefs from that adopted by former mi-
nifters.
B R I [ 593 ] B R I
Britain, nifters. Inftead of coming forward like the leader of
a party, with a meafure complete in all its parts, which
was to receive the firm fupport of his adherents, Mr
Pitt not only, of himfelf, propofed fome effential alter¬
ations, but adopted thofe fuggefted by others, whether
his friends or his antagonifts. In the committee, the
power of iffuing orders, in the firft inftance, was limi¬
ted to the cafe of the court of dire&ors neglefting to
tranfmit difpatches to the board, after fourteen days
notice, upon any fubject the board might think it necef-
fary to take up. The directors were alfo empowered
to cleft a fecret committee of three members, to com¬
municate with the board concerning fuch orders as the
board might of its own authority tranfmit to India.
The appointment of the commander in chief of the
army was withdrawn from his majefty, and left with
the company, together with the negative upon nomi¬
nations in general. Mr Dempfter and Air Eden
ftrongly reprobated the inquifitorial fpirit of that pro-
vifion of the bill, by which perfons returning from
India were required to give an account of their for¬
tunes upon oath. Mr Samuel Smith fuggefted that
merchants in particular fliould be exempted from this
inquifition, and Mr Dundas and Mr Pitt expreffed their
willingnefs to admit the alteration j but Lord North
having contended that this would make the matter
worfe, by pointing out to the public a certain clafs of
individuals as fubjefts of fufpicion, Mr Pitt relinquifh-
ed the wTole caufe. Mr Pitt himfelf, alfo, brought
forward fome amendments of the conftitution of the
new tribunal. As the claufes originally flood, the
right of accufation refted folely with the attorney gene¬
ral, or the company. Inftead of this limitation, au¬
thority was given to any other perfon or perfons to
move the court of king’s bench for an information.
This court was alfo authorized to iflue commiflions to
the courts in India, for the purpofe of taking depofi-
tions. The direftors of the company, and perfons re¬
turning from India, wrere now excluded from the judi¬
cature that was to be erefted. When the various
amendments were reported to the houfe, Mr Sheridan
seated the alterations that the bill had undergone with
a degree of ridicule, which proved extremely offenfive
to the minifter. He remarked that 21 new claufes
were added, which were diftinguiftied by the letters of
the alphabet ; and he requefted fome gentlemen to fug-
geft three more, to complete the horn-book of the mi-
niftry. He laid the whole bill wTas a contention of
two parties, the crown and the company, to outrun
each othen The company remonftrated againft the
bill as it originally flood, becaufe orders were to be
tranfmitted to India without their confent. To pleafe
them, they were to have a fecret committee of three
aireftors j but the company wrere not a w’hit nearer
tneir objeft, for the committee were fworn to fecrecy.
They might be prefent at a court of direftors, and fee
meafures carrying on diametrically oppofite to what
-ney knew had been adopted by the board of controul,
without being able to apply any other remedy than a
nod, or a wink, or a fhake of the head, to intimate that
they knew fomething they dared not to divulge. Mr
Fox, again, affirmed with great acrimony that the ten¬
dency of the prefent meafures was to facrifice to the
Fall India Company all that was dear to us, for the
corrupt influence and under-hand fupport of the nre-
Vol. IV. Part II. 1
fent adminiftration, and to eftablifh an Indian govern- Britain.
ment of the ifland of Great Britain. The bill finally  
palled the houfe of commons on the 28th of July. In
the houfe of lords it was oppofed by Lord Vifcount
Stormont and the earl of Carlifle, upon principles
fimilar to thofe upon which it had been refifted in the
houfe of commons ; but the minority there was ex¬
tremely feeble in point of numbers, and the bill pal-
fed on the 9th of Auguft, though it was protefted a-
gainft by a few noblemen, as ineffeftual in its provi-
fions, unjuft in its inquifitorial fpirit, and unconftitu-
tional, as abolifhing in certain inftances the trial by
iury\ . . . 7*1
All this while IVXr Pitt’s bill was little noticed by Mr Pitt’s
the public at large. The popularity of his name was^'^J'tt'e
extremely high. The coalition had become fo odious,^tlce<J^y
that the miniftry by whom it had been fuperfeded, 11L I>uJl
were regarded by the nation with the moft implicit con¬
fidence, and it was taken for granted that every thing
muft be fafe in their hands. Neither could the moll
diftinguilhed talents refcue the leaders of oppofition
from general negleft. This was in a remarkable de¬
gree the cafe with Mr Burke, whole rich, various, and
exuberant eloquence, in competition with which all
that remains of antiquity falls ffiort, could not now pro ¬
cure from the houfe of commons even the appearance
of attention. Early in July, the chancellor of the ex¬
chequer informed the houfe of commons, that Sir
Elijah Impey, chief judge of the fupreme court of
juttice at Bengal, had arrived in England, in confe-
quence of being recalled by his majefty, purfuant to ail
addrefs of that houfe. The acute lenfibility, or power¬
ful imagination of Mr Burke, had induced him to in-
tereft himfelf greatly in the fufferings of the natives of
India under the Britifh government. Fie now in vain
called on the miniftry to inforce the relolutions of the
houfe, refpefting Sir Elijah Impey, by bringing him to
trial. He repeatedly endeavoured to introduce as the
fubjeft of deliberation the reports of the committees of
the former parliament refpefting Indian affairs; but he
was either defeated with little reply, by a motion for
the order of the day, or overpowered and filenced by
the loud and continual clamour of the houfe.
During the prelent leffion it was found neceffary to Finance,
have recourfe to a loan of fix millions, to fettle the re¬
maining expences of the American war. The naval
eftablifhment wjas at the fame time fixed on a higher fcale
than in former years of peace. The number of fea-
men and marines was 26,000, but the military force
was not large, as it did not exceed 17.500 men for
guards and garrifons. Several new taxes were impofed
upon linen and cotton manufaftures, hats, paper,
candles, bricks, poftage of letters, horfes, hackney-
coaches, perlons dealing in excifeable commodities,
and perfons engaging in the amufement of (hooting
game or hunting. 1 htfe taxes in general met with
little oppofit’on.
I he leffion clofed with a motion, brought forward Reftoradon
by Mr Dundas, for the reftoration of the eftates for-of Scotifh
feited in Scotland, in the rebellion of 1745, to the de-fortcited
fcendants or other heirs of the rebels. As this mea-eftates’
fure had for its objeft the relief of individuals, wffiofe
unequivocal attachment and loyalty to his prefent ma¬
jefty, and his family, could not be fuppoied, even in a lefs
lioeral and lels enlightened age than the prefent, to
4 F be
B R I [ 594 1 B R I
764
The public
amufed by
'Britain, be tainted or afTedled by the crimes of their anceftors;
" •' jt met with the perfedt approbation of the commons.
In the houfe of lords, how'ever, it was oppofed by the
lord chancellor Thurlow, both on the ground of its
impolicy and partiality. It was impolitic, he faid, as far
as it rendered nugatory the fettled maxim of the Bri-
tilh conftitution, that treafon was a crime of fo deep
a dye, that nothing was adequate to its punilhment but
the total eradication of the perfon, the name, and the
family, out of the fociety wThich he had attempted to
hurt. This was the wifdom he faid of former times.
But if a more enlightened age chofe to relax from the
ellablilhed feverity, he thought it ought to be done
with gravity and deliberation. It was, he faid, partial,
becaufe the eftates forfeited in 1715, and which w’ere
forfeited upon the fame grounds and principles as thofe
in 1745, were paffed over in fdence, whillt even a per¬
fon who had forfeited in 1690, was included in the
provifion. The bill, however, paffed the lords, and
received the royal affent.
At this time the Britilh nation enjoyed peace in all
quarters of the world. The public attention being no
acrototic ]onger excited by national efforts, or the enterprifes
CX 1 ltI0m-of any political fa&ion, was eafily dire&ed to obje&s of
lefs importance. Of this nature was a French inven¬
tion, that of air-balloons or the art of aeroftation, which
has hitherto proved of more curiofity than utility, but
which at this period ferved greatly to amufe the
world. In France, two brothers of the name of
Montgolfier, manufacturers of paper, conceived the
idea of fending up a bag or balloon full of heated air,
and in repeated trials it afcended to a confiderable
height. M. de Rofier appears to have been the firft
who, in November 17S3, undertook to fly through
the air, without having the balloon fecured by ropes,
in company with the marquis d’Arlandes. Inflammable
air, procured from the decompofition of water by
means of fulphuric acid and iron filings, or zinc, was
next ufed to fill a balloon made of varnifhed filk, with
which Meffrs Charles and Robert afcended to the af-
tonifhment of the people. Vincenzo Lunardi, an Ita¬
lian, was the firft who ventured to gratify the Britifh
populace with a fimilar fpeftacle. He afcended re¬
peatedly into the atmofphere, from London, Edinburgh,
and other places, and on each occafion was carried to
confiderable diftances in the dire&ion of the wind.
Various other perfons imitated this example, and on
the 16th of Oflober of this year, Mr Blanchard, ac¬
companied by Dr Jefferies, afcended, by the aid of a bal¬
loon, from Dover, and having foared over the Chan¬
nel, arrived fafely in France. This art, together with
the intrepidity of the individuals who praftifed it, ex¬
cited much admiration at the time ; but the impoflibi-
lity of giving to the balloon that direction in its pro-
grefs which the traveller might wufh, together with
the extraordinary danger attending it, fpeedily brought
g it into negleft.
Meeting of Parliament again affembled on the 25th of Jan. 1785.
parliament. In the fpeech from the throne, the objeiff particularly
recommended to the attention of both houfes, was the
final adjuftment of the commercial intercourfe between
Great Britain and Ireland. Farther meafures to pre¬
vent fmuggling were recommended, together with at¬
tention to the regulation of the public offices of the
kingdom. The firft bufinefs that wras taken up, and
which was difcuffed with great wTarmth, related to the Britain,
choice of two members of parliament for Weftminfter, v J
at the late general eleftion. On that occafion Lord^^^
Hood, Mr Fox, and Sir Cecil Wray had offered them-fter fcm.
felves as candidates. Lord Hood eafily carried his tiny,
ele&ion, but between the other candidates the conteft
was carried on with unexampled obftinacy. The en-
gaging manners of Mr Fox, who had for fome time re-
prefented the city of Weftminfter in parliament, ena- t
bled him at the prefent period, notwithftanding the
general unpopularity of the coalition, to engage with
ultimate fuccefs in this conteft. After the eleftion
had continued upwards of fix wTeeks, it was concluded
on the 17th May 1784, leaving a majority of 235
votes in favour of Mr Fox. The high bailiff at this
time (being the very day previous to the return of the
writ for the eleftion) granted, at the requeft of Sir
Cecil Wray, a fcrutiny into the votes which he had
taken. This mode of proceeding wras protefted againft
by Mr Fox and feveral of the eleftors. Immediately on
the meeting of the new' parliament, the conduct of the
high bailiff, in granting a fcrutiny under the above cir-
cumftances, was vehemently attacked by oppofition,
and no lefs vehemently defended by adminiftration.
The fubje& was repeatedly brought before the houfe,
by petitions from the parties, and by motions of Mr
Fox and his friends ; for that gentleman, in the mean
time, fat in the houfe as a member, having been elec¬
ted under the influence of Sir Thomas Dundas, for a
diftrift of boroughs in the north of Scotland. But on
a motion of Lord Mulgrave, it was refolved by a con¬
fiderable majority, “ that the high bailiff of Weft¬
minfter do proceed in the fcrutiny with all pra&icable
difpatch.” In the beginning of February in the pre¬
fent year, the bufinefs was refumed in the houfe of
commons. The fcrutiny had continued eight months,
and twro parilhes out of feven had only been feru-
tinized, fo that it was admitted that probably more
than two years longer would be neceffary to finifti the
fcrutiny. In the mean time, of the votes for Mr Fox
71 had been objefled to in the firft parifli, and the
objeftions had been fuftained only againft 25', where¬
as, in the fame pariffi, out of 3 2 votes for Sir Cecil
Wray that had been objefted to, 27 were declared il¬
legal. In the fecond parifli, the fcrutiny of which
was not finiffied, Mr Fox had loft 80 voters, and Sir
Cecil Wray 60. On the 8th of February, MrWelbore
Ellis moved that a return of the eleftion be immediately-
made by the high bailiff of Weftminfter. This motion,
together with others wdrich follow-ed it, gave rife to a
variety of debates of little importance to general hi-
ftory. At laft, on the 3d of March, the motion having
been repeated by Mr Sawbridge, it was carried on a
divifion of 162 againft 124, and Lord Hood and Mr
Fox were returned as members for Weftminfter. 767
On the 18th of February, the attention of the houfe Debts ot
of commons was called by a motion of Mr Fox to the the nabob
payment of the debts of the nabob of Arcot. The0 rc°“>
ftatute wffiich Mr Pitt had brought forward during the
the preceding fummer, authorized in general terms the
court of diredlors to eftabliftr, in concert w-ith the na¬
bob, funds for the payment of luch of his debts as
ftrould appear to be juftly due. The court of direc¬
tors accordingly ordered the council at Madras to in-
veftigate thefe debts; but the board of controul, with
fome
B R I
Arcot
debts.
769
Mr Burke’s
Britain, fome trifling limitation, ordered the whole debts to be
J*^v**~' paid out of the revenues of the Carnatic. Mr Dun-
das undertook in the houfe of commons the defence of
the board of controul. He treated with ridicule a de¬
claration made by Mr Francis during the debate, that
rumours were abroad, of a collulion between the board
of controul and the creditors of 1777. He faid it was
not the firft time that his conduct had been mifrepre-
fented. It had been faid, juft with the fame degree
of truth, that he had received a very large fum of
money from an honourable baronet (Sir Thomas Rum-
bold) on a particular occafion. He had flept perfec¬
tly quiet and ferene under the former charge, and he
trufted he fliould preferve his temper equally unruffled
under the prefent accufation. He juftified the whole
of the nabob of Arcot’s debts. One fet of debts incur-
Nature of rec^ I7^7 confifted, he faid, of money borrowed by
the nabob of the nabob at the rate of from 30 to 36 per cent, intereft,
to pay off a fum due by the nabob to the company,
which was at that time in the utmoft diftrefs, and the in¬
tereft had afterwards been reduced to 10 percent. The
fecond branch of the nabob’s debts had arifen from
fums borrowed to pay off his own cavalry, which the
company had ordered him to reduce, but which he w'as
unable to difmifs from w7ant of money to pay their ar¬
rears. He borrowed thi^ money, and the company
engaged its credit for the loan. A third clafs of debts,
incurred or confolidated in 1777, were acknowledged
by the nabob to be valid, and were only approved of
by the board of controul, fubjeft to his objeftions, or to
obje&ions by the company or the reft of the creditors.
Mr Burke, in a fpeech containing a full inveftigation
objections of the fubjefl, ftated, that, at the eftablilhment of the
to the na- Britilh power in India, Madras and its dependencies
bob s debts. forme(j one Df moft flourilhing territories in Alia 5
but fince that time it had fo declined, by the annual
drain to England of nearly a million fterling, made
by private gentlemen, that, in the year 1779, not one
merchant of eminence was to be found in the coun¬
try. Befides this annual accumulation of wealth, tranf-
mitted to Europe, it appeared that the nabob had con-
trafted a debt with the company’s fervants, to the a-
mount of 888,oool. fterling, which, in the year 1767,
was fettled at an intereft of 10 per cent. About the
fame time the court of dire£tors wTere further informed,
that one million fterling had been lent by Britifh fubjecls
to the merchants of Canton in China j and that this fum
bore an intereft of 24 per cent. In the year 1777, a
fecond debt of the nabob of Arcot, amounting to
2,400,000!. was fettled at I 2 per cent intereft ; to this
was added another debt, called the Cavalry debt, of
i6o,oool. at the fame intereft. The wftiole of thefe
four capitals, amounting to 4,440,000!. produced at
their feveral rates, annuities amounting to 623,000!.
a year, more than half of which flood chargeable on
the public revenues of the Carnatic. Thefe annuities,
equal to the revenues of a kingdom, were poffeffed by
a fmall number of individuals of no confequence, fitua-
tion, or profeflion. Mr Burke admitted that the loan
of 1767 was the faireft, as he could convift it of no¬
thing worfe than the moft enormous ufury. The intereft;
at 36 per cent, was firft paid, then 25, then 20, and
laftly the intereft wTas reduced to 10 per cent 5 but that
all along the intereft had been added to the principal,
fo that of 888,oool. Mr Burke doubted whether the
[ S9S ]
B R I
nabob ever faw ico,oool. in real money. With re- Britain
gard to the cavalry debt, Mr Burke ftated the fafts
to be the following. Inftead of ready money, the Eng-
liftr money-jobbers engaged to pay the nabob’s cavalry
in bills payable in four months, for which they were
to receive immediately at leaft one per cent, per
month, but probably two, that being the rate generally
paid by the nabob j and the receipt of a territorial re¬
venue for that purpofe was afligned to them. Inftead
of four months, it was upwards of two years before
the arrears of the cavalry were difcharged ; and,
being during all this time in the conftant receipt
of the afligned revenue, it is not improbable but
that they paid off the nabob’s troops with his own mo
ney. With refpedft to the debt of 1777, Mr Burke
obferved that in different accounts the principal lum
rofe from 1,300,000!. to 2,400,000!. and that the
creditors had never appeared the fame in any two lifts.
In the year 1781, they were fatisfied to have 25 per
cent, at once ftruck off from the capital, yet they
wTere now to obtain payment of the whole. With re¬
gard to all thefe claims, Mr Burke afferted that the
nabob and his creditors w'ere not adverlaries but col-
lufive parties ; that in fa61 when the nabob of Arcot
gave an acknowledgement of debt to an European, he
received no money, and did nothing more than endea¬
vour to fupport his own influence over the fervants of
the company by receiving them into his pay. Mr
Fox’s motion for an inquiry into the conduft of the
board of controul on this occafion, in fupporting thefc
debts, was negatived on a divifion by 164 againft 69.
The fame motion was made on the lame day, with
fimilar fuccefs, by the earl of Carlifle, in the houfe of
lords. . ^
Mr Pitt had come into office with the Angular good Mr Pitt
fortune of being highly approved of by the nation patronizes
at large, while, at the fame time, he was felefted to taw re
fupport the royal prerogative and authority, againft form, J *
the majority of the houfe of commons, then poffeffed
by the coalition. It is alw'ays difficult for the human
mind to fet popular approbation at defiance, and the
love of it feldom fails to gain ftrength in the charac¬
ter of thofe perfons by whom it has once been enjoyed.
Accordingly it became one of the features of Mr Pitt’s
conduft, to attempt at all times, if poflible, to reconcile
the fervices expefted from him by the crown with the
purfuit, or at leaft with the apparent purfuit, of whatever
meafure happened for the time to be the objedf of po¬
pular applaufe. The attempt to procure a reform of
the reprefentatidn of the people in the houfe of com¬
mons, w7as one of thefe objects. He had formerly en¬
gaged in it while adling in oppofition, and now after
he had become the firft minifter of the crown, he ftill
undertook to ftand forward as its advocate. Every
candid writer of hiftory muft be fenfible of the defec¬
tive nature of the details which he is able to give of
the caufes which produce or regulate the moft impor¬
tant occurrences. Thefe are fometimes brought to
light in a future age, but on many occafions they re¬
main perpetually unknow7n. In what way, or in confe¬
quence of what explanations, Mr Pitt contrived to re¬
tain the confidence of his mafter, w7hile at the fame
time he flood forward as the champion of a reform,
which no body imagined acceptable at court, we do
not know7. It is certain, however, that after Mr Pitt
4 F 2 attained
■Britain.
nl
Mr Pitt’s
plan of re¬
form.
B R I
attained to the chief place in the prefent adminiftra-
tion, he ftill continued to correfpond with the lead¬
ing advocates for parliamentary reform, whofe meet¬
ings he had been accuftomed to attend. In a circu¬
lar letter to Mr Wyvil, prefident of a committee of
Yorkihire gentlemen, who had embarked in this caufe,
it was Hated that Mr Pitt had given authority to de¬
clare “ that he would bring forward the fubjeft of a
parliamentary reform, as early as poffible in the fef-
fion ; that he would fupport his intended propofitions
to the utmoft of his ftrength; and that he W'ould exert
his whole power and credit, as a man and as a minif-
ter, honeflly and boldly to carry fuch a fyftem as
fliould place the conllitution on a footing of permanent
fecurity.” Accordingly, at the commencement of the
feffion, in the debates on the fpeech from the throne,
when the fubjeft was alluded to, Mr Pitt took the op¬
portunity to declare that on this bufinefs he laboured
inceflantly. It was that which of all others was near-
eft his heart, but at that early period of the feflion to
ftate his plan fpecifically was impoffible. Much re¬
mained to be done, and his ideas were not matured.
A reform in parliament comprehended, he faid, a great
variety of confiderations. It related to the effentials
and the vitals of the conftitution. In this path he was
determined to tread, but he knew with what tender-
nefs and circumfpedtion it became him to proceed; and
he would requeft the houfe to come to the fubjeft, un¬
influenced by any of the fchemes and hypothefes that
had hitherto been fuggefted.
It was not till the 18th of April, that Mr Pitt called
the attention of the houfe to this important fubjedt.
He declared himfelf aware of the pertinacity he muft
expedt to encounter, in propoftng a plan of reform ; but
he entertained more fanguine hopes of fuccefs than for¬
merly, becaufe there never was a moment when the
minds of men were mox-e enlightened on this intereft-
ing topic, or more prepared for its difcuflion. He was
afliduous to remove the objedlion of innovation. An¬
ciently, he faid, great fludluations exifted in the fran-
chife of eledtion. The number of members had vari¬
ed, and even the reprefentation of the counties was not
uniform. As one borough decayed, and another flou-
riftied, the firft was aboliftied, and the fecond invefted
with the right. This arofe from a maxim, the appli¬
cation of which was entrufted to the crown, that the
principal places, and not the decayed boroughs, fliould
be called upon to exercife the right of eledtion. King
James I. in his firft proclamation for calling a par¬
liament, diredted the fheriffs, not to call upon fuch
boroughs to fend members, as w’ere fo utterly ruined as
to be unentitled to contribute their (hare to the repre¬
fentation of the county. He added, that it was by the
treaty of union the number of the members of the houfe
of commons was fixed, and that only from the date of
that adt was the difcretion of the crown upon this
point at an end. He faid, he was no advocate for a
revival of this difcretionary power, but that the maxim
upon which it was founded ought now to be carried
into effedt. The outline of his plan was this: To trans¬
fer the right of chufing reprefentatives from 36 of fuch
boroughs, as had already fallen, or were falling into de¬
cay, to the counties, and to fuch chief towns and cities as
were at prefent unreprefented : That a fund (hould be
provided, for the purpofe of giving to the owners and
B R I
holders of fuch boroughs, disfranchifed, an appreciated Britain,
compenfation for their property : That the taking this '■»—
compenfation fhould be a voluntary adt of the proprie¬
tor, and if not taken at prefent, ftiould be placed out at
compound intereft, until it became an irrefijlible bait to
fuch proprietors. He alfo meant to extend the right
of voting for knights of the (hire, to copyholders as
v/ell as freeholders. He confidered one million as a
fufficient fund to be eftablilhed for purchafing the de¬
cayed boroughs. Befides the original 36, he intended
to purchafe the franchife of other boroughs, and to
transfer the right of returning members to umepre-
fented large towns, that fnould petition parliament for
this privilege. Thus, he faid, 100 members would be
given to the popular intereft of the kingdom, and the
right of elediion extended to 100,000 additional per-
fons. It might be faid, he obferved, that it did not
become that houfe, for chimerical fpeculations, to in¬
volve their conftituents in additional burdens ; but he
trufted, that in a matter fo dear and important to Eng-
liftimen, they would not be intimidated by the circum-
ftance of the coft. He conceived the purchafe to be
above all price. It was a thing for which the people
of England could not pay too dear. Alluding to the
American war, he alked if the nation wmuld have fuf-
fered the calamities to which it had lately been expofed,
if there had always been a houfe of commons, the faithful
ftewards of the intereft of their country, the diligent
checks on the adminiftration of the finances, the confiitu-
tional advifers of the executive branch of the legiflature,
and the fteady and uninfluenced friends of the people of
England ? Mr Pitt was aware that there was a fort of
fqueamifhnefs and coynefs in that houfe, in talking of
what might be the proper confideration for the pur¬
chafe of a franchife. Out of doors it was pretty well
underftood, that men had no great objedlion to nego-
ciate the fale and the purchafe of feats. But he would
alk, was it, after all, fuch an infult to an Englifhman,
to alk him to fell his invaluable franchife ? was there
any immorality in receiving a pecuniary confideration
for the ceflion of a valuable benefit to our country ?
Mr Fox difapproved of purchafing from a majority
of the electors of a borough, the property of the whole,
and of holding out pecuniary temptations to an Eng-
liihman to relinquilh his franchife, though he declared
himlelf a friend to the general principle of a more e-
quitable reprefentation. Mr Wilberforce fupported
Mr Pitt’s propofal, for this reafon in particular, that
by putting an end to the reprefentation of the decayed
boroughs, future dangerous ariftocratical coalitions
would be prevented. Mr Pitt’s propofal was warmly
oppofed by Mr Powis, .who alleged that the people
of England had not called for a reform, as there were
only eight petitions upon the table ; that the bufinefs,
therefore, in which Mr Pitt had unfortunately engaged
himfelf, was a volunteer crufade, or a piece of political
knight-errantry. He denied that the American war
was to be imputed to the reprefentatives of boroughs;
and made the important remark, that it was only in
confequence of the exiftence of the eledtive franchife
in a few decayed boroughs, that men of talents, like
Mr Pitt himfelf, had an opportunity of being intro¬
duced into the fervice of their country. Lord North
likewife oppofed all change, as the people were actual¬
ly contented, happy, and in full polleffion of their li¬
berties,
1 596 1
b r r
772
Finances.
Britain, berties, which rendered it, in his opinion, unneceffary
to inquire minutely how they came to enjoy thefe ad¬
vantages. Leave to bring in the bill was refufed, by a
majority of 248 againft 174.
As the foie object, on account of which the Englifh
monarchs anciently aflfembled their parliaments, was to
obtain money from their fubjefts, fo the adjuftment of
the public expences, and levying adequate fuppiies,
always continues to occupy a large portion of the time
of every feflion of parliament. The prodigal expendi¬
ture that had taken place during the late war, ftill re¬
quired additional taxes. For this purpofe new demands
were made upon hawkers and pedlars, and for gloves
and other articles. Attornies were taxed, and the du¬
ties on male fervants and poll horfes were enlarged.
A tax was likewife impofed upon retail {hops. This
laft tax encountered very perfevering oppofition in par¬
liament, as well as much unpopularity in the nation.
It was reprefented as extremely unfair, becaufe it fell
upon a fmall number of perfons of an induflrious cha-
rafter. Being levied in proportion to the {hop rent,
it fell almoft exclufively upon the inhabitants of the
metropolis j and it was obferved, that, unlike other taxes,
the members of parliament who impofed it, were in no
hazard themfelves of paying any part of it. Of all
the taxes, however, which w7ere propofed by the mmi-
ifer, none encountered luch farcadic animadverfion as
that upon maid fervants. Mr Pitt w'as generally un-
derdood to be not very remarkable for his attachment
to the other fex, and accordingly Mr Sheridan accufed
him, upon this occafion, of holding out a bounty to
bachelors, and a penalty upon propagation. Sir James
Johndon and the earl of Surry exprefled themfelves
wdth much humanity on the fubjefl, on account of the
unprotected fitnation of that portion of our fellow crea¬
tures agamd whom this tax was diredted; and Mr
Fox luggeded the propriety of avoiding to tax per¬
fons employed in works of domedic economy and in-
duftry, and of fubdituting a tax upon bachelors, which
was accordingly adopted.
Duke of t^ie -)u^ne^s that excited more attention than
Richmond’s any °ther department of fupply, was that of the ord-
fortifica- nance. As early as the year 178 2, the duke of Rich-
tions. mond had planned a very expenfive fydem of fortifi¬
cations, for the purpofe of protecting the different
dock-yards of the kingdom. The idea had originated
from the alarms occafioned by the combined deet du¬
ring the late war. The works had been for fome
time carried on, and the fum of 50,000k annually
voted, without much attention being given to the fub-
jeft. At lad, during the prefent fedion, Mr Ploldf-
worth, member for Dartmouth, moved, that an ac¬
count fhould be laid before the houfe, of the expences
already incurred on fortifications at Plymouth, Portf-
mouth, Gofport, Chatham, Dover, and Sheernefs, to¬
gether with a report of the probable expence of com¬
pleting the fortifications of Portfmouth and Plymouth ;
and afterwards on the 14th of March, the annual fup-
ply of 50,000k for fortifications was oppofed. On
this occafion, Captain James Luttrel of the navy de¬
fended the duke of Richmond’s projeft, afferting, that
fuch fortifications were neceflary to proteCf not the
kingdom at large, for that was not in view, but the
principal dock-yards and naval dores, againd any hid¬
den invafion. He obferved, that veteran troops only
[ 597 1
B R I
could be oppofed to veteran troops in the open field j Britain,
but within forts militia, feamen, and almod any dout-
fpirited fellow, might be as ufeful as the mod experi¬
enced foldier. The pofleffion, for 24 hours, of a fitua-
tion from which the dock, dores, and {hipping, might
be affailed with red-hot diot and diells, would be a
fatal blow to the navy, and ought to be guarded
againd, by fortifying the fituations in wdiich it might
occur. Thus alfo the navy wmuld not be under the
necefiity of remaining alwrays at home for the defence
of our own ports, but would be enabled to leave them
for the purpofe of carrying on ofl'enfive war. Mr
Courteney oppofed the projebled fydem of fortifica¬
tion, together with Captain M‘Bride, General Bur-
goyne, and Colonel Barre. This lad gentleman con¬
tended, that the fiiperiority of our navy, which ought
always to be fupported, rendered it unneceffary for
us to have recourfe to fortification. He made a gene¬
ral attack upon the duke of Richmond, as inexperi¬
enced in war, and as lavifhing away money upon an
abfurd fydem of fortification, while he oppreffed, by
an ill-judged economy, the corps of engineers and ar¬
tillery, w'hich wfere the only parts of the army found¬
ed in fcience and profedionally learned. He conclud¬
ed, by propofing, that a council of officers diould be
confulted on the fubjeft. Mr Pitt defended the duke
of Richmond’s chara&er, but agreed to this lad pro-
pofal, of taking the opinion of a council of officers j
which put an end to the debate. ^
A bill paffed for better regulating the office of the Ads for re-
treafurer of the navy, without any fort of oppofition. A- gulatjng
nother bill, to which little objebiion was made, paffed,
for the better examining the public accounts j but another fices.
bill brought forward by Mr Pitt, forthe general reform of
public offices, met with drenuous oppofition. Mr Sheri¬
dan afferted, that it wms unneceffary, as the treafurypof-
feffed full power to make the reforms. He faid, that
the bill had no important objeft in view, that it was
a mere rat-catching bill, indituted for the purpofe of
prying into vermin abufes 5 and Mr Burke following-
out this argument, contraded, in drong terms, the
trifiing economy which was here propofed, with the
prodigality of the miniders in their proceedings re-
fpe&ing the revenues of the Carnatic, in the fandlion
they had given to the pretended debts due by the na¬
bob of Arcot. The bill, however, was fupported by
Mr Powis and other independent members j and ha¬
ving paffed through both houfes, received the royal
affent. During the fird nine years of Mr Pitt’s admi-
nidration, his mode of management, in the treafury Manner'm
department, at the head of which he was placed, ap- which the
pears to have been this : He invedigated, with as revenue
much accuracy as poffible, the emoluments of all the Wj?
fervants of government, in the various departments of L° e 6
office throughout the country ; and wherever it was
poffible to do fo, he retrenched the allowances of the
inferior fervants of the date, with confiderable fe-
verity, leaving, in general, the higher and more
confpicuous officers in the poffeffion of their ufual
emoluments. He introduced a variety of regulations
to prevent fmuggling, which he fuccefsfully repreffed }
and he alfo colle&ed the revenue wdth remarkable at¬
tention and accuracy. In former times, the cudom
with Britiffi miniders ufually had been, to impofe a
confiderable number of taxes, and to levy thefe taxes
mildly, .
I
B R I
[ 598 J
B R I
Britain, mildly. If the revenue fell (hort, it was augmented
by more taxes levied in the fame negligent way. 1 bus
individuals were never feverely treated $ and the col-
leftion of the revenue bore a character of extreme le¬
nity, for which the miniller of the day often fuffered,
in confequence of the popular odium which he was
under the neceflity of encountering, by propofing new
taxes. But under Mr Pitt’s adminiftration, the reve¬
nue was collected in every department with greater
ftridtnefs 5 and thus he was enabled to obtain large
fums of money, without the neceflity of impofing ma-
ijyg ny new taxes.
IriOi propo- ^ One of the molt important efforts of legiflation that
fitions. were made during the prefent feflion of parliament,
confifted of an attempt by Mr Pitt to eflablifh a plan
of commercial union between the two kingdoms of
Great Britain and Ireland. This plan was propofed
to the Irifh houfe of commons on the 7th of February,
by Mr Ord. It confifted of ten articles, ufually ftyled
the Iri/h propofiiions. They paffed with little debate,
and an addrefs of approbation was voted to his maje-
Ity. On the 22d of the fame month, Mr Pitt intro¬
duced the fubjeft to the Britifli houfe of commons.
He ftated the falfe and oppreflive policy which had
long been exercifed by government, in regard to Ire¬
land, the objedl of which was to render her complete¬
ly fubfervient to the intereff and opulence of this coun¬
try. She had been {hut out from every fpecies of
commerce, and reftrained from fending the produce
of her own foil to foreign markets. This policy had
been gradually relaxed during the prefent century :
but the fyftem had not been completely reverfed till
within a few years preceding. Yet, although the fo¬
reign commerce of Ireland had been placed on a bet¬
ter footing, the intercourfe between the two countries
had never been eftablifhed upon equal and reciprocal
principles. Mr Pitt propofed to allow the produce of
the colonies to be imported into Britain through Ire¬
land, and to equalize the duties on the produce and
manufadlures of both countries. In return for this
conceflion, he wifhed to flipulate, that the parliament
of Ireland fhould permanently and irrevocably fecure
an aid towards defraying the expence of prote&ing the
general commerce of the empire in time of peace.
After fome debates upon the fubjeft, petitions from
Liverpool, Paifley, Glafgow, Manchefter, and other
places, were prefented againft themeafare, to the amount
of 60 in number, the confequence of which w?as, that
from the 16th of March to the 12th of May, the
houfe of commons were almoft inceffantly employed
in hearing counfel and examining witneffes. Certain
exceptions w’ere now introduced to the general rule of
admitting an equal commerce between the countries.
Corn, meal, flour, and beer, were made exceptions
in favour of Britifh agriculture. Various regulations
were alfo introduced, to fecure an effe&ual equality of
duties upon every particular objeft of trade in both
countries. The plan, after all its amendments, pro-
777 duced a great variety of debates, in the courfe of
Lord North which Lord North expreffed his wdfh for a complete
incorporating union of the two kingdoms, in prefe¬
rence to a partial fettlement, wdiich might prove the
fource of perpetual difcord. In the houfe of lords,
the refolutions were warmly oppofed by the earl of
Carlifle, Lord Stormont, Lord Loughborough, Lord
recom¬
mends an
union with
Ireland.
Sackvillc, and the earl of Derby. They were fuc- Britain,
cefsful, however, in both houfes ; but by this time a
great part of the Irifh parliament had become difiatis-
fied with the plan. A majority of l 27 voted in its
favour in the houfe of commons againft 108. But a-
gainft fuch an oppofition adminiftration did not think
fit to prefs its adoption.
The American war, in fome meafure, withdrew the
inclinations of the Britifh nation, for a time, from
ideas of conqueft and military fplendour. Commercial
purfuits were now chiefly valued, and formed a great
objeft of purfuit, both with the government and the
people. To follow thefe with complete fuccefs, it
w^as neceflary that a good underftanding ftiould be pre-
ferved wdth the neighbouring powers. This was ac¬
cordingly done, though with fome difficulty, in confe¬
quence of certain foreign occurrences, not unworthy
of attention. 778
Jofepih II. was at this time at the head of the houfe Ptojedted
of Auftria and of the Germanic body. Among theexclia^geuf
various projefts which marked his rtftlefs career, he ^acv’ana»
formed one of no fmall importance, which, had it
been attended with fuccefs, would fcarcely have failed
to affe<B the future condition of the Germanic body.
He entered fecretly into a negociation with the eleftor
of Bavaria, then an infirm old man, for an exchange
of that eleftorate for the provinces of the Auftiian
Netherlands. The Netherlands were to be converted
into a kingdom, and the future title was to be that of
Auftrafia, according to fome, and of Burgundy, ac¬
cording to others. It appears, that Count Roman-
zow, the Ruffian minifter to the diet of Frankfort, in¬
formed the duke of Deuxponts, the nephew and heir
of the elector of Bavaria, of the fubftance of this
treaty 5 and, at the fame time ailured him, that the
treaty would be carried into execution, whether ne
confented to the exchange or not. The duke gave
notice of this alarming meafure in the month of Ja¬
nuary of this year, to the celebrated Frederick II.
king of Pruflia, who regarded it as a moft dangerous
projett to his own independence, as well as to that of
the other German ftates. He endeavoured inftantly
to fpread an alarm through Europe. He alleged,
that the propofed exchange was in the higheft degree
iniquitous and unfair. Fhe population on both fides
was indeed nearly equal ; but the extent of territory
•on the fide of Bavaria, more than doubled that of the
low countries, and their refpeftive revenues were
equally difproportioned. In Bavaria, agriculture,
commerce, and finance, were notoriouffy neglefted ;
while, in the Auftiian Netherlands thefe refources
were extended to their utmoft pitch •, fo that, while
the territory which the emperor hoped to acquire was
capable of the moft confiderable improvements, that
which he gave away might rather be expected to de¬
cline in political refources. Thefe circumftances, how¬
ever, were of little importance, compared with the
political confequences w:hich muft reiult from fuch a
meafure. The Netherlands being fituated at a di-
ftance from the great body of the Auftrian dominion,
had always proved rather a fource of weaknefs, than
of ftrength to that power. A confiderable revenue
was indeed derived from thefe provinces j but it was
often dearly bought, in confequence of the wars occa-
fioned by the vicinity of France. Great political ef¬
forts
B R I
of late years been made by tbe
Britain, forts had
- Vienna, to avoid all future grounds of quarrel with
the French monarchy. This had been accomplilhed,
by the marriage of an Auftrian princefs, to the dau¬
phin, now king of France ; and the relinquiihment of
the Netherlands would have gone far towards com¬
pleting the projeft. The polTeflion of Bavaria, at the
fame time, from its vicinity to the reft of the Auftrian
dominions, would have fecured to the emperor a chain
of territory from the banks of the Rhine along a great
part of the courfe of the Danube *, and would have be¬
llowed upon him fuch a prepondeiancy, as would have
overturned all ftradow of power in Germany that could
have reftfted the head of the empire. This mighty
country, might thus, at no remote period, have been
confolidated into one mafs, and Auftria would proba¬
bly have inftantly ranked in every fenfe as the firft
power in Europe.
Thus Frederick the II. reafoned. Succeeding
events may, perhaps, lead us to fufpefl, that this
acquifition of ftrength by the houfe of Auftria, might
have proved of confiderable utility to Europe ; but
at the time when the plan was propofed, it excited
very general apprehenfions. 'I he treaty for the ex¬
change had been concluded under the aufpices of
Ruflia and France, and to them the king of Pruflia
addrefled his remonftrances. The emperor of Germa¬
ny and the eledor of Bavaria, however, foon found
their plan fo ftrongly difapproved of by other powers,
that they abfolutely difavowed it. The eledlor, in the
Munich gazette, and the emperor by his ambafladors,
afferted, that they had never entertained any defign
of making fuch an exchange. But the court of France,
inftead of denying the negotiation, contented itfelf
with replying to the remonftrance of the king of Pruf-
fia, that the exchange had been propofed, as depend¬
ing upon the voluntary arrangement of the parties $
and, as the duke of Deuxponts had refufed his con-
fent, the propofttion of courfe became fruitlefs. The em-
prefs of Ruftia, was fo far from concealing her acceflion
^ to the meafure, that Ihe defended it as highly equitable.
League to Frederick, in the mean time, exerted himfelf with
protefl: the great aftiduity in negotiating a league with the eleflors
Germanic of Hanover and Saxony, for the prefervation of the
Germanic conftitution, and to prevent fuch ceflions
and exchanges of territory as might prove injurious to
the balance of power in the empire. A treaty to this
purpofe was concluded on the 23d of July, and vari¬
ous German princes acceded to it, among whom have
been enumerated the eledlor of Mentz, the landgrave
of Hefle Caffel, the dukes of Brunfwick, Namur, Saxe-
gotha, and the prince of Anhalt. The eleftor of Ha¬
nover appears to have entered with much readinefs in¬
to the tranfaftion, and from that period a very inti¬
mate connexion commenced between the courts of
London and Berlin. By fome Britifh politicians,
however, it was fuppofed, that the oppofition made to
the imperial projedl was unwife, as it tended to excite
a fpirit of hoftility againft us on the part of the houfe
of Auftria, which, of all the powers of the continent,
was confidered as one of our moft natural allies, in
confequence of the ancient hoftility which had exifted
between that power and France, and which was
thought likely to break out anew at fome fu¬
ture period, notwithftanding the efforts at prefent
1 599 1 B R I
court of made for its extinction. It was probably in confe- Britain,
quence of a jealoufy of Britain produced by this tranf- "V—"*'
adtion, that the emperor published an edifl totally pro¬
hibiting the importation of Britifli manufadtures into
any part of the Auftrian dominions. In the courfe of
the fummer a French edift had alfo reftri&ed the fale
of various articles of Britifh manufa&ure, particularly
iadlery, hoftery, woollen cloths, and hard-ware, unlefs
upon payment of duties, the amount of which was
equivalent to a prohibition. To counteract thefe pro- 780
ceedings, by wdnch the commerce of this country muft C°mme^-
eventually have been narrowed, commercial treatiescial treatl(p
were negotiated with the courts of Peterfburgh andnC&0CUte'"
Verfailles. The latter of thefe was undertaken in pur-
fuance of a provifion in the definitive treaty of peace,
and the negotiator appointed on the part of Great
Britain on the 9th of December was Mr William
Eden. The acceptance of this appointment w-as re-
prefented by the perfons who oppofed the prefent ad-
miniftration as a fignal example of political apoitafy, as
it was faid, that Mr Eden had not only been the ori¬
ginal projeClor of the celebrated coalition in 1783, but
a principal fupporter of the refclutions made by the
conftitu¬
tion.
houfe of commons againft the adminiftration of Mr Pitt
at the commencement of the year 1784.
Parliament met on the 24th of January 1786. In Meeting of
the fpeech from the throne fome notice was taken of P^hament.
the continental difpute already mentioned, which, it
was faid, had terminated in fuch a way as to threaten g;5
no interruption to the tranquillity of Europe. This Relation of
excited fome debate, in which Mr Pitt declined enter-Britain and
ing into any defence of the Germanic league, as he^anover
and his colleagues in office had mot interfered in thedebatcd'
formation of it. He faid, that accident alone had
placed the fovereignty of Hanover and of this country
in the fame hands, and he defired to have it underftood
that Great Britain wTas by no means bound by any
leagues entered into by the eleCIor of Hanover. He
thought the only way for Great Britain to avoid em¬
broiling herfelf in the quarrels of Hanover, was for our
adminiftration to remain as much as poffible unconnect¬
ed wdth Hanoverian politics. Hence, unlefs in fome
lingular cafes, he did not account it incumbent upon
the minifter of this country to lay before parliament
arrangements made by the advice of the minifters of
that electorate.
Mr Fox, on the contrary, denied that the affairs of
Hanover could be feparated from thofe of Britain.
He ftated the fuppofition, that it ffiould hereafter ap¬
pear an effential aCt of policy for Great Britain to join
the court of Vienna againft the league of the Germanic
princes, and that the eleCtor of Hanover Ihould appear
as one of thofe princes at the head of his ow7n troops.
Mr Fox put the queftion, Whether a Britiffi army
could be direfted to aCI hoftilely againft troops led by
their fovereign in the charaCIer of eleftor of Hanover ?
He remarked, that when George I. purchafed Bremen
and Verden from Denmark, the minifter at that time,
General Stanhope, ufed precifely the fame language^
and told the houfe of commons, that they had nothing
to do with his majefty’s conduCt refpeCling his eleCIoral
dominions. I he confequence, however, was, that the
refentment of the Swedilh monarch Charles XII. on
account of this tranfaCHon, threatened Great Britain
With a moft dangerous invafion ; and the very next
year
B R I
Britain.
7S3
Duke of
year General Stanhope was under the neceiTity of de-
' manding additional fupplies, to enable his majefty to
defray the expences to which he was expofed in con-
fequence of his purchafe.
The firft objett that came before parliament, to
which any great degree of public attention was diredt-
[ 600 J
B R I
Britain.
Richmond’sed, related to the duke of Richmond’s plan of fortiti-
fortifica
tions,
cations. In confequence of the debate which had
formerly taken place upon the fubjedt in the houfe of
commons, the plan was remitted to the confideration
of a board of officers on the 13th of April 1785* T
duke of Richmond was appointed prefidcnt of the
board*, in confequence of which General Conway,
Lord Amherff, and Lord \ ifcount I ownfhend, de¬
clined to a£t, becaufe he w*as their junior as an officer.
Thofe who adtually affifted were Lieutenant-generals
Earl Percy, Earl Cornw7allis, Sir Guy Carleton, Sir
William Howre, Sir David Lindfay, Sir Charles Grey,
Lord George Lennox, and John Burgoyne, together
with fix major-generals. '1 he naval officers were
Vice-admirals Barrington and Milbank, Rear-admirals
Graves and Lord Hood, together with Captains Ho-
tham, Macbride, Bowyer, Luttrel, Sir John Jervis,
and Sir Andrew Snape Hammond. On the 10th of
February Mr Pitt dated to the houfe of commons,
that the board had reported to his majefty their ap¬
probation of the plans as perfectly adequate^ to the
defence intended, and as being at the fame time the
leaft expenfive in the conftrudiion, and requiring a
imaller force to man them than any other that could
be propofed. He ftated, however, that it would be
imprudent for him to lay before the public a matter of
fo ferious and delicate a nature as the^ report of the
naval and military officers refpefting lo important a
fubjeft as the defence of our dock-yards 5 but he pre-
fented an eftimate of the expence neceffary to con-
ftru£l the fortifications which had been prepared by the
board of engineers. The adverfaries of the meafure
were not fatisfied with the withholding entirely the re¬
port of the board of officers. Mr Sheridan contended,
that Mr Pitt might very poffibly have mifunderftood
the report, which might be liable to different conftruc-
tions ; and in this remark he was fupported by Gene¬
ral Burgoyne, wffio propofed, that the minifter ffiould
lay before the houfe as much of the report as could be
publiffied without danger to the ftate. He alleged,
that, for the fake of obtaining a report in favour of his
plan, the duke of Richmond had propofed hypothetical
queftions, wffiich could not fail to be anfweied in the
affirmative. General Burgoyne faid, he would.not be
guilty of a breach of confidence, by mentioning the
hypothetical cafes that had been ftated to the board,
but that fome of them were as extravagant as if it were
alked, “ Suppofe by fome ftrange convulfion of nature,
that the ftraits betw'een Dover and Calais ffiould be
no more, and that the coafts fhould meet and unite,
would it not be a politic expedient, and abfolutely
neceffary, to fortify the ifthmus or neck of land be¬
tween France and England ?” It appeared during the
debate, that at the meetings of the board o^ officers
the plan had been oppofed by Earl Percy7 and Captain
Macbride. This laft gentleman pointedly condemned
the whole fyftem, afferting the utter inutility of all
kinds of fortification for the national defence 3 and he
affured the houfe, that his opinion was iupported by ^_
the fan&ion of Admiral Barrington. _ " v
The decifion of the houfe of commons refpefling 784
the whole affair was delayed till the end of February, ^ |qanof
and in the mean time adminiftration confented to pro- fortifica.
duce the greater part of the papers demanded. The tions.
fubjetl was again brought forward by Mr Pitt, who
propoied the following reiolution, “ That it appeared
to the houfe, that to provide efft&ually for fecuring
the dock-yards of Portfmouth and Plymouth by a per¬
manent fyftem of fortification founded upon the moft
economical principles, and requiring the fmalleft num¬
bers of troops poffible to anfwer the purpofe of fuch
fecurity, w7as an effential objeft for the fafety of. the
ftate, intimately connedled with the general defence of
the kingdom, and neceffary to enable the fleet to a£t
with full’vigour and effett for the proteftion of com¬
merce, the fupport of our diftant poffeffions, and the
profecution of offenfive operations, in any war in which
the nation might hereafter be engaged.” Mr Pitt
fupported the meafure chiefly on this footing, that
the protedlion of our dock-yards was apt to occupy a
part of the navy in time of wTar, and thereby to reduce
us to the neceffityof merely defenfive operations; where¬
as, by fortifying the dock-yards, the navy might wfith
more fafety be fent to a diftance, wffiich was with difficul¬
ty accompliftied in the late war, when it w7as neceffary to
make a powerful effort for the relief of Gibraltar. He
afferted, that the fortifications propofed w7ould afford a
cheaper defence to the dock-yards than could be obtained
by7 building an additional number of Ihips of w7ar. He
remarked, that fuch ffiips could not be indefinitely in-
creafed, as in the nature of things there muft exift a
limit beyond which Great Britain can neither build
nor man any additional veffels.
The oppofition to the fortifications was opened by the
country gentlemen. IVIr Baftard contended, that the
ftrongholds now propofed to be built would become femi-
naries for prsetorian bands. He reprobated the idea of
tearing the enfign of Britiffi glory from the maft-head,
and fixing it on the ramparts of a military gamfon. The
meafure w7as farther oppofed by Sir William Lenox,
General Burgoyne, Mr Marflham, Mr Windham, Mr
Courteney, Lord North, and I\jr Fox But it was
defended by Vilcount Mahon, Lord Hood, Sir Charles
Middleton," Captains Barclay, Bowyer, and Luttrel,
Mr Hawkins Brown, and Mr Dundas. Captain
Macbride afferted, that the report was improperly ob¬
tained; that the duke of Richmond rather guided and
dictated the decifion than merely prefided in the.af-
fembly ; that it was the firft board of officers in wffiich
both queftion and anfwer came from the prefident and
fenior members : in every other cafe the junior officer
gave his opinion firft, but that this eftablifhed mode of
proceeding had been completely reverfed. Mr She¬
ridan difcuffed the fubjeft at great length. He con¬
tended, that the wffiole projeft was utterly unconfti-
tutional : that there was a great and important di-
ftinftion between troops feparated from their fellow
citizens in garrifons and forts, and men living fcattered
and entangled in all the common duties and con¬
nexions of their countrymen. He afferted. that the
ftrong military holds now propofed, if maintained, as
they muft be in peace, by full and difciplined garri¬
fons,
I
Britain.
7*5
laws.
B R I t 601 ] B R I
fons, would produce tenfold the means of curbing and
fubduing the country that could arife from doubling
the prefent eftablifhment; with this aggravation, that
the naval ftores and magazines, the fources of future
navies, the prefervation of which was the pretence for
thefe unaffailable fortreifes, would become a pledge
and hoftage in the hands of the crown to enfure the
unconditional fubmiflion of the nation. He afferted,
that the fyftem would not flop with Portfmouth and
Plymouth : that the fame board of officers, going a
circuit round the coafts of the kingdom, would eafi-
ly find abundance of places neceffary to be defended
in like manner: that at various'places between Chatham
and Sheernefs extenfive lines had actually been begun
under the aufpices of the duke of Richmond, which
muft neceffarily be provided for according to the new
fyftem.
The refult of the debate was, that upon a vote the
houfe divided equally, 169 being upon each fide.
The fpeaker gave his carting vote in oppofition to the
meafure. The fame queftion, however, w7as revived
on the 17th of May by Mr Pitt, who propofed, that
■the plan of fortification ftiould ftill be carried on at
Portfmouth and Plymouth, though upon a more li¬
mited fcale, amounting in all to 400,000k Mr Pitt’s
motion was oppofed with much feveiity of language,
and at length withdrawn. On the 7th of June, the
fum of 59,780!. was, in confequence of a new eftimate,
voted for the entire completion of the works already
begun.
The attention of parliament was for fome time
engaged during this feffion with a propofal, firft brought
forward by Mr Charles Marffiam, for reducing the
laws relative to the militia into one aft of parliament,
and providing for their being annually called out and
difciplined. Mr Pitt oppofed the calling out of the
militia annually ; but afterwards, finding a different
opinion to prevail, he confented, on condition that,
though the whole number of men ffiould be balloted
for and enrolled, only two-thirds fhould be aftually
employed, which would produce a faving of 40,000!.
The meafure in general of regularly calling out the
militia did not pafs without oppofition. Mr Rolle
obferved, that it had been found prejudicial to the
morals of the people, gave them habits of debauchery
and idlenefs, and always rendered them worfe mem¬
bers of fociety than they were before. The militia
bill, after it had paffed the commons,, did not pafs
without debate in the houfe of lords. Lord Vifcount
Townffiend had been the original mover of the efta-
bliftiment in the houfe of commons, in confequence of
the difguft expreffed by the nation, when, in the year
I757, a body of Hanoverians and Heffians were
brought into the kingdom for its internal fecurity.
That nobleman now enlarged confiderably upon the
fubjeft. He mentioned the militia of France, of
Spain, of Pruffia, and of the emperor, and ffiowed
how much inferior Great Britain was to any of thefe
powers in this important eftablilhment. He treated
with contempt the penurioufnefs of adminiftration with
regard to this invaluable eftabliffiment, while the
buildings at Somerfet-houfe, the admiralty, and for the
ordnance, engroffed fo much of the public expenditure.
Earl Stanhupe (lately Vilcount Mahon) propofed the
following amendment upon the aft, without making
Vol. IV. Part II.
any addition to the national expence : Ballot, faid he, Britain.
21,000 militia, and inftead of five, let the term of * *"
their fervice be fix years. At the end of three years
ballot 21,000 more j of this number call out, train,
and exercife, only 7000 every year. Let this be done
in rotation till the whole amount of 4^,000 men has
been difciplined, being double the number contained
in the aft. The propofal was only objefted to be-
caufe it was too late in the feffion to debate the prin¬
ciple of the bill, and that if it were altered in that
houfe it might be totally loft. ^
The fubjeft which the minifter probably wiftied Mr Pitt's
ffiould make a principal figure during this feflion of^n,c‘nff
parliament, was the propofal of a finking fund to betun *
applied towards difcharging the public debt. He had oc-
cafionally mentioned it, during the preceding feffion, as a
great and important national meafure which he intend¬
ed to bring forward. Accordingly, early in the prefent
feflion, Mr Pitt moved that certain papers fliould be
laid upon the table of the houfe of commons, to en¬
able them to form an eftimate of the annual amount
of the national revenue, as well as the amount of the
public expenditure, from which they might judge of
the exifting difpofable furplus, and of the fum it would
be farther neceffary to provide to raife the total to the
amount requifite to form the bafis of the intended fink¬
ing fund. On the 7th of March, Mr Pitt propofed
the appointment by ballot of a feleft committee of nine
perfons to examine thefe papers, and to report the re¬
fult to the houfe. He ftated his intention to be, to
take every poffible ftep to give complete fatisfaftion to
the nation in a matter of fuch general concern ; and
he conceived that the folemnity of a committee, and the
formality of a report, would anfwer this purpofe better
than a fet of unconnefted papers or the affirmation of
a minifter. The members elefted into the committee
were, the marquis of Graham, Mr William Grenville,
Mr Edward Elliot, Mr Role, Mr Wilberforce, Mr
Beaufoy, Mr John Call, Mr Smith, and Mr Adding¬
ton, the two lart of whom had been the mover and
feconder of the addrefs upon the fpeech from the throne.
After this committee had made its report, Mr Pitt, on
the 29th March, propofed his plan to the commons in
a committee of the whole houfe. He congratulated
parliament upon the profpefts of the nation, in a ftyle
of animated eloquence. He remarked that the country-
had been engaged in a moft unfortunate war, which
added fuch accumulation to our immenfe debts, that
furrounding nations, and many among ourfelves, believ¬
ed that our powers muft neceffarily fail, and we muft
fink under the burden j but that the day was at length
arrived when defpondency might be difregarded, and
our profpefts brightened on every fide, when the na¬
tion could look its fituation in the face, and eftabliffi a
fpirited and permanent plan for relieving itfelf of its in¬
cumbrances. Mr Pitt ftated the revenue for the cur-
rent year, as reported by the committee, to amount to
I5»397>OOC)l- The intereft of the national debt was
9,275,769!. and the civil lift 900,000!. which, together
with the whole other expenditure for the army and navy,
and other eftablilhments, amounted to 14,478,000!. } of
confequence, there remained a furplus of the annual in¬
come, above the expenditure, of 900,000!. One million
he ftated to be the fum annually to be contributed to
the finking fund, and to make up the fum of ioo,oool.
4 G wanted
B R I r 602 1 B R I
Britain, wanted to complete this amount, he propofed fmall ad-
ditional taxes upon fpirits, timber, and hair-powder and
perfumery. He propofed that the fum of i,oco,oool.
thus made up, fhould be placed in the hands of com-
miffioners appointed for that purpofe, in quarterly pay¬
ments of 250,000!. each, to begin on the 5th of the
following July. He wifhed that the commiflioners
fhould confift of perfons of rank and diftinftion ; the
fpeaker of the houfe of commons, the chancellor of the
exchequer, the mailer of the rolls, the governor and
deputy-governor of the bank of England, and the ac-
comptant-general of the high court of chancery. Mr
Pitt faid, that, by taking care to lay out the finking
fund regularly at compound intereft, the million to
be applied would rife to a very great amount, in a
period .that is not very long in the life of an indi¬
vidual, and is but an hour in the exifience of a nation.
It would diminifh the debt of this country fo much, as
to prevent the exigencies of war from ever railing it
to the enormous height they had hitherto done. In
the period of 28 years, the firm of a million, annually
improved, -would produce an income of 4,000,000!.
per annum. By placing the fum in the hands of com-
miflioners, to be applied by them quarterly to the pur-
chafe of ftock, no fum would every lie within the
grafp of a minifter great enough to tempt him to in¬
fringe upon this national revenue. It could not be
done by ftealth, and a minifter would not have the
confidence to come to that houfe exprefsly to demand
787 the repeal of fo neceffary a law.
Rebates on Mr Fox approved in general of the inftitution of a
the finking finking fund, but thought 28 years too long a period
fund. to whjch to i00k forward for the effeft of this plan. Be¬
fore that term was arrived, it was not improbable we
might have another war 5 and a variety of circum-
flances might occur, which would operate as a tempta¬
tion to a future chancellor of the exchequer, and a
future houfe of commons, to repeal the aft, annul the
inftitution, and divert the appropriation of its ftock to
the immediate fervices of the year. He ftated two
fpecific objeftions to the plan. The firft was that the
fum appropriated ought not to have been made unalien¬
able in time of war. The fecond objeftion was, that,
by the inftitution, parliament being bound to nobody
but itfelf, the whole plan was liable to be annihilat¬
ed by a future parliament. Hence, he recommended
a plan formerly propofed, of paying off portions of the
national debt by the fubfcription of individuals, to
whom the faith of parliament fhould be engaged to
redeem or repay the fums advanced at certain ftated
periods. At a future ftage of the bufinefs, Mr Fox
repeated his objeftions, and at laft, in confequence of
the acquiefcence of Mr Pitt, he introduced an amend¬
ment into the plan, of the following nature : That
whenever a new loan fhould hereafter be made, the
minifter fhould not only propofe taxes fufficient to pay
the intereft of the loan, but alfo fufficient to make
good whatever it fhould be found expedient to take
from the finking fund to fupply the neceflities of the
nation. He meant, that if, when a new loan of fix
millions was propofed, there fhould be one million in
the hands of the commiffioners ; in fuch cafe, the com-
miflioners fhould take a million of the loan, and the
bonus or douceur of that million fhould be received by
them for the public ; fo that, in faft, the public would Britain,
only have five millions to borrow. t.i /-—*■*
In the houfe of lords, the other objeftion ftated by
Mr Fox to the conftitution of the finking fund, was
urged with fome variation by Earl Stanhope. He
pointed out in ftrong terms the danger which would oc¬
cur in future wars of diverting the fund from its pro¬
per deftination. He remarked that four millions of
free revenue, to which the finking fund was finally to
accumulate, would enable a minitter to obtain eighty
millions by way of loan. He propofed therefore, that
books fhould be opened at the bank to receive the
names of fuch holders of ftock bearing three per cent,
intereft as fhould confent to accept of 90I. for every
100I. of their prefent capital, whenever the public
fhould be defirous of redeeming the faid capital at that
price, and that all holders of this new ftock fhould be
entitled to be paid off before any part of the other
public debts fhould be redeemed ; referving always
however, for a time, to the commiffioners of the fink¬
ing fund, the power of purchafing ftock at the market
price. In recommendation of his fcheme, Lord Stan¬
hope produced the letters of feveral eminent brokers,
bankers, and merchants, and alfo of Dr Richard Price.
Lord Camelford (formerly Mr Thomas Pitt), objefted
to this propofal, that the plan of paying off the na¬
tional debt by purchafing it at the market price was
more advantageous for the public, becaufe it made
a period of war the time in which it would be moft
eafy to difcharge the debt. The bill was therefore
without any alteration paffed into a law. 7^
This eftablifhment of a finking fund appears to Remarks
have been the moft favourite of Mr Pitt’s plans of on the
finance, and that which produced to him the great-f^jns
eft degree of popularity. In confequence of his hav¬
ing remained in power during the long and expenfive
war which fucceeded its eftablifhment, it continued
regularly and fully to be carried into effeft. When
a new loan was made, the minifter not only propofed
taxes fufficient to pay the annual intereft of the new
debt, but alfo fufficient to afford a furplus or finking
fund of one per cent, per annum, to be applied by the
commiffioners towards the extinftion of the debt.
With regard to the value of this, or of any other
plan for paying off the public debts of a nation, it is
perhaps ftill fomewhat difficult to form a correft efti-
mate. It has been found by experience that the ex-
iftence of a great public debt has the moft powerful
influence in giving liability to a government, by at¬
taching to its exiftence a numerous body of public cre¬
ditors, who muft always dread the confequences of any
important revolution in the conftitution of the ftate.
This will always be a fortunate or an unfortunate
circumftance to a nation, according to the nature of
its political conftitution. It is good, however, in fo
far, as it alienates the minds of men from rafh and
hafty projefts of change, which muft always be dange¬
rous. With regard to the diredl effedls of fuch a fund,
in diminifhing the public debts, it may be remarked,
that, from what has hitherto occurred, it does not ap¬
pear that in the prefent ftate of the European nations,
eager as they are to engage in frequent wars, any
finking fund can actually extinguilh the debts of a
nation. The only effeff of fuch a fund, when well con¬
trived
B R I [ 603 ] B R I
Britain, trived and fteadily adhered to, feefns to be that it en-
' ables a nation to maintain its credit in very difficult
circumftances, and thereby to carry on the accumu¬
lation of public debt to the highelt poffible amount,
and thereby to make trial in the completed: manner, of
all the moral and political confequences of the funding
fylfem. But whatever may be the ultimate effeft of
the particular finking fund eftablifiied in 1786, Mr
Pitt had only the merit of adopting it and putting it in
force } as it is now generally underftood, that the
projefl was not of his own contrivance, but only for¬
med one, and that too not the molt efficient, of three
plans prefented to him by Dr Price.
During the prefent feflion, Mr Pitt confiderably
improved the revenue by fubjefting to the excife laws
the duties levied upon wines. His chief objedl was to
prevent the fraudulent manufa&ure of wine at home,
which w7as afterwards fold as foreign wine. This he
faid would be accompliffied by excife officers vifiting
the cellars of dealers in wines. The propofal met
with confiderable oppofition, from the general averfion
to the extenfion of the excife laws, but it was never-
thelels carried into effect. When the eftimates for
the navy were voted, fome obfervations were fuggeft-
ed by Captain Macbride, which are worthy of being
recorded on account of their relation to the progreffive
improvement of the chief defence of the Britilh illes.
Beft fize of He cenfured extremely the voting very large fums of
ihips of money for the repair of 60 and 64 gun ftiips, and
obferved that our having fo many veffels of this fort
was a principal reafon of the many defeats we had
fuffered in the lafl: war. The French had not now
more than three or four 64 gun Ihips, and they took
care not to build any new ones upon that conftrudlion.
Another thing againft our navy, was that the French
74 gun ffiips were of 2000 tons burden, while our
74’s had been reduced to 1600 tons. Captain Mac-
bride faid, he verily believed, that if the number
of our (hips wrere reduced by one-third, the navy of
England would prove one-third the ftronger. He
was ftill more fevere in his condemnation of the fyftem
of fuffering the flaps to remain in their copper bot¬
toms during a time of peace. He contended, that if
we perfifted in this idea, there would be no occafion to
argue whether ffiips of one fize or another fhould be
built, for w7e ffiould foon have no navy in our pofl’ef-
fion. The French had difcovered the folly of the
praftice, and for fome time had left off the mode of
f he a thing their flaps. We ought therefore to do the
fame, or at leaf! to take off the copper when the
flaps were to lie long in ftill water. The copper cor¬
roded and ate more into their bolts than either worms
or time. The confequence would be, that the inftant
the {hips which had been long laid by were fent to
lea, their bottoms would drop out, and thoufands of
brave feamen would perifli in the ocean. The ideas of
Captain Macbride were confirmed by Sir John Jer¬
vis j and, fo far as related to the fheathing with cop-
t per, by Captain Luttrel.
General At this time the Britifli nation, recovered from the
Rate of the effetts of the late war, was proceeding in a train of con-
empire. fiderable profperity. The adminiftration of juftice was
proceeding at home in the ordinary train famftioned
by the conftitution, and produced its ufual and natural
effe&s of tranquillity and general fatisfaftion. The
789
Wine du¬
ties fub-
jedted to
the excife.
700
fovereign, in confequence of his domeftic virtues and Eritain.
regular life, was perfonally popular. The members u—-v—-'
of adminiftration had obtained their offices under cir¬
cumftances which originally fecured the good will of
the nation ; and no public events had occurred to ex-
pofe their charatfters to any fevere trial, or to produce
an alteration in the public opinion with regard to
them. Still, however, the moft diftinguifhed mcmbcis
of the late coalition continued to hold feats in parlia¬
ment, and naturally wifhed to attraft the public notice,
and to refeue themfelves from the negledt into which
of late they had fallen. For this purpofe, they ap¬
pear to have looked towards our Indian empire,
for materials upon which to exert their talents, and to
demonflrate their public fpirit. Their principal effort
confifted of an attempt, which was commenced during
the prefent feffion, by Mr Burke, to bring to trial and
puniftiment Warren Haftings, Efq. late governor gene¬
ral of Bengal, for crimes alleged to have been com¬
mitted in that country. 792
There is fomething in the nature of the Britifh con- The acqul-
ftitution, or rather, perhaps, of the conftitution 0f Iffi1011 of fo-
every free ftate, which renders the conqueft, or even ^|.fcs
the acquifition in any form, of foreign territories, not convenient
a little inconvenient. In the cafe of the Britiffi Ame-t° free
rican territories, a conftitution, lefs or more refem-ftates*
bling that of Great Britain, had been eftablifhed in
every feparate colony or province. Thefe feparate
conftitutions produced abundance of internal profperi¬
ty to the colonies ; but the whole formed a disjointed
empire, {lightly bound together by a limited execu¬
tive power, and deftitute of a common legiflature.
An attempt, made by the legiflature of the parent ftate
to make laws for the whole of the fubordinate commu¬
nities, gave rife to a wTar which ended in the difmem-
berment of the empire. The remaining foreign poffef-
fions, fuch as Ireland and the Weft India iflands,
might be fuppofed to remain in union with the metro¬
polis of the empire, chiefly in confequence of their
weaknefs, which rendered its protedlion neceffary to
their fafety, or made them incapable of erecting them¬
felves into feparate governments in oppofition to its
will. The territories which had been acquired by the
Britiffi nation in India, were, in this refpeft, in a ve¬
ry peculiar fituation. It might, perhaps, have been
poffible, by an incorporating union, and by extending the
privilege of reprefentation, to combine into one firm and
confolidated government the w-hole Britiffi iflands, to¬
gether wTith the American colonies : but this muft for
ever be impoffible with regard to the territory of Hin-
doftan. That great and fertile country being inhabit¬
ed by men of a feebler race, and of a difl'erent lan¬
guage and chara&er, is incapable of being united to
the Britifti nation upon principles of equal political 793
freedom. It had been originally acquired, not by a Mode in
conqueft made under the direft authority of the exe- wlfich the
cutive government of Britain; but by a company of
merchants, who, in a manner new in thelriftory of the^ia?6
world, by uniting the military fuperiority of Europeans
with the arts of commercial men, contrived gradually
to fubjugate one of the faireft portions of the habitable
globe, containing a population many times greater
than that of their native country. The progrefs of
fuch a power towards empire, was neceffarily attended
with the moft cruel hardfhips to the natives of the
4 G 2 fubjugated
B R 1 [ 604 j B R I
• Britain, fubjugated country. When the mercantile invaders
'“■‘“''v poffeiled abundance of European troops, they employ¬
ed them in making dire& conquefts of additional ter¬
ritory. When thefe troops were exhaufted by war or
by the climate, or, having enriched themfelves, had
returned to Europe loaded with the fpoils of the eaft,
and left their former employers in that quarter in a
ftate of confiderab’e weaknefs, the fervants of the com¬
pany, who remained there, exerted their ingenuity to
excite divifions among the native princes. When they
could no longer a£l as principals, they appeared as
leconds in every quarrel, and obtained new territories
as the reward of their aid. With fuch views they
formed and broke alliances with little delicacy 5 and,
on receiving fupplies of troops from Europe, like
other conquerors, they were never at a lofs for pre¬
tences, upon which to extend their dominion.
All this was the natural refult of the fituation of the
Eritiih Eaft India Company, with regard to the na¬
tives of Hindoftan. At the fame time as the jealou-
fy of the neighbouring ftates of Europe, together with
their equal progrefs in the art of war, had long put an
end to the extenfion of conquefts, and produced much
political moderation in the tranfaff ions of nations, many
of the people of the iiland of Great Britain learned with
aftoniftrment, that their countrymen were condufling
themfelves in Hindoftan, in a manner which in Eu¬
rope would be regarded with the utmoft abhorrence.
Such feelings, however, were in general loft in the
fentiment of national aggrandizement. Efforts, how¬
ever, had been made to ameliorate as much as poftible
the future government of India, by lubjeffing it, by
means of the a£ts of parliament already noticed, in a
confrderable degree, to the direft authority of the exe¬
cutive government of this country, inftead of fuffering
it to remain totally veiled in a company of merchants.
Here the prefent adminiftration appears to have wulh-
ed that the affair Ihould be fuffered to reft, and that
whatever was paft Ihould be overlooked and forgotten.
This, however, did not fuit the prefent views of op-
Mr Burke pofition. Mr Burke, in particular, had been led by an
•withes to ardent imagination to intereft himfell deeply in the
Haftfrio^ calamities which had been fuffe red by the natives of
to^riaf. India, in confequence of the conduift of our country¬
men. His feelings and the policy of his party at this
time coincided; and, accordingly, he endeavoured with
much eagernefs to bring to trial and puniftrment the
moft diftinguiftred perfon w’ho had of late years a£fed
795 upon the great theatre of Indian affairs.
Difficulties Great obftacles flood in the way of Mr Burke’s pro-
in kis way. p0fecj attempt to procure a parliamentary conviction of
Mr Haftings. He had to overcome a long feries of
unpopularity, the perfonal indifference that had been
drown to him by the houfe of commons, and their in-
difpofttion fo much as to give him a hearing, together
with a great degree of coldnefs, which the nation at large
had gradually acquired with regard to all complaints of
Eaft India delinquency. All thefe, howrever, he fur-
mounted by efforts of the moft obftinate perfeverance,
and of great eloquence, upon the fertile fubjeft of
cruelty, oppreffion, and treachery, committed under
the authority of the Britilh government in the eaft.
The public attention wTas gradually attracted to the
fubjeft j and at laft it formed the great fubjeft of con-
verfation, and of political remark, in all parts of the Britain,
illand. To produce this change in the fentiments of v’”—'
the nation, the whole efforts of Mr Fox and the other
members of oppofition were neceffary, in addition to
the inveflives of Mr Burke. 796
Mr Haftings had arrived in England on the l6thMr Burke’s
of June 1785, and on the 20th of that month, -^r
Burke had given notice of his intention to move for jf^Ungs.
an inquiry into the conduCl of the late governor. On
the day of the meeting of parliament, in January of ‘
this year, Major Scott, the particular friend of Mr
Haftings, publicly reminded Mr Burke of the menace
he had thrown out, and requefted Mr Burke fpeedily
to decide upon the part he was to take. According¬
ly, about the middle of February, this gentleman ha¬
ving refolved to proceed againft Mr Haftings, by
moving the houfe of commons to impeach him at the
bar of the houfe of lords, endeavoured to prepare to
fubftantiate the charges which were to be made, by
propofing, that the houfe fhouid order produdlion of
various papers 5 and motions to this effeft were re¬
newed by him at different periods. Thefe motions
gave rife to a variety of debates, in which Mr Dun-
das, who now added as minifter for India affairs (be¬
ing prefident of the board of controul), together with
Sir Lloyd Kenyon, mailer of the rolls, chiefly oppo-
fed Mr Burke, and placed conliderable difficulties in
his way. Mr Pitt appeared alfo favourable to Mr Ha¬
ftings ; but, upon the whole, he thought fit to affume
the charadter of adling as a candid and impartial judge
upon the occafion, without affording protedflion to the
accufcd party, or favour to the accufer. Thefe de¬
bates excited much attention at the time, but are not
of fufficient importance to require to be ftated in de¬
tail in a concife hiftory of the period. At laft, in the
month of April, Mr Burke prefented to the houfe his
charges againft Mr Haftings, which amounted to 21
in number, to which an additional article was after¬
wards added. The charges wrere of various degrees of
importance 5 and feme of them were of iuch w eight as
to excite a confiderable degree of public intereft. Mr
Haftings was accufed of driving a whole people, the
Rohillas, from their territory, without any pretence of
juftice ; of arbitrarily confifcating the property of the
native princes, and of imprifoning them and their fer¬
vants for the purpofes of extortion ; of entering into<
wTar with the Mahrattas without neceflity ; and of
treacheroufly delivering the Mogul into their hands
on making peace j together with a variety of other
charges of lefs importance. On the 26th of April,
Mr Haftings prefented a petition, requefting a copy
of the articles, and to be heard in his defence againft
them before any witneffes fhould be examined. This
requeft was granted ; and that gentleman having ap¬
peared at the bar, and ftated in ample terms the great
efforts which he had fuccefsfully made for the aggran¬
dizement of the Britilh powder in the eaft, he entered
into a particular defence of his condufl, in the parti¬
cular points upon which he had been accufed. He af-
ferted, that the Rohillas were a tribe of adventurers,
in driving whom from an ufurped territory, he had
only affifted ; that the princes or princeffes, whofe pro¬
perty he was accufed of having feized for the ufe
of the conquerors, had deferved their misfortunes
B R 1 [ ^05 ] B R I
Britain, by their treacherous intrigues or rebellion ; that the
•—vr"—war with the Mahrattas had not been commenced by
him, and that the terms of the pacification were al-
moft univerfally confidered as advantageous; that the
Mogul had thrown himfelf into their hands, and was
entitled to no protection from the Britifh government.
Upon every other point, he afferted, in a fimilar man¬
ner, not merely the innocence, but the meritorious
nature of his conduct, retting his defence chiefly upon
fuch arguments as conquering princes ufe to jultify
their encroachments upon their weaker neighbours.
On the lit of June, Mr Burke brought forward, in
the houfe of commons, his firft charge, which related
to the expulfion of the Rohillas from their country, to
the number of 60,000 men, women, and children.
On this occafion Mr Burke exerted all his eloquence.
He afferted the purity of his motives in the profecu-
tion •, and reprefented it as not merely a queftion re-
fpeCting the character of an individual, or brought
forward for the mere purpofe of inflicting a hardfhip
upon him, but as a meafure neceffary for the eftablilh-
ment of the principle of refponfibility, with regard to
the future governors of our diftant poffeffions, and
therefore as a national and imperial queltion, decifive
of the good or ill government of millions now exilting
or yet unborn. He lamented the difficulty of giving
full effeCt to the charges, in confequence of the im-
menfe power and influence which the accufed gover¬
nor had enjoyed, which ftill afforded him protection,
and fupprefled information. The remotenefs of the
country, and the little interell which the Britiffi na¬
tion might take in the deltiny of an unknown peo¬
ple, augmented every other difficulty. However,
from the honour and humanity of the houfe, he truft-
ed to furmount all obftacles. He defcribed, in inte-
relting terms, the charaCter of the Rohillas, the fim-
plicity of their manners, the profperity of their coun¬
try, and their zeal for agriculture and commerce ; and
denied that there exifled any plaufible ground to juflify
the affiftance which Mr Haftings had given to one
of their rapacious neighbours to expel them from their
territory. After a debate, however, the houfe de¬
cided, by a vote of 119 againft 67, that this charge
did not contain fufficient matter of impeachment a-
gainft Mr Haftings.
The next article of crimination againft Mr Haftings,
was founded upon his oppreffive conduft towards Cheit
Sing, the rajah of Benares, from whom he firft arbi¬
trarily demanded payment of a fum of money, m ad¬
dition to his ordinary tribute, and, on delay of pay¬
ment, impofed upon him an enormous fine, of half a
million fterling ; infulted him by an ignominious ar-
relf, and thereafter drove him from his dominions.
This charge was opened by Mr Fox. Fie was oppo-
fed by Major Scott and Mr Grenville, who inveighed
againft the rajah, as having been unwilling to fupport
the Britifti power in a dangerous conteft in which it
was at that time engaged, and as having favoured the
views of its enemy. By this time, however, the re¬
peated difcuffions of the fubjeCI, which had occurred
during the prefent feffion of parliament, had gradually
begun to intereft the public at large. Pamphlets were
publiffied, in which Mr Haftings’s chara&er was very
violently attacked, and as eagerly defended. His ooit-
duCI as a governor in India, appeared, to the majority Britain,
of the people, fo totally inconftftent with thofe ideas v
of equity, which regulate the opinions of men in this
country, that a violent degree of popular indignation
was excited againft him. Hitherto he had been fup'
ported in the houfe of commons by thofe who ufually
adhered to adminiftration, though Mr Pitt himfelf had
on all occafions declared his. wiih to afl: candidly as a
judge, and to avoid treating the matter as a queftion
to be fupported by a particular party. Upon this ar-Mr Pitt
tide of charge, concerning the rajah of Benares, hejdnsthe
entered into the views of Mr Fox, and declared him- ^
felf fatisfied, that Mr Plaftings had in this cafe afted
unjuftifiably. On a divifion, it was determined by a
majority of 119 againft 79, that this accufation con¬
tained matter of impeachment againft the late gover¬
nor-general of Bengal.
During this feffion of parliament fome farther legif-
lative provifions were made for regulating the govern- „(.s
ment of India. On the 7th of March a motion w-as made Piorofal tre^
by Mr Francis, and feconded by Mr Windham, for leave amend Mr
to bring in a bill to explain and amend the regulating Bitt’s India.
afl, which had been brought forward and carried
through by Mr Pitt, upon the fubjett of India affairs.
Mr Francis cenfured ftrongly three parts of Mr Pitt’s
a£t : xrt, That which eftabliihes a double government
of India at home, by two boards, the court of direHors,
and the board of conti'oul. 2dly, He ftrongly con¬
demned the exceffive power, by means of a conftant
calling voice in his council, which was bellowed upon
the governor-general of Bengal. He faid, that a
governor-general underftood nothing of his fituation, if
he thought that any power, direftly veiled in his
hands, w’ould carry half the authority with it that
would accompany the united adfts of a governor and
council. If he trailed to his own exclufive judgment,.
he would find himfelf furrounded by fome of the moll
artful men that exifted 5 by natives, who, without our
general knowdedge, were infinitely fagacious, who ob-
ferved us attentively, and underftood us perfe£lly; and
by fome Europeans, wdio, in every thing but their ha¬
bit and complexion, were perfefl Afiaties. No fingle
unaffifted Englilh judgment was a match for fuch men,
and for fuch peculiar faculties as would colledft about
him from the moment of his arrival- If he relied on
his excl'ufive power, for want of clear and accurate
knowledge he would rarely venture to exert it. Every
man who approached him would tell him a different
ftory, or give him a different opinion. He would
often doubt, and no vigorous determination could exill
in a good mind, that was not preceded by c0nvi<5fion.
Even when he exerted his powTer, it wmuld be feeble-
and ineffeftual againft the univerfal combination and’
clamour of all ranks and interefts that would be form¬
ed to counterafl him in every meafure that tended
to corredl abufes or* reduce exorbitant emoluments...
Laftly, Mr Francis feverely reprobated the inftitution,
in Mr Pitt’s bill, of a fpecial court of juftice for the
trial of Indian delinquents, which deprived fuch per-
fons of the privilege of a jury. He alluded, upon this'
fubjeft, to the petitions which were underftood to be
on their way from India againft this part of the-
acl.
Mr Dundas juftified, upon the opinion of LorcF
Macartney*.
B R I [ 606 ] B R I
Britain.
199
Mr Dun-
das’s a-
mending
,a&.
Macartney, the powers conferred upon the governor-
general of Bengal. He afferted the neceffity of a new
court of judicature, from the voluminous nature of the
evidence in the cafes of Sir Thomas Rumbold and
Mr Haftings, which could not be gone through by
the ordinary form of a trial by jury. At the lame
time he Hated his own intention to bring fpeedily for¬
ward a bill for amending, in certain refpe£ts, the re¬
gulating aft of 1784. Mr Francis’s motion was re-
jefted, and Mr Dundas, on the 16th of March,
brought forward his new bill for the regulation of In¬
dia. It conferred Hill farther powers upon the gover¬
nor-general, authorizing him to aft in oppofition to the
fenfe of his council when he thought fit to take the
refponfibility upon himfelf. The offices oi command¬
er in chief and governor-general were alfo united, and
the board of controul was alone authorized to inquire
into the fortunes of perfons ferving in India. The
fervice there was alfo divided into branches; and it
was declared, that the fervants of the company ffiould
rife by gradation only in thofe branches of fervice for
wffiich they had been prepared by their former habits.
After a variety of debates in both houfes, the bill was
800
Increafe of
the India
Company’s
capital.
801
Margaret
Nicolfon’s
attempt a-
gainft the
king’s life.
p.affed.
In confequence of the commutation-aft, by wffiich
the duties upon tea w7ere fo greatly diminiffied, the
Fall India Company had now increafed their annual
fales of that commodity from fix to fourteen millions
of pounds. To enable them to carry on this great
additional trade, they petitioned the houfe of com¬
mons to permit an augmentation of their capital. A
bill for that purpofe accordingly palled through both
houfes in June, authorizing them to receive new fub-
fcriptions to the amount of 1,000,2ill.; and to raife
an additional fum of 8oo,oool. by the fale of an an¬
nuity due to them by government.
The feffion of parliament terminated on the 1 ith of
July, and during the remainder of the year the Britilh
empire enjoyed complete tranquillity. An incident,
however, occurred of a lingular nature, wffiich called
forth very univerfal demonftrations of attachment to
the perfon of the king from all orders of men. On
alighting from his carriage on the 2d of Auguft a wo¬
man approached his majefty, under the appearance of
offering a petition, but at the fame time aimed a thruft at
him with a knife, which, however, did no harm. Her
name was Margaret Nicholfon. Being inllantly feized
and examined by fome members of the privy council,
w’ith the affiftance of feveral medical gentlemen, Ihe
was found to be infane, and ordered to be confined
for life in Bethlehem hofpital. A public thankfgiving
wras ordered for his majelty’s fafety, and addreffes of
congratulation wTere fent to court from all parts of the
country. Thefe were the more fincere, becaufe the
prince of Wales was underftood to have attached him-
felf by habits of friendfiiip and intimacy to fome of
the leading members of the late coalition. The life
of the reigning monarch was therefore at this time
confidered as extremely valuable, on account of the
fupport which it gave to a popular adminiftration, and
becaufe it prevented the government from falling into
the hands of a young man who was not yet fuppofed
to have rifen above the inexperience and follies of
youth.
One of the moft important meafures of Mr Pitt’s Britain,
adminiftration was carried into effeft during the^
autumn of this year. It confifted of a commercial
treaty, which, we have already remarked, Mr Eden commercjaj
was fent to negotiate, and which was concluded on treaty,
the 26th of September of this year. This treaty fti-
pulated, in general terms, that there ftiould be a per-
feft liberty of navigation and commerce between the
fubjefts of the two kings in all their European domi¬
nions, with a view of giving fair encouragement to
the produce and manufactures of both countries, by
a difcontinuance of prohibitory duties, and by putting
an end to illicit trade. A particular tariff was adjuft-
ed with regard to a great number of commodities, and
all articles which it did not include were to be reci¬
procally imported on the terms allowed to the moft
favoured nations. It was agreed, that French wine
ffiould befubjeft to no higher duties on importation than
thofe which were paid on the wine of Portugal : that
the duty on brandy ftiould not exceed 7s. per gallon :
that 30 per cent, cid valorem fhould be levied upon
beer : that the higheft duties on works of iron and
copper, on cabinet ware and turnery, ffiould not go
beyond 10 per cent, ad valorem: that for faddlery, 15
per cent, ftrould be paid ; for glafs and earthen ware,
alfo for cotton and wmollen articles, (with a prohi¬
bition of goods mixed with filk) 12 per cent. ; for
gauze 10; for millinery 12 per cent. On cambric
and lawm the duty was to be 5s. for about eight
yards. Linen manufactured in either country w7as
not to be burthened with a higher duty than was at
this time paid for Dutch or Flemifh linen imported
into Britain ; and for linen made in Ireland or in
France, no greater fum was to be demanded, in the
way of duty, than was now paid on the receipt of
Dutch linen in the Iriih ports. Each of the mo-
narchs referved the right of countervailing, by ad¬
ditional taxes on certain commodities, the internal
duties impofed on the manufaftures, or the import
charges paid on the raw material. It w7as alfo de¬
clared, that if either of the princes ffiould be at war,
every thing ffiould be deemed free wffiich might be
found in the (hips of the refpeftive nations (with the
exception of goods ufually deemed contraband) even
though the whole or a part of the lading fhould belong
to the enemies of the other ftate.
This treaty appears, upon the whole, to have been
acceptable to a confiderable majority of the nation.
When parliament affembled on the 23d of January
1787, it was announced in the fpeech from the throne,
and formed the firft fubjeft of deliberation. Mr Fox Deb°t3es ^
remarked, when the ufual addrefs to the throne w7as the corn-
moved, that the treaty in queftion ought to be exa- mercial
mined with much jealoufy, on account of its introdu- tresaty’*
cing an innovation into the eftablifhed fyftem of our 1 1‘
policy. He faid, that all the wars of Great Britain
had been wars of neceffity, and that the jealoufy of
the pow7er of France, wffiich we muft now7 be called
upon to lay afide, has been founded upon the fulleft
experience of her ambitious charafter. He deprecated
the imputation of being governed by vulgar preju¬
dices, but, at the fame time, he declared it to be his
opinion, that the external circumftances of the two na¬
tions create a rivalffiip, and, in fome degree, an en¬
mity,
I
Britain.
S04
Mr Pitt’s
defence of
the com¬
mercial
treaty.
B R I >[ 607
mity, between them, which it is impoflible to prevent
' by any meafure which human fpeculation can devife.
Nay, he would not hefitate to pronounce, that were
fuch an event poffible, it was not to be wiflied for by
any lover of this country. If, as he fincerely wifhed,
this was a mere commercial treaty, the framers of it
had only to prove, that the new channel of trade
which it opened would not obftruft, or would be more
beneficial than all the other ancient channels which
this kingdom had long been in pofl'effion of, and which
had been found to be the fources of her commercial
wealth and profperity. But if, on the other hand, mi-
nifters avowed, that the treaty was intended as a poli¬
tical meafure, and that they had in view fome more
clofe and intimate connexion with France, fuch as
fhould render it in future more difficult for the two
countries to go to war than heretofore *, they then
would have to Ihow ftrong and fatisfa£!ory reafons for
having purfued and concluded a meafure fo new in the
hiflory of thefe kingdoms, and of fuch infinite magni¬
tude and importance. He faid he might venture, how¬
ever, to prophecy, that fuch an attempt, admitting it
to be fafe and prudent, would prove vain and abor¬
tive. However volatile and inconftant the French
nation may be accounted, the French cabinet, he re¬
marked, had for centuries been the moft ffeady in Eu¬
rope. To raife that monarchy to unlimited power
had been its unvarying aim \ and he afferted, that
there exiffed no reafon to fuppofe (lie had abandoned
her purpofe. He obferved, indeed, as wmrthy of fe-
rious confideration, that the army of France was form¬
erly the firff in Europe. It was now but the fourth,
being inferior to thofe of Ruffia, Prufiia, and the em¬
peror. On the other hand, her navy was daily in-
creafing, and to that objeft her whole attention was
direfted. Was this a favourable fymptom of her
friendly difpofition towards this country ? Did it in¬
dicate any extraordinary partiality towards Great Bri¬
tain ? Did it not clearly prove, that her confidence
was placed upon her continental allies, and that flie
was looking forward to, and preparing for, fome favour¬
able opportunity of indulging her inveterate animofity
againft her ancient enemies ?
Mr Pitt, in reply, oppofed the principles Rated by
Mr Fox, which went, he faid, to prove the neceffity
and policy of a conflant animofity with France. He
contended, that fuch a doffrine militates in the moft
direct manner both againft humanity and common
fenfe. He afferted, that if war is the greateft of all
evils, and commerce the greateft bleffing that a coun¬
try can enjoy, it muft be the duty of thofe to whom
public affairs are intrufted, to endeavour as much as
poflible to render the one permanent, and to remove
the profpeft and dangers of the other. This, he faid,
was the objefl of the prefent treaty. The advantages
likely to arife from it would not only ftrongly operate
upon every fucceeding adminiftration in both countries,
lo as to induce them to avoid a war as long as it could
be avoided with honour and prudence, but would alfo
ftrengthen the refources of the country towards carry¬
ing on a war whenever it fliould become indifpenfably
neceffary to engage in one. This was, he faid, the
true method of making peace a bleffing, that while it
was the parent of immediate wealth and happinefs, it
B R I
Ihould ailo be the nurfe of future ftrength and fecurity. Britain.
The quarrels between France and Britain had too
long continued to harafs not only thofe two great and
refpeftable nations themfelves, but had frequently em¬
broiled the peace of Europe ; nay, had difturbed the
tranquillity of the moft remote parts of the world.
They had, by their paft conduft, adled as if they were
intended by nature for the deftruclion of each other ^
but he hoped the time wras now come when they
fhould juftify the order of the univerfe, and ftiew that
they were better calculated for the more amiable pur-
pofes of friendly intercourfe and benevolence.
On fome future occafions, Mr Fox unfuccefsfully
endeavoured to prevail with the houfe of commons, pre¬
vious to coming to any decifion upon the French
treaty, to enter into an inquiry into the nature of our
connexion, and the ftate of our negotiations, w ith Por¬
tugal, our old ally, in confequence of what is called
the Methven treaty, which had long proved a fure-
fource of commercial advantage. Some difputes were
at that time depending with Portugal, refpefting com¬
plaints made by Britifh merchants j and Mr Fox af¬
ferted, that the proper period of treating w-ith Portugal
would have been before the conclufion of the treaty
with France. 1 his wmuld have demonftrated to the
world, that, whilft we were feeking new connexions,
we had no intention of facrificing the old. Mr Pitt,
on the contrary, contended, that we had a£led wifelv,
in (hewing Portugal beforehand, that we could do with¬
out her, when about to open negotiations for the re¬
medy of complaints.
On the 1 2th of February, the houfe refolved itfelf
into a committee for the purpofe of confidering the
new commercial treaty with France. In a fpeech of
three hours in length, Mr Pitt entered into a full ex¬
planation and defence of the treaty. As the fubjeft is
of great commercial importance, and may, at fome
future period of the Britifti hiftory, again become a
fubjedl of confideration, we (hall here ftate the nature
of his argument. He firft gave a general explanation
of the treaty, and afterwards endeavoured to refute
the arguments againft: it, contained in a petition which
had been prefented in oppofition to it, by Mr Aider-
man Newnham, from certain manufacturers affembled
in the chamber of commerce. g0.
He confidered the treaty in three points of view ; as Defence of
affeCfing our manufactures, our revenues, and our poli- the treaty
tical fituation.. With refpeCt to the firft, he undertook as
to prove, that though the treaty had been formed up- U"
on principles of ftriCt reciprocity, yet that this country
muft, from the nature of the cafe, unavoidably have the
advantage. To underftand this, he faid, it would be
neceflary for the committee to confider the relative
ftate of the twTo kingdoms. It is a faCl generally ad¬
mitted, that France has the advantage in foil and cli¬
mate, and confequently in her natural produce j while
it is equally true, that Great Britain is decidedly fu-
perior in her manufactures and artificial productions.
The wines, brandies, oils, and vinegars of France, are
articles which rve have nothing to put in competition
with, except our beer. But it is equally clear, that we
in our turn poffefs fome manufactures, exclufively our
own, and that in others wre have fo eminently the ad¬
vantage of our neighbours, as to put competition at de¬
fiance.
i
B R I [ 60S j B R 1
■■Britain, fiance. Such, faid he, is the relative condition, and
^ fuch is the precife ground, on which it is reafonable to
luppofe that a valuable correfpondence and connexion
between the two nations might be eftablifhed. Having
each its own diftintt ilaple, having each that which
the others want, and not clafhing in the great and lead¬
ing lines of their refpeftive riches, they referable two
opulent traders in different branches, who might enter
into a traflic mutually beneficial. But nothing, he faid,
could be more evident, than that trade was more or
lefs advantageous to any nation, in proportion to the
degree of labour, induftry, and capital, employed in
bringing its commodities t© market, and to the excefs
in value of the perfefl manufactures above the raw ma¬
terials : and this principle gave a decided advantage
to us over the French. For, granting that large quan-
•tities of their natural produce would be brought into
this country, would any man fay that we ftiould not
fend more cottons by the direct courfe norv fettled,
than by the circuitous paffage formerly ufed ? more
of our woollens, than while reftriCfed to particular ports,
and burdened with heavy duties ? Would not more of
our earthen ware, and other articles, which under all
vthe difadvantages they formerly fuffered, ftill, from therr
intrinfic fuperiority, forced their way regularly into
France, now be fent thither ? And would not the ag¬
gregate of our manufactures be effentially benefited in
going to this market, loaded only with duties from 1 2
to 10, and in one inftance only, five per cent ? The
article charged higheft in the traffic, viz. faddlery, gave
no fort of alarm. The traders in this article, though
charged with a duty of 15 per cent, were fo confcious
of their fuperiority, that they cheerfully embraced the
condition, and conceived that a free competition would
be highly advantageous to them.
On the other hand, we had agreed by this treaty, to
take from France, on fmall duties, the luxuries of her
foil, which our refinements had already converted into
neceffaries. Was it in the power of high duties to pre¬
vent the introduftion of them at our tables ? Was it
then a ferious evil, to admit their wines on eafier terms?
With refpeCt to brandy, the reduftion of the duties
would chiefly affeCt the contraband trade. Mr Pitt
afferted it to be an undoubted faft, that the legal im¬
portation bore no proportion to the clandeftine ; for
while the former amounted to no more than 600,000
gallons, the latter, by the beft founded calculations, did
not amount to lefs than between three and four mil¬
lions of gallons. As this article, then, fo completely
poffeffed the tafte of the nation, it could not furely be
deemed wrong, to give to the ffate a greater advantage
from it than heretofore, and, by crufhing the illicit, to
promote the legal traffic in it. The oils and vinegars
of F ranee were comparatively fmall objefts 5 but, like
the former, they were luxuries which had taken the
fliape of neceffaries, and, by receiving them on eafy
terms, we could lofe nothing.
In the next place, it was neceffary to inquire whe¬
ther in addition to the above, which were the natural
produce of France, that kingdom had any manufac¬
tures peculiar to itfelf, or in which it fo greatly ex¬
celled, as to give us juft caufe of alarm, on account of
the treaty, when viewed in that afpedf ? Cambric was
the firft that prefented itfelf; but in this article, it was
notorious, that our competition with France had ceafed,
2
and there could be no injury in granting an eafy im- Britain,
portation, to that which we were determined at any ■
rate to have. In every other article, there was nothing
formidable in the rivalry of France. Glafs would not
be imported to any amount. In particular kinds of
lace, indeed, they had probably the advantage, but
none which they did not enjoy independently of the
treaty. The clamours about millinery he thought
vague and unmeaning. Tiewing the relative circum-
ftances of the two countries in this way, our fuperiority
in the tariff was manifeft. The excellence of our ma-
nufaflures was unrivalled, and, in the operation, muff
give the balance to England. Another circumflance
comparatively favourable to this country above France
in the treaty, was the Hate of population in both king¬
doms. We had a market opened to us in a countiy
containing above 20 millions of inhabitants, wbilft we
admitted France to trade with a nation, that was fup-
pofed to contain not above eight millions. g0£
With regard to the effeft of the treaty upon the re- Revenue,
venue, he remarked, that although a confiderable re¬
duction muff undoubtedly take place of the duties up¬
on French wines, and even upon Portugal wines, fhould
the provifions of the Methven treaty be ffill kept in
force, yet this would be balanced by the increafed con-
fumption, and by putting an end to the fraudulent
manufacture of home-made wine, which was brought
to market as foreign wine, a praCtice which no regula¬
tions of excife had hitherto been able to i'upprefs. If
any lofs, however, fhould occur, the article of cambric
would alone go a great way towards indemnifying the
revenue. He farther remarked, that our moft ingeni¬
ous and laborious manufactures, in fteel and other me¬
tals, together with various productions of art, being
henceforth entitled to admiffion to France, on payment
of a moderate duty, millions of perfons would be em¬
ployed in the preparation of thefe objeCls •, the taxes
paid by whom would greatly augment the revenue.
The high price of labour in England, faid be, ariles
chiefly from the amount of the excife, and three fifths
of the price of labour are fuppofed to come into the
^exchequer. g0y
Upon the political tendency of the treaty, he recur- Political
red to his former remarks. It was objeCled to, he fituation,
faid, in as much as it went to compofe thofe jealoufies
and deftroy that rivalfhip, which had fo long fubfifled
between the two countries, and which, it was Hated,
was of the molt falutary confequence to Great Bri¬
tain ; and it was further infinuated, that there was no
dependence to be placed on the faith of the other con-
trading party. The firfl of thefe objedions had, he
faid, unfortunately gained fome degree of confidera-
tion from the uniform pradice of the two countries for
centuries pall; and he was fcarcely furprifed to hear,
even from fuch enlightened men as he had heard fpeak
upon the fubjed, that France and England wrere na¬
turally and neceffarily enemies. The fad, he was per-
fuaded, was diredly the reverfe j for however ambi¬
tion might have embroiled them with each other, ffill
there had always been, in the individuals of both coun¬
tries, a difpofition towards a friendly intercourfe, and
the people of France and Britain had each of them
virtues and good qualities, which the other had libe¬
rality enough to acknowledge and admire. To fup-
pofe that any twro ftates were neceffarily enemies, was
an
B R I [ 609 ] B R I
Ifrkain. an opinion founded neither in the experience of na-
„, ■ /—•- tions, nor in the hiftory of man. It w^s a libel on the
conftitution of political focieties, and fuppofed the ex-
iflence of diabolical malice in the original frame of
man. But after all, what reafon was there to ima¬
gine that the treaty was not only to extinguilh all jea-
loufy from our bofoms, but alfo completely to annihi¬
late our means of defence ? Was it to be fuppofed
that the interval of peace between the two countries,
w ould be fo totally unemployed Dy us, as to difable us
from meeting France in wrar with our accuftomed
ftrength ? Did it not rather by opening new fources of
wealth fpeak this forcible language, that the interval
of peace, by enriching the nation, would be the means
of enabling her to combat her enemy with more effeft
when the day of hoftility fhould come ? It quieted
no well founded jealoufy, it flackened no neceffary ex¬
ertions, it retarded no provident preparation j but lim¬
ply tended, while it increafed our ability for war, to
poftpone the period of its approach. That we Ihould
not be taken unprepared for wrar, depended in no de¬
gree on this treaty, but limply and totally on the abi¬
lity and vigilance of the adminiftration for the time
being.
Objections The obje&ions of the manufafturers to this treaty,
of the ma- were chieily thefe : that the propofed intimate connec-
•ruifaCtureirs tion with France w'ould afford opportunities of enti-
anfwered. cjng away our workmen, and conveying the tools and
raw materials of our manufaftures out of the king¬
dom. To this it was anfwered : that the law upon
thefe fubjefts wmuld remain as formerly, and afford the
fame protection as at prefent to our manufactures, by
reltraining the interference of foreigners upon the
points alluded to. It was alfo objeCted in general to
the treaty, that the commodities in which France tra¬
ded, being the produce of her foil, which could not
fuffer in their quantities or quality by any lapfe of time,
whereas, our commodities being principally manufac¬
tures, which owe all their value to Ikilful and ingeni¬
ous labour, it was to be feared, that the French might
by degrees become as induftrious and Ikilful as our-
felves, and thereby enter into a fuccefsful competition
with us, in every branch of our prefent trade ; while
our foil and climate, rendered it impollible for us to
equal them in the articles of their produce. To this
objection it was replied, in general, that the diffe¬
rent nature of the objeCts of Britilh and French com¬
merce was favourable to Britain, on account of the
fuperior population employed in bringing our manufac¬
tures to market, and, at all events, that the threatened
change could not occur in twelve years, which was
the w hole duration of the treaty. The minifter might
alfo, with juftice, have added, that the hired: mode of
preventing a neighbouring nation from becoming the ri¬
vals of any branch of our manufactures, is to fupply them
with thefe manufactures cheaply and in abundance,
which muft have the effeCt of inducing them to di¬
vert their capital and their induftry into fome more
profitable channel. The mod likely channel, with re¬
gard to France, would be the production of wine, a
branch of trade in wdiich Britain never can have rea¬
fon to regard them with jealoufy. Mr Pitt concluded
his fpeech, by moving a refolution, the objeCt of which
was, to carry the treaty into effeCt.
The members of oppolition objeCted to the treaty
Vol. IV. Part II.
chiefly upon political confiderations. Mr Fox con- Britain,
tended that the only fituation in which Great Britain' ^
could Hand, in the general fydem of Europe, withp0jjt°^
honour, dignity, or fafety, was as a counterpoife tOobjedtions
the pow'er of France. This had been our invariable kated a-
quality, in all the mod flourifhing periods of our hi- gainft the
dory; and it was this circumdance, operating upon thctreat^'
redlefs ambition of France, not any inward antipathy
of mind, nor the memory of Crefly and Agincourt,
that made the two nations natural enemies. To prove
that no affurances of the friendfliip of France were to
be truded, when a hope exided of diminifliing the
power of Britain, he mentioned the correfpondence
between the French miniders and Lord Stormont,
during the fird years of the American w^ar, in which
they mod pointedly difavow'ed any intention of inter¬
ference. He obferved that, when it w as further con-
ddered who the monarch was that then fat on the
throne of France, a monarch of the mod mild and
benevolent chara&er, and celebrated for his love of
judice; and that the minider who direCled his councils
w^as far advanced in the lad dage of life, of a feeble
and timid difpofltion, and therefore unlikely to be led
aw^ay by any new and vifionary projefts of ambition ;
not a doubt could be left in any one’s mind, but that
the French nation was a&uated by a regular, fixed,
and fydematic enmity to this country. France had,
indeed, found that Great Britain could not be fubdued
by direft efforts. Mr Fox, therefore, thought it rea-
fonable to fuppofe, that die had altered her policy;
that, indead of force, die intended to employ drata-
gem, to prevent our cultivating other alliances, to lef-
fen the dependence of foreign dates upon us, to turn
all our views to commercial profits, to entangle our
capital in that country, and to make it the private in-
tered of individuals in Britain, rather to acquiefce
in any future projeft of ambition, in which France
might engage, than come to a rupture with her.
Mr Francis farther enlarged upon thefe ideas of Mr
Fox, and reproached Mr Pitt wdth a defertion of the
principles of his father Lord Chatham, the mod pro¬
minent feature of whofe political charafler was Antigal-
lican. Mr Flood, Mr Sheridan, and others, fupport-
ed the fame fentiments. Mr Powis and Mr Alderman
Watfon oppofed the treaty, as bringing the Britidi
commerce unneceffarily into hazard at a time when it
was extremely profperous. The treaty was defended
by Mr Grenville, Mr Wilberforce, and Mr Dundas.
This lad gentleman faid that he had heard much ex¬
cellent political fpeculation, wdiich, in his apprehen-
fion, had little relation to the fubjeft in quedion : that
the treaty had nothing political in its nature, but wTas
merely a meafure calculated to put it in the power of
Britain to enable her artids to circulate her manufac¬
tures in a much greater degree than could ever for¬
merly be done, by opening to them one of the mod ex-
tenfive markets in the world. He contended that it 8i»
was wife to take advantage of a period of peace to ex-Commer-
tend our commerce, reduce our debts, and enrich thecial trea,tJr f
nation. The refolution propofed by Mr Pitt was^h^ °
carried by a divifion of 248 againd 118. commons.
In the houfe of lords, the commercial treaty w7as
oppofed with much w^armth by Dr Watfon, bifhop of
Llandaff. He contended that we ought not to aban¬
don a commercial fydem, by which we had xifen to
4 H our
8n
and by the
Jords.
&I2
A<fl to con-
folidate cer¬
tain taxes.
„ 8r3
Motion to
repeal the
corporation
and teft
ads.
B R I [6
our prefent profperity, and far lefs to adopt a fyftem
which our' anceftors had reprobated as detrimental to
the welfare and greatnefs of the nation. The mar¬
quis of Lanfdowne, (formerly Lord Shelburne,)defend¬
ed the treaty with much ability. He faid that com¬
merce, like other fciences, had fimplified itfelf, and
that the old fyftem with all its monopolies, prohibi¬
tions, prote&ing duties, and balances of trade, was juft-
ly exploded; that it was a proud day for the manu-
fadlurers of this country, to fee them come down in a
body from thefe ftrongholds. He denied that the
French nation entertained a fyftematic enmity againfl:
Britain, and faid that if commerce was to be free,
there exifted no reafon for making an exception with
regard to France. Their wines, brandy, vinegar and
oil, are luxuries which we can get elfewhere $ whereas
they cannot procure, with equal advantage, coals, lead,
and tin. He concluded with declaring his opinion,
that if this country fhould decline, it would not be on
account of this treaty, but for other obvious caufes.
If we wrent on facrificing the army, the church, and
the Hate, to the paltry purpofe of procuring majorities
in the two houfes of parliament, we could never expe£t
to be profperous or powerful.
On the part of adminiftration, the defence of the
treaty in all its ftages appears to have been chiefly en-
trufted to Lord Hawkefbury, (formerly Mr Jenkinfon).
He was oppofed by lords Loughborough, Stormont,
and Porchefter, but it was carried by a majority of 81
againft 35.
During the prefent feflion, a plan for confolidating in¬
to one a£t of parliament the whole duties impofed by the
ftatutes of cuftoms and excife, was brought forward by
Mr Pitt, that it might be no longer neceffary either
for merchants, or for revenue officers, to turn over the
whole ftatute book in fearch of the amount of the du¬
ties upon particular commodities. The plan received
the univerfal approbation of the houfe of commons.
The duties impofed upon French merchandife, in purfu-
ance of the late commercial treaty, were alfo included in
the fame aft, although that part of the meafure was re-
lifted by oppofition.
On the 28th of March, Mr Beaufoy, member for
Great Yarmouth, at the requeft of the deputies of the
diffenting congregations about London, made a motion
for the repeal of the corporation and teft afts. He
obferved that the teft aft was originally levelled a-
gainft the Roman Catholics, and the corporation aft
againft thofe feftaries who had agitated the kingdom
in the times of Charles I. and during the ufur-
pation, with whofe charafter the diffenters of the pre¬
fent age have nothing in common. Mr Beaufoy con¬
tended that, as every manhas an undoubted right tojudge
for himfelf in matters of religion, he ought not on ac¬
count of the exercife of that right to incur any punifh-
ment, or to be branded with what is undoubtedly a
mark of infamy, an exclufion from military fervice
and civil truft. He referred to the examples of Scot¬
land, Holland, Ruffia, Pruflia, and the dominions of
the emperor, in none of which he faid religious opi¬
nions were now made the ground of civil difqualifi-
cation.
Lord North, who had now loft his light, oppofed the
propofed repeal, chiefly on the footing of the hazard
attending innovation. He denied that a man is fub-
10 ] B R 1
jefted to any punilhment, becaufe he does not choofe Britain,
to receive the facrament of the Lord’s Supper, accord-y—'*■“
ing to the ufage of the church of England. He only
deprives himfelf of a privilege wffiich he might other-
wife enjoy, and which the law, for the fafety of the
church, had limited to perfons of particular opinions.
Mr Pitt fupported the fame fide of the queftion, from
the danger to the eftabliffied church, which would re-
fult from intrufting official lituations to diffenters. Mr
Fox fupported the motion in favour of the diflenters $
remarking, however, upon this occafion, that from
their conduft in a late political revolution, he could
not be fufpefted of being biafled by an improper par¬
tiality towards them. The motion was loft on a divi-
fion of 178 againft 100. 814
On the 20th of April, Mr Alderman Newnham Prince of
brought under the view of the houfe of commons, the ^Ta^e;>’s
pecuniary fituation of the prince of Wales, whofede ts‘
affairs had, by this time, fallen into a ftate of embar-
raffment. It appears that, previous to this period, a
confiderable degree of coldnefs had been known to
fubfift between the king and the prince. A judicious
hiftorian will fcarcely account it worth his wffiile to
inquire after any other caufe for fuch a circumftance,
than merely that which is to be found in the over¬
powering influence that the paflion of ambition pof-
feffes over the human mind, which fo feldom permits
any monarch to regard with complacency the perfon
wrho has the profpeft of his fucceffion. In 1783,
wffien the prince came of age, Mr Fox and his col¬
leagues, who were then in office, wnffied to grant him
an annual income of ioo,oool. but his majefty infifted
that he fhould only be allow ed one half of that fum.
In the year 1786 the prince w as found to have con-
trafted a debt of ioo,oool. exclufive of 50,000!. ex¬
pended on Carleton-houfe. He applied to his majefty
to obtain relief from this incumbrance. On receiving
a refufal, he inftantly difmiffed the officers of his court,
ordered his horfes to be fold, the works at Carleton-
houfe to be flopped, and reduced his houfehold to that
of a private gentleman. From thefe favings an annual
fum of 40,000!. was veiled in truftees for the payment
of his debts. This decifive and fpirited conduft was
reprefented at court as difrefpeftful to the king; and
from this period his majefty’s diffatisfaftion with the
prince appears to have been no longer concealed. On
occafion of the affault made upon the king’s perfon by
Margaret Nicholfon, it was remarked, that no notice
of the accident was lent by the court to the prince of
Wales 5 and when, upon receiving the intelligence,
he inftantly went to Windfor, he was received there
by the queen, but the king did not fee him. At this
time a French prince, the duke of Orleans, then the
richeft individual in Europe, was in England, and
w^as faid to have made a propofal to relieve the prince
from all his pecuniary embarraffments; but this danger¬
ous offer was declined. In thefe circumftances the
prince permitted his fituation to be brought before the
houfe of commons, with a view of fubmitting his con¬
duft to the judgment of the public. Accordingly, on
the day already mentioned, Mr Newnham demanded
of the chancellor of the exchequer, whether mini-
fters intended to bring forward any propofition for the
relief of the prince of Wales $ afferting, that it would
be difgraceful to the nation to fuffer him to remain
longer
B R I [ 61
Britain, longer in Ills prefent reduced circumftances. Mr Pitt
replied, that he had received no command from his
majefty upon the fubjedl; without which it was not
gj. his duty to bring forward an alfair of fuch a nature.
Intended Upon this Mr Newnham intimated his intention of
motion on bringing forward a motion upon the fubjeft on the
^eprim* /j.th of May. On the 24th of April, Mr Pitt requeft-
debts3033 ed to know the nature of the intended motion, de¬
claring his wdfh to avoid a difcuflion of the fubjeft.
He added, that if it was perlirted in, he would be
under the neceffity of bringing before the public fome
circumftances of extreme delicacy. At the fame time,
Mr Rolle, an adherent of the miniftry, declared, that the
queftion involved matter, which he threatened to bring
into view, by which the conftitution both in chuixh and
ftate might be eflentially affefted. This menace was
known to allude to an intimate connexion which was
fuppofed to fubftft between the prince and Mrs Fitz-
herbert, a lady of a refpettable Roman Catholic family,
with whom the fcandal of the times alleged he had
undergone the ceremony of marriage both by Catholic
and Proteftant clergymen, which, however, if true,
could have no legal effefts, in confequence of the pro-
vilions of the royal marriage-aft. Mr Newnham faid,
that his intended motion wmuld be for an addrefs to
his majefty, to relieve the prince of Wales from his
prefent difficulties. When fome members exprefled
their w’iffi that the affair might be privately accommo¬
dated in fome other manner $ Mr Sheridan declared,
that after the inlinuations and threats which had been
made, the prince could not recede with honour. Mr
Pitt faid, that his remarks had no reference to the
charafter of the prince, but merely to a correfpondence
which had taken place relative to his pecuniary affairs.
On the 30th of April, wffien the fubjeft wras again
mentioned, Mr Fox, who had been abfent during the
former debate, ftated, that he had authority from the
prince to fay, that there was no part of his conduft
which he was unwilling to fubmit to public inveftiga-
tion. The allufions made to fomething full of danger
to the church and ftate, he treated as a tale fit to be
impofed only on the loweft of the vulgar; and Hd,
that his highnefs was ready, in the other houfe, as a
peer of parliament, to give his majefty, or his mini-
fters, any affurances or fatisfaftion on the fubjeft they
might require. Mr Fox, at the fame time, directly
affured the houfe, that the whole ftory alluded to
was untrue. The refult was, that an accommodation
took place. The prince was allowed an annual addi¬
tion to his income of io,oool. and i8i,oool. was grant-
gI(5 ed by parliament for payment of his debts.
Privileges During this feffion fome difcuffions occurred relative
ot the Sco- to the privileges of the Scotiftr peerage. In the houfe
tiik peer- Gf lorc}Sj after confiderable debate upon a motion of
Lord Hopetoun, a refolution was adopted to inforce
an ancient refolution of the houfe, of January 1708-9,
which declared, that Scotifti peers,' created Britilh
peers by patent fince the union, have no right to vote
at the eleftions of the fixteen who reprefent the body
of the peers of Scotland in the Britith parliament.
In the houfe of commons alfo, on the 23d of May, a
queftion concerning the fame body was agitated. It
arofe in confequence of the fucceffion of the earl of
Wemyfs to that earldom, whofe eldeft fon, Francis
Charteris, who thus became Lord Elcho, reprefented
Britain,
817
1 ] B R I
the boroughs of Lauder, &c. in Scotland. By the*
ancient law of Scotland, the eldeft fons of peers could
not fit in parliament, which confided of one houfe onlv.
By the treaty of union it is declared, that the two
kingdoms ftiould participate in the rights and immu¬
nities of each other. Sir John Sinclair moved, that a
new wuit ffiould be iffued for elefting a member in
the room of Francis Charteris, Efq. now become the
the eldeft fon of a peer of Scotland, and therefore
incapable of reprefenting the boroughs of Lauder, &c.
In fupport of the motion fome very early precedents
were alluded to j and, after fome debate, the motion
was carried.
But the fubjeft: which, above all others, dill con- Accufation
tinned during the prefent feffion to occupy the atten-°f Mr
tion of parliament^ was the accufation of Mr Haftings.ftins3,
After examining Mr Middleton and Sir Elijah Impey
as witneffes, in the beginning of February, Mr Sheri¬
dan, on the 7th of that month, opened the third charge
againfl: Mr Haftings, which afferted, that without
juftice, or any excufe of political neceffity, he had
feized the lands, and confilcated the trealures, of the
begums or princeffes of Oude, the mother and grand¬
mother of the reigning nabob, whom he had even
compelled to become the inftrument of this robbery.
On this occafion the hall of the houfe of commons gtS
was uncommonly crowded. Mr Sheridan’s fpeech Mr Sheri-
lafted five hours and a half. The fubjeft of the charge dan’s cele-
was well fitted for difplaying all the powers of pathetic !?rate^
eloquence, in confequence of the rank and the fex 0f‘Peetn’
the parties whom, on this occafion, Mr Haftings was
accufed of having treated with the moft barbarous ra¬
pacity, treachery, and cruelty. Every advantage was
taken of thefe circumftances, and Mr Sheridan’s dif-
courfe was confidered as a model of fplendid and im-
preffive pleading. When he fat down, the whole houfe,
which was filled with memoers, peers, and ftrangers,
inftantly joined in a loud and long-continued tumult
of applaufe, expreffing their approbation in the irre¬
gular mode of repeatedly clapping with their hands.
Mr Burke declared it to be the moft aftonifiling effort
of eloquence, argument, and wit united, of which
there is any record or tradition. Mr Fox faid, that
all that he had ever heard, or read, when compared
with it, vaniftied like vapour before the fun ; and Mr
Pitt afferted, that it furpaffed all the eloquence of an¬
cient or modern times, and poffeffed every refource
which genius or art could furnifh to controul and agi¬
tate the human mind. After a fufpenfion of debate,
fome of Mr Haftings’s friends attempted to fpeak in
reply, but found it impoffible to procure themfelves to
be liftened to with any appearance of favour. At {aft
fome members propofed, that, for the fake of decorum,
the debate ftiould be adjourned. This propofal was
carried *, and, on the following day, Mr Francis re¬
fumed the charge, which was oppofed by Mr Burgefs,
Major Scott, Mr Nichols, Mr Vanfittart, and Mr
Alderman le Mefurier. After having heard the ar¬
guments on both fides, Mr Pitt rofe, and after having
ftated the fenfe he entertained of the high importance
of the whole procedure againft Mr Haftings, afferted,
that he himfelf had endeavoured to give to every faft
ftated in each particular charge, the fulleft invertiga-
tion, and to perform his duty honeftly, impartially,
and confcientioufly. On the prefent occafion, he de-
4 H 2 dared
Britain.
819
Lord
Hood’s de¬
fence of
Mr Ha-
ftings.
Szo
Committee
appointed
to prepare
articles of
impeach¬
ment.
B R I [61
dared himfdf fully fatisfied, that criminality was
brought home to Mr Hallings, though not perhaps to
the full extent alleged by the accufers. The motion
for accufation was carried, upon a divifion of 175
-againft 68.
At future periods of the feffion other charges were
"brought forward, and opened by Mr Thomas Pelham,
Sir James Erlkine, Mr Windham, and Mr Francis.
Mr Pitt adopted the caufe of the accufers, and on
fome occauons, though in a mild manner, Mr Dundas
did the fame. At one period of the accufation, Lord
Hood flood forward in a very folemn manner, and re¬
queued the attention of the houfe to the confequences
of proceeding with too fcrupulous a nicety, to canvafs
the conduct of thofe who had filled flations abroad of
high difficulty and important trufl. Certain adlionSj
which appeared to thofe at a ditlance in a very crimi¬
nal light, were yet, he alleged, on a nearer inveftiga-
tion, perfectly juftifiable on the grounds of abfolute
and indifpenfable neceffity : fliould the fear of an im¬
peachment by parliament be hung out to every com¬
mander in whofe hands was placed the defence of our
national polTeffions, it mull neceffarily operate as a
dangerous reflraint to their exertions, when it was con-
fidered that no general or admiral had fcarcely ever
been fortunate enough to conduct himfelf in the per¬
formance of his duty, ■without occafionally falling into
circumftances, in which the public fervice compelled
him to do things in themfelves not pleafing to his feel¬
ings, nor ftriftly legal, but, from the indifpenfable ne-
ceffities of their fituation, perfectly jullifiable. The
example fet by the houfe of commons in the prefent
inftance, would, he laid, for ever Hand before our fu¬
ture commanders, and create a great and dangerous clog
to the public fervice. This, he was confident, would
be the effect of punilliirg any harlli and fevere, but
perhaps neceffary and indifpenfable, a£ts of power,
which the faviour of India had, for the public good,
been found to commit. Mr Pitt oppofed the applica¬
tion of thefe fentiments to the cafe of Mr Haftings,
alferting, that no adequate political neceffity had been
pointed out which could juftify his conduft.
In the courfe of the proceedings, it appeared that
feveral members were difpofed to confider the merits
of Mr Haftings as compenfating his crimes, and thus,
though they voted his conduft criminal on particular
occafions, they had an intention of voting in his fa¬
vour, when the general queftion fhould come to be
propofed, about the propriety of proceeding to im¬
peachment. Upon this fubjeft, Major Scott took an
opportunity to declare, that Mr Haftings and his friends
wiftied to decline fuch a mode of defence; and he read
to the houfe as a part of his own fpeech, a paper fign-
ed by Mr Haftings, in which he requefted that if a
general vote of criminality fhould pafs againft him,
by that houle, they ftiould farther proceed inilantly to
an impeachment, that he might have an opportunity
of defending himfelf judicially.
A committee was at laft appointed, to prepare arti¬
cles of impeachment againft Mr Haftings. It confift-
ed of the following perfons, whofe names we ffiall recite,
as exhibiting a lift of the moft active leaders of oppofition
at this period. Mr Burke, Mr Fox, Mr Sheridan, Sir
James Erfkine, the right honourable Thomas Pelham,
the right honourable William Wyndham, the honour-
2 ] B R I
able St Andrew St John, John Anftruther, Efq. Wil- Britain,
liam Adam, Efq. M. A. Taylor, Efq. Welbore El- '■"■■■■"v—1 ^
lis, Efq. the right honourable Frederick Montague,
Sir Grey Cooper, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Dudley Long,
Efq. Lord Maitland, the honourable George Auguf-
tus North, General Burgoyne, and Mr Grey. An
attempt was ma^e, by Mr Burke, to procure the ap¬
pointment of Phillip Francis, Efq. as a member of
this committee, but without fuccefs. He was rejefled
by a majority of 96 to 44, ©n account of his being
confidered as the perfonal enemy of Mr Haftings,
wffiofe meafures he had oppofed, and with whom he had
fought a duel, in India. On the 25th of April, Mr
Burke prefented the articles of impeachment. They
were read, and ordered to be printed and confidered,
on the 9th of May. Upon that day Lord Hood re¬
peated his former arguments againft them, and was
fupported by Mr Smith, and the celebrated Mr John j. ^
Wilkes. This laft gentleman infilled ftrongly on the jJa,
filence of the natives of India, upon the fubjedl of the flings de¬
dreadful oppreffions faid to have been pradliied againft fen(led by
them, and attributed the greateft part of what appear-^ 1^es'
ed criminal in the conduct of Mr Haftings, to the
craving and avaricious policy of this country, whofe
demands had, in fome inftances, driven Mr Haftings to
the ufe of means not ftridlly juftifiable. The a-
mount of the charges, he faid, fuppofing the fadts true,
was this, that Mr Flattings, by oppreffion, by injuf-
tice, and corruption, had obtained for the Ealt India
Company, nine millions and a half fterling. Mr Wilkes
thought the adts complained of politic and juft ; he
could not honeltly vote for the impeachment of Mr
Haftings, while he benefited by his mifdeeds. He
added, that it appeared incomprehenfible to him,
how gentlemen vffio condemned his adfions, fuffered
a day to pafs without propofing retribution to the fuf-
ferers. gza
The lord advocate for Scotland (Hay Campbell By Hay
Efq.) fupported this laft idea. He confideied the ne-Campbell,
ceffities of the company, and the dangerous crifis of'L1(l'
their affairs, as grounds of juftification for the llrong
meafures purfued by Mr Haftings, in order to extri¬
cate them. The company having adlually reaped the
benefit of them, and fo far approved of them as never
to have fignified any intention of reftitution; he could
not, he faid, conceive with what propriety Mr Haf¬
tings could be impeached for them. He further ob-
ferved, that Mr Haftings had been moft unjuftly bla¬
med, for various a£!s of adminiftration, in which he
had only concurred with others ; that the order of
dates, as well as the ftate of the council at different
periods, ought to have been more diftindlly attended
to in the charges. Mr Haftings had enjoyed the call¬
ing voice in the council, only for a very ftiort time,,
and even then, Mr Barwell was equally refponfible
with him. Afterwards Mr Wheler, Sir John M’Pherr
fon, Sir Eyre Coote, and Mr Stables, came gradually
into the council. At one period, a coalition took
place between Mr Haftings and Mr Francis. How
do the profecutors account for this ? And is Mr Haf>
tings alone to be made accountable, during that pe^
riod ? He concluded with obferving, that in fuggef-
ting what had occurred to him, in favour of Mr Haf-
ting, he had avoided faying any thing upon the topic
of his extraordinary fervices in^ general, being doubt-
823
Mr Pitt’s
reply.
,B R I [ 61
Britain, ful whether upon the fuppofition of guilt, in any fpeci-
■—V lie article, a fet-oj}\ as it is called, or balancing of ac-
corapts between merits and demerits, would relevantly
be admitted ; at the fame time, it was a mode of de¬
fence not altogether new. The proceedings in Lord
Clive’s cafe left no room to doubt, that he owed his
fafety to it ; and there was ftill a more illuftrious ex¬
ample of it in hiftory, the cafe of Epaminondas the
Theban general, who, when tried for his life before the
tribunal of his country, for having kept the command
four months after he fliould have laid it down, ac¬
knowledged the crime, but enumerated the glorious
adfions which he had performed j and faid he would
die with pleafure, if the foie merit of thefe were a-
feribed to him. This fpeech procured his acquittal.
The lord advocate thought Mr Haftings well entitled
to make ufe of limilar language to the Britilh nation,
when accufed of having acted illegally in India.—-Mr
Alderman Townfhend jollified Mr Haitings on the
ground of Hate necellity ; and faid that he deferved the
highell applaufe, for not having flood upon fo paltry a
pundlilio, as conlidering whether a meafure w'as ri¬
gidly corredt and legal, when the immediate neceflity
of the company’s affairs, and the falvation of India,
were concerned.
Mr Pitt reprobated the idea of a fet-off in very
flrong terms. He acknowledged that many meafures
during the adminiftration of Mr Haitings were un¬
commonly brilliant, and that, in thefe, his merits were
unquettionable. But he trulted that no man, who
ferioufly regarded the honour of the houfe of com¬
mons, w’ould expedt that the jultice of the country could
admit of any compromife whatever. He was forry
his honourable friend, the lord advocate of Scotland,
Ihould conceive the honour of the reprefentatives of
the Britifh nation not interelled in refeuing the Britilh
charadler from that degree of infamy and degradation
to which it had been reduced. The accufations which
had been preferred againll Mr Hallings were now not
only the canfe of the houfe, but, in his opinion, in¬
volved the honour of every member individually.
Nor had he lefs hefitation, from the importance of the
fubjedl, to fay it affedled the government of the whole
empire. It was a quellion which fhook the balls of
the conllitution, for it was literally a quellion of re-
fponlibility. The policy and interell of the country
required,, that an example Ihould be made of the de¬
linquent. The necellity of this, he urged particular¬
ly from the difpofition he perceived in the abettors of
Mr Hallings to jultify him on the principles of ex-
The im- pediency and necellity. The quellion of impeachment
peachment was carried by a majority of 175 againll 89. And
•voted,. on the 10th of May, at the bar of the houfe of lords,
Mr Burke, in the name of the boufe of commons, and
of all the commons of Great Britain, impeached War¬
ren Hallings, Efq. late governor-general of Bengal,
of high crimes and mifdemeanours 5 and informed the
lords that the commons would with all convenient
fpeed exhibit and make good articles againll him.
On the 2 ill of the fame month, upon the motion of
Mr Burke, Mr Hallings was taken into the cullody of
the ferjeant at arms of the houfe. Pie was immediately
admitted to bail by the houfe of lords. He was bound
in the fum of 20,000!. and two fureties in 10,000!.
each. As the feffion of parliament was prorogued on
3 ] B R 1 .
the 30th of May, the trial was neceffarily pollponed Bmairr.
to another feffion, and by various delays it was ulti-
mately protra£led to an extraordinary length. 825
The accufation of Mr Hallings, from the attention R-e^fcX’on5
which it excited, and the talents which were exerted on tB.e aL'*
• • • j 1. ji c t 1 , • cuiation ot
in it, is undoubtedly an event ot conhderable inipor-]yir Ha-
tance in Britilh hiltory. It ended in the acquittal of Itings.
the party accufed, but at the fame time the immenfe
expence which he incurred, and the unealinefs which
he mull have fuffered from the high degree of odium
which in the minds of many perfons was excited a-
gainll him, mult undoubtedly have amounted to a very
fevere punilhment. A Britilh houfe of commons held
him guilty of inhumanity, rapacity, perfidy, and tyran¬
ny, towards a numerous and a civilized people that
had been fubjedl to his power. Thefe fentiments were
fo widely diffufed throughout Great Britain, that the
minilter of the day, always Itudious of popularity,
thought it neceffary to join the general current of opi¬
nion, and this will probably be regarded as one of the
inllances in which Mr Pitt mull have exerted force
kind of lingular dexterity in preferving the confidence
of the court, while he feemed to favour a profecu-
tion, that was not generally conlidered as acceptable
there.
The period is perhaps fcarcely yet arrived when a
Britilh hillorian can fo far elevate his mind above tem^
porary and national prejudices as to enable him to ap¬
preciate corredlly the merits of Mr Hallings, or the
reafonablenefs of the accufations that were brought a-
gainll him. In making the attempt, it is neceffary to
confider corredlly the fituation in which that gentle¬
man itood. He was invelted by the Britilh Eait India
Company with abfolute power over the people and
the foil of a large portion of Hindollan, for the pur-
pofe of governing that country for the profit of the
company, and to acquire more extenfive territories for
them if pofiible. To fulfil the fervice in which he
w'as employed, it was neceffary that he Ihould procure
a large revenue for the company, and at the fame that
he fhould enable the young men of rank, whom they
fent out in their fervice, fpeedily to return to Britain
with great wealth y thefe being the only objects on ac¬
count of which the Eall India Company, or the Bri¬
tilh nation, had made great efforts for the conqueil of
the ealt. But thefe objedts evidently imply not that
Hindollan was intended to be mildly and generoufiv
governed, but that it was to be plundered to the ut-
molt extent that it could bear without ruin. Ac¬
cordingly, in 1782, Mr Hallings in one of his let¬
ters complained llrongly of the cruelty of his fituation,
and of the expenfive ellablilhments and offices which
he was under the necefiity of conllituting in India, to
gratify the avarice of his employers, declaring that he
had at that time about him 250 perfons, the younger
fons of the firll families in Britain, all looking up to him
for patronage, and expefling to be put in poffefiion of
hidden riches. Thefe riches, it is evident, could not be
drawn from the natives of Hindoftan without much ojr-
preffion, and when this oppreffion produced rebellion,
or combinations of the native princes againll the Bri-
tiffr powTer, it became neceffary to be guilty of farther
oppreffion, or more grievous extortion, to colleft means
whereby to fubdue the refinance of the vanquilhed peo¬
ple.
It
Britain,
B R I [6
j ^ is admitted on all hands, that Mr Haflings. was
almoll: unboundedly fuccefsful in the fervice of his em¬
ployers. He annually fent home great numbers of men
loaded with the plunder of the eaft, while at the fame
time, by great activity and intrepidity, he colle&ed re-
fources wherewith to maintain and extend the Britifh
power, and was enabled to fupport it in all quarters
againlf the moft extenlive combinations of the princes
of that country.
I here are two fylfems of morality, according to
which the chara&er of fuch a man as Mr Haltings
may be tried. The one is founded upon the principle
of national attachment or patriotifm, and the other up¬
on the great law of humanity. According to the nrfl
of thefe, that conduft is moft worthy of applaufe, which
tends in the higheft degree to promote the aggrandize¬
ment of our native country. Conlidered in this point
of view, the merits of Warren Haftings have feldom
been iurpafled ; and he may juftly be ranked among
thofe men whofe aflions the hiftorians of Greece and
Rome, and indeed of almoft all nations, have recorded
with boundlefs admiration, and he may well ftand a
comparifon with the firft heroes of antiquity. Such
difficulties as perplexed Alexander of Macedon, at the
head of a great and well-difciplined army, repeatedly
yielded to the energy of his talents, which often en¬
abled him, with the moft trifling force, and by the
mere afcendency of his perfonal charafler, to exercife a
defpotic authority over an immenfe country, and to ex¬
tend the territories of his employers. It is true, that
he plundered the princes of the Eaft, but it was to ag¬
grandize and enrich his country that he did fo. He
accounted their perfons and fortunes as of little con-
Jideration, becaufe he was the devoted fervant of Bri¬
tain. Accordingly, the moft patriotic people in Eu¬
rope, the French, whofe public enemy he had been,
regarded him with admiration, and uniformly extolled
his actions as more than human.
In oppofition to all this, if we are to weigh the
conduct of Mr Haftings by thofe maxims of morality,
which confider the great interefts and law of humanity
as the rule by which human actions ought to be regu¬
lated, there can be no doubt that he muft be con¬
demned. He can only be regarded as one of thofe rob¬
bers of nations, to whofe crimes hiftorians and poets
have given a fatal celebrity. He was guilty of plun¬
dering and oppreffing a pacific race of men at the ex¬
tremities of the earth, in whofe affairs neither he nor
his country had any right to interfere. But the great
criminals in this cafe were the Britith Eaft India Com¬
pany, the Britifh legiflature, and the Britifh nation, that
lent him upon fuch a fervice. Mr H.iftings was only
the guilty fervant of a guilty people ; and it furely ill
became the Britiih houfe of commons, that had autho¬
rized the acquifition of conquefts, that is, the exercife
of murder and oppreffion in the Eaft, and whofe con-
ftituents had become rich by the plunder or the profits
of fuch enterprifes, to accufe as a criminal the moft fuc¬
cefsful fervant of the ftate. We therefore apprehend,
upon the whole, that Mr Wilkes and the lord advocate
for Scotland refted Mr Haftings’s defence upon an un-
anfwerable footing, when they confidered his crimes as
fervices, which he was employed by his country to per¬
form for its aggrandizement, for the moral rectitude of
which he could not be refponfible to that power, from
I
14 ] B R I
which he derived his commiflion, and which thought Britain,
fit to reap the fruit of his labours. <-'y—
During the year 1787, the ftate of amity into which 826
Britain and France might be regarded as brought, in HoUamf*
confequence of the commercial treaty, feemed likely to
be difturbed, in confequence of the affairs of Holland.
The grounds of difference were fpeedily adjufted j but
the events from which they rofe are worthy of notice,
on account of their tendency to explain fome future
occurrences in the hiftory of Europe. The ftate of
the Dutch republic, or, as it was ufually called, the
United Provinces, was always regarded as of much im¬
portance by Great Britain. That country, being fituat-
ed upon the mouths of the navigable rivers which
communicate with fome of the moft important parts of
the European continent, is the great paffage by which
our manuladlures reach their place of ultimate fale and
confumption. In our moil important efforts for re¬
ducing the power of France, the Dutch had affed along
with the Britifh nation. Their ftadtholder, wffio had at
all times dreaded the power of the French, was difpof-
ed to look for proteftion towards Britain, and was not
underftood to have concurred zealoufly, during the late
war, in fupporting the caufe of France and America.
The prefent ftadtholder had united himfelf by af¬
finity to the court of Pruffia, with which that of Great
Britain had of late begun to be upon terms of great
cordiality.
In the hiftory of the United Provinces, during two partiel fn
centuries, two parties are always found ftruggling for the Dutcii
fuperiority. The firft, was that of the houfe of 0-rePuUic.
range, which had been firft raifed to power in confe¬
quence of the talents of its chiefs, united with their
rank and property, which had induced the ftates to
intruft to them the direftion of their armies ; firft, a-
gainft the Spanifh monarchy, from which the provin¬
ces had originally revolted, and afterwards againft the
powrer of France. By their great public fervices, the
princes of the houfe of Orange had eftablilhed, in
their own favour, a kind of hereditary claim to the
offices which they held in the republic, of ftadtholder,
captain-general of the forces, and admiral. Thus
there exifted, in their perfons, in fucceffion, a kind of
limited monarchy, by wffiich the Dutch republic W'as
influenced and led, rather than formally governed.
The fecond party in the Dutch republic confifted
of a kind of ariftocracy, compofed of the fenates or
town-councils of different cities, which poffeffed the
power of nominating to the vacancies in their own or¬
der, that is, of ele£ling their owrn fucceffors in office.
This party was ufually denominated the party of the
Jfates, or the republican party. Its members were, in
point of form, the fovereigns of the country, and were
the wealthieft individuals in it. The chief conftitutional
controul wffiich the ftadtholder poffeffed over them,
confifted of a regulation violently eftablifhed by Wil¬
liam III. prince of Orange, in 1674, whereby he en¬
joyed a negative over the elections to town govern¬
ments, and a power, in certain cafes, of introducing
members into them. It is to be obferved, however,
that the mafs of the people at large, who always find
greater fafety under the dominion of one great fupe-
rior, than of a multitude of petty local chiefs, were
always decidedly attached to the houfe of Orange,
or to the power of the ftadtholder, in oppofition to that
of
B R I [6
Britain, of the town fenates or republican party. The ancient
nobles alfo, together with the clergy of the eftablilhed
church, and the officers of the army and navy, adhe¬
red to the fame family, and thereby enabled it on or-
g,8 dinary occalions to fupport its power.
Dutch vo- Daring the participation of the United Provinces
lunteers. in the late war againft Great Britain, a propofal had
been made to enrol bodies of volunteers in the dif¬
ferent towns, for purpofes of internal defence. The
fenates of the towns, that is, the ariftocratical, or, as
they called themfelves, the republican party, encouraged
the formation of thefe armed bodies of burghers (over
whom at their firfl enrolment they had complete influ¬
ence), as affording them a kind of counterpoife againft
the military power, which, though paid by them, was
commanded by the ftadtholder. Thefe bodies of citi¬
zens, as foon as they wrere trained to the ufe of arms,
began to be fenfible of their own importance. The
opinions propagated in North America, during the war,
were known all over Europe. They were received
with confiderable avidity by the Dutch volunteers,
and produced in that country a kind of third or demo¬
cratic party, whofe object was to procure for the citi¬
zens at large of the towms, a ffiare in the nomination
of the magiftrates. As the volunteer affociations were
originally the creatures of the fenates or ariftocracy,
for the purpofe of counterafting the power of the
ftadtholder, they appear, in their firft movements, to
have been direfted by that faftion. One of their firft
movements was at Utrecht. The armed burghers,
amounting to 2243, prefented a petition to the ftates
of the province of Utrecht, requefting them to aboliffi
the regulation of 1674, whereby the ftadtholder w'as
enabled to influence the nomination of the magiftracy.
They prefented an addrefs of a fimilar nature to the
town fenate of Utrecht, and to the prince of Orange.
As might have been expe&ed, the anfwerofthe prince
was unfavourable ; but the magiftrates of Utrecht, in
compliance with the wiffi of the armed burghers, pro¬
ceeded to fill up a vacancy in their own number, with¬
out confulting the prince. This event occurred in Ja¬
nuary 1784 } but it appears, that in the courfe of the
fame year, either from the intrigues of the ftadthold-
er’s court, or from a dread of betaking themfelves to
the affiftance of the new and dangerous democratic
party, the ftates of the province and town fenate of
Utrecht, deferted the caufe of the armed burghers,
whom they themfelves had inftigated to aftion, and
recalled or annulled the fteps towards innovation
which they had taken. The fenate and the armed
burghers continued alternately to intimidate each
other. By degrees, a fpirit of political reform, or in¬
novation, diffuied itfelf from Utrecht to the different
towns in the provinces where bodies of volunteers
or armed burghers had been eftablifhed. Thr .rmed
burghers of Utrecht elefled a reprefentative body to
watch over the management of public affairs 5 and va¬
rious other towns did the fame. Thefe reprefentative
bodies foon quarrelled with the old fenates ; and the
prince of Orange appears to have had it in his power
to feleft which of the parties he might think fit as his
adherents. His ancient enemies wrere the ariftocracy or
town fenates. At the fame time, as he could not,
wdthout the dangerous meafure of a total alteration of
the conftitution of the United Provinces, derive a re-
•5 ] B r 1
gular and legal fupport from the bodies of armed burgh- Britain,
ers, he refolved to fupport the ancient magiftracies, “
and to reft his powxr upon its ancient footing of influ¬
ence over thefe magiftracies, though he knew them to
be his rivals in political importance. Hence he fup-
ported the magiftrates of Utrecht and other places a-
gainft the armed burghers. It wmuld ieem, that the
ariftocracy of the province of Holland, who had al¬
ways been the moft decided enemies of the family of
Orange, w’ere not fatisfied with the difpofition of the
prince to fupport the ancient conftitution, and refolved
to attempt to undermine or overthrow his power, even
at the hazard of a popular or democratic revolution,
which muft be equally fatal to their own. This ari-
ftocratical body, however, was not of an enterprifing
charaffer, and rather wraited than attempted to direft
the courfe of political events. In confequence of the
fupport given by the ftadtholder to the fenates of U-
trecht and other places againft the armed burghers,
thefe laft, through the whole United Provinces, be¬
came difpoied to aci in oppofition to him. In the
tneanw’hile, the populace of the Hague retained their
ufual attachment to his perfon and family. On the
4th of September 1785, twelve volunteers of the
corps of the town ol Leyden, appeared at the
Hague in uniform. The populace, offended by this
appearance of defiance to the prince at the place of
his refidence, attacked and drove them into a neigh¬
bouring houfe, the windows of which they broke. A
part of the garrifon, without interfering with the
populace, took the volunteers into cuftody, and fent
them home privately by night. This riot ferved as a
pretext to the ftates of Holland to fuperfede the prince
of Orange in the command of the garrifon at the
Hague, which they intrufted to the deputies of Haer-
lem, a town that had been zealous in oppofition to the
ftadtholder. As this prince had been engaged in end-
lefs controverfies with the ftates of Holland, in which
the ftrength of the ariftocratical party was concentra¬
ted, this affront drove him to the refolution of leaving
the Hague, wffiich he did on the 14th September 1785.
He applied for protedlion to Great Britain, whofe
caufe he had fupported in oppofing the relolution to
give any affiftance to the Americans in the late w’ar,
and to the king of Pruffia, the uncle of his wife. The
ariftocratical party, on the contrary, made application
to the court of Verfailles, which it had fupported by
entering into the confederacy againft Great Britain,
and from wffiich it had always received encourage¬
ment. At the fame time, it endeavoured to derive af¬
fiftance, from uniting its caufe extenfively with that of
the armed burghers.
In the mean time, the celebrated Frederick, king Interfer-
of Pruffia, died, and was fucceeded by his nephewqcnce °f
Frederick William, the brother-in-law of the ftadt-rieig^bour"
holder. The French court appeared to efpoufe with
vigour the united ariftocratical and democratical par-affairs of
ties in the United Provinces. The new king of Pruf- Holland,
fia feems to have hefitated to engage in a dilpute with
France 5 and there is little doubt, that had the French
court, on this occafion, appeared ready to act with vi¬
gour in fupport of their party in Holland, the ftadt¬
holder muft have fallen before his enemies ; neither is
it probable, that Britain wmuld, at this time, have
engaged in a new war on his account. But the French
monarchy,
B R I [6
^ Er-Kain. monarcliV, under a benevolent and well-meaning but
v weak prince, was, at this period, rapidly finking into
a ftate of great feeblenefs, in confequence of the ex¬
treme embarraffment of its finances. A negotiation
was at firft propofed between the courts of France and
Berlin, for the purpofe of adjulling, in fome friendly
manner, the differences between the iladtholder and
bis enemies. I'he weaknefs of France, however, be¬
coming gradually more obvious, Pruffia and Great
Britain were foon induced to a£l a more decifive part
in the aftairs of Holland, chiefly, it is believed, in con¬
fequence of the fuggeftions of the Britilh ambaifador
at the Hague, Sir James Harris. The Iladtholder had
eftablifbed himfelf towards the eaftern part of the Dutch
territory at Nimeguen. Though himfelf a man of little
aftivity or enterprife, his princefs was of a different
charadter. She ventured to undertake a journey to
the Hague, unaccompanied by her hufband, probably
with a view to what adtually happened. On the 28th
of June 1787, fhe was arrefted by fome troops of the
oppofite party j ,and this circumftance afforded an ex-
cufe to the king of Pruflra for interfering in the inter-
s,0 nal affairs of the United Provinces, to demand repara-
The Pruf- tion for the infult offered to his lifter. A Pruftlan ar-
/.ans invade my, commanded by the duke of Brunfwick, the bro-
Alolland. ther-in-law of the king of Great Britain, immediately
prepared to invade Holland. To fecure additional aid
to the prince of Orange, a treaty was concluded be¬
tween Great Britain and the landgrave of Heffe Caffel,
for the afliftance of 12,000 troops. In the mean time,
the United Provinces remained in a ftate of great in¬
ternal diftra&ion. The defedls of their political con-
llitution had originally occafioned the appointment of
a ftadtholder j ^and no fimple fyftem was yet fubftitut-
ed in its ftead, which, by doing away the diftin£tions
of ftates and provinces, might unite the force of the
country, for the purpofe of enabling it to refill fuch
powerful aggreflion as that with which it was now
threatened. The promifed aid from France did not
arrive; troops had been levied by the ftates of Hol¬
land, and the chief command of them was intrufted to
the rhingrave of Salm, to whole charafter little con¬
fidence appears to have been < due. The duke of
Brunfwick, at the head of a powerful army, entered
the country. The reputation of the Prulfian armies
in Europe was at this time extremely great ; and the
frontier towms of Holland, which were capable of re¬
filling fevere lieges, were now taken with facility, and
without a flruggle. It is unneceflary to detail the
progtefs of the Pruffian troops, which was extremely
rapid, and in little more than a fortnight, the repub¬
lican party found itfelf confined to the city of Amfter-
dam. This city was befieged on the ill of O&ober.
After much negotiation, and a variety of attacks, this
city, wdiich had fo often given laws to other ftates,
admitted a foreign garrifon to the poflelfion of its gates.
The influence of France was thus totally annihilated
in Holland. The power of the ftadtholder was re-
llored 5 but it was reftored by the powder of Pruffia and
of Britain. The confequence was, that a decided enmi¬
ty to thefe twm countries, from that period, took poflef-
fion of the minds of a great portion of the inhabitants
of the Dutch territories. At the fame time, the peo¬
ple of that country appear, from this period, to have
fallen into a kind of defpair, with regard to their na-
2
6 ] B R I
tional independence. Their anceftors had derived im- Britain,
portance from the relative weaknefs of the neighbour- v
ing ftates ; but from the experience of the event which
now occurred, the people of Holland were made len-
fible of their own weaknefs, amidft the powerful na¬
tions by which they were now furrounded.
When the Britilh parliament met on the 27th of No- Meeting 01"
vember 1 787, the molt remarkable circumftance alluded parliament,
to in the king’s fpeech was the aftairs of Holland. He
faid, that the difputes which fublilled in the republic
of the United Provinces had become fo critical, as to
endanger their conllitution and independence, and were
thereby likely in their confequences to affefl the in-
terefts of his dominions : That upon this account, he
had endeavoured, by his good offices, to maintain the
lawful government in thole countries, and had thought,
it neceflary to explain his intention of counteracting
all forcible interference on the part of France : That
in conformity to this principle, when his moll Chrillian
majefty, in confequence of an application for affiftance
againft the king of Pruffia, made by the party which
had ufurped the government of Holland, had notified
to him his intention of granting their requeft, he had
declared, that he ftiould not remain a quiet fpe6lator,
and had given immediate orders for augmenting his
forces both by fea and land: That in the courfe of thele
tranfaiftions, he had thought proper to conclude a fub-
fidiary treaty with the landgrave of Hefle Caffel:
That the rapid fuccefs of the Pruffian troops, having
foon after enabled the provinces to re-eftablilh their
lawful government, and all fubjedls of contell being
thus removed, an amicable explanation took place be¬
tween him and the moft Chriilian king ; and both par¬
ties had engaged to difarm, and to place their naval
eftablifliments on the fame footing as at the beginning
of the year. ^
When the addrefs to the throne was moved as Mr Fox'*
ufual, Mr Fox took an opportunity of expreffing the °pin>on
fulleft approbation of the meafures that had been late-tlie j.ate
ly purfued, and took credit to himfelf, as one of thofe
who had invariably been of opinion, that this country Holland/'
is at all times deeply interefted in the fituation of aftairs
upon the continent, and ought, whenever occafion re¬
quired, to take an aflive and vigorous part in pre-
ferving the balance of power in Europe. He remind¬
ed the houfe, how frequently he had warned them of
the ambition of France when the commercial treaty
was under difeuffion in the lall feffion. He had been
thought too fevere and uncandid, from the diftruft he
had then expreffed of its friendly profeffions, but with¬
in one year from the conclufion of that treaty, our new
friend, this faithful commercial ally, had engaged to
fupport, in Holland, a party in oppofition to us, ufur-
-pers of the lawful government of their country. Fie
approved of the principle of the fubfidiary treaty wdth
Heffe Caffel, as enabling us to reduce our militaiy
eftablifhments at home, and to apply the public trea-
fure to the increafe of our naval ftrength, the natural
force of Great Britain. 8^.
In the houfe of lords, the bidrop of Llandaff, after BWliop of
expreffing his fatisfadlion in feeing the republic of the BlandafPs
United Provinces again united in its views with Great °l>inicm’
Britain, ftated a difficulty which occurred to him, with
regard to the principle in the law' of nature and na¬
tions, which could authorize Great Britain and Pruffia
to
834
“Naval pro¬
snot ion.
B R I [6
Britain, to interfere by force, in fettling tbe internal difputes of
—V 1 an independant date. Was it a right which every in¬
dividual poffeiTes, of affifting thofe whom he fees op-
prefled by unjuit force ? No : that would be to take
the queftion for granted, fince the opponents of the
ffadtholder will not allow that he was opprefi'ed by
unjuft force. Was it the right of aflifting the majority
of a country, to recover their ancient civil conftitution
from the encroachments and ufurpation of a fadfion ?
He hoped the fact would bear out fuch a juftification
but he was not well enough acquainted with the willies
of the majority of the Dutch nation upon that head.
Upon what other ground did he approve of our late
interference ? It was on the ground of felf-preferva-
tion •, for if France had gained Holland, we had been
undone. When it is faid that Holland, and the other
ftates of Europe, are independent Hates, the propofition
is true only to a certain degree ; for they all depend
one upon another, like the links of a chain •, and it is
the bulinefs of each to watch every other, left any one
become fo weighty and powerful, as to endanger the
fecurity or political importance of every other.
During the late interference of Great Britain and
Pruflia in the affairs of Holland, while a dread was
entertained, that the difcontented party in the pro¬
vinces might receive afliftance from France, and pre¬
parations were made on that account for fitting out a
fleet, the lords of the admiralty had promoted 16
captains of the navy to the rank of admirals. In ma¬
king this promotion, a feledtion had been made, in con-
fequence of which upwards of 40 fenior captains had
been palled over, a circumftance which gave rife to
various debates in parliament. Tounderftand the fub-
je£t, it is neceflary to remark, that in 1718 an order
of council directed the lords of the admiralty, in pro¬
moting officers to the rank of admirals in the navy, to
prefer the fenior captains, providing only they were
duly qualified for the rank to which they were to be
promoted. By a fubfequent order of 1747, the lords
of the admiralty were authorized to place fuch cap¬
tains, as ftiould be found incapable by age or infirmity
for ferving as admirals, upon the lift of fuperannuated
admirals, which had ufually received the appellation
of the lift of the yellow admirals. In the promotion
lately made, the board of admiralty had offered to
place upon this lift of yellow or fuperannuated admi¬
rals, molt of the captains who were paffed over ; but
conceiving themfelves, from their capacity for future
fervice, entitled to the rank of adding admirals, they had
refufed the retreat that was offered them, and a gene¬
ral difguft prevailed among the officers in the navy, on
finding that their hopes of reward for the molt active
S35 fervices, mult at all times depend on their intereft with
Debates on the firft lord of the admiralty. On the 20th of Fe-
ihe naval bruary 1788, Lord Rawdon, in the houfe of lords, ftated
promotion..their cale, and propofed an addrefs to his majelty up¬
on the fubjeft. The firft lord of the admiralty, Lord
Howe, juftified the exertion of a difcretionary power,
by the board, in promoting navy captains to the rank
of aiding admirals, as a man might be fit to command
a fingle fhip, who ought not to be intruded with the care
of a fleet. Lord Sandwich afferted the impropriety of
interfering with the executive government in an affair
of this nature, and Lord Rawdon’s propofal of an ad-
^refs was rejeded.
• Vol. IV. Part II.
17 ] B R I
The fame fubjed was brought before the houfe of Britain,
commons, in various forms, during the month of April,—v'-"-—**
by Mr Ballard. He ftated the merits offome of the in¬
dividual captains who had been paffed over as very great,
and their fervices confpicuous, and afferted, that the
molt notorious partiality had been exerted in the pro¬
motion. He was lupported by almoft all the navy
officers who had feats in the houfe, particularly Sir
George Collier and Captain Macbride, who declared,
that nothing Ihort of ruin to the fervice mull follow,
if fuch a fyltem of promotion wras to continue. Mr
Pitt defended the admiralty, by afferting, that no fuf-
ficient degree of mifeondud had been ftated, as could
authorize the interference of parliament with the exer-
cife of its powers. The board wras proteded, by a
fmall majority of 150 againft 134. .
During the prefent lellion fome debates were occa-Duke of
fioned, by certain plans of the duke of Richmond.Richmond’s
His projed of fortifying certain places in Great Bri-P.lari of for-
tain had been negatived by the houfe of commons j vveft IndTa
but a part of the lame plan, confilting of ereding forti-iflands.
fications for the defence of the Weft India iftands, was
Hill perfevered in, and required an additional land
force in that quarter, of 3064 men. He alfo wilhed
to purchafe certain powder mills at Waltham abbey,
upon a projed that government Ihould manufadure
gunpowder there, for its own ufe. He farther pro¬
pofed, to raife a corps of artificers for the ordnance de¬
partment, to be divided into companies, and fubjeded
to martial law. This laft plan met with confiderable
oppofition, but was carried by adminiftration, along
with the other projeds.
A bill was at this time brought into parliament, for A& againft
fubjeding to higher penalties than formerly, all per- exporting
fons who ftiould export wmol from the country, intend-w001*
ing thereby to confirm the monopoly enjoyed by our
own manufadurers in that article. The manufadurers
afferted, that 13,000 packs of Britilh wool were an¬
nually fmuggled into France, which tended to raife the
price of the commodity, againft our own manufadurers.
Several country gentlemen oppofed the bill, as an un¬
juft hardlhip upon the profits of land in this country,
which ought to have the world open, as a market for
its produdions. But the minifter, who was aware of
the importance of enjoying popularity with the com¬
mercial, that is, with the moft adive part of the Bri-
tifti nation, gave full countenance to the bill, in con-
fequence of which it paffed into a law.
In Hating the fituation of the revenue, Mr Pitt made Flounfliing
fome remarks, deferiptive of the improving ftate of theitate of the
country, which are not unworthy of being here noticed, revenue.
He faid, that the receipt of the permanent taxes, in
the year 1787, exclufive of the land and malt tax, had
been 13,000,000k The receipt of the taxes in the
year 1783, had been 10,184,000!. Thus, there was
an increaled revenue of three millions, of which not
more than one million and a half accrued from new
taxes. In the trade, the navigation, and the fiftieries,
the progreffive improvement bore an exad proportion
to the increafed revenue.
In the year 1772 our imports were L. 14,500.000
Our exports. i6,ooo|ooo
In 1787 the imports were about 1 3.800,000
But the exports were 16,600,000
4 I In
B R l
, Britain. ^ In Jj^e manner our navigation had incrcafed.
Qiiintals.
The Newfoundland fifliery in 1773 produced 516,000
In 1786 it produced 732,000
In 1773 the tonnage in the Greenland flfhery Tons.
was 27,000
In 1786 it was 53,000
T he fouthern whale filhery, a new and very valuable
branch of trade, which we only took up at the begin¬
ning of the laft war, had alfo equally profpered.
In this filhery, in 1785, there were employed 18
fhips, producing 29,000!. In 1787, there were em-
S39 ployed 38 (hips, producing 107,000!.
Compen- On the 8th of June the chancellor of the exchequer,
f?e°A t0 the attention of the houfe to the com-
rican loyl penfation w'hich was intended to be made to the Ameri-
alifts. can loyalifts, on account of the Ioffes fuftained by them
in confequence of their adherence to this country dur¬
ing the American wTar. He divided the loyalifts who
had made claims of compenfation into four claffes. In
the firft clafs he ranked thofe who had refided in Ame¬
rica at the commencement of the wrar, and who had
been obliged to abandon their eftates and property,
which w'ere feized and confifcated by the Americans.
He propofed that fuch loyalifts of this clafs as had not
loft more than io,oool. ftiould receive full compenfa¬
tion 5 for Ioffes above that fum, and below 35,000!. he
propofed to grant 00 per cent, on the excels of Ioffes
above 10,cool. ; where the Ioffes were above 35,000!.
and not above 50,000!. 85 per cent, was propofed to
be allowed on the excefs of Ioffes above 10,cool, and
where the lofs was above 50,000!. 80 per cent, was
to be allowed on all above lo,oool. The next clafs
of claimants confifted of thofe who had loft property
in America, but who had refided in England during
the war. To the amount of io,oool. Mr Pitt propo¬
fed to indemnify thefe alfo in full j but that from all
whofe claims amounted from 10,cool, to 30,000!. a
deduflion fliould be made of 20 per cent, and a far¬
ther additional deduclion of 20 per cent, in progreftion
upon every additional 50,000!. claimed. The third
clafs of claimants confifted of loyalifts, who enjoyed
places, and exercifed profeftions in America, and by
adhering to this country, had loft their incomes. He
propofed to put upon half pay thofe whofe incomes
amounted to no more than 400I. per annum, and to
grant 40 per cent, upon any excefs of income above
400I. per annum, unlefs the income fliould exceed
1500k per annum, in which cafe 30 percent, only
ftiould be allowed upon the excefs of income above
400k per annum. Laftly, It was propofed to pay the
full amount of their claims to perfons connefted with
Weft Florida $ becaufe, by the treaty of peace, that
country had been ceded by Britain to a foreign power.
Mr Pitt concluded by moving, that, to fatisfy thefe
claims, 1,228,239!. ftiould be voted to the feveral
American claimants for Ioffes, &c. and 113,952!.
14s. ^d. to the Floiida claimants. The motion was
unanimoufly agreed to. The liberality with which the
Britifh nation adled upon this occafion, merits ap¬
probation, as an inftance of the wifeft policy, from its
tendency in future difcontents, or infurre&ions in the
fubordinate parts of the empire, to fecure the attach¬
ment of perfons of property to the caufe of the metro-
B R I
polls. As the claims of the American loyalifts were Britain,
ftated by themfelves, and not fcrutinized with extreme —y—w
feverity, it was generally underftood that thefe perfons
were in very few inftances ultimate lofers by the part
which they had taken, a circumftance of which the
public did not difapprove.
The trade carried on by Great Britain and other Slave trade,
European nations upon the coaft of Africa, for the
purpofe of purchafing negro flaves to be employed in
the cultivation of the Weft India iflands, and certain
parts of the continent of America, does not appear,
till of late years, to have been confidered with that
general attention, which a pradlice, fo abhorrent in
its nature to the mild principles of modern policy and
manners, might have been expedled to excite. This
may probably have been owing, partly to the diftance
of the objeft, w'hich tended both to conceal the fuffer-
ings, and to leffen the fympathy of the public for the
unfortunate fufferers ; partly to the connivance of po¬
liticians, unwilling to examine too feverely into the
neceftity of the means by which diftant colonies were
enabled to pour luxury and wealth into the mother
countries. The firft public attempt, we believe, that
was made to put a flop to this traffic, was by the Qua¬
kers of the fouthern provinces of America, who, foon
after the eftabliftiment of their independence, not only
prefented, for this purpofe, a ftrong and pathetic ad-
drefs to their feveral legiflative affembiies ; but actually
proceeded, as it was faid, in many inftances, to emanci¬
pate the flaves that were in their poffeffion. In Great
Britain the fame fed! appears alfo to have taken the
lead ; and, after the example of their American bre¬
thren, prefented, in 1787, a fimilar petition to the
parliament of this kingdom. The caufc foon after be ¬
came extremely popular, and was taken up with great
zeal and earnellnefs by various deferiptions of people,
A fcciety was formed, and a confiderable fum of mo¬
ney fubferibed, for the purpofe of collefting informa¬
tion and fupporting the expence of an application to
parliament. A great number of pamphlets were pub-
lifhed upon the fubjedl} feveral eminent divines re¬
commended it from the pulpit, and in printed difeour-
fes ; and, in the prefent feffi<?n, petitions againft the
African flave-trade were prefented from the two Eng-
lifh univerfities, and from feveral of the moft confider¬
able towns and corporations in the kingdom.
By a fort of general confent, Mr Wilberforce had
been intrufted with the care of bringing the bufinefs
into the houfe of commons; but be being prevented by
bad health, Mr Pitt, on the 9th of May, having men¬
tioned this circumftance, propofed that the houfe
ftrould enter into a refolution, to take into confidera-
tion "the circumftances of the flave-trade early in the
next feffion. He added, that the privy-council had
appointed a committee to inquire into the matter j and,
that next feffion, the refult would probably be laid be¬
fore the houfe to facilitate their inveftigations. Mr
Fox and Mr Burke expreffed their regret on account
of the propofed delay. They lamented, that the pri¬
vy-council, who had received no petitions from the
people, ffiould have inftituted an inquiry ; and, that
the houfe of commons, whofe table was loaded with
petitions from every part of the kingdom, ffiould not
have inftituted an inquiry at all. If they fuffered the
bufinefs of the houfe to be done by the privy-council,
they
[ 618 ]
I
Britain.
841
BiU to re¬
gulate the
tranfpor.
tat,on of
negroes.
842
Indian af-
Sairs.
B R I [6
they were abdicating their truft, and making way for
an entire abolition of their fun&ions. Sir William
Dolben called the attention of the houfe to the condi¬
tion of the Haves in one point, which he alleged call¬
ed for an immediate remedy. He faid he neither al¬
luded to their fufferings at home from the hands of
their cruel countrymen, nor to their fufferings from
their unfeeling mafters, the planters in the Weil India
iflands ; but to that intermediate Hate of tenfold mife-
ry which they fuffered in their tranfportation from the
coaft of Africa to the Weft Indies. He entered into
a fhort detail of the horrors of that dreadful paffage,
which he faid was fcarcely lefs fatal in its effedls upon
the Bntifti failors, than upon the wretched Haves
themfelves ; and he declared himfelf ready to call evi¬
dence to the bar to prove the faft. This, he faid,
called aloud for a remedy, and that remedy ought to
be applied immediately. If parliament did not apply
fame remedy, without delay, between the prefent fef-
lion and the beginning of the next, 10,000 lives would
be loft. He wifhed, therefore, that this grievance
ftiould be taken into confideration, independent of the
general queftion ; and that fome regulation, fuch as
reftraining the captains from taking above a certain
number of Haves on board, according to the fize of their
Veffels, obliging them to let in freih air, and provide
better accommodation for the Haves during their paf¬
fage, and fuch other regulations as ftiould fuggeft them¬
felves to the houfe, fliould be adopted. This propofal met
with general approbation ; and, accordingly, a bill w?as
brought forward, and pafled into a law, for regulating
the tranfportation of the natives of Africa to the Britifti
colonies in the Weft Indies. It met with fome unfuc-
cefsful oppofition from the merchants of Liverpool,
wTho petitioned, and were heard by counfel, againft it.
In the prefent feflion, the affairs of India ftill conti¬
nued to occupy the attention of the legiHature and of
the public. During the apprehenfions of a rupture
with France, on account of the affairs of Holland, go¬
vernment had refolved to fend out four additional re¬
giments to India, on board the company’s ftiips, for
the protefHon of our poffeftions in that quarter ; and
the propofal had been received with approbation by
the court of dire&ors. After the danger was part, go¬
vernment ftill adhered to their refolution of fending
out four regiments, with a view to form a permanent
eftablifhment of the king’s troops in that quarter. In
confequence of this circumftance, a queftion arofe with
the court of dire&ors of the Eaft India Company, a-
bout the expence of fending out, and hereafter paying,
thefe troops. By an aft paffed in 1781, the company
were declared liable for the expence attending fuch
troops only as ftiould be fent out upon their own requi-
fition. But adminiftration nowr contended, that the
aft brought forward by Mr Pitt in 1784, which gave
to the board of controul a power of counterafting the
orders of the court of direftors, and of direfting the
application of the company’s revenues, ought to be un-
derftood to authorize that board to carry into effeft
the propofed meafure. The court of direftors, how¬
ever, obtained the opinion of fome eminent lawyers in
their favour 5 and, accordingly, refufed to take the
troops on board the fliips that were about this time to
lail for India. For this reafon, on the 25th of Fe¬
bruary, Mr Pitt propofed, in the houfe of commons,
19 ] B r r
that all difficulties Hiould be removed by a declaratory Britain.
aft, afferting the intention of the legiHature, in the acf U’”-v 
of 1784, to have been agreeable to the conftruftion DcrSj^a
put upon it by the board of controul. This mode of tory bill!
proceeding was ftrongly oppofed. It was faid, that
the claims of government upon the company ought to
be tried in a court of law, inftead of being brought
before the houfe of commons, where adminiftration
poffeffed an undue influence. It was contended, that
the meafure was in itfelf ill-judged, as it would have
been more economical to have fuffered the company to
have raifed four regiments, which would have enabled
them to provide for many of their own officers, 600 of
whom were living in India in very diftreffed lituations,
in confequence of having been reduced at the peace 5 or
the mode might have been adopted, with better advan¬
tage to the company, of fending out recruits to com¬
plete the king’s regiments at that time in India, which
would have enabled them to avoid the additional bur¬
den of all the officers of four new regiments. The
meafure was farther condemned, as tending to produce
confufion in India, by putting the power of the fword
into two hands, and giving difguft to the officers in the
company’s fervice. It was added, that the power now
claimed by the board of controul of keeping an army of
the king’s forces in India, to any amount they thought
fit, and of paying it out of the revenues of the company,
was unconftitutional, as it enabled the king, contrary
to the bill of rights, to keep a Handing army in time
of peace.
But the point of view in which this declaratory aft
was chiefly refifted, referred to its tendency to deprive
the Eaft India Company of the whole management of
its owm affairs, and the patronage arifing from its re¬
venues, which, at the time that Mr Pitt’s bill was paf¬
fed, had never been underftood to be the intention of
the legiflature or of government. Mr Pulteney and
fome other members, who ufually voted with Mr Pitt,
now declared that they fupported his bill in 1784, on¬
ly becaufe it appeared to preferve uninjured the rights
of the Eaft India Company ; that the conftruftion
attempted to be put upon it in the declaratory bill, made
it equally obnoxious with the celebrated bill rejefted
by the lords in 1783* with only this difference, that
what the one had for its profeffed objeft openly and
without difguife, the other was attempting to effeft by
fraud and diffimulation. Mr Powis argued, from the
various amendments which the aft had received in its
paffage through the houfe, that no fuch ideas of its ex¬
tent, as were now endeavoured to be eftabliflied, were
then entertained of it, much lefs expreffed ; and that
if they had, it muft have been rejefted. Mr Baring,
one of the direftors of the Eaft India Company, de¬
clared, that Mr Pitt’s bill wTas generally underftood
at the time, by that board, to be utterly incapable of
the unlimited conftruftion now put upon it; and Co¬
lonel Bane declared, that having afked one of the di¬
reftors, why they had fuffered the bill to pafs unrefifted
and with the fanftion of their concurrence, the direc¬
tor had admitted with him, that the bill darkly and
tacitly conveyed powers to the board of controul, as
hoftile to the rights of the company as Mr Fox’s bill j
but that they had a confidence in the adminiftration
which introduced it, and had no doubt of their exer- *
cifing thole powers with gentlenefs and moderation.
4 I 2 Thefe
Britain.
344
General re¬
marks.
B R I [ 620 ] B R I
Thefe fentiments excited great triumph on the fide pears to have rendered inevitable,
of Mr Fox and his friends, who loudly congratulat¬
ed themfeives upon the complete juftification which
his India bill had now, they faid, obtained, by the ta¬
cit confelTion of his adverfaries thcmfelves.
In fupport of the declaratory aft, Mr Pitt contend¬
ed, that the expreis objeft of the inftitution of the
board of controul, was to take the entire management
of the territorial poffeflions and the political govern¬
ment of India out of the hands of the company, leav¬
ing them only the direftion of their commercial con¬
cerns. The board of controul was in future to be re-
fponfible to the public for the profperity and fafety of
our Indian pofieflions, and was therefore to be invert¬
ed with all the powers neceffary for the due difcharge
of its important duties. He denied that adminirtra-
tion in 1784, had held any other language with re¬
gard to its nature or the authority it was to poffefs.
With regard to the economy and policy of the prefent
meafure, he admitted, that there ought not to be two
armies in India, but laid, that the army which exifted
there, ought undoubtedly to be the king’s and fo-
lemnly protefted that his conduft w'as in no degree in¬
fluenced by the profpeft of additional patronage to be
acquired by the crown. He added, that it wTas the
intention of government to divide equally the new
commiflions with the Fart India Company. Upon the
conftitutional queftion of a Handing army being kept
in India by means of the company’s revenues, he Hat¬
ed, that all the exifting laws relative to Handing ar¬
mies, were, in his apprehenfion, extremely inaccurate.
If any danger was apprehended from the prefent aft,
he had no objeftion to receive any claufes that might
be offered, from whatever part of thehoufe they might
come. On the 5th of March, the bill was carried by
a majority of 182 to 125. In the houfe of lords, the
marquis of Lanfdowne expreffed the utmoft aftonilh-
ment, that any one who recollefted what had parted
in that houfe in the years 1783 and 1784, could con¬
tend for a moment, that the principles of the prefent
bill w7ere contained in that of 1784. Their lordlhips
had refufed to fuffer the bill of 1783 to be fent to a
committee, becaufe it was bad in its principle ; and
yet the aft which they afterwards parted in 1784, as
now intended to be explained, manifeftly holds one
and the fame principle. The preference of the latter
to the former, could not have been given on account
of its particular provifions. He, at leaft, fliould have
preferred that which gave the government of India to
parliamentary commifftoners for four years. It would
now have expired. But if the powder propofed rtiould
once be given to the crowm, what time and exertion
would not be required to recover it, or to keep within
due bounds the influence of the crown, when all the
patronage of India was added to the influence it alrea¬
dy poffeflTed ? If it was capable of erefting a fourth
Hate, and overturning the conftitution in fourth hands,
how much more capable of mifchief would it be when
united in one of the three eftates, and that the crown,
there being eleven millions fterling per annum to ad-
minifter ?
Upon the whole of this fubjeft, it is, perhaps, no
unfair remark, that, if the augmentation of the power
of the crown was at this period indeed a misfortune,
it was a misfortune which the conqueft of India ap-
1        The Eaft India Britain. ^
Company, by whom the conqueH had been made, was v
admitted, by all parties, to have (hewn itfelf unfit to go¬
vern that great country. The management of it, there¬
fore, naturally devolved upon the executive branch of
the Britilh conftitution, unlefs the conftitution itfelf
was to be endangered, by intrufting the exercife of
new and unufual powers to fome of the other branches
of the legirtature, for whofe due exercife of fuch pow¬
ers the laws had made no provifion 5 or, unlefs a new
kind of authority or power was to be created, as at¬
tempted by Mr Fox’s India bill, the refult of which,
as a political experiment upon the conftitution, or
mode of adminiftering a part of the affairs of the em¬
pire, was neceffarily hazardous, becaufe heretofore
entirely without example. s45
The attention of the nation flill continued to be oc-
copied in no fmall degree by the profecution of Mr
Haftings. The members of the committee, which du- iter-hall,
ring the preceding feffion had prepared the articles of
impeachment, were now appointed to aft as managers
for the houfe of commons in condufting the trial. On
the 13 ih of February, the trial commenced with ex¬
traordinary folemnity in Weftminfter hall, which had
been fitted up for the purpofe. About 11’clock the
houfe of commons, preceded by the managers, came
from their own houfe into the hall, Mr Burke leading
the proceffion. Thereafter, the houfe of peers came
in proceffion, preceded by the clerks of parliament, the
mafters of chancery, the ferjeants at law, and the
judges. The inferior peers came firft, and the lord
chancellor laft. The proceffion clofed with the royal
family, including the queen, the prince of Wales ad¬
vancing laft. In parting to their feats, they bowed to
the throne. That and the following day were con-
lumed in reading the articles of impeachment, and the
anfwers of Mr Haftings. On the 15th of February, Mr Burke’s
Mr Burke began an oration, which he continued du-o^tion of-
ring that and four following days, and in which his
talents were exerted with great fplendour, and his elo¬
quence liftened to with admiration. After an appeal
to the juftice of the court, on the part of the people of
India, who came, he faid, in the name of the commons
of Great Britain, but in their own right, to the leat of
the imperial juftice of the kingdom, from whence weie
originally derived all the powers under W'hich tney
had fuffered, he entered into a detail of the hil-
tory of Hindoftan from the earlieft times. He gave a
luminous view of the revolutions that had occurred in
it; of the civil and religious inftitutions, together with
the arts, cuftoms, and manners, of the various claffes
of its inhabitants. He traced the progrefs of Bi itifti in-
trufion, and minutely deferibed the eftablilhments made,
by our countrymen. He gave an animated account of
the blelnngs which India might have derived from a
communication with the moft enlightened nation in Eu¬
rope j but lamented, that, inllead of afting as friends or
inrtruftors of the natives, our countrymen had mark¬
ed their w’ay by treachery and rapine, and taught vice
rather than virtue. He expatiated on their ufurpations
of powrer, and their frequent enormities. He fpecified
the afts of Mr Haftings, reprefenting them as beyond,
all bounds arbitrary and rapacious, and endeavoured
to hold him up to execration as a monfter of tyranny.
The governor-general had attempted to juftify his op-.
preffion%,
B R I
[ 62
Britain.
847
Mode of
procedure
difputed.
848
Sir Elijah
Impey ao
cufed.
pretlions, by alTerting that the Afiatic governments were
all defpotic ; that he did not make the people Haves,
but found them fuch ; that the fovereignty he was cal¬
led to exercife wras an arbitrary fovereignty, and that
he had exercifed it in no other way than was done by
the other fovereigns of Alia, or the native princes of
the country, who at all times made every order of their
fuhjefts, and all the property of the countries they go¬
verned, fubfervient to their policy or their extrava¬
gance. Mr Burke now reprobated this geographical
morality, or thefe claims to abfolute power. He de¬
nied that the Eaif India Company, or that the Britifh
government, had it to beftow. He afferted, that no
fuch arbitrary government was attempted to be jufti-
fied in the call : That every Mahometan government
mull be a government regulated by law7, that is, by the
laws of the Koran, and that the Gentoo law7s profcribe
every idea of arbitrary will in magiftrates. He contended
that the conduct of tyrants and ufurpers, or the corrupt
praftices of mankind, were no principles upon which
to regulate the duty of a Britifh governor, w7ho is
bound to a£f, and ought to be judged by his country,
upon Britifh principles. Thefe principles Mr Hall-
ings was now accufed of having violated, not merely in
his ow7n perfonal condufl, but by employing under him,
perfons whom he knew to be the molt worthlefs of
human beings, and for whofe enormous cruelties he
was refponfible. Thete cruelties the accufer defcrib-
ed with fuch warmth of colouring, that many of his
hearers were convulfed with horror. Mr Burke con¬
cluded his fpeech, or rather his courfe of orations,
with declaring, that with confidence he impeached
Mr Haftings in the name of the commons of Great
Britain, whofe parliamentary trull he had betrayed,
and whofe national chara£ler he had dillronoured. That
he impeached him in the name of the people of India,
whofe law's, rights, and liberties he had fubverted,
whofe properties he had dellroyed, and whofe country
he had made defolate. Laflly, He impeached him in
the name of human nature, which he had cruelly out¬
raged in both fexes, in every age, rank, and condition
of life.
The managers of the impeachment next propofed, for
regulating the future conduct of the impeachment, that
they fhould proceed to a conclufion on both fides, up¬
on each article feparately, before they opened a-
nother ; but the counfel for Mr Hallings infilled, that
the houfe of commons Ihould firll proceed to a conclu¬
fion upon the whole charges, before any part of the de¬
fence Ihould be demanded. The houfe of lords delibe¬
rated upon this point. The lord chancellor Thurlow
and others, who ufually voted with adminillration, flip-
ported the demand made by the counfel for Mr Haft-
ings, while Lord Loughbourough, and others in op-
pofition, contended that it w7as impolfible to do fub-
ftantial julfice in this way. The managers for the
commons acquiefced in the decifion, and thereafter
entered upon the particular articles of charge. Two
charges employed the houfe of lords during the remain¬
der of the feffion 5 as it was neceflary to occupy much
time in hearing evidence upon each.
During the invelligations occafioned by the trial of
Mr Haftings, and the difcuflion of India affairs, the
oppofition party were led to bring forward an accufa-
tion againft Sir Elijah Impey, the friend of Mr Haft-
i ] B R I
ings, and lately chief juftice of the fupreme court of
Bengal. Soon after the commencement of the prefent
felfion, Sir Gilbert Elliot prefented to the houfe of
commons fix articles, containing changes againft the
late judge,*of Various high crimes and mifdemeanouis.
The fubftance of thefe charges amounted to an affer-
tion, that the chief juftice had in a variety of inftances
rendered himfelf the agent and tool of Mr Haftings,
particularly in the decifion of a confiderable number
of important caufes. On this occafion, Sir Gilbert.
Elliot addreffed the houfe with much ability, in a
fpeech of confiderable length. He began by exculpat¬
ing himfelf from the imputations which ufually attach
to the office of an accufer, that he is actuated by a na¬
tural malignity of temper, by perfonal refentments or
interefts, or by the fpirit and paffions of party.
With regard to the laft, be ftated that Sir Elijah
Impey had been declared criminal, by the voice of
parliament, before the parties into which it was at pre¬
lent divided had any exiftence, and that the proceed¬
ings, out of which this accufation originated, had been
carried on by perfons of all defcriptions and connexions,
and were countenanced by every one of the adminiftra-
tions which had fucceeded each other during the laft:
lix years. He next congratulated the houfe, upon the
proofs they had given, that the grievances of India
wrere not only fit objects of their inquiries, but that
their redrefs was the bell object of their power. He
adverted to certain principles, which for obvious ends
had been induftrioufly diffeminated abroad, and had
even been maintained in that houfe, that India w7as in¬
deed oppreffed, but that it w7as accuftomed to oppref-
fion; and that it mull be oppreffed or abandoned.
Thefe fcandalous pofitions Sir Gilbert w7armly contro¬
verted, and laid down in oppofition to them, what he
thought nature and experience warranted him to af¬
firm, that India mull be redreffed or loft.
Sir Gilbert Elliot then laid down a fecond principle j
viz. that the only means left of reforming Indian a-
bufe, was the puniftiment, in feme great and fignal
inftances, of Indian delinquency. This prepofition he
endeavoured to eftablifti with great ingenuity, by com¬
paring the difl'erent force and efficacy of laws, as ari-
ling from their penal fanftions, when applied in our
owm internal adminiftration, and in the government of
diftant poffeffions. At home, where government had
in light, and w7as in contact with, the governed, their
execution was eafy and certain but in our remote do¬
minions, we had to labour with all the difficulties that
abfence, diftance, and ignorance could oppofe. A-
gainft this evil, no perfedl remedy could be found, as
experience had fully proved. Every refource of le-
giftative regulation had been exhaufted in vain ; no
device had been left untried, except the fimple expe¬
dient of diftributing reward to merit, and pains to
guilt; the exemplary punilhment of detected crimes
was the only means left of convincing our diftant fub-
jefls, that though diftance might delay, it could not
finally avert, the cognizance and penalties of juftice.
Of the particular charges which Sir Gilbert Elliot
brought forward againft Sir Elijah Impey, that refpec-
ting the fate of the rajah Nundcomar, a Hindoo prince
of the facred call of the Bramins, was the moll remarka¬
ble. He had the weaknefs, or imprudence, to become
an informer or accufer, to the Eaft India Company,
agatniE
Britain.
849
State of
.European
politics.
S50
State of
Sweden.
B R I [6
^ againft their principal fervant, Mr Haftings; the con-
fequence of which was, that the governor-general was
alleged to have procured an accufation to be brought a-
gainft him, in the court where Sir Elijah Jmpey pre-
lided j and there, on a charge of forgery, he wras
tried, condemned, and hanged, upon the authority of
an Englilh ftatute; w'hereby all complaints againlt the
company’s fervants were faid to be for ever ftiHed, and
the grievances of the call; to have received a complete
remedy. In the courfe of the feffion, witnefles were
examined againlt Sir Elijah Impey. His defence w^as
undertaken by the chancellor of the exchequer, with
the folicitor, and attorney-general. The firft charge
was rejected on the 9th of May, by a divifion of 73
againft 55. On the 27th of May, the houfe voted a
delay of procedure, during three months, and no im¬
peachment refulted from the inquiry.
During the period which fucceeded the prorogation
of parliament, in the prefent year, the only occur¬
rence worthy of notice arofe out of the contefts of
the northern nations. At this period, the relative
ftate of the European powers had rapidly undergone
a moft important alteration. During a century and a
half, the power of the monarchy of France had been
formidable to all Europe, and, at different periods, the
moft extenfive combinations were found neceffary to
refill: its ambition. That monarchy, however, ilnce
the clofe of the American war, had evidently loft its
importance among the furrounding nations. Its in¬
fluence over Holland had ever been one of its fa¬
vourite objefts of purfuit, but during the laft year, it
fuffered that influence to be overturned, without a
ftruggle ; and with regard to every external effort,
France, at this time, appeared to have fallen into a ftate
of complete imbecility. The powers whofe ambition
•was now dangerous to the repofe of Europe, were Aus¬
tria and Ruflia; the latter, in particular, was extremely
reftlefs and enterprifing. The emprefs Catharine II.
had contrived to engage in her views the emperor of
Germany, Jofeph II. and to prevail with him to en¬
gage in a fanguinary war on the eaftern frontiers of
Europe, with a view to the partition of the provinces
of the declining empire of the Turks ; while France,
the ancient ally of that power, was unable to give it
any countenance or aid.
In the mean time, the fame emprefs held in a ftate
of extreme dependence upon herfelf, the two king¬
doms, on her weftern boundary, Sweden and Den¬
mark. After the fatal reign of Charles XII. by whofe
extravagant military enterprifes, the ftrength of the
kingdom had been exhaufted, Sweden had funk into
a ftate of political weaknefs. The nobles in all parts
of the country had refumed, in a great degree, the in¬
dependence of the feudal times, together with the an¬
archy to which that form of government was fo re¬
markably fubjedt. The crown and the people were
equally infignificant, and the mutual animofities of the
nobles fubje&ed the ftate to the intrigues of neigh¬
bouring nations. The king of Prufliahad remarked, that
there was, in their diet, a French party, and a Ruffian
party, but there was not an individual among them
that fupported the party of Sweden. The prefent mo¬
narch, Guftavus III. however, was now in the vigour
of his age, and a man of a moft enthufiaftic and en¬
terprifing chara&er. By attaching to himfelf the pea-
22 ]
B r 1
fantry of the country, and their deputies in their diet, Britain,
he had, in J772> obtained his power to be declared ab-1 1 v-"--
folute ; but the nobles had gradually recovered a por¬
tion of their authority, and, by the intrigues of Ruffia,
they were now becoming very dangerous to the throne.
Thefe intrigues rendered the fituation of the Swedifh
monarch extremely unhappy, and excited an impatient
defire of fhaking off his dependence upon Ruffia. He
refolved, therefore, to take advantage of the prefent
war, in which flie had engaged with the Turks, to
make an attack upon this mighty power, on its north-
weftern frontier. To accomplifh this objeft with toler¬
able fafety, however, it was abfolutely neceffary that
Sweden fhould be fafe on the fide of Denmark. But the
court of Denmark having always governed Norway
in a harfh unfeeling manner, it is faid, that in the year
1772, Guftavus III. gave great countenance and en¬
couragement to the malecontents of Norway. This
laft circumftance has been alleged, by the Danes, as
an excufe for a treaty into which their government fe-
cretly entered at that, time with Ruffia, whereby it
was agreed, that, if Ruffia fhould be attacked, Den¬
mark fhould affift her with l2,oco auxiliary troops,
and fix {hips of the line.
But whatever may have been the conduct of the
king of Sweden in 1772, there is no doubt that ever af,
ter that period he endeavoured, in the moft anxious
manner, to conciliate the good will of the court of
Denmark. At the clofe of the year 1787, he paid
an unexpe&ed vifit to the Danifh court, at Copenha¬
gen, in a manner totally deftitute of all ceremony,
and there endeavoured to prevail with the prince re¬
gent and his council, who governed the kingdom dur¬
ing the incapacity of the king, to enter into his views
with regard to Ruffia. He pointed out in the ftrong-
eft terms, the haughty fpirit with which that ambitious
power annoyed all her neighbours; that if her prefent
defign fucceeded, of partitioning the Ottoman empire,
her ftrength would become fo vaft, that Sweden and
Denmark could afterwards only hope to fubfift as mi-
ferable dependants on her clemency. The court of
Denmark, however, could not be prevailed upon to
enter into thefe views, and appears ftill to have con¬
cealed its own fecret engagements with Ruffia, or the
part it meant to take in cafe of a w’ar between Ruffia
and Sweden.
In the month of July, the king of Sweden com-Wa/be-
menced offenfive operations againft Ruflia on the fide tween
of Finland. Here, however, the difeontents whichSvvedenan^
had been foftered by Ruffia among the Swedifh noblesRuffia#
fpeedily came to view : Several officers declared, that
the king had no right to make war without the confent
of the ftates of the kingdom. The mutiny became
general, and the troops refufed to advance. When
the king was in this embarraffed ftate, a Danifh army Tihe Danes
fuddenly advanced againft Sweden under Prince invatle
Charles of Heffe Caffelj accompanied by the prince ofSweden.
Denmark, as a volunteer. To give this force the ap¬
pearance of an auxiliary army, the prince of Hefie had
been created a field marflial in the Ruffian fervice.
1 he king of Sweden’s affairs were now extremely def-
perate. The fenate at Stockholm, during his abfence,
had affumed extraordinary powers, and had fummoned
a meeting of the ftates of the kingdom. The king,
however, unexpedledly arrived at Stockholm from Fin¬
land.
§52
B R I [ 623 ]
B R I
854
king of
Sweden.
Britain, land, and put an end to their proceedings. He in-
ftantly fent off the whole regular troops from the ca¬
pital, and having affembled the citizens, he declared, in
a fpeech of great eloquence, that he intruded to their
fidelity the defence of his capital, and the protection of
the queen and royal family. His audience were in-
ftantly feized with military enthufiafm *, the citizens
armed and embodied themfelves, and performed the
whole duty of the garrifon. Such of the officers as
had returned from the army in Finland, were infulted
as traitors, and compelled to conceal themfelves.
Efforts of ^ kiog next hailened to the province of Dalecarlia,
the king of inhabited by a fierce and ignorant, but honefl: people,
Sweden. celebrated for the ffiare which they took in the me¬
morable revolution by which Guftavus Vafa refeued
his country from the defpotifm and unequalled cruelty
of Denmark, which had maffacred the citizens of
Stockholm, and almoft exterminated the nobility of the
kingdom. The loyalty of thefe people was kindled
to enthufiafm by this fecond vifit of a king to their
mines and forefis, and 4000 of them inftantly came
forth as volunteers. In the mean time, the Daniffi
army was advancing along the fea coaft, which had
been left undefended. A body of Swedes were taken
prifoners, and the army advanced towards Gotten-
Banger of burgh. The governor of this place, which is moftly
Gottenburg built of timber, and therefore liable to inftant de-
and the ftruction by bombardment, fummoned a meeting of
the inhabitants, and recommended fubmiffion to the
invaders •, to which they agreed. A Daniffi officer was,
in the mean time, on his way to propofe terms for
capitulation. Thus was the rich mart and great em¬
porium of the foreign commerce of Sweden, the only
port of any value which ffie poffeffed on the ocean, at
the very point of being loft *, nothing more being
wanted to feal her deftiny, than the arrival of the
Danifti officer to conclude the capitulation. By un-
ufual perfonal exertion, however, the king, at this
critical period, paffed unnoticed through the enemies
parties, and entered the city. He affembled the people,
and having exerted his ufual powers of perfuafion, the
inhabitants unanimoufly refolved to encounter every
hazard in defence of the city. The place was thus
faved for a moment ; but its fituation, as well as that
of the king himfelf, was ftill extremely perilous. He
had no adequate force within reach wherewith to refift
the Daniffi army ; and the defperate obftinacy of his
courage was fuch, that nobody doubted his determi¬
nation to periffi in the ruins fooner than relinquiffi the
place, while the native fpirit of his fubje&s would
fcarcely permit thofe prefent to avoid becoming par¬
takers of the ruin. On this occafion, however, the
city and the king, and perhaps the monarchy of Sweden,
855 . owed their fafety to the interference of a Britilh fubjeft.
envoy ^r ^ *"° happened, that at this important period there
Elliot’faveswas no titled ambaffador in Sweden from any of
the Swedilh the courts of London, Berlin, or Verfailles. Their
king. place, however, was well fupplied by Mr Hugh Elliot,
the Britifti envoy at Copenhagen. This gentleman,
from the firft notice of hoftilities, difeerned the in-
terefts of his country and of Europe. He paffed
over into Sweden, and offered his welcome mediation
to the king. He next threatened the Danes with an
immediate invafion by a Pruffian army, fupported by a
Bntilh and Dutch fleet. He continued his threats
with fuch urgency and authority, that the Danifli Biitain.
commander was intimidated, and delayed his threaten- v—
ed hoftilities. A Pruffian envoy foon arrived, and
countenanced all the threats of Mr Elliot j the confe-
quence of which was, that after much fkilful nego¬
tiation, in which Mr Elliot was not a little perplexed
by the impatient temper of the Swediffi monarch } a
fufpenfion of hoftilities was firft concluded, and after¬
wards, in the month of November, the Daniffi troops
totally evacuated the territory of Sweden. 850
Before taking our leave of foreign affairs for this Treaties
year, it may be obferved, that on the 25th of April,
treaty of defenfive alliance was concluded between p"ugfan
Great Britain and the ftates general of the United
Provinces, whereby his Britannic majefty guaranteed
the hereditary ftadtholderffiip in the houfe of Orange j
and on the 13th of Auguft, another treaty of defen¬
five alliance was concluded with Pruffia. 857
At the end of autumn of this year a domeftic occurrence The king’s
took place of a fingular nature, ancj new in the Britifti'^ne^*
hiftory. The health of the fovereign had fuffered a
gradual decline ; a circumftance that was not aferibed
to the freedom of indulgence, and the foftnefs of lux¬
ury, but, on the contrary, to too fevere a regimen, too
laborious exercife, too rigid abftemioufnefs, and too
fliort intervals of reft. As a remedy for the fymptoms
that difeovered themfelves, the king determined to vifit
the medicinal waters of Cheltenham, and according¬
ly travelled into that part of the kingdom immediately
after the prorogation of parliament, and did not re¬
turn to the metropolis till the 18th of Auguft. No
benefit anfwrerable to the expe61ations that had been
formed refulted from this excurfion. His health was-
in a precarious ftate, and on the 2 2d of O&ober
fymptoms were obferved by one of the royal phyficians,
of that alienation of mind which was afterwards the
occafion of fo many important and interefting tranf-
adlions. For feme time it was thought proper to ob*
ferve as much fecrecy as poffible refpe&ing the nature
of the king’s indifpofition. The retreat of the fo¬
vereign at Windfor was favourable to this purpofe j
and for feveral days an opinion was entertained by the
people in general, that his indifpofition was a fever,
and that it had rifen to fo alarming a height as to
threaten a fpeedy diffolution. The real nature of the
cafe, however, could not long be fuppreffed. By the
ftru&ure and practice of the Engliflr conftitution al¬
moft every fpecies of public bufinefs is, in fome man¬
ner, implicated with the royal prerogatives. The ad-
miniftration of political government in particular, was,
by the prefent event virtually fufpended from its func¬
tions ; and, notwithftanding the critical fituation of
Europe, and the very aflive ftiare we had lately taken
in its concerns, it was now deemed impracticable to
return any fort of anfwer to the difpatches of foreign
courts, or of our own ambaffadors. In this fituation
the moft natural expedient was to fuffer the two houfes
of parliament, wffiich flood prorogued to the 20th of
November, to meet at that time, and either adjourn
for a ftiort interval, or immediately proceed to difeufs
the meafures it would be proper to adopt at the prefent
crifis. Circular letters were accordingly addreffed to
the members of the legillature on the 14th, fignifying
to them, that the indifpofition of the fovereign render¬
ed it doubtful whether there wTo^ld be a poflibility of
receiving
B R I
t 624 ]
B R I
jgritain. receiving his commands for the farther prorogation of
1 ' parliament. In that cafe, the two houfes muft of ne-
ceffity affemble, and the attendance of the different
g.8 members was earneftly requeued.
Parliament Parliament being afiembled, the lord chancellor
airembles. obferved in the houfe of lords, that the reafon of their
being thus unufually called together without the ordi¬
nary notice, for the defpatch of bufinefs, arofe from
the feverity of the king’s indifpofition, which had ren¬
dered it impoflible for him to approach the royal per-
fon in order to receive his commands. Lord Camden
remarked, that the cuftomary pra&ice of giving 40
days notice previoufly to the meeting of parliament,
was not in his opinion abfolutely neceffary. There
was an exprefs a£l of parliament, that limited the
notice, in cafe of treafon or rebellion, to 14 days ; he
-therefore recommended an adjournment for that term ;
and at the fame time moved, that the chancellor, by
order of the houfe, fhould addrefs an official letter to
every individual peer. Mr Pitt ftated to the houfe of
commons, that every authority had been confulted re-
fpefting the prefent Angular fituation of affairs j but
they did not point out either theipoffibility of diredt-
ing a new prorogation, or enable rriinifters to open the
feffion of parliament in any regular way. Under
thefe circumftances it would be highly improper for the
houfe to proceed to the difeuffion of any public bufi¬
nefs j and it was abfolutely neceffary to adjourn. He
therefore recommended the interval of a fortnight,
when, if the king’s illnefs fhould unhappily continue, it
would be indifpenfably incumbent upon them to enter
upon the immediate confideration of the date of pu¬
blic affairs. Mr Pkt farther moved a call of the
houfe for the 4th of December, and that the fpeaker
be diredled to fend circular letters, requiring the at¬
tendance of every member on that day.
The tenour of the precedents afforded by the hi-
ftory of England were regarded, upon the whole, as
in favour of a protedlorate or regency, under which
the whole, or a confiderable part of the political
power, ffiould be confided to the next heir to the
crown, or to the adult of the royal family molt nearly
related to the king. A circumftance that rendered this
confideration more material upon the prefent occafion
was, that the prince of Wales wasunderftood to entertain
an avowed partiality for the political connexion that had
g -p lately been inffrumental in obtaining for him the dif-
Proipect of charge of his debts, and an increafe of his annual in-
a change of come, as well as fome perfonal refentment to the mi-
jjainiftry. n!fters now in poffeffion of office. Accordingly, foon
after the indifpofition of the king had been afeertained,
the prince defpatched an exprefs to Mr Fox, who was
at that time in Italy, requefting his immediate prefence
to affift him in forming an adminiftration. The mi-
niflers were aware of the intentions of the prince
of Wales, and wiffied, if poffible, to keep them-
felves in office. As the duration of the king’s illnefs
was neceffarily uncertain, and he might fpeeiily be
able to refume the government, it was obvioufly their
intereft to procraftinate, as much as poffible, any new
eftabliffiment which might be thought neceffary on ac¬
count of the prefent exigency. They wTere enabled to
do fo partly in confequence of the profound tranquil¬
lity eiqoyed by the nation, which did not render the
te.yercife of the executive ower of luch immediate ne-
ceffity as in times of war or public alarm. It is im- Britain,
poffible alfo to avoid remarking, upon this occafion,
the effect of reputation in fupporting any political
meafure. Mr Pitt, and his colleagues in office, were
in poffeffion of the public favour in a degree in which
perhaps no minifters in the Britifii annals ever enjoyed
it for fo long a period of time. Upon Mr Fox and
his affociates remained a part of that odium wffiich the
coalition and the India bill had originally excited.
The prince of Wales himfelf was ftill lefs popular.
The fobriety of his father’s life was thought to form a
contrail: to his youthful indiferetions, and the rumour
of his marriage with Mrs Fitzherbert was ftill propa¬
gated, and met writh fome credit. In this ftate of af¬
fairs the king’s minifters, who had ceafed to be any
thing more than a kind of minifters by courtefy, had
every advantage from the countenance of the public in
their projedt of delaying as long as poffible the relin-
quiftiment of their official fituations, by placing the
exercife of the royal authority in new hands. On this
occafion Mr Pitt conduced himfelf with great dexteri¬
ty in contriving fubjedts of difeuffion in the houfe of
commons, while his antagonifts feem not to have been
aware of his purpofe, or, that while they were con¬
tending againft him for vidlory in debate upon fpecu-
lative political queftions, they were in fad! fighting his
battle, by delaying the period of their own entrance
into power. 860
Upon the re-affembling of parliament, on the 4th of Report of
December, a report of the board of privy council, con- t^ie Pr.lvy
’ r. . - , 1 1 /- • council on
taming an examination of the royal phyucians, was ^ king*e
prefented to the two houfes by Lord Camden and Mr illnefs.
Pitt ; and it was fuggefted, that when the delicacy of
the fubjed!, and the dignity of the perfon in queftion
were confidered, parliament wTould probably perceive
the propriety of adling upon this report, rather than
of demanding that more dired! and ample informa¬
tion to which, in ftridtnefs, they were entitled. This
fuggeftion was undoubtedly reafonable, as it could not
readily be fuppofed that the minifters of the crown
could poffibly have adled fo diredlly in oppofition to
their own interefts, as to have falfely reprefented their
mailer as incapable of fupporting them in their offices.
Mr Fox, Mr Burke, and others, however, would not
take their word upon this point, but infilled upon the
folemnity of an inquiry by a committee of the two
houfes. The report of the committee was laid upon R * of a
the table of the houfe of commons, on the 10th, when committee
a farther propofition was moved by Mr Pitt, for the of the com-
appointment of a committee to inquire into precedents mons-
of cafes in which the perfonal exercife of the royal au¬
thority had been prevented or interrupted by infancy,
ficknefs, infirmity, or any other caufe. Mr Fox ob¬
ferved, that though he had no objedlion to the ap¬
pointment of a committee for the purpofe propofed, yet as
it was notorious, that no precedent exifted which could
be applied to the prefent cafe, he took this opportuni- g(j2
ty of Hating the following general principle ; that in The princes
confequence of its being afeertained, that the king right to the
was at prefent incapable of holding the executive go-j^S®”cy
vernment, the prince of Wales had as clear and ex-m^Fox^
prefs a right to affume the reins and exercife the power
of fovereignty during the continuance of the prefent
incapacity, as if his father was actually dead. He add¬
ed, however, that though the prince’s right was per-
fe£l
B R I
[ 625 ]
B R I
Britain. fe& and entire, the two houfes of parliament, as the
‘,",r •' organs of the nation, were alone qualified to pronounce
DeniecUw w^en to tahe poffeflion of his right. In re-
Mr Pitt, ply to this remark, Mr Pitt Paid, he did not hefitate to
affirm, that for any mari to affert fuch a right in the
prince of Wales, otherwife than as it was voluntarily
conferred upon him by the two houfes of parliament,
was little lefs than treafon to the conftitution of his
country ; adding, that unlefs by their election, he had
no more right, fpeaking of ftrift right, to affume the
government than any other individual fubjedl in Eng¬
land. He defired, that every man in that houfe, and
every man in the nation, would confider, that on their
proceedings depended, as well the exiftence of the
conftitution, as the intereft and honour of a fovereign,
who was defervedly the idol of his people.
On the following day, the opinion which had been
ftated by Mr Fox, was, in the houfe of lords, attacked
by Lord Camden, and defended by Lord Lough¬
borough and Lord Stormont. Minifters had now
got an abftraft queftion as a fubjedl for debate, of
which they refolved not to lofe fight, efpecially as
their fide of the queftion was likely to prove moft po¬
pular, being an affertion of the powers of parliament
in oppofition to an affertion of hereditary right. Mr
Pitt accordingly, wffien the fubjeft was next mention¬
ed, Paid, that the queftion that had been ftarted re-
fpe&ing the rights of parliament was of much greater
magnitude and importance than thofe which related to
the prefent exigency j and he hoped there would be an
unanimous concurrence of opinion, that it was impof-
fible to difmifs the queftion of right without its being
fully difcuffed and decided. On the 16th of Decem-
the prince’s ber, in a committee upon the ftate of the nation, he
right to entered at large upon the fubjeft, and endeavoured to
prove, that, by ancient precedent, the powers veiled
in a regent had always been inferior to thofe of the
king, and that parliament had interfered in cafes of
royal infancy in appointing councils of regency, or a
fingle regent or proteftor. At the fame time Mr
Pitt admitted, that it would be expedient to intruft to
the prince of Wales, whatever powers Ihould be
thought neceffary. Mr Fox, on the contrary, con¬
tended, that his do&rine was fupported by the very
nature of a hereditary monarchy. He faid, that upon
Mr Pitt’s principles, if a man were queftioned, whether
the monarchy is hereditary or not, the anfwer muft be,
“ I cannot tell j alk his majefty’s phyficians. When
the king of England is in health the monarchy is he¬
reditary, but when he is ill and incapable of exercif-
ing the fovereign authority, it is then elective.” Mr
Fox ridiculed the fubtlety of Mr Pitt’s affertion, that
the prince of Wales had no more right than he had,
at the fame time that he confeffed that parliament was
not at liberty to think of any other regent. Mr Pitt’s
motion u]Jbn the queftion of right was carried, upon a
divifion of 268 againft 204.
Propofal to On the 2 2d of December, Mr Pitt propofed in the
make the houfe of commons, a refolution, the objeft of which
was, to declare, that it was neceffary for the purpofe of
fupplying the prefent defe£l, and maintaining the
entire conftitutional authority of the king, that the-
two houfes flrould determine on the means by which
the royal affent might be given to the bill, which they
might adopt for conftituting a regency. The objeff
Vox.. IV. Part II.
*64
Debate on
the re¬
gency.
great feal
equal to
the royal
aflent.
of this propofition was obvious ; adminiftration had re- Britain,
folved not to confide the regency to the prince of
Wales unlefs under reftri&ions; but without the royal
affent, an afl of parliament, fixing thefe reftriftions,
could not be paffed. They wiftied, therefore, to de-
vife a folemnity which, in this cafe, Ihould be held
equivalent to the royal affent. Mr Pitt propofed, that
the great feal ftiould be affixed by the lord chancellor
to the aft of parliament, and that this ftiould be held
equivalent to the royal affent. Mr Fox, on the con¬
trary preffed an immediate addrefs to the prince of
Wales to take upon himfelf the regency. Long de¬
bates occurred upon the point in both houfes of parlia¬
ment, in which adminiftration continued to be fupport¬
ed by the majority. 866
On the 2d of January 1789, a new caufe of delay oc-New de-
curred in confequence of the death of Mr Cornwall, ay*’
the fpeaker of the houfe of commons. Mr Grenville
was elefted, in oppofition to Sir Gilbert Elliot, upon a
divifion of 215 againft 144. On the 6th of January,
wThen the houie of commons were about to confider
Mr Pitt’s propofed regency-bill, Mr Loveden moved
for the appointment of a new committee to inquire in¬
to the ftate of the king’s health. The propofal, after
a debate, was carried by adminiftration. 867
In the mean wffiile Mr Pitt, in the name of the The
reft of the cabinet, explained to the prince of Wales, P“nc®’s
in a letter, the reftriftions which were meant to be^^ce^wkh
inferted in the regency-bill. Thefe were, that the adminiftra-
care of the king’s perfon, and the difpofition of his non.
houfehold, ftiould be committed to the queen •, and
that the power to be exercifed by the prince ftiould
not extend to the perfonal property of his father ; to
the granting any office, reverfion, or penfion, except
where the law abfolutely required it, as in the cale of
the judges, for any other term than during the king’s
pleafure *, nor to the conferring any peerage, unlefs up¬
on fuch perfons of the royal iffue as ftiould have at¬
tained the age of 21 years. Mr Pitt added, that the
ideas he had fuggelted were founded upon the fuppo-
fition, that the royal malady was only temporary, and
might be of ftrort duration. It would be difficult to
fix at pr .fent the precife period for which thefe provi-
fions ought to endure ; but it would be open hereafter
to the wifdom of parliament to reconfider them when¬
ever circumftances might appear to render it eligible.
In his anfwer, which was dated on the 2d of January
1789, the prince declared, that it was with deep re¬
gret he perceived, in the propofitions of adminiftration,
a projeft for introducing weaknefs, diforder, and infe-
curity, into every branch of political bufinefs 5 a pro¬
jeft for dividing the royal family from each other, for
feparating the court from the ftate, and depriving go¬
vernment of its natural and accuftomed lupport 5 a
fcheme for difconnefting the authority to command
fervice from the power of animating it by reward, and
for alloting to him all the invidious duties of the king¬
ly ftation, without the means of foftening them to the
public by any one aft of grace, favour, or benignity.
He ftated it to be a principle of the Britifti conftitu¬
tion, that the powers and prerogatives of the crown
were held as a truft for the benefit of the people, and
were facred, as they conduced to preferve that ba¬
lance of the conftitution which was the true fecurity
of the liberty of the fubjeft; ^nd he objefted to
4 K making
B R I r 626 7 B R I
Britain, making trial in his perfon, of an experiment to afcer-
v”' /'—*■' tain with how fmall a portion of kingly power the ex¬
ecutive government ef the country could be conduced.
He afferted his conviftion, that no event could be
more repugnant to the feelings of his royal father on
his recovery, than to know that the government of
his fon and reprefentative had exhibited the fovereign
power in a ftate of degradation and diminifhed energy,
a ftate injurious in its pra&ice to the profperity of the
people, and mifchievous in its precedent to the fecuri-
ty of the monarch and the rights of his family. The
prince declared himfelf refblved, however, to under¬
take, under every difadvantage, the office of regent, to
avoid the evils which might otherwife arife.
We may here remark, that the moft Angular part of
the project for the government of the kingdom appears
to have been, that for confiding to the queen the
power to remove, nominate, and appoint the officers
, of the royal houfehold •, affifted by a permanent council,
to be felefted by parliament, and to confift, in fome
meafure, of the members of the prefent adminiftration.
The annual income of the royal houfehold was com¬
puted to amount to 300,000!. and the number of of¬
ficers of which it confifted to 400, an influence, that
would certainly have been fufficiently formidable to a
government in other refpe&s reftrifted and limited.
The lords of the bed-chamber had been made ufe of to
defeat Mr Fox’s proje&ed India bill, and might, under
a feparate eftablifhment, have proved embarraffing to
the exifting government. It may alfo be remarked,
that during the whole of the prefent reign, the queen
had never previoufly appeared to a61: beyond her do-
meftic fphere, a circumftance which tended not a little
to increafe the perfonal refpe&ability of her hufband,
as his conjugal fidelity and attachment had always
been remarkable. In confequence, however, of her
name being obtained at this time to the minifterial
proje£l, an idea came to be very generally entertained,
that her influence or interference in political tranf-
adtions was by no means inconfiderable.
It is worthy of remark, that on this occafion admi¬
niftration were, no doubt, greatly encouraged in their
purfuit of the plan they had formed for reftri&ing the
prince’s power, by the addreffes that were prefented
to them from various parts of the kingdom, expreffive
of the gratitude of the perfons by whom they were
fent, for the aflertion which had been made by the
houfe of commons of their right of providing for the
prefent deficiency.
On the 16th of January, Mr Pitt propofed his re¬
gency bill, refting it, in fome meafure, upon the deci-
five opinion of I3r Willis, who expreffed great hopes
of the king’s recovery. After long debates, the limi¬
tations were fupported by a confiderable majority. In
the houfe of lords, fimilar debates occurred, but there
863 alfo adminiftration were vidlorious.
Sefiion of On the 31ft of January, Lord Camden moved in the
parliament houfe of lords, that the lord-chancellor be direfted, by
formbytheaut^orjty ^le two houfes of parliament, to iffue a
lord-chan- commiffion in the name of the fovereign, for the pur-
cellor. pofe of immediately opening the feffion of parliament.
The refolution was carried, the houfe of commons con¬
curred in it, and the feffion was opened in the pro¬
pofed form, on the 3d of February.
Though the principles of the regency bill had been
previoufly difcuffed, yet its various claufes gave rife to
new debates and votes, in which adminiftration ftill Britain,
maintained their fuperiority. The laft claufe provided, ——v——*
that when it Ihould appear to the queen, and the ma¬
jority of her council, that the king was reftored to
health, they fliould be authorized to fignify it under
their hands to the lord prefident of the privy council,
who Ihould caufe it to be recorded in full council, and,
having fo done, fliould fend a copy of it to the lord
mayor of London, and caufe it to be printed in the
gazette. The king was then authorized to fummon
nine privy counfellors, not members of the council to
the queen, by the advice of any fix of whom, he (hould
be authorized to iffue a proclamation, counter-figned
by the fix privy counfellors, declaring his intention to
refume the regal funftions, and upon thefe formalities,
the funftions of the regent ftiould immediately ceafe.
It was farther provided, that, after this proclamation,
parliament ftiould forthwith affemble for the tranfa&ion
of bufinefs. The bill palled the houfe of commons on Regency
the 1 zth of Feb. and was prefented to the houfe of lords bill pafles
on the following day. It was difcufled on the 17th andthe com-
l8th, and a few amendments were introduced into it. bated’h^*”
Here, however, the whole of thefe proceedings
terminated. On the 12th of February, the king had 870
been declared by his phyficians to be in a ftate of The king’s
progreffive amendment. An adjournment of the houfe recovery*
of lords was therefore propofed on the 19th. On theseffiobo-
25th, the king was declared by his phyficians free from pened anew
complaint, and on the 10th of March, the lord-chancel-in the ufual
lor, by the king’s authority, addreffed both houfes of par-form*
liament in a fpeech, and the ordinary bufinefs of the fef¬
fion commenced. The experiment was thus left untried,
of the effe&s which the diminiftred authority of a regent
might have produced, at the period in queftion, upon
the pra&ice of the Britifti government.
In the meanwhile, the adminiftration of Mr Pitt had Conduft of
been lefs fortunate in the kingdom of Ireland than in the Irifli
his own country. The unexampled popularity that re* a^to^e^
conciled the people of Great Britain to all his meafures, regency!
and the odium and fufpicion that had fallen upon his op¬
ponents, had not hitherto, in any very eminent degree,
communicated themfelves to the neighbouring ifland.
The profpeft of his departure from office, therefore, in
that country, excited little regret, and its parliament
made hafte to worlhip what they accounted the rifing
fun. It had flood adjourned, previous to the royal in¬
capacity, to the 20th January 1789, and the marquis
of Buckingham, then lord-lieutenant, with confent of
the privy council of Ireland, ventured to defer its meet¬
ing to the 5th of February. On the nth of that month,
two motions were offered to the confideration of the
houfe of commons. The firft of them by Mr Grattan,
the member moft diftinguiftied for his talents j and the
fecond by Mr Conolly, the richeft of the Irilh com- „
moners. By the firft, the royal incapacity was de- Addrefst©
dared ; and by the fecond, it was propofed to prefent the prince
an addrefs to the prince of Wales, requefting him tomoved»
take upon himfelf the government, with its various
powers, jurifdiftions, and prerogatives. In fupport of
thefe motions, it was argued by Mr Grattan, that there
were two modes of proceeding, familiar to the feveral
branches of the legiflature 5 the one legiflation, and
the other addre-fs. The former of thefe proceeded up¬
on the fuppofition of a third eftate, and required the
concurrence of that eftate, in order to give it validity}
the latter was a fun&ion, exclufively the property of
Britain.
S74
©ppofed.
B R I [62
the two houfes, and w'hich was in itfelf complete and
final. The plan he recommended, advifed the creation
of a third eftate, in order to legiilate; not the legillating,
in order to create a third eftate. To fill up the exift-
ing deficiency, was the only aft the fituation made in-
dilpenfable. Limiting, therefore, their operation to
the demand of the neceflity, they parted with their ex¬
traordinary power, the very moment it was brought
completely into exercife. This Mr Grattan confider-
ed as the firft thing neceflary to be done 5 but as the
addreffes of parliament, though competent to fupply
the deficiency, did not, and could not wTith propriety,
annex to their aft the forms of law, he thought it ad-
vifeable, after the acceptance of the regency, that there
ihould be an aft paffed, for the purpofe of recognizing
and giving the eftabliftied form, to the meafures which
had preceded. The powers he recommended to be
conferred upon the regent, wTere precifely thofe exer-
cifed by the king ; and the reafon of this, he faid, was
to be found in the very nature of the prerogative, which
wTas given, not for the fake of the king, but of the
people, for whofe ufe, both kings, and regents, and
prerogatives, w’ere created and conftituted. He knew
of no political reafon, why the prerogatives in queftion
ftiould be deftroyed, nor any perfonal reafon why they
fhould be fufpended. He thought it unneceffary, to
copy minutely the proceedings of England. 1 he twro
nations concurred in the fame general objeft, the choice
of a regent, which was a common concern, the parti¬
cular modification of which muft be governed by the
particular circumftances of the different countries.
The attorney-general, Mr Fitzgibbon, was the prin¬
cipal champion of adminiftration. He contended, that
the Iriftr parliament ought to wait, till the prince of
Wales w7as invefted with the authority of regent in
England. He would then have the command of the
great feal of that country, the affixing of which was
requifite to give authenticity to every legiflative aft in
Ireland. Upon this laft folemnity he laid great ftrefs j
afferting, that the moment a regent was appointed for
Great Britain, fuppofing him to be a different perfon
from the Irifti regent, he might fend a commiffion un¬
der the great feal of England, appointing a lord-lieu¬
tenant of Ireland ; and to that commiflion, their regent,
at the peril of his head, would be obliged to pay obe¬
dience. He afferted, that the government of Ireland,
under its prefent conftitution, could never go on, un-
lefs they followred Great Britain implicitly in all regu¬
lations of imperial policy. Mr Fitzgibbon predifted,
that the unadvifed raftrnefs of thofe who difregarded
this rule, muft ultimately lead to a legiflative union
with England, a meafure which he deprecated, but
which was more furely prepared by fuch violence, than
if all the fluices of corruption were prepared together,
and poured in one overwhelming torrent upon the
countries reprefentatives.
Mr Hutchinfon the fecretary of ftate, who at this
time joined oppofition, contended, that the regent of
England could not, as fuch, give the royal affent to an
Irifti bill, and Mr Curran enlarged upon the evils which
attended eleftive monarchy. He contended, that, with¬
out overturning the conftitution, neither Britain nor Ire¬
land could exert any choice upon the fubjeft, but muft
receive into the royal office the heir of the monarchy.
The propofitions of Mr Grattan and Mr Conolly
7 1
B R I
Britam.
were voted by the majority } and on the following day,
an addrefs to the prince of Whies wras alio voted, arid •_
fent to the houfe of lords for their concurrence. It A(idr7ef3
was adopted by the houfe of lords by a great majority. carriecj_
The addrefs was carried to the lord-lieutenant on the
19th of February, who, however, refufed to tranfinit it
to England 5 upon which, the two houfes appointed fix
commiffioners, to prefent the addrefs immediately to
the prince. Thele meafures, how'ever, were fcarcely
carried through parliament, when the king’s recovery
rendered them ineffeftual j the conleqttence of which
was, that the majority of the Irifti parliament, who
were very far from having intended to engage in a
conteft with the Britifti government, found themfelves
in an awkward fituation. They maintained for a lliort
time an appearance of firmnefs j but as the Britifti ad ¬
miniftration avoided difplaying any refentment, on ac¬
count of the part they had afted, the legiflature of that
country fpeedily relumed its ufual charafter of obie-
quioufnefs to the Britiih government. 87G
The fubjeft of the Have trade, which had been fug-siave-
gefted to the confideration of parliament during the trade,
preceding feffion, was not regularly rtfumed till the
iZthofMay. In the interval, various petitions had
been prefented againft the abolition of the trade, by
perfons interefted in it, in London, Liverpool, Briftol,
and other places. 'I he report of the committee ot.
privy council, of which Mr Pitt had given notice du¬
ring the preceding feflion, w7as in the mean time pre¬
fented to the houfe of commons j and it is to be remark¬
ed, that, during the preceding year, the enemies of the
trade had been extremely aftive throughout the coun¬
try, in endeavouring to excite the general indignation
of the public againft this odious traffic. Innumerable
pamphlets were diftributed, either gratuitoufly, or at a
low price, giving an account of the calamities endured
by the unhappy natives of Africa, in confequence of it.
The wars, in which their petty princes were tempted
to engage, with a view to the capture of prifoners,
whom they might fell to European traders, were fully
explained ; the wretched manner in which thefe Haves
were tranfported to the Weft India colonies, fettered
and crowded together in luch a way, as to occafion the
deftruftion of multitudes of them by difeafe, was re-
prefented by prints, which were diftributed along with
the popular publications upon the fubjeft 5 and, laifly,
inlfances of the cruelty of the mafters in the \\ eft In¬
dies wTere publifhed, which had a tendency to render
the whole white inhabitants there extremely odious.
In confequence of all thefe exertions, the public at
large were induced to intereft themfelyes with very
great zeal, for the purpofe of procuring, if not an aboli¬
tion of the ftate of flavery wftiich exiftsin the Weft In¬
dia iflands, at leaf! a complete prohibition of the irn-
portation of additional Haves from Africa. To this
laft objeft, the abolition of the trade for flaves to the
coaft of Africa, the attention of the legiflature was at
;his time confined.
877
Mr Wilberforce opened the bufinefs, by ftating the Mr Wilber-
;ffefts of the trade upon Africa, as forming the prin- fowejs
fipal motives of the wars in that country. He next^ainftthp
loticed the mode of tranfportation, the moft wretched Qave_tra^s>
rart of the whole fubjeft, in which, he faid, fo much
nifery, condenfed in fo little room, was more than the
luman imagination had ever before conceived. Hi -
4 K 2 ferent
B R I [ 628 1 B R I
Britain, ferent accounts of this matter were indeed given, he
""""V'’’—' faid, by witnefles, according to their prejudices and
interefts ; but he obferved, that death was a witnefs
that could not deceive, and the proportion of deaths
would not only confirm, but, if poflible, even aggra¬
vate our fufpicion of the mifery of the tranfit. It
would be found, upon an average, of all the (hips up¬
on which evidence had been given, that, exclufive of
fuch as perifhed before they failed, not lefs than 12-2-
per cent, died in the pafiage. Befides thefe, the Ja¬
maica report dated, that four and a half per cent, ex¬
pired upon fhore before the day of fale, which was on¬
ly a week or two from the time of their landing j one-
third more died in the feafoning 5 and this, in a cli¬
mate exaflly fimilar to their own, and where, as fome
of‘he witnefles pretended, they v;ere healthy and hap¬
py. The difeafes, however, that they contra&ed on fhip-
board, the aftringents and walhes that were employed to
hide their wounds, and make them up, as it was called,
for fale, were a principal caufe of this mortality. The
negroes, it fhould be remembered, were not purchafed
at firfl, except in perfedl health •, and the fum of the
different cafualties, taken together, produced a morta¬
lity of above 50 per cent. Mr Wilberforce added,
that, as foon as he had advanced thus far in his invef-
tigation, he felt the wickednefs of the flave-trade to
be fo enormous, fo dreadful, and irremediable, that
he could flop at no alternative fhort of its abolition.
A trade, founded in iniquity, and carried on with
fuch circumftances of horror, muff be abolifhed, let
the policy be what it might 5 and he had from this
time determined, whatever were the confequences,
that he would never reft till he had effedled that abo¬
lition. The principle upon which he founded the ne-
cefiity of the abolition, was not policy, but juftice :
but though juftice were the principle of the meafure,
yet he trufted, he fhould diftimflly prove it to be re-
concileable with our trueft political intereft. In the
iirft place, he afferted, that the number of negroes in
the Weft Indies might be kept up without the intro-
duftion of recruits from Africa ; and, to prove this, he
enumerated the various fources of the prefent mortali¬
ty. The firft was, the difproportion of the fexes, an
evil, which, when the flave-trade was abolifhed, muff,
in the courfe of nature, cure itfelf. The fecond was,
the diforders contradled in the tranfportation, and the
confequences of the wafhes and mercurial ointments,
by which they were made up for fale. A third was ex-
ceflive labour joined with improper food } and a fourth,
the extreme diflblutenefs of their manners. Thefe
would all of them be counterafled by the impoflibi-
lity of procuring further fupplies. It was the intereft,
they were told, of the mafters to treat their flaves with
kindnefs and humanity •, but it was immediate and
prefent, not future and diftant intereft, that was the
great fpring of aftion in the affairs of mankind.
Mr Wilberforce moved twelve propofitions, upon
which, however, he obferved, that he did not mean
to urge them to an immediate vote. They ftated the
number of flaves annually carried from Africa, im¬
ported into the Britifh Weft Indies, and entered in the
cuftomhoufe accounts : the number in the firft of thefe
articles amounting to 38,000. They entered into the
probable demerits of the perfons fold to flavery 5 the
confequences produced upon the inhabitants of Africa,
and the valuable and important commerce to that conn- Britain.
try which might be fubftituted in the room of theflave- ’ V”""'
trade. Theyftated the injury fuftained bythe Britifhfea-
men, and the fatal circumftances that attended the tranf¬
portation to the Haves. They detailed the caufes of the
mortality of the negroes, and enumerated the differ¬
ent items of calculation refpe&ing the increafe of po¬
pulation in Jamaica and Barbadoes •, and they con¬
cluded with declaring, that it appeared that no conft-
derable or permanent inconvenience would refult from
difcontinuing the farther importation.
Upon this occafion, Mr Pitt fupported that fide ofMr Pitt,
the queftion which had previoufly received, in a very^0,0?*
remarkable degree, the fandtion of popular applaufe. L)0^e ^ ,
He declared himfelf fatisfied, that no argument, compa- ^ 6
tible with any idea of juftice, could be aftigned for the
continuation of the flave-trade. He trufted, that the pro-
jeft now recommended, would not prove the means of
inviting foreign powers to fupply our iflands by a clande-
ftine trade. Should fuch an illicit proceeding be attempt¬
ed, the only language which it became us to adopt
was, that Great Britain had refources to enable her to
proteft her iflands, and to prevent that trade from be¬
ing clandeftinely carried on with them, which fhe had
thought fit, from a regard to her chara&er and her
honour, to abandon. It wras highly becoming in Great
Britain to take the lead of all other countries in a bu-
finefs of fo great magnitude $ and he could not but
have confidence that foreign nations wrould be inclin¬
ed to (hare the honour, and contented to follow us as
their patterns in fo excellent a work. Mr Fox highly
approved of what Mr Pitt had faid refpefting the lan¬
guage it became us to hold to foreign powers. A
trade in human flefh he confidered as fo fcandalous,
that it wras in the laft degree infamous to fuffer it to be
openly carried on by the authority of the government
of any country. A regulation of the trade had been
propofed by fome perfons j but his deteftation of its
exiftence led him, he faid, naturally to remark, that he
knew of no fuch thing as a regulation of robbery and
reftriftion of murder. There was no medium. The
legifbiture muft either abolifhthe trade, or plead guilty
to all the iniquity with wdrich it was attended. Mr
Burke obferved, that, whatever w-ere the prefent fi-
tuation of Africa, it could never be meliorated under
the prefent fyftem. While we continued to purchafe
the natives, they muft for ever remain in a ftatt of fa-
vage barbarity. It was impoflible to civilize a flave :
it was contrary to the fyftem of human nature. There
was no country that continued under fuch difadvan-
tageous circumrtances, into which the fhadow of im¬
provement had ever been introduced. Syp
On the other hand, Mr Wilberforce’s propofitions Slave-trade
met with confiderable oppofition. Mr Savage and fupported
Mr Newnham, on the part of the city of London, b>'varicnj9
faid, that the meafure, if cairied into effeft, wouldmem erS'
render the metropolis one fcene of bankruptcy. Mr
Dempfter faid, that Mr Wilberforce’s firft propofal
ought to be to make good out of the public purfe,
the Ioffes which individuals wTould fuftain from the
abolition of the trade. Lord Penrhyn aflerted, that
there were mortgages in the Weft India iilands, to the
amount of 70 millions fterling ; and that Mr Wilber¬
force’s projeft would bind the country in equity, for
the repayment of this fum. Mr Hemffker oppofed
B R I [ 629 ] B R I
. : tlie abolition, on account of tbe unalterable depravity ing to the fuccefs of the fame meafure, in increafing Britain.
W"~v—of the Africans, which rendered them incapable of being the revenue upon wine. ——Y—*.
civilized. And the fame fide of the queftion was farther As the excife laws authorize the revenue officers
fupported, upon various grounds, by Lord Maitland, to fearch the houfes of the dealers, and as they
Mr Marfuam, Mr Hufiey, Mr Rolle, Mr Drake, and fuperfede the favourite fyftem of adminifiering ju-
Mr Aldei man Watfon. The merchants who oppofed the ftice by a trial by jury, their extenfion had former-
abolition requefted leave to examine witnefles on their ly been extremely unpopular, and had nearly occa-
fic e of t ie queftion. Mr Pitt obferved, that, in his fioned the ruin of different minifters, by whom it
opinion, all farther inquiry was unneceffary, and could had been attempted : but, in confequence of the po-
only tend to wafte the time of the houfe. Afterwards, pularity of Mr Pitt’s adminiftration, or in confequence
however,^ he appeared to relax in this refpecf, and the of the long enjoyment of national profperity under the
examination of witneffes was permitted, which con- reigning family, without any very remarkable political
fumed .0 much time, that the bufinefs could not be ftruggles, Mr Pitt’s projects for the purpofe of extend-
brought to a conclufion during the feftion. The tranf- ing the excife, if not pofitively approved, were, at leaft,
actions of the houfe under this head, were concluded contemplated with indifference. Petitions were, how-
j) tne renewal of Sir William Doloen’s aff, to regu- ever, prefented againft the propofed alteration by the
.ate, for a limited time, the mode of conveying flaves perfons about to fall under the new fyftem, and they
in Britifti veffels rrom the coaft of Africa. wTere permitted to be heard by counfel. They affert-
The annual bufinefs of the budget was not brought ed, that the introdmftion of the excife would lead to
ionwitd, in the prelent year, till the 10th of June j the difclofure of their art, and to the confequent ruin
and immediately previous to this difcuflion, the of- of their manufaftare j and, that the operations of ex-
me of fpeaker of the houfe of commons was vacat- cife, fuch as gauging and weighing, were inapplicable
ed, by the promotion of Mr Grenville to the fi- to their commodity. Mr Fox, who was abfent during
MrS.8? tuation of one of the principal fecretaries of ftate, on the firft ftages of the bufinefs, afterwards came for- 8g l
ding-ton the refignation of Lord Sydney. Upon this occafion, ward. When the bill was under the confideration of Debate on
chofen the marquis 01 Graham and Mr Grofvenor moved, a committee, he declared, that he had come down to
fpeaker. that Mr Henry Addington, who was the perfonal the houfe, not fo much from any hope of fuccefsfully jed’
friend of Mr Pitt, and the fon of Dr Stephen Adding- oppofing the bill, as with a view to enter his general
ton, phyfician to Mr Pitt’s family, ftrould be appoint- proteft againft a fcheme which he completely difap
ed to the chair. The name of Sir Gilbert Elliot was proved. He had oppofed, and would oppofe, every ex-
propofed on the part of oppofition, by the fame per- tenfion of the excife laws, becaufe he was convinced
fons who had brought it forward upon a former occa- they were a fyftem of laws under which no freeman
fion ; and Mr fox and Mr Burke, in fupport of this ought to live, and were utterly incompatible with the
amendment, took notice of the youth and inexperience principles of juft and equal government. He was aware,
of his competitor. At length the houfe divided, and that, in fomemen, anynewincreafe of revenue outweigh-
the numbers appeared in favour of Mr Addington ed every other confideration. His own opinion was dif-
S81 21 j’ ar,d Gilbert Elliot 142. ferent, and if the excife on tobacco would produce
New taxes. In confequence of the expence incurred by the late half a million a year, he would ftill oppofe it. It was
armament, the allowance to the American loyalifts, the infringement of our liberties and conftitution, hi-
and other circumftances, it was found neceffary to have therto regarded as ineftimable, that he refifted, and
recourfe to a loan of one million, , to defray the intereft wrhich he forefaw would fall a facrifice to confidera-
of which, additional taxes were nnpofed upon newffpa- tions of revenue. He remarked, that the meafure
pets, advertifements, cards and dice, probates of walls, feemed little to intereft the public in general j and, if
legacies to collateral relations, and carriages and horfes. parliament wmuld not attend to their duty, and the na-
As one of Mr Pitt’s modes of extending the reve- tion abandoned it, he faw no profpedt of ftemmin^ the
mie confifted of exerting great vigilance in the fup- tide. It feemed as if liberty and a free conftitution
preffion of fmuggling, he had formerly transferred the were merely talked of, and not felt 5 as if they were
$82 management of the revenue upon wine from the cu- words only fit to decorate a fpeech in parliament:
lawsTx- 6 ?oms to t^le board of excife. He now extended the a beautiful theory, but no longer compatible with
tended to .a^e. t0 t^e a^c^e tobacco. He opened the fub- prattice or fit for enjoyment. Standing as we did,
tobacco, ject in. the houfe of commons on the 16th of June, by the firft country for literature, for fcience, and all
obfervmg, that, tobacco was now to be confidered as the which could improve and adorn mankind, it muft mor-
imuggler’s ftaple, in the fame manner as he had formerly tify every man who admired the freedom of our con-
dealt in tea, wine, and fpirits. The quantity of tobac- ftitution and the equity of our law's, that the fources
co conlumed in this kingdom, was found to bear a to- of our eminence ftiould be fo completely and irremedi-
Jerably near proportion to .the quantity of tea, and at ably forgotten. On the contrary, Mr Grenville re-
lealtone-half of this quantity was the exclufive com- marked, that, by the excife laws, fix millions of an-
mochty of the Imuggler. The confumption amounted nual revenue were coMed j that thefe laws had been
to 14 mil ions of pounds, and the lofs to the revenue, promoted in the beft periods of our hiftory : that only
upon the half ®f this confumption, was three or four 3000 more people were now propofed to be put under
hundred thoufand pounds per annum. Under thefe them 5 that the conftitution had not hitherto been
circumftances, Mr Pitt thought it neceffary to have injured by thefe laws, and that their extenfion was ab-
recourle to.the fyftem of exciie, by which the flock of folutely neceffary, to enable the honeft trader, in the
the.dealer is taxed inftead of the.duty being collecled article in queftion, to carry on his bufinefs with fuc-
on importation. He fupported his propofal, by allud- cefs, The bill was carried by a large majority. It
met.
B R l [ 630 ] B R I
Britain, met with fimilar refiftance in the^houfe of lords from
' Lord Stormont, but with a fitnilar iffue.
Repeat of ^ox ^ annually brought forward a motion for
the ftiop- ti16 repeal of the (hop-tax, which had proved extreme-
ftax. ly unpopular in the capital. During the prefent fef-
(ion, Mr Pitt confented that the tax (hould be aboliftied.
Mr Beaufoy again introduced a motion for the repeal
of the corporation and teft-afts. It was fupported by
Mr Fox, but oppofed by Lord North and Mr Pitt,
885 and reje&ed by a divifion of 122 againft i©2.
Lord Stan- A bill was introduced into the houfe of lords by
hope’s bill Eari Stanhope, for relieving the members of the church
religious England from various penalties and difabilities un-
penal fta- der which they laboured, and for extending freedom
-Cutes. in matters of religion to perfons of all denominations,
Papifts excepted. The laws it chiefly intended to re¬
peal, were lawrs impofing penalties upon perfons who
did not frequent the eftabliflaed worfliip, and prohibit¬
ing men from fpeaking or writing in derogation of the
doftrine of the book of Common Prayer. It alfo re¬
pealed the laws enjoining the eating fifh on certain
days, authorizing the imprifonment of perfons excom¬
municated, prohibiting the exportation of women, and
declaring all perfons who (hould go to court, without
having previoufly made a certain declaration, which
probably had been made by no perfon now living, to
be in the eye of the law Popifti recufant convi&s,
which was a fpecies of outlawry. Lord Stanhope alfo
mentioned certain canons, of which, however, he did
not propofe the repeal, becaufe he conceived them to be
at prefent void of the force of law. By thefe canons,
among other things, it was declared, that a perfon who
(hould bring againft another a charge of impiety,
(hould not be allowed to be complained againft, as ha¬
ving afled out of malice, or from any other motive
than from the difcharge of his confcience ; and that no
clergyman (hould, without licenfe from the bifhop,
attempt, upon any pretence whatfoever, to caft out
any devil or devils. Lord Stanhope deprecated the
objeftion, that the laws he wilhed to repeal were ob-
folete, and never carried into execution, and under¬
took to produce above 30 cafes within the laft 26
years, fome of them within xo, and fome within one
year, in which men had been perfecuted under thefe
laws ; and. in fome inftances, the tables, chairs, difli¬
es, and beds, of poor people, had been fold by public
au&ion to pay the penalties of not going to church.
Lord Stanhope’s bill was oppofed by Dr Moore, arch-
biftiop of Canterbury, who infilled, that if a man were
unfortunate enough to difbelieve the exiftence of a
God, he ought not to be at liberty to difleminate fo
dangerous a do£f rine. Dr Warren, biftiop of Bangor,
and Dr Halifax, biftiop of St Afaph, obferved, that
Lord Stanhope was miftaken in imagining, that the
canons to which he alluded had not the force of law,
and afferted, that the clergy were dill bound by them,
though the laity were exempted. Thefe bifhops oppofed
all innovations upon fuch a fubjett as dangerous. Dr
Horfeley, biftiop of St David’s, admitted, that fome of
the old laws alluded to ought to be repealed ; but he
obje&ed to Lord Stanhope’s bill, as rudely tearing
away the foundation of the church of England, and
thereby weakening the Englifti conftitution. The bill
-was rejefted; and the fame nobleman immediately
produced another bill, to prevent fuits for the recove.
ry of tithes from being inftituted in the ecclefiaftical Britain,
courts, whofe proceedings, he alleged, were fevere, ' ”v“ ,v
efpecially againft Quakers, who, by their religious
principles, were reftrained from the voluntary payment
of tithes. This bill alfo was rejected. 88£
On the Ift of July, the Eaft India Company pe-Eaft India
titioned the houfe of commons for permiflion to add an Company’*
additional fum of one million to their capital, t^le
whole to be fubferibed by the prefent proprietors ofCrea e
Eaft India (lock. The requeft was granted with lit- 887
tie difficulty. On the fame day, Mr Dundas, as mi- India bucL
nifter for India, or prefident of the board of controul, get*
brought forward a ftatement of the revenues of In¬
dia, which, after every article of expenditure in that
country was deduced, he calculated at 1,820,000!.
Mr Francis objected to fome particulars of the ftate¬
ment, and Major Scott, the friend and fupporter of
Mr Haftings, took this opportunity of remarking, that
when now, for the firft time, an India budget had been
opened, Mr Francis had omitted to fay one word as
to the (late of the government of that country, or to
reprobate, as he had been accuftomed to do, the fy-
ftem under which it was adminiftered. That fyftem
he affirmed to be the fame which had been introduced
by Mr Haftings, adopted by Lord Cornwallis, and
fanftioned by the king’s minifters. Thus the houfe of
commons appeared, as he obferved, to be alternately-
engaged in condemning and reprobrating the fyftem
when they afted in one capacity, and bellowing upon
it the higheft applaufe when they a<fted in another. ggg
During the prefent feflion, the trial of Mr Haftings ftill Mr Ha_
went on before the houfe of lords. The ,third charge ftl.ngs’s
brought forward, refpe£Hng prefents received by Mrtm *
Haftings during his government of Bengal, was opened
by Mr Burke. In the courfe of his fpeech upon this
occafion, Mr Burke alluded to the trial and execution
of Nundcomar, and afferted that Mr Haftings had mur¬
dered that man by the hands of Sir Elijah Impey.
The tranfa&ion refpedling Nundcomar made no fpecific
part of the charges which had been made againft Mr
Haftings by the houfe of commons j and the queftion,
fo far as Sir Elijah was implicated in it, had been ex¬
amined and reje&ed during the preceding feflion. Mr
Haftings, therefore, thought proper to prefent a peti¬
tion to the houfe, in which he entreated them, either
to caufe the additional allegations that wrere urged a-
gainft him to be brought forward, and profecuted in
fpecific articles, or to afford him fuch other redrefs as
they might judge fuitable and proper. In his petition
he mentioned certain other accufations that had been
brought againft: him in the courfe of the trial, which
were not fpecified in the articles of impeachment. Mr
Pitt fupported the petition ; afferting, that the murder
of Nundcomar was no part of the crime of peculation,
and every rule of evidence was againft its being alleg¬
ed. It had been charged in order to diferedit the
chara&er of the accufed ; but it was a rule in the
courts of law, that no faift could be given in evidence
to diferedit even a witnefs. If then the murder of
Nundcomar was not admiflible as evidence, it could on¬
ly be urged as matter of aggravation •, but it was im-
poflible to allow this. The common fenfe of the houfe,
and of all mankind, would not permit the crime of
murder to be urged to aggravate a crime of peculation.
Mr Fox, on the contrary, quoted the cafe of a captain
of
B R I
[ 631 ]
B R I
ssp
Mr Burke
cenfured
by the
houfe of
890
The rife
and re-af-
891
French re¬
volution.
Britain, of a (hip, againft whom murder was charged in having
—  ' thrown his cargo of (laves overboard, in order to prove
that he had by finifler means endeavoured to defraud
the underwriters of the amount of the infurance. The
prefent cafe, Mr Fox faid, was exaftly correfpondent
to this. It was impoffible to relate the corrupt tranf-
aftions of Mr Halfings, without relating the crimes
that had accompanied them, or to relate the crimes
without mentioning the names of the perfons by whom
they had been committed. A refolution, however, was
moved by the marquis of Graham, one of the lords of
the treafury, and carried, by which it vvas declared,
that no authority had been given by the houfe of com¬
mons, for making any allegation againft Mr Haftings,
refpe&ing the death of Nundcomar; and that the
words of Mr Burke, complained of in the petition,
ought not to have been fpoken.
The feftion of parliament was concluded on the 1 ith
of Auguft, by a fpeech delivered by the lord-chancel-
parliament^ l°r, *n t^ie name ^ fumrner paffed a-
’ way in Great Britain, without producing any memor¬
able event, and parliament aflembled again on the ift
of January 1790. They were met by the king in per-
fon, who, in his fpeech from the throne, remarked,
that he had received continued affurances of pacific
difpofitions, from the different powers in Europe, and
congratulated the nation on the happinqfs it enjoyed,
from the increafing advantages of peace.
During the preceding fummer, the eventful career
of the French revolution had commenced. To remedy
the ftate of extreme weaknefs, into which the govern¬
ment of France had fallen, in conlequence of the public
debts, and the embarraffment of the finances, the
king had called together the ftates of the kingdom, who
had affumed the title of the national affembly. Their
debates, which were held in public, diffufed extenfively
a love of innovation, for the purpofe of reforming their
ancient government, and eftabliftiing a free conftitu-
tion. When the court became alarmed by the violence
of their proceedings, and attempted to fet bounds to
their projefts, the populace of the capital rofe in arms,
and the military refufed to aft againft them. The na¬
tional aftembly proceeded in the daily difcuflion of new
plans of change. They feized the ecclefiaftical pro¬
perty and tithes, refolving to limit the clergy for the
future to (fated falaries. They put an end to the monaf-
tic inftitutions. They abolifhed the whole order of
nobility, and limited the power of the crown. Thefe,
and other proceedings, which we (hall ftate in their
proper place, could not fail to excite attention in Bri¬
tain, and accordingly allufions to them became not un¬
frequent in the Britifti parliament during the prefent
feffion, and general queftions were debated with more
animation, and excited a higher degree of intereft,
than they had done during many years.
The fupplies for the navy and army, having been
(fated to the houfe of commons at the fame amount as
in the preceding feffion j this circumftance produced,
with regard to the army, fome animadverfions from
Mr Marfham and Mr Pulteney, who alleged, that
from the ftate of Europe, our military eftabliftiment
might fafely be reduced. Mr Fox obferved, that if
ever there could be a moment, in which he could be
lefs jealous than ufual of an increafe of the army, the
prefent was that precife moment. The example of a
892
Allufions
in the
houfe of
commons
to the
French re.
Volution.
893
neighbouring nation had proved, that the former im- Britain,
putations upon (landing armies were unfounded and “"V”—
calumnious, and it was now univerfally known through
all Europe, that a man, by becoming a foldier, did not
ceafe to be a citizen. He thought the new form the
government of France was likely to affume, would ren¬
der her a better neighbour, than when (he was fubjeft
to the intrigues of ambitious and interefted ftatefmen.
Mr Pitt acknowledged, that the tumultuous fituation
of France afforded a profpeft of tranquillity ; but he
thought, that the opportunity ought to be feized, to
raife our army into fuch a ftate of refpeftability, as
would leave no hopes to future hoftility. The prefent
convulfions of France, he obferved, mult fooner or later
terminate in general harmony and regular order j but Mr Pitt ap-
he confeffed there vvas a probability, that while the proves of
fortunate arrangements of fuch a fituation might ren-t'ie ^ re.nc^
der her more formidable, they would alfo convert her revo*ut^on'
into a lefs reftlefs neighbour. He hoped, he (liould do
nothing wrong as an Engliffiman, while, as a man, he
wilhed the reftoration of the tranquillity of France,
though that event appeared to him confiderably diftant.
Whenever it arrived, and her inhabitants became true-
ly free, they mud be in poffeflion of a freedom refult-
ing from order and good government ; they would
then (land forward as one of the mod brilliant powers
in Europe, nor could he regard with envious eyes, an-
approximation towards thofe fentiments which were
charafteriftic of every Britilli fubjeft. While Mr Pitt,
who had commenced his own political career as the
champion of political reform, and who, notwithftand-
ing his official fituation, had, upon important occafions,
reprefented himfelf as not relinquifhing his attachment
to his firft popular notions, was thus applauding the
(irft revolutionary movements of the French; his friends
accounted themfelves at liberty to adopt fentiments of
a different nature, upon the lame fubjeft. Vifcount
Valletort who had moved the addrefs to the king on
the firft day of the feffion, expreffed great compaffion
on account of the unhappy ftate of the king of France,
almoft a prifoner in his own palace, and of the families
of diftinftion who had found it neceffary to fly to fo¬
reign countries, to avoid the unexampled barbarities
which were committed with impunity at home. Co¬
lonel Phipps afferted, that the praife bellowed by Mr
Fox, upon the conduft of the French military, wTas a
poor compliment to the profeffion in general, and,
that if he had wanted a fubjeft for panegyric, he ought
rather to have adverted to the conduft of the Engliffi
army, during the riots of 1780, when they were not led
by falfe feelings to put themfelves at the head of fchemes
of anarchy and cruelty.
On the 9th of February, when the vote of fupply Mr Burke
for the army came a fecond time under confideration, hoftile to
Mr Burke revived the fubjeft of the French revolu-t*ie ^re.nc^
tion. He declared himfelf, in decided terms, an ene-reVolin^on‘
my to the meafures that had lately taken place in that
country. He conceived it would be the greateft of all
calamities for Britain, if any fet of men among us
(hould reprefent the late tranfaftions in France as a
fit objeft for our imitation. On account of the weak¬
nefs of France, however, he condemned the greatnefs
of our military eftablilhment. He declared, that on
looking over the geography of this quarter of the
world, he faw a great gap, a vaft blank, the fpace hither¬
to
Britain.
895
Fox and
Sheridan
defend the
French re¬
volution.
896
Conduct of
Mr Pitt.
B R I [ 632 ] B R I
to occupied by France, and which tvas no longer of any
importance.
 Jacet ingens lit tore tr uncus,
/Ivulfunique humeris caput, et fine nomine corpus.
France, he faid, had at different periods been as dan¬
gerous to us by her example, as by her hoftility. In
the laft age, we had been in danger of being entang¬
led, by her example, in the net of a relentlefs defpotifm.
Our prefent danger, from the model of a people, whofe
charafter knew no medium, was that of being led,
through an admiration of fuccefsful fraud and violence,
to imitate the exceffes of an irrational, unprincipled,
profcribing, confifcating, plundering, ferocious, bloody,
and tyrannical democracy. They had a good political
conftitution the day their Hates general affembled in
feparate orders', but this they had deftroyed. They
had now no other fyftem, than a determination to de-
ffroy all order, fubvert all arrangement, and reduce e-
very defcription of men to one level. Fie was forry,
that a proceeding like this fhould be compared to
the revolution in England, which neither impaired
the monarchy, nor the church, but merely drove a-
way a legal monarch, who was attempting arbitrary
power.
Mr Fox expreffed great concern, on account of his dif¬
fering in opinion from Mr Burke, for whom he avowed
the higheft reverence and efteem. He repeated his for¬
mer opinion upon the fubjeft of French affairs, but decla¬
red himfelf an enemy of all abfolute forms of govern¬
ment, whether monarchy, ariftocracy, or democracy.
Mr Sheridan, in more unqualified terms, ftated his dif-
approbation of Mr Burke’s fentiments. He expreffed
his furprife, that any man who valued the Britilh govern¬
ment, fhould feel fuch abhorrence of the patriotic pro¬
ceedings in France. He declared himfelf as ready as Mr
Burke to deteft the cruelties which had been committed 5
but what, faid he, is the ftriking leffon, the awful moral,
that thefe outrages teach ? A deeper abhorrence of
that fyftem of defpotic government, that had fo de¬
formed and corrupted human nature, and that by its
extortions, dungeons, and torture, prepared beforehand
a day of fanguinary vengeance, when the irritated po¬
pulace fhould poffefs themfelves of powrer. He com¬
plimented individually, the Marquis de la’ Fayette,
M. Bailly, and others of the French patriots. Fie
avowed the hope, that the defpotifm of France would
never be reftored j but obferved, that he ought not, on
that account, to be confidered as approving a wanton
perfecution of the nobility, or an infult upon royalty.
Mr Burke anfwered Mr Sheridan with indignation.
He denied that he was the advocate of defpotifm, but
faid that Mr Sheridan had facrificed his friendfhip for
the applaufe of clubs and affociations.
It is probable, that by this time Mr Pitt was aware
of the difficulty of his fituation, with regard to the
French revolution. It was at that period generally
regarded with approbation in Britain, as an imitation
of that fpirit, by which our anceffors had railed their
country to a career of unexampled profperity and hap-
pinefs. At the fame time, Mr Pitt muff have known,
that the court regarded it in a different light, and that,
at no remote period, his ambition and his love of po¬
pularity might upon this queftion come to have very
different interefts. On the occafion now mentioned,
1
he undoubtedly faw with fatisfaftion, a divifion likely Britain,
to occur among thofe who had hitherto been his com-
petitors for popularity. With that happy dexterity in
debate, for which he appears to have been at all times
remarkable, he inftantly endeavoured to widen the
breach, and to attach to himfelf a man of fo much
popular eloquence as Mr Burke. He declared, that
he agreed with him, in almoft every point that he had
urged, refpe6iing the late commotions in France. He
drew a comparifon, between the happy and genuine
freedom enjoyed by Englifhmen, and the unqualified
nominal liberty of France, which was in faft, at the
prefent moment, the moft abfolute, direft, and into¬
lerable flavery. He faid, he might differ from Mr
Burke, in regard to fome particulars, but he trulled •
they did not differ in fundamental principles. He felt
himfelf bound to acknowledge, that the fentiments Mr
Burke had that day profeffed, refpefting the Britifti
conftitution, filled him with the fincereft fatisfaflion j
and the manner in wFich he had pledged himfelf, to
maintain it for ever inviolate, entitled him to the gra¬
titude of his fellow citizens at prefent, and of the la-
teft pofterity.
A new effort was made on the 2d of March, to pro-Motion t#
cure a repeal of the corporation and teft a£fs. TherePea^the
efforts of debate wrere more animated on this occafion
than formerly. The diffenters had prevailed with Mra<q.s>
Fox to introduce the motion 5 and the clergy of the
church of England, alarmed no doubt by the down-
fal of the church in France, were anxious to diffufe a
fpirit of oppofition to the intended attack upon their
privileges. Mr Fox reprefented his whole argument
as refting upon this principle, that no government has
a right to animadvert upon the fpeculative opinions of
its fubjefts, till thefe opinions produce a conduft fub-
verfive of the public tranquillity. It was laid, he re¬
marked, that certain errors in religion tended to dif-
turb the public tranquillity j but furely political errors
muff have this tendency in a greater degree: yet luch
was the abfurdity of our prefent teft laws, that a man
who favoured arbitrary power in his fentiments, who
ftiould confider the abolition of trial by jury as no vio¬
lation of liberty, and the invafion of the freedom and
law of parliament as no infraftion of the conftitution,
might eafily pave his way to the firft fituations in the
ftate. There was no political teft to bind him j the
obligation of all fuch lefts had been juftly exploded
by the praftice of the country, and what had been the
confequence of this ? A religious teft wras impofed for
a political purpofe. The objeft of this teft had ori¬
ginally been, to exclude antimonarchical men from ci-'
vil offices. But, he faid, he wmuld ever reprobate
fuch a procedure ; it was afling under falfe pretences j
its tendency led to hypocrify, and ferved as a reftraint
only upon the confcientious and the honeft.
Mr Pitt fupported, as he had formerly done, the
privileges of the eftabliffied church, afferting that
though opinions might not be a warrantable ground tor
criminal accufation, yet they might afford a good rea-
fon for excluding particular individuals from the pub¬
lic fervice, and that to difcover dangerous opinions
a teft might be highly expedient.
Mr Burke, faid, that he had abfented himfelf from
two former difcuffions of the fubieft, becaufe his mind
had not come to any decifion concerning it. He was
now
B R I [ 633 ] B R I
Britain, now completely hoftile to the meafure. Mr Fox had
w~-v 1 ■' ftated the principles of toleration and perlecution, but
abftraft principles Mr Burke declared himfelf to have
always difliked. Of all abftraft principles, however,
thole of natural right, upon which diffenters relied as
their llrong hold, were, in his opinion, the molt idle
and the molt dangerous. They fuperfeded fociety, and
fnapped afunder all thofe bonds which had for ages
conftituted the happinefs of mankind. Mr Burke
quoted certain paffages from the writings of Dr Price,
Dr Prieltley, and other eminent diflenters, from which
it appeared, that they were the avowed enemies of the
church of England. He adjured the houfe of com¬
mons to fuffer the fatal incidents wrhich had attended
the church of France, plundered and demolilhed in fo
difgraceful a manner, to awaken their zeal for our pre-
fent happy and excellent eftablilhment. Mr Fox, in
reply, declared himfelf filled with grief and lhame,
on account of the fentiments which Mr Burke had on
this occafion avowed, but afferted that all the principles
he had Hated had formerly received the fandtion of his
friend. He thought Mr Burke, at prefent, milled by
his exquifite fenfibility j his feelings had been Ihockted
and irritated by a miftaken idea of the tranfadlions in
France, which were, in reality, nothing more than
the calamities, to which every country was unavoida¬
bly fubjedl, at the period of a revolution in its go¬
vernment, however beneficent and falutary. The pro-
pofed repeal of the tell and corporation laws, was re-
898 jedled, on a divifion of 294 againll 105.
Mr Flood’s A few days thereafter, Mr Flood brought forward
motion for a mot;ion for the reform of the reprefentation of the
parliament People in parliament. Mr Flood propofed to add 100
members to the houfe of commons, to be eledied by
the refident houfe-holders in every county. Mr Wind¬
ham oppofed the motion, becaufe the country had
profpered under the reprefentation as it Hood, and be¬
caufe innovations were become extremely dangerous.
Where, faid he, is the man that would repair his
houfe in the hurricane feafon ? Mr Fox, on the con¬
trary, declared himfelf as much perfuaded as ever, of
the neceffity of reform j but he thought the majority
of the nation of a different opinion, and therefore that
the motion ought to be withdrawn. Were not this the
cafe, he would confider the motion as extremely feafon-
able, becaufe no period could be more proper to begin
a repair, than when a hurricane was near, and might
poflibly burit forth. Mr Pitt confidered the propofal as
brought forward at an improper time, and faid he wilhed
to wait for a more feafonable opportunity, when he would
certainly again fubmit his ideas upon the fubje£l to
the confideration of the houfe : By thefe remarks,
g99 Mr Flood was induced to withdraw his propofition.
t»ifpute On the 5th of May, a meffage from the king in-
with Spain formed both houfes of parliament of certain a£ls of
hoftility committed by the Spaniards, by feizing three
Britilh veflels, that had attempted to ellablilh a foreign
trade, between China and Nootka Sound, on the weft;
coaft of North America. The Spaniards conceived
the whole of that part of the American coaft to be
their property, and were the firft to give information
©f what they had done, and required that fteps fhould
be taken by the Britifh government to prevent future
encroachments upon that coaft. The Britifh navy was
inftantly augmented, and as a war with .Spain, unaf-
Vol. IV. Part II.
about
Nootka
Sound.
filled by France, could not be formidable, the public Britain,
feemed to regard the approach of hoftilities with little
averfion. But thefe fame circumftances induced the
Spaniards, on this occafion, very readily to come to an
accommodation.
During the prefent feflion, little progrefs appears
to have been made in the trial’of Mr Haftings. Both
parties accufed each other, as the authors of the delays
that took place. In the mean time, the fubjedl began
to be in fome meafure negle&ed and forgotten by the
Public- . 900
On the 10th of June, the king put an end to the Parliament
feflion, by a fpeech from the throne, and this parlia-diflblved.
ment was diffblved. 9Qt
At this period, the Auftrian Netherlands were in aDilturb-
ftate of great agitation. The people of thefe pro-ances in
vinces had, at all times, been governed by a feudal
conftitution, in which great privileges were enjoyed therlands
by the clergy, the nobles, and certain clafles of citi¬
zens, but more efpecially by the firft of thefe orders,
Jofeph II. had invaded the privileges of thefe bodies,
and feized upon the greater part of the property be¬
longing to the monalleries. Whoever had oppofed his
innovations was driven from the country, and at laft,
about, the end of the year 1789, the exiles having
contrived to unite, on the frontiers of their country,
entered it, and being joined by others, formed a con-
fiderable army, which rapidly overrun the whole of
Auftrian Flanders. The emperor was at this time enga¬
ged in a war with the Turks, which prevented his fend¬
ing any confiderable force againft them. In Decem¬
ber, the ftates of Brabant, had aflembled and appoint¬
ed an adminiftration, at the head of which was Henry
Vander Noot, a popular advocate. In January 1790,
the outlines of a federal conftitution were formed,
whereby each of the Belgic provinces was to retain
its peculiar conftitution, but the general defence of the
republic was to be intrufted to a congrefs. Confi¬
derable numbers of foreigners went into the fervice
of this new republic. It foon appeared, however,
that the Belgic revolution would produce no valua¬
ble or lafting effects. The old ariftocratical government,
uncontrouled by the authority of a prince, was every¬
where adopted. The power of the clergy was even in-
creafed. The firft ftep of the Belgic congrefs, was a
public declaration of religious intolerance. The liberty
of the prefs was prohibited, and ftate licenfers appointed.
The confequence was, that difcontents fpeedily arofe. At
this period, the emperor Jofeph died, and was fucceeded
by Leopold, archduke of Tufcany. One of the firft ef¬
forts of this prince, wras to iffue a proclamation, inviting
the revolted provinces to return to their allegiance, and
promifing to reftore their ancient political conftitutions.
Not trufting to peaceable meafures alone, he fent an
army againft them, which was fpeedily fuccefsful, and at
the termination of this year the houfe of Auftria had
recovered its authority in the Netherlands. ^
The new parliament aflembled on the 25th of No-Newpar-
vember 1790. As no uncommon efforts had taken fiament.
place at the preceding eledtions, nearly the fame mem¬
bers as formerly were returned to the houfe of com¬
mons. Mr Addington was chofen fpeaker, with the
marked and unanimous approbation of the whole houfe
of commons. On the following day, the feflion was king’s
opened by a fpeech from the throne, in which his ma-fpeech.
4 l >fty
B R I
[ 634 ]
B ' R 1
904
Divifion a
mong the
Erilain. jefty informed parliament, that the differences which
—w  had arifen with the court of Spain, were brought to
an amicable termination: That a feparate peace had
been made between R.uiTxa and Sweden, in which the
Turks were not included, but that, in conjunftion with
his allies, his majefty had employed his mediation to
negotiate a treaty between Ruffia and the Porte: That
in like manner he was endeavouring to affift in putting
an end, by negotiation, to the diffenfions in the Nether¬
lands. It was added, that the peace of India had
been interrupted by a war with Tippoo Sultan, fon of
the late Hyder Ally; and the fpeech concluded with
recommending to parliament a particular attention to
the ftate of the province of Quebec.
Various debates occurred which are of little impor¬
tance in a hiftorical point of view, upon the negotia¬
tions with Spain, concerning the fur trade at Nootka
on the weft coaft of North America, and the expenfive
naval armament which had been fitted out to inforce
the claims of Britain.
In the beginning of March I791’ a bill was brought
into parliament by Mr Pitt, for regulating the govern-
members in ment 0f ^ province of Canada in North America. This
oppolition. c;rcumftance is chietly worthy of notice, on account
of an altercation to which it gave rife between Mr
Burke and Mr Fox. In the laft feffion of the former
parliament, Mr Burke had declared his difapprobation
of the French revolution, while Mr Sheridan and Mr
Fox had expreffed very oppofite fentiments. Mr Pitt
laid hold of the opportunity to excite difunion among
his antagonifts, and declared himfelf highly fatisfied
with Mr Burke’s attachment to the Britifti conftitution.
Mr Burke had long been engaged in a career of fruit-
lefs oppofition to the exifting government. During
the king’s illnefs, in the end of the year 1788, he at
all times expreffed fuch a degree of indecent impa¬
tience when any expectation was expreffed in the houfe
of commons of his majefty’s fpeedy recovery, as fufficient-
ly demonftrated how eager he was to obtain poffeffion
of the emoluments of office. It is probable that the
approbation expreffed by Mr Pitt, of Mr Burke’s fears
from the French revolution, fuggefted a decifive op¬
pofition to the charafter of that revolution, as a mode
of ingratiating himfelf with adminiftration, and that
this idea, concurring with his former fentiments, ftimu-
lated his eager mind to devote his principal attention
to this fubjeCt. In November 1790, he publifhed a
treatife, in which he endeavoured to vilify the French
national affembly, and to hold out the revolution as a
fubieCt of alarm and of deteftation to all Europe. The
ftyle of copious and popular eloquence in which the
book was written, together with the fentiments it con¬
tained, produced a great fale of it among the higher
orders of fociety. Replies were made to it by Dr
Prieftley and others } but that which was moft fuc-
cefsful in gaining the attention of the public was, a
pamphlet publifhed at this time by Thomas Paine, who
had formerly, in North America, publifhed a pamphlet
entitled “ Common Senfe,” which was extremely pre¬
judicial to the royal caufe throughout the colonies.
His prefent work contained a ftatement of the faCls
conneCled with the French revolution, together with
much fatirical remark upon what he accounted imper¬
fections in the Britilh conftitution. He was not equal
to his learned antagonift in copioufixefs of diCtion, but
Britain.
9°S
"Burke and
Paine’s
pamphlets.
in flirewdnefs of remark and concife energy of ftyle
he was far fuperior. Mr Burke’s love of literary fame
was very great. It had been highly gratified by the
attention paid to his book. He now faw his reputa¬
tion rudely affaulted by a dangerous rival. Flis tem¬
per was ruffled, and at the fame time he appears, to
have wifhed to find an opportunity of feparating him¬
felf from his former political affociates. On the 6th
of May, when the claufes of the Quebec bill were
about to be read in a committee of the whole houfe, 50(j
paragraph by paragraph, Mr Burke rofe, he faid, to Mr Burke
fpeak to the general principle of the bill. He enlarged ^k^op-
upon the importance of the aCt which they were aboutpo 1 l0“'
to perform, that of appointing a legiflature for a dif-
tant people. Fie thought the firft confideration ought
to be the competency of the houfe to luch an aCl. He
faid, that by what was called the rights of man, a
body of principles lately imported from France, . “ All
men are by nature free, and equal in refpeCl to rights.”
If this code were admitted, the power of the Britifti
legiftature would extend no farther than to call, toge¬
ther the inhabitants of Canada to chufe a conftitut.ion
for themfelves ; rejeaing this, code, however, which
was never preached without mifehief, he would affume
the principle, that this country had acquired the right
of legiftating for Canada by right of conqueft. T! he
next queftion wTas, what model was to be followed in
inftituting a government for Canada ; whether that or
America, of France, or of Great Britain, which were
the three great modern examples. Hence, he took, an
opportunity to pronounce a vehement inve&ive agaimt
the principles and enaftments adopted by the French
national affembly, in attempting to form a new confti¬
tution. He was called to order by feme of his former
friends •, and an altercation enfued, during which he af-
ferted, that a defign was formed in this country by
certain perfons againft the conftitution. Mr iox ac-
cufed Mr Burke of leaving the queftion before the
houfe to feek a difference with him, and to fortify mif-
reprefentations of fomething which he had faid in a
former debate concerning the French revolution. He
adhered to his former fentiments in.approving the re¬
volution, though not the new conftitution of France.
Mr Burke repeated his attack upon the French revo¬
lution. He declared that his friendfhip with Mr Fox
was diffolved by that accurfed event. Mr Fox, with
much apparent agitation, endeavoured to foften the af-
perity of Mr Burke, but without effea. That gentle¬
man had evidently refolved upon the part he was to
aft and this may be confidered as the firft occafion up¬
on which any member of the Britiffl legiflature re-
prefented his own conduft as ferioufly influenced,, to
the extent of being led to defert his former political
views and affociates, in confequence of an alarm ori¬
ginating in the example of the French revolution. 507
During this feffion, the queftion of the Have trade Slave-
was again brought forward by Mr W ilberforce, on the
18th of April, in a very copious fpeech, which he
concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill to
prevent the further importation of African negroes in¬
to the Britiffi colonies. He was fupperted by Mr Pitt
and Mr Fox. His motion however, was negatived by
a majority of 75. The zeal of the nation upon the
fubjeft, however, had at this time become very great.
The evidence which had been led before the houfe of
commons,
4
Britain.
908
Sierra
Leone
Company
cltabJilhed.
909
Difpute
with Ruf-
£a about
Ocaakow.
910
Debate on
the Ruffian
armament.
B R I . [63
commons, had reprefented this trade as the fource of
multitudes of crimes, and of an immenfe mafs of mifery.
Confiderable numbers of perfons became not a little
fcrupulous, even about the ufe of fugar, a commodity
faid to be produced by means of fo much wretchednefs
and injuftice. In confequence of fubfcriptions to a
large amount, a company was eltablifhed with the view
of civilizing the natives of Africa, and of cultivating, by
the hands of freemen, the Weft India productions in
that country. A bill for granting to this company a
charter was introduced on the 28th of March. They
fixed their fettlement at Sierra Leone, on the weftern
coaft of the central region of Africa ; but the ultimate
objeCt of the undertaking has hitherto made little pro-
grefs.
On the 28th of March, a meflage from his majefty
announced, that his endeavours, in conjunction with his
allies, to effeCt a pacification between Ruflia and the
Turks, not having proved fuccefsful, he judged it ne-
ceffary to add weight to his reprefentations, by mak¬
ing fome farther augmentation of his naval force.
The queftion in difpute was this: The emprefs of
Ruflia had gradually been making progrefs in her at¬
tempts for the fubjugation of the Turkifti provinces in
her neighbourhood. After many efforts (he had ta¬
ken Oczakow, a town fituated upon the Black fea, at
the mouth of the river Dnieper, and confidered as a
fituation, which at a future period might enable her to
carry war into the very heart of the Ottoman empire.
The Turks, being greatly exhaufted, were reduced to
the neceflity of purchafing tranquillity at almoft any
price ; but Pruflia, being alarmed on account of the
growing greatnefs of Ruflia, had, in conjunction with
Britain and Holland, offered to mediate a peace, with
a view to procure the reftoration of Oczakow to its for¬
mer mafters. Ruflia refufed the offer of mediation.
She alfo refufed to renew any commercial treaty with
Britain, though fhe made one with France, and an¬
other with Spain. She even entered into a quadruple
alliance with thefe two countries, and with Auftria,
for the obvious purpofe of reftraining the influence of
Pruffia, Britain, and Holland. Mr Pitt, in the ufual
form, moved an addrefs to his majefty in confequence
of the meffage. He faid, that having entered into de-
fenfive alliances, which were admitted to be wife
and politic, we ought to adhere to them, and if pof-
iible to prevent any changes in the general ftate of
affairs, which might render them nugatory. Pruflia
was our ally j any event therefore which might affeCl
that power, and diminifh its influence on the continent,
would be injurious to ourfelves, as far as our mutual in-
terefts were united. The progrefs of the Ruffian arms
againft the Porte gave fufficient caufe for alarm ; for
fhould fuccefs ftill attend them, and the power of th«
Porte be farther humbled by its afpiring rival, Pruffia
would inftantly feel it ; and not Pruflia alone, but all
Europe, which might prove in danger of being fliak-
en to its very foundation.
Mr Fox expreffed his convicfion, on the contrary,
that Pruflia could not be endangered by any progrefs
which the Ruffian arms might make in Turkey. An
alliance with Ruffia appeared to him the moft natural
and moft advantageous which we could poffibly form.
The addrefs was carried by a majority of 228 againft
i 35. Oppofition finding themfelves upon this occafion
5 ] B R 1
fupported by greater numbers than ufual, and that a Britain,
war with Ruffia was unpopular throughout the nation, '•v**"’*”''
brought forward the queftion repeatedly for difeuffion.
The refult was that adminiftration, finding the current
of public opinion to run againft them, deferted their
pretenfions, and refufed to fupport Pruffia in attempting
to fet bounds to the ambition of the Ruffians. 911
On confidering the ftate of Europe at the time, we ap- General
prehend that adminiftration were guided, in their jea-^ate
loufy of Ruffia, by the maxims which influenced ther°^
politics of Great Britain during the beft periods of its
hiftory. The Spanifh monarchy had long been in a ftate
of fuch debility as rendered it of little weight or impor¬
tance on the continent of Europe. France likewife,
during a confidcrable number of years, had fuffered her
armies to decline, and had fallen by a fort of family com-
paft under the influence of Auftria. In confequence
of the revolution, or rather of the weaknefs which
preceded it, her capacity of interfering in foreign af¬
fairs had been utterly loft. In the meantime, Auftria
and Ruffia, relinquifhing all rivallhip, had of late years
entered into a clofe combination, and afted in fub-
ferviency to each others ambition. Topreferve againfl
thefe two great military empires fome tolerable ba¬
lance of power on the continent of Europe, it became
abfolutely neceffary that Great Britain and Holland
Ihould join their whole ftrength to that of Pruffia
and Sweden, and that thefe ffiould proteft the Turks,
merely for the purpofe of preventing the farther ag«
grandifement of the two great and warlike powers of
Ruffia and Auftria. Pruffia at this time had farther
endeavoured to fortify herfelf againft Ruffia, by en¬
couraging an attempt made by the king, and fome of
the patriotic nobles of Poland, to reform the govern¬
ment of that ill-fated country, by abolilhing the feudal
anarchy, rendering the throne hereditary, and eftablifli-
ing a conftitution formed in imitation of that of Great
Britain. The Britiffi miniftry, however, finding a
war with Ruffia unlikely to prove popular, and that it
was difliked by many of their friends in parliament, con-
fented that Great Britain fhould relinquifh, on this oc¬
cafion, the proud office of holding the balance of the
continent, for which fhe had on former occafions fo
lavifhly facrificed her blood and her wealth. The
confequences of this defertion fpeedily appeared. Pruf¬
fia was under the neceffity of joining Ruffia and Auf¬
tria in their fchemes of aggrandifement, at the ex¬
pence of the weaker poivers, that fhe might ftrengthen
herfelf by a fhare of the fpoil. How far the Britifh
adminiftration a£led with magnanimity in deferting
what they accounted their duty, in compliance with the
apparent wifli of the nation, is a queftion which was
never difeuffed 5 becaufe the confequences of Great Bri
tain deferting its ufual political ftation at this time
were foon overlooked and forgotten, amidft the great
events which fpeedily occurred to alter the relative
force of the ftates of Europe. But the impartial voice
of hiftory will probably hereafter record the event
now alluded to in a manner little to the credit either of
the people, or of the political parties, of Great Britain.
During the preceding year, the public had no objec¬
tion to a Spanifh war, becaufe plunder was to be won,
wffiile no danger was to be apprehended. They now dif¬
liked a war with Ruffia, in which nothing could be
gained, while trade might be interrupted. From the
4 L 2 love
B R I
Eritain.
913
Motion to
repeal the
teft adl in
favour of
the Scotch
9*3
Relief of
protefting
Catholics.
love of popularity, and the habit of refifting'all the pro-
' je£ts of adminiltration, oppofition at this time encou¬
raged the pufillanimity of their countrymen, which
foon coft Europe and Britain very dear ; while the
members of adminiftration, from the fear ofloling their
places, fuffered their country to be degraded from its
rank and influence in the fcale of Europe, and prepar¬
ed the way for the partition of Poland, the projefted
partition of France, the war of the revolution by which
that projeft was refilled, and the immeafurable ag¬
grandisement of that power which foon proved fo
dangerous to Europe and to Britain.
An unfuccefsful effort was made during this fefiion
of parliament by Sir Gilbert Elliot, to procure for the
members of the church of Scotland, an exemption from
, the tell a£l. The general arguments employed in fa¬
vour of the application were nearly the fame with thofe
formerly Hated in Support of a repeal of that Statute ;
and it was added, that, by the treaty of union, the fub-
je£ls of both countries were to have a free communica¬
tion of right throughout the whole united empire,
which the members of the Scotilh Prelbyterian church
could not enjoy while the Englilh teft a£l remained in
force. To this it was replied, that it was certainly
known to the Scotch, previous to the treaty of union,
.that the tell a£l existed, as appears by their own de¬
bates on the fubjedt. This being the cafe, being fully
aware of it, and voluntarily agreeing to the union not-
withltanding its existence, any attempt to get rid of it
at prefent was a kind of chicane which would never be
countenanced in private condufl. The motion was re-
jedled by a majority of 87.
A part of the body of the Roman Catholics in Eng¬
land were more fortunate, during the prefent feflion, in
obtaining relief from certain penal llatutes. As the
Romifli church was the great objeft both of political
and religious terror in the firft Stages of the reforma¬
tion in Europe, the Englifh Statute book was loaded
with the moll rigorous edidls againft the profeffors of
that obnoxious faith. Though in the year 1780, Some
of thefe were removed-, yet in the year 1791, in a
well-known book, Burn’s Ecclefiaftical Law, not lefs
than 70 pages were to be found occupied with the
enumeration of the penal Statutes in force againft the
Roman Catholics. Among thefe were fome of the
moft fanguinary nature. It was high treafon and death
to make a convert to the Roman Catholic faith fevere
penalties were enabled againft Papifts for hearing mafs
by fome Statutes, and by others they were compelled to
attend the eftablilhed worShip, however contrary to their
confciences. A reform in the penal Statutes was now
more obvioufiy reafonable, fince, in the year 1790, a
body of Catholic diflenters had formally protefled
againft the temporal power of the pope, and again SI his
afiumed authority to releafe men from their civil ob¬
ligations, or to difpenfe with the facrednefs of oaths.
Mr Milford brought forward a bill to relieve thefc
protesting Catholics from the penalties and disabilities
to which perfons profeffrng the Popilh religion were
by law fubjeft. The bill paifed unanimoufiy, except¬
ing that Mr Fox wifhed to extend it not merely to
protelling, but to all Roman Catholics, upon this, prin¬
ciple, that in his apprehenfion the Slate has no right to
inquire into the opinions of the people either political or
religious, but only to take cognizance of their actions.
t 636 ]
B R I
This Sentiment w-as oppofed by Mr Burke, who Said Britain,
that opinions might influence the human paflions, and 1 " v "" *
that the paSlions govern the man ; that it was there¬
fore the duty of the Slate to watch over the opinions of
the people : but in this cafe, he obferved, there w'as no
danger from the pope ; it was not by him that the
Americans were abfolved from their allegiance, nor
had his interference produced any of the late revolu¬
tions in Europe.
The war which was now carrying on in India W'as War inln-
the caufe of fome debates during the prefent feShon. efia.
Like all other wars in that quarter of the globe, it was
undertaken, on our part, for the purpofe of aggrandife-
ment, and on the part of our antagonist, from a jea- 91?
loufy of the British powrer. The oftenfible caufe ofIts oftenfi-
the w-ar, however, was this. The Dutch had long ^caufe’
been in poffeffion of twm forts, called Cranganore and
Jaccotah upon the frontier of Hyder Ally’s kingdom of
Myfore. In the year 1780, Hyder feized and gar-
riSoned thefe forts, under the pretence that they be¬
longed to a vallal of his. Having fpeedily there¬
after joined the Dutch and French againSt the Bri¬
tish, the forts were given up to the Dutch 5 but in
1789 Tippoo again claimed the forts. The Dutch,
dreading his powder, fold the forts to the rajah of Tra-
vancore, a vaflal or ally of the British. Tippoo, re-
fenting this mode of evading his claim, made war
upon Travancore j but as the rajah had made his pur-
chafe under fecret inStruftions from the British go¬
vernment in India, he was defended by them. Thus
the wrar was faid, on our part, to have been made in
defence of the juft rights of our ally, the rajah of
Travancore j while, on the other hand, it was contend¬
ed that this w-as nothing more than an attempt made to
fubdue the monarch of Myfore, and extend our eaflern
empire, at a time when the power of France w-as an¬
nihilated, and our own forces in great Strength in
that quarter.
In the trial of Mr Haflings little progrefs wras made -i;r;^jT or
during the prefent feShon. As parliament had been Mr Huf-
diffolved during the dependance of the trial, a queltion tings,
occurred, whether that circumstance did not put an
end to the impeachment. The friends of Mr Haftings
adopted the affirmative fide of the question. They
were fupported by Mr Erfkine and the attorney and1
folicitor general, M‘Donald and Scott, whiV Mr Pitt, .
Mr Burke, and Mr Fox, contended, that a diffolution
had no effect upon an impeachment. The argument,
from expediency, feemed to be upon tbeir fide ; as, if
the houfe of commons were not held to be a permanent
body, every judicial proceeding of this kind would ba
fubjeft to interruption from the prerogatives of tha
crown. It was carried in the houfe of commons, that
the impeachment was Still depending, or, in the lan¬
guage of the lawyers, that it did not abate by a diffo-
lutisn of parliament- The fame decifion w as adopted
by a majority of the houfe of lords, on the 16th day of
May 5 and the feffion of parliament was concluded on
the 10th of June. ^
As the avowed pur.pofe of the firSt leaders of the £ariypop^
revolutiorv which had recently occurred in France, waslarity 01
the establishment of a fyftem of political freedom, or^Fw.1^!1
of a representative government, with a hereditary lev0^ut‘0D’
monarch at its head, and as one of the confequences
which they expected to follow from the establishment
q£
B R I [ 637 ] B R I
Britain, of the new fyftem, was the complete abolition of wars,
which, unmindful of the general temper and violent
paffions of men, they afcribed entirely to the ambition
of kings, the progrefs of the revolution was regarded
with much favour by perfons of a fpeculative cha-
rafter in Great Britain. The reform of the Roman
Catholic church, though it alarmed the Englith clergy,
was favourably regarded by the Engliih difl'enters, and
the abolition of titles of honour was not didiked in
a country where they are only enjoyed by a few indi¬
viduals, and are chiefly valued, not for themfelves, but
on account of the privilege of hereditary legiflation,
by which they are accompanied. The Englifh alfo
had at all times been accuftomed to boat! of their own
political freedom, and of their luperiority in this re-
Ipeft over their French neighbours. When the po¬
pulace of Paris rofe in arms, when the military re¬
futed to aft againft them, and the ftate prifon or for-
trefs of the Baflile was taken and demolithed, perfons*
fond of political fpeculation in Great Britain regarded
with applaufe, as an imitation of the efforts of our
own anceftors, the attempts made by the French to
fhake off their ancient defpotic government, and to re¬
novate the order of fociety. Though the BritHh pu¬
blic at large had not yet given much attention to the
fubjeft, yet, of the curious and the idle, a fufficient
number had done lb to form parties who commemprat-
ed the 14th of July, the day on which the Baftile was
taken, by convivial meetings in taverns in many of the
moft confiderable towns throughout the ifland. Thefe
meetings were, on the whole, underftood to be rather
unfavourably regarded by that defcription of perfons
who are moft attached to the monarchical part of our
^l8 conftitution, but no public expreffion of difapprobation
Riots at had hitherto appeared. One of thefe feftive meetings
Binning- w7as to have been held at Birmingham on Thurfday
ham. the 0f Juiy but on the preceding Monday,
fome copies were left in a public houfe, by a perfon
unknown, of a hand-bill of a moft inflammatory na¬
ture, which reprefented the late tranfaftions in France
as proper to be imitated in England. The contents
of this hand-bill, having been generally circulated,
produced much converfation in the towm, and the ma-
giftrates offered a reward of 100 guineas for difcover-
ing the author, printer, or publiiher of it. In the
mean time, the friends of the intended meeting thought
it neceffary to difclaim the fentiments contained in the
feditious hand-bill ; but finding their view’s mifrepre-
fented, they at one time refolved that the meeting
ftrould not take place. Another determination wras
afterwards adopted, and the company affembled to the
amount of 80 in number. The houfe was foon fur-
rounded by a tumultuous mob, who expreffed their dif¬
approbation by hiffes and groans, and by the Ihout of
“ church and king w’hich became the watchword on
this occafion, upon which the meeting immediately
difperfed. In the evening of the fame day, the mob
attacked and burned an Unitarian meeting-houfe be-
longing to the congregation of the celebrated Dr
Jofeph Prieftley, a man, who at that time, as an ex¬
perimental philofopher, and a voluminous but moft
ingenious and original writer upon a great variety of
fpeculative fubjefts, might be confidered as at the
head of Englifli literature. Dr Prieftley himfelf had
not been prefent at the convivial affembly above men¬
tioned ; at half paft nine at night, however, he was Britain,
under the neceflity of fuddenly efcaping with his fa- 4 -
mily from his own houfe, w’hich was attacked by the
mob. The wfliole of his library, his valuable philofophi-
cal apparatus, and his manufcripts and papers, W’ere de-
ftroyed. The magiftrates w’ere accufed of having at
firft favoured and given encouragement to the mob,
whofe fury they afterwards found it impoftible to re~
lift. During three fucceeding days they deftroyed
iome other meeting-houfes, together with the dwelling-
houfes of feveral eminent diffenters in the neighbour¬
hood. It was not till Sunday night that fome parties
of light dragoons arrived in Birmingham 5 and the firft
days of the week w’ere fpent in fcouring the country,
to clear it of the parties of rioters, who, in different
direftions, attacked the houfes of diffenters. Five of
the rioters were tried at Worcefter, and one was con-
vifted and executed. At Warwick tw’elve were triedj
and four were convifted of burning and deftroying
houfes ; three were executed, and one was reprieved
upon the application of the magiftrates, as it appeared
that his interference in the riot was accidental, and
that he had only made an opening into a houfe to let
out a body of fmoke by wftiich a party of the rioters
w’ere about to be luffocated from fire of their own rail¬
ing.
At this time a foundation was laid on the European Remarks
continent for the moft important political changes, on the ltat&'
The various nations of Europe had for fome centuries of EuroPe>
owed their independence to the mutual jealoufies which
they entertained. Many petty ftates w'ere altogether
unable to contend in war againft their powerful neigh¬
bours ; but they were fafe, becaufe thefe neighbours
were held in check by other great powers, who would
not permit their aggrandifement. When any one
nation became dangerous by its ambition, the combina¬
tion of a number of other ftates repreffed its progrefs.
In this way the Spanifh, and afterwards the French
monarchies were retained within bounds. During the
late century a new power, that of Rufl'ia, had become
formidable in Europe, and its rulers contrived rather to
undermine than to overthrow that balance of ftrength to
which the leffer ftates of Europe had owed their fafety.
A former Ruffian emprefs had entered into clofe ties of
amity with the emprefs queen of Hungary, or head of
the houfe of Auftria. This union had nearly proved
fatal to the Pruffian monarchy, notwithftanding the
talents of the great Frederick. The houfe of Auftria,
finding the advantage of fueh an alliance, attempted,
at the fame time, to attach itfelf to France, its ancient
hereditary enemy,, by the marriage of the archduchefs
Maria Antonietta to the dauphin. This marriage had
fully produced its intended political effects. ' The
French court, relinquilhing its former policy of hum¬
bling Auftria, fuffered its armies to decay, and allow¬
ed itfelf to be led on all occafions by this mure aftive
power. The French revolution, which fo effentially
altered the whole government of the ftate and or¬
der of i'ociety, by fubverting every exifting efta-
blilhment, and exciting jealoufies and difcontent in
every quarter, brought the nation, in the eyes of
foreign powers, into a ftate of utter debility. The king
and royal family had been expofed to endlefs infults
and humiliations, and compelled to fubmit to a new
conftitution, which placed the ro^al authority on a
very
Britain.
920
Project for
dividing
Poland and
Franee.
921
Treaty of
Pilnitz.
B R I [63
very precarious footing. The principal nobility had
emigrated. The king himfelf had attempted to do
the fame, but was feized, and brought back as a fugi¬
tive, and reluttantly placed at the head of a form of
government of which he difapproved.
In this ftate of affairs the two great military powers,
Ruffia and Auftria, afting in conjunaion, faw nothing
to refill their ambition. They had recently wilhed to
divide the bell provinces of the Turkifh empire be¬
tween them. The Auftrians had met with unexpeaed
relifiance, and defifled from the attempt. The Ruffians,
on their fide, were more fuccefsful. The king of
Pruffia, with the aid of Britain and Holland, had at¬
tempted to reflrain the progrefs of Ruffia } but being
deferted by Britain, he now found it neceffary to bt
upon good terms with that power, and with Auflria ;
and for that purpofe, as well as to avoid being left be¬
hind in the career of ufurpation and aggrandifement, to
enter into all their ambitious fchemes.
Poland and France were, at this time, two of the
weakelt Hates in Europe. We have faid, that for the
fake of erefting a barrier to his own Hates, the Pruffian
monarch had encouraged the king and the leading
nobles of Poland to form for their country a new
political conHitution, by which its government might
be Hrengthened j but Ruffia and AuHria had cafl their
eyes upon this country, wdth a view (in imitation of
what they had done in 1772) to feize its beH provin¬
ces, and the king of Pruffia now found it neceffary to
acquiefce in this projeft. The Hate of I ranee at this
period held out great temptations to the formation of a
fimilar projefl with regard to it. Leopold, emperor
of Germany, in confequence of the ties of affinity, had
a fair excufe for interfering in French affairs, to refeue
the king from the Hate of thraldom into which he had
evidently been brought by his fubjefts. At the fame
time, the other princes of Europe were become jealous
of the example fet by France, of limiting the authority
of a monarch, of dellroying the privileges of the no¬
bility, and reducing to a level all claffes of perfons in
the Hate. It therefore now formed a part of the plan
of the united powers of the north to reHorethe French
king and his nobles •, but at the fame time it was de¬
termined, to divide among themfelves or their allies a
part of the provinces of France. Thefe points were
adjufled towards the clofe of the fummer I79T» a
meeting which took place at Pilnitz in Saxony be¬
tween the emperor Leopold and the king of Pruffia.
The treaty was intended to be kept fecret } but it
fpeedily tranfpired, and was afterwards, by the jealoufy
which it excited in the French nation, the caufe of
fome important events. Its general objeft is under-
Hood to have been the partition of Poland, and of a
part of France. Poland was to be divided among the
three great military powers in different proportions.
With regard to France, the emperor was to obtain Ba¬
varia ; in exchange for which he was to conquer the
French Netherlands, and give them, along with the
AuHrian Neitherlands, to the ele&or of Bavaria. The
archduke Charles was to obtain the duchy of Lorrain.
Straffiurgh and Alface were to be reflored to the
empire. The king of Sardinia was to receive Dau-
phiny, if he acceded to the coalition. Spain was to re¬
ceive, on the fame condition, the French part of the
ifland of St Domingo, with Corfica and Roufillon, and
'Britain.
8 ] B R I
Bearn. The Swifs cantons, if they acceded to the
coalition, were likewife to receive certain territories. "
This treaty was publicly difavowed, but at the fame
time, it was univerfally talked of and believed through¬
out Europe, under the appellation of the concert of
Princes. 922
The Britiffi parliament affembled on the 31H of parliament
Janury 1792. A variety of unintereHing debates oc-aflembled.
curred, the principal of which related to the armament
which had taken place on account of the difpute with
Ruffia concerning Oczakow. As miniHry had adopted
mild meafures, oppofition endeavoured to triumph over
them, in confequence of their own fuccefsful refiflance
to the intended interference in continental affairs.
Adminiffration chiefly reffed their defence upon the
importance of preferving the balance of power on the
continent. As France had now totally funk into in-
fignificance, they contended, that the only power now
to be dreaded was Ruffia, which had fhowed a hoflile
fpirit againff Great Britain, and could only be refiffed
by adhering to Pruffia, and protecting the I urkiffi
empire. 923
During the preceding autumn, the fecond fon of Duke of
the king, the duke of York, had married a daughter of York’smar*
the king of Pruffia. This prince was known to be ar'aS"*
favourite fon j and as the marriage was underHood to
have been contracted, not as a political engine like
the ufual marriages of princes, but from the private
choice of the parties, it gave much fatisfaCtion to the
public in Britain. The dowry of the princefs amount¬
ed to 2 2 ,o0ol. a fum which, in the wealthy nation of
Great Britain, was confidered as unwmrthy of notice
in the folemn treaty entered into between the Britiffi
and Pruffian monarchs on this occafion. A provihoft
of 37,oocl. per annum wTas readily made by parliament
for the parties. .
On the 17th of February, Mr Pitt brought for-Taxesbe,
ward a flatement of the public revenue, from which gin to be
it appeared, that about 400,000!. might be applied to-repealed,
wards the extinClion of taxes, or the payment of the
national debt. He propofed, therefore, to remove an
additional tax which had recently been impofed upon
malt, together tvith the taxes on female fervants, on
carts and waggons, and on houfes under feven win¬
dows, and a part of the duty on candles. The repeal
of thefe taxes would, he faid, diminiffi the revenue
to the extent of 222,000!. and the other 200,000!.
he propofed to apply to the reduClion of the national
debt. Mr Pitt concluded by giving a moH flattering
Hatement of the profperity and happy profpeas of the
country, declaring, however, that thele profpeCts were
conneCfed with peace abroad and tranquillity at home,
of any interruption to which he appeared to entertain
no doubt. _ 925
On the 2d of April, the queflion of the Africansiave-
flave-trade was again brought under the confideration trade,
of the houfe of commons by Mr Wilberforce. He
difclaimed any projeft of immediately emancipating
the negroes, whom he admitted to be in a Hate unfit
to receive the enjoyment of freedom j but he contend¬
ed, that, by the immediate abolition of the importation
of new flaves, the Hate of thofe in the WeH Indies
would be improved, by the neceffity under v.’hich the
planters wrould be brought of treating them well, that
they might produce families to fupport the population
B R I r 639 ] B R I
Britain, of the iflands. From the evidence which had been
V, r-y^w jc(j before the houfe of commons, Mr Wiiberforce
ftated various inftances of extreme barbarity on the
part of the traders in flaves, together with the lofs of
feamen as well as of negroes, occafioned by the un¬
healthy Hate into wThich the latter fall in confe-
quence of their captivity and expatriation. The flave-
trade was defended on this occafion by Colonel Tarle-
ton and Mr Jenkinfon, on the general principle of its
having received the fan&ion of parliament, and that an
immenfe yearly lofs would fall on the manufaclurers
and (hipbuilders of this country in confequence of its
abolition. Mr Wilberforce was fupported by Mr
Montague, Mr Whitbread, and Mr Milbank. Mr
Dundas profeffed himfelf a friend to the abolition of
the Have-trade, and that he only entertained doubts
with refpeft to the mode of effefting it. He thought
the African trade not founded in policy, and agreed,
that the continuation of it was not effential to the Weft
India illands, where he thought, that without it, the
human race might not only be maintained but in-
creafed $ but he doubted of the propriety of a direct
abolition of the trade. He propofed to accomplilh the
object by regulations tending to promote the increafe
of the negroes in the Weft Indies, and gradually to
put an end to hereditary flavery. Mr Addington
agreed in opinion with Mr Dundas. He thought the
trade ought to exift for fome years longer, and there¬
fore could not vote for an immediate abolition ; but he
propofed certain regulations for giving grants of land
or money to thofe who Ihould rear a certain number
of children, to inftitute premiums for the invention of
inftruments of agriculture; and that the importa¬
tion of males fhould be fubjecft to a heavier duty
than that of females, to promote the population of
the iflands, to which he thought the trade ftill ne-
ceffary.
Mr Fox deprecated, upon this fubjeft, in ftrong
terms, every kind of deception or delufion upon the
country. He faid he neither felt, nor wiflied to feel,
any thing like moderation on the queftion. Regula¬
tions would be as difgraceful as they would be impo¬
tent. He reprobated, in particular, Mr Addington’s
propofed premium for the tranfportation, that is, for
the kidnapping, of females. He faid, he ftiould like
to fee the claufe by which this inhuman meafure was
to be prefented to the parliament of England, or the
man capable of conceiving words in which it fhould be
framed. Laft feflion, faid Mr Fox, we were cajoled,
and taught to believe, that fomething would be early
brought forward. Have we not paffed a year, and
nothing has been done ? Are we ftill to be deluded
and betrayed ? Why were we not at an earlier period
entertained by the propofition for a gradual abolition ?
Mr Dundas having moved, as an amendment of Mr
Wilberforce’s motion, that the trade fhould be abolifh-
ed “ gradually,” Mr Pitt declared his difapprobation
of the amendment. He lamented the ftate of barbar-
ifm in which the wretched Africans were plunged in
confequence of the trade *, and repeated certain calcula¬
tions which he had produced in the former feflion, to
fhow, that the population of the iflands might be fup-
A gradual Porte^ without any fupply from Africa. The motion
abolition for a gradual abolition was carried by a majority of
voted. 68,
On the 23d of April, Mr Dundas ftated the regula- Britain,
tions wThich he meant to propofe, towards accomplifh- '—
ing the abolition of the trade ; thefe confifted chiefly
of increafing the duties upon the age of the negroes im¬
ported 5 of abolifhing the trade, fo far as not intended
for the fupply of our own iflands j of limiting the ton¬
nage to be employed in it 5 and, of punifhing Britifh
fubje&s, guilty of crimes in the conduft of it. He
propofed, that the importation of negroes into the Bri¬
tifh colonies, fhould ceafe on the ill of January 1800.
Mr Wilberforce difclaimed all acquiefcence in thefe
propofitions j and Mr Fox ridiculed them, by afking
where was the baptifmal regifter kept on the coaft of
Africa, to afcertain the age of thofe who were to be
exported. Lord Mornington moved, that the aboli¬
tion fhould take place on the ift of January 1793, ex¬
prefling his fatisfa£tion, that the great blow to the flave
trade was rtruck, but alleging, that it admitted of no
modification, as we could not modify injuftice, and
could not carry on a trade which w7e had condemned
as inhuman. Lord Mornington’s amendment, however,
was rejefted by a majority of 49. On a future day,
he altered the period of abolition to the ift of January
1795, and at laft confented that it fhould be fixed for
the ift of January 1796, and this amendment wras car¬
ried by a majority of 40. On the ift of May, a feries
of refolutions, fimilar on the whole to thofe propofed
by Mr Dundas, were prefented to the houfe of com¬
mons by Mr Pitt. In the upper houfe, the advocates
for the abolition were lefs fuccefsful; and they were not
a little provoked, on finding one of the younger bran¬
ches of the royal family, the duke of Clarence, de¬
claring himfelf decidedly hoftile to their wifhes, in
what they accounted a queftion of humanity. On the
8th of May, the fubjeff came forward upon a queftion
of form, regarding the expediency of hearing evidence
at the bar of the houfe, or before a committee. The
friends of the abolition, Lord Grenville, the bifhop of
London, Lord Porchefter, Earl Stanhope, and Lord
Raw?don, defired difpatch, and therefore urged the ne-
ceflity of a committee ; but the duke of Clarence, the
lord-chancellor, Lord Stormont, Lord Hawkefbury,
and the bifhop of St David’s, pleaded with fuccefs, for¬
bearing evidence at the bar. Evidence was according¬
ly ordered to be heard at the bar, which neceflarily pro¬
duced delay, and little progrefs was made during the
feflion.
On the 18th of April, Mr Sheridan moved for an scofc2]^
inquiry into the grievances, of which the royal bo borough,
roughs of Scotland had complained by petition. Of reform.
66 royal boroughs, 50 concurred in the complaint,
which Mr Sheridan now fupported. The petitions
complained of the mifmanagement of the revenues of the
boroughs by their magiftrates, who were felf-ele£fed,
that is, defied their own fuccellbrs, and, at the fame
time, could not be called to account before any court
of law. The remedy propofed by Mr Sheridan for
the abufes, confifted of abolifliing the felf-elefling
power of the magiftrates, and of extending the right
of election. Alluding to the fubjefl of the French re¬
volution, he faid, that by afluring us of tranquillity a-
broad, it afforded leifure to look into abufes at home,
and that the leffon which that event ought to afford,
was this, that a rational and fober reformation of abufes,
in a feafon of tranquillity, was the beft way of avoiding
B R I
[ 64° ]
B R I
92S
"War in In
■Britain, the evils of a reform accomplilhed by violence. The
motion was refitted by Mr Anftruther, Mr Dundas,
and Sir J. St Clair Erlkine, upon the general ground
that no ferious grievance exifted, and the inquiry was
refilled by a majoiity of 69 againft 27.
Excepting fome debates relative to the French revo¬
lution, nothing farther of importance occurred during
the prefent feflion 5 and that we may not alterwards
have occafion to interrupt our detail of the tranfaftions
connedled with this interefting event, wre ttiall here
. take notice of the war which had for fome time been
going on in India, and which was now brought to a
fortunate termination. The weftern fide of the penin-
fula of Hindoftan confifts of a level country for- about
70 miles inwards. At the back of this level tradl of
territory, and parallel to the ocean, runs a chain of
lofty mountains, whofe front is abruptly broken to¬
wards the welt, forming tremendous precipices, but
which on the other fide confift of an extenlive plain,
gradually defeending eaftward to the bay of Bengal,
and forming the territory of the Mahrattas, Myfore,
Madras, the Carnatic, and other ftates included with¬
in that great peninfula. Tippoo pofTefled territory on
both fides of thefe mountains, which are denominated
ghauts (pafies), from the narrow paths or pafles, by
which they are-afeended. The Britilh Carnatic army,
under General Meadows, was directed to attack the
territories of Tippoo from the eaft 3 while the Bom¬
bay army, under General Abercromby, was to reduce
the country to the weftward of the Ghauts. The
Mahrattas, and the nizam of the Decan, agreed to
attack Tippoo’s country from the north and north-
eaft, where it touched their own territories 5 and Se-
ringapatam his capital was fixed upon, as the point to¬
wards which the whole of the hoftile armies were to
direfl their efforts.
On the 15th of June 1790, General Meadow's en¬
tered Tippoo’s country. The grand army on this oc¬
cafion amounted to 14,000 effeftive men, a body of
European troops which no powder in India could en¬
counter in the field, on account of the fuperiority pof-
feffed by men of the race of Europe, over the timid
and fuperftitious natives of that enfeebling climate. A
variety of operations occurred, which are unintereft-
ing in detail, on account of the want of equality be¬
tween the contending parties. Little, however, ap¬
pears to have been accomplifhed towards the fubjuga-
tion of the enemy (excepting the capture of the coun¬
try to the wettward of the Ghauts by General Aber¬
cromby) till the end of February 1791, when Lord
Cornwallis, having affumed the command in perfon,
proceeded againft Bangalore, wdrich he reached on the
5th of March. A breach being made in the walls by
means of four batteries, the fort was ttormed on the
21ft, wdth little lofs to the Britifh. Of the garrifon
not lefs than 1000 were maffacred with the bayonet,
and a fmall number were taken. Earl Cornwallis be¬
ing joined by above 14,000 of the nizam’s troops, and
700 Europeans, with 4580 troops under Colonel Old¬
ham, proceeded againft Seringapatam, in the neigh¬
bourhood of which he arrived on the 13th of May, af¬
ter a difficult march in bad weather ever a hilly and
Tippoo re- barren country. Tippoo now Rood an engagement,
treats into in which, though he was beaten, he fuffered little lofs,
his capital, but he ,W£S under the neceflity of retiring into his
929
capital, which being defended by a river, which at Britain,
this feafon w-as fwelled with rains, afforded him pro-—y—^
teciion. Lord Cornwallis finding himfelf deftitute of
provifions to fupport his army during a protradled
fiege, and General Abercromby not having been able
to join him from the weft, he judged it prudent to
return to Bangalore, after deftroying his battering ar- Lord Com.
tillery. On his retreat he wTas joined by the Mahrat-wallis re-
tas, to the number of 30,000. General Abercrombv,tires’
in the mean time, retired acrofs the Ghauts to the
weftward, with a fatigued and difpirited army, and
thus for the prefent Tippoo efcaped the neceffity of
Handing a fiege in his capital.
After his retreat, Lord Cormvallis employed him¬
felf for fome time in reducing various fmaller forts in
the neighbourhood of Bangalore. Some of thefe are strong fort';
deferibed as of fuch prodigious natural ftrength, as reduced.
wrould render them, in any other hands than thofe of
the feeble natives of that country, abfolutely impreg¬
nable. Nundydroog is deferibed as built on the fum-
mit of a mountain 1700 feet in height, three-fourths
of which are abfolutely inacceffible. After a fiege,
from the 22d of September to the 18th of 0£!ober, a
breach was made, and the place wras affaulted at mid¬
night, and taken, though not by furprife. In confe-
quence of the efforts of Captain Robertfon, little blood
was died upon this occafion. The fortrefs of Saven-
droog, 18 miles to the weft of Bangalore, is deferibed
as ftill more ftrongly fituated. It Hands on the fum-
mit of a vaft mountain or rock, which rifes half a mile
in perpendicular height, from a table or bafe of eight
or ten miles in circumference. At its fummit it is di¬
vided into twro hills, wdnch have each their peculiar
defences, and are capable of being maintained inde¬
pendent of the lower works. The whole mountain is
furrounded by a ftrong wrall, and in every acceffible
part crofs walls and barriers are erefled 5 yet this ftu-
pendous fortrefs was taken in ten days.
In December, General Abercromby once more
croffed the Ghauts, and proceeded eaftward towards
the Myfore country, while Lord Conrwallis, in the
beginning of February 1792, advanced from Banga¬
lore. He arrived on the 5th within fight of Seringa¬
patam, under the wTalls of which Tippoo Sultan was ^
ported to receive him. On the 6th of February, at Seringapa.
eight o’clock in the evening, the Britifti made an at-tarn be-
tack on Tippoo’s camp. After an engagement in dif-fie§e<h
ferent points, fome parties of the Britifh croffed the
river, and polled themfelves upon the ifland on which
the city of Seringapatam Hands. Being thus preffed
by the invaders in every quarter, his palace and beau¬
tiful gardens in their poffeflion, and his power reduced
within the narrow limits of a fortrefs, Tippoo found
it neceffary to endeavour to purchafe peace upon
almoft any terms. With this view' he releafed twTo
prifoners, lieutenants Chalmers and Naih, and requeft-
ed the former of thefe gentlemen to prefent a letter
from him to Lord Cornwallis. The operations of the
fiege, however, ftill continued to go on 5 and, on the
19th of February, the trenches w’ere opened, while
the Bombay army, under General Abercromby, inveft-
ed the w'eftern fide of the capital. But a ceffation of
hoftilities wTas agreed upon on the 23d of February. ^ P33 ^
By the treaty of peace, concluded on this occafion, A peTce whfr
was ftipulated : ill, That Tippoo was to cede one halfxipp00l
2 of
Britain.
934 ,
Caufes of
impending
changes in
-iiurope
B R I [641
of his dominions to the allied Britifh and Indian pow-
ers j That he was to pay three crores, and 30
lacks of rupees 5 jdly, That all prifoners were to be
reftored ; 4thly, That two of the fultan’s three eldeft
fons were to become hoftages for the due performance
of the treaty. On the 26th, the two princes, each
mounted on an elephant, richly caparifoned, proceed¬
ed from the fort to Lord Cornwallis’s camp, .where
they were received by his lordfhip with his ftaff. The
elded, Abdul Kallich, wras about ten, the youngefl,
Mooza-ud-deen, about eight, years of age. The
princes were drefled in long white muflin gowns with
red turbans, richly adorned with pearls. Educated
from infancy with the utmoft care, the fpe&ators were
artonilhed to behold in thefe children all the referve,
the politenefs, and attention, of maturer years. The
kindnefs with which they were received by the Britilh
commander, appeared to afford them vifible fatisfac-
tion. Some prefents were exchanged on both Tides ;
and the fcene is defcribed by an eye-watnefs, Major
Dirom, as highly interefting. It was the 19th of
March before the definitive treaty was finally adjuiled,
and delivered by the young princes into the hands of
Lord Cornwallis.
In the meanwhile, the nations of Europe were ha-
flening faft into fcenes of unparalleled importance and
aflivity. Thefe arofe from two caufes, the ambition *
of the great military powers of Europe, and the French
revolution. When, by a corruption of that policy
which had once produced a vigilant attention to what
was called the balance of power, Ruffia and Auftria
had formed, as already mentioned, the new projeft of
extending their dominions, not by contending in arms,
as had been the cuftom of former ages, again!! nations
powers^feat eqUal ftren§t:h> b.ut by amicably dividing the weak-
V er hates 5 and Pruflia, not to be left behind in the ca¬
reer of aggrandifement, found it neceffary to concur
in their policy ; it became evident that the fituation of
Europe muft fpeedily undergo great changes: and there
was reafon to fear that the mildnefs of government,
which in fome meafure had arifen from the facility of
emigration, and of obtaining proteflion in neighbour-
The French ing Hates, might come to an end. The French revo-
tevo ution. iutjon> which had fpeedily reduced that once potent
monarchy to a Hate of complete debility, feemed to
afford an opportunity to the remaining great powers to
extend their fyHem of ambition, by enabling them to
regard its ample and fertile territories as a farther fub-
jedt of partition.
In another point of view, however, this revolution
had now begun to appear an objedl of no fmall jealou-
fy and alarm. The diflinguifiied place which France
Holds among the nations of Europe, rendered the late
change of her government an objed! of univerfal at¬
tention ; and it now began to be ferioufly feared as an
objed! of imitation. The public difcuffions which took
place in her national affemblies, and in printed publi¬
cations, were conveyed, through the medium of a
language almoff univerfally underHood, to the mofl ob-
fcure corners of Europe j and kings, nobles, and prieHs
became apprehenfive, that the contagion of innova¬
tion might not terminate in the country in which it
had begun. Hence a general wifh exifled among
theie ruling claffes of fociety, that an effort fhould
be made to overwhelm, before it fliould be too late
Vol. IV. Part II.
935
Ambition
93*5
] b r r
that country, from which fo much danger to efiablifh- Britain,
ed governments feemed to originate. It is Hill per-v v—^
haps too early, even for the moil enlightened and un-
impafiioned mind, fo far to elevate itfelf above the
current of events, as to be enabled to take a clear
view of the philofophical hiHory of modern Europe ;
and more efpecially of that great convuliion, which
now began to be the hinge of all the changes that oc¬
curred in this, and even in other parts of the globe. 9V]
It is to be remarked, however, that, during fix cen-Progrefllve
turies, the condition of the human race had, in Eu-iniProvc-
" " * • - - - ment of
rope, been in a Hate of rapid and obvious amelicra-??ent ot
tion. This quarter of the globe was at one time
verned by a barbarous military ariHocracy, that htld
agriculture and every ufeful art in contempt ; or by a
wealthy and numerous, but illiterate and licentious
priefihood ; while the body of the people remained in
an enilaved condition. By the efforts of various
princes the nobles were gradually fubdued. The do¬
minion of law and of order was effablifhed ; and the
body of the people were protedled, and, by means of
induflry, enabled to rife to the poffeflion of wealth.
Literature was encouraged among all ranks of perfons ;
and the human charatter affumed a more refpedlable
and a happier afpedl. This fortunate progrefs was in-
, deed early diflurbed. The new intelligence which
they had acquired, enabled mankind to difcern the
vices which exiffed in their prieHhood, which formed
one of the principal orders, poffefling a very large pro¬
portion of the wealth of every European community.
This clafs of men had been rendered voluptuous bv
riches, and indolent by long poffeflion of power ; and
the ignorance into which they had fallen, with the fu-
perftitions which they Hill encouraged, were now be¬
held with contempt and indignation by a populace that
were acquiring induffry, riches, and knowledge. Princes
and people in many countries fhared the fame fentiment.
Some reforms were attempted; but the clergy having
refiffed fuch changes as the temper of mankind now-
rendered neceffary, a zeal for their deffruftion was
excited, which rapidly diffufed itfelf from mind to mind,
and from one country to another, till it embraced the*
extremities of the Chnflian world. IVIen were, how¬
ever, divided in their fentiments 5 and many princes
dreaded that the love of change might not flop fliort
with the extirpation of one great order of the Hate.
Deflruftive wars, therefore, took place, embittered
by religious zeal, in which one-half of Europe con¬
tended with ferocity againfl the other. This fangui-
nary rage, which divided not only Hates but private
families, gradually fubfided. It was at lafl found, that
the clergy might be reformed, while the prince and his
nobles retained their power. Nations once more made
war from views of policy, and religious quarrels were
forgotten.
In the mean time, the nations of Europe Hill con¬
tinued their progrefs in improvement j and, as f'oon as
tranquillity had been reflored by the peace of 1*763
this benevolent fpirit Harted into adlion in every quar-
ter. As tne kings of Europe had originally, by the
elevation of their own powder, and of the importance
and profperity of the people, upon the ruins of the feu¬
dal anarchy, been the prime movers of the improve¬
ment ^of the human charadler in Europe, fo at this
time they continued to take the lead in the fame ho,
4 M nourable
<*
/
B R I [ 642 ] B R I
Britain, noarable career. The value of the moft important of
all arts, that of agriculture, had gradually been feen.
The reafonings and experiments of philofophers were
employed upon it j and, in Pruflia, Ruflia, and
other countries, it was cherilhed by royal bounty.
Poland was ftill behind the other nations of Europe.
There the authority of the crown was little more than
nominal. A feudal ariftocracy governed the country,
and the cultivators of the foil were in a date of flavery.
Even there, however, it became a fort of falhion
among the more enlightened nobles to give freedom to
their peafants.
The mercantile intereft advanced ftill more rapidly
into importance in Europe. The pre-eminence which
commerce had given to Great Britain, ftimulated all
who had the means and the opportunity to fofter and in-
creafe it by every artificial aid among their own fub-
je<fts. Manufadlories wrere, eftablifhed and fupported
by many of the crowned heads on the continent j and
trading companies w'ere ere&ed, vefted with ample
immunities, and fometimes aflifted with great loans.
The pride of the military nobility was paffing awray.
They found fuccefsful rivals for the efficient offices of
ftate in the profeflbrs of the law7. The eftabliftiment
of ftanding armies rendered them of little importance
in war } and their w7ealth, as the great landholders of
Europe, was daily more and more eclipfed by the opu¬
lence of the induftrious clafles •, and though titles of
honour ftill remained, the eftimation in which they
were held w7as much diminilhed, in confequence of the
attention univerfally paid to men of letters. Still,
however, confiderable abufes remained. In thofe
Hates that had refifted in former times the innovations
produced by religious zeal, a wealthy priefthood and
monaftic orders ftill exifted. The privileges of the
nobles and of the clergy rendered taxation unequal j
and commerce was embarraffed by reftriftive laws, and
the privileges of old incorporations. There w7as there¬
fore much to reform among the continental ftates of
Europe ; but everywhere princes were feen taking
pride in helping forward this work of reformation. In
particular, the late emperor of Germany was extreme¬
ly eager to diftinguiflr himfelf in this career. He abo-
lifired monaftic eftablifhments, emancipated the pea¬
fants, aboliffied the privileges of the nobles to a very
great degree, and extended the protection of the law,
and the privileges enjoyed by other fubjeCts, to that
unfortunate people, the Jews, who had long been ob¬
jects of religious hatred and perfecution. This prince,.
however, urged his projeCts with a degree of reftlefs-
nefs and impatience, w'hich in many inftances defeated
the purpofe for wffiich they wrere undertaken, by not
giving leifure to the fentiments of the people to go
along with him in his innovations.
Character Though the houfe of Bourbon had fupported in
of the royal Trance the Roman Catholic fyitem of fuperftition, yet,
family of upon the whole, they were of a more liberal fpirit
France, than any other royal family in Europe, and had given
greater encouragement to letters, and to every kind of
improvement. It is not wonderful, therefore, that in
France, the Roman Catholic fuperftition had become
contemptible, and that the defire for improving the
condition of mankind, and fimplifying the arrangements
of fociety, which was everywhere purfued by the
princes of Europe, ftiould here have become extreme¬
ly prevalent. Unfortunately, however, though the Britain,
benevolent character of the reigning monarch led him v '■■■—y--
to encourage fuch projeCts, yet his undecided and in¬
active fpirit, together with the embarrafled ftate of the '
finances, prevented him from taking the lead in thefe
changes, or from repreffing them when inordinately
purfued by others. In the mean time, the example of
profperity enjoyed under the free conftitution of Great
Britain, together with the pride of having recently
contributed to the eftabliffiment of a republican go¬
vernment in North America, fixed the charaCler of
any changes of a political nature, which at this period
might originate in France, from the men of letters, the
army, or the people at large. 9^9
There is a paflron of the human mind, to which phi-Paffion for
lofophers have not hitherto given a name, wffiich at reform, its
times remains dormant for ages, but which, when
kindled into aCHon, feldom fails to alter the whole d
face of fociety. This is the paffion or rage for re¬
forming the world, or for propagating that, which un¬
der the influence of this fentiment appears good for the
human race, or juft and right with regard to fociety
at large. In the regions of Afia, under the Arabian pro¬
phet, it affumed the form of a zeal for religious truth, or
a paffion to deftroy every form of idolatry, and to bring
mankind to the worffiip of one God. Supported by
the energy which this paffion infpired, and the conta¬
gious frenzy which it communicated, the Mahometan
faith was conveyed from the Arabic gulf to the banks
of the Ganges, the deferts of Tartary and of Africa.
At one time it feemed to embrace all Europe, invad¬
ing Germany from the eaft, and advancing from the
fouth through Spain into the centre of France, where
its career was with difficulty arrefted by Charles Mar¬
tel, after a fanguinary conflict of many days. 1 he
fame paffion has, in Europe, at different times, affum¬
ed the form of a zeal for freedom and of religious en-
thufiafm. At the time of the reformation from Pope¬
ry, it chiefly appeared under the afpeft of a defire to
accompliffi religious reform. In thofe countries which,
like England, were vigoroufly governed, and where
the prince and the people concurred in the fame ob-
jeft, the zeal of the multitude was reftrained, and
the reformation Was not carried to extremes ; but
where the populace led the way, as in Scotland, Ge¬
neva, and other places, the reformation was deftruttive
to all ancient religious inftitutions. When the paffion
for reform, after tw>o centuries of internal tranquillity,
was communicated to the French nation, by the ex¬
ample of the princes of Europe and of the citizens of
America, it affumed the fhape of a zeal for freedom,
and religion was treated with contempt. The paffion,
however, w as the fame that had formerly induced the
European ftates to engage in fanguinary wars for the
fupport or the overthrow of their religious eftablifti-
ments. In both cafes, the followers of the new7 fe£I
were filled with enthufiaftic notions of their own pow7-
ers and their own worth, with vifionary fchemes of
impracticable improvement, and with complete impa¬
tience of oppofition, accompanied with an eager zeal
for making profelytes. Like other focial paffions, its
contagion rapidly flew from city to city, and in a Ids
or greater degree it extended to the utmoft limits of
Europe. It more particularly feized the minds of men
of letters, wrho regarded the French|revolution, in its
commencement.
B R I [ <43 ] B R I
'Britain, commencement, as their own work, and as the fruit
of the war which they had long waged againft monadic
inftitutions, and the exemptions from taxes or the public
burdens of the date, which were enjoyed by the privileg¬
ed orders. On the other hand, princes and the clergy,
together with perfons of high rank and great opulence,
were ferioudy alarmed by the example which France
had given of diminifhing the power of the throne and
of the altar, and dedroying all privileges enjoyed by
particular orders of men j and they feared that this fy-
item of innovation might proceed, as fome of its wild¬
er votaries hoped, to overturn the fafety of private
property, while, at the fame time, no European na¬
tion might be free from its contagion. It is not won¬
derful, therefore, that the princes of Europe combined
againd France on this occadon, or that they were fup-
ported by their clergy and their nobles. It remained
to be feen, however, what part Great Britain would
aft in this important fcene. Her church and her ari-
docracy were already reformed, and the fird French
reformers began their career by the avowed imitation
of her example.
940 In forming a political conditution, the vanity of
Defedt of French? which induced them to avoid the ap-
Frenchcon-P€arance fervile imitation, had unhappily led
fUtution. them to differ in one effential point from the Britidi
conditution. Their legiilature condded only of a king
and a bugle houfe of reprefentatives; whereas in Bri¬
tain, by means of a third edate, that of the peerage,
wEo are naturally jealous of popular innovation, law's
injurious to the royal prerogative are prevented from
being enafted, without the king being involved in any
perfonal difpute with the commons. But, in France,
the king himfelf was laid under the necedrty, in fuch
cafes, of preventing the pading of the law, by perfo-
nally exercidng a negative voice 5 that is, he w'as pla¬
ced in the unpopular and abfurd dtuation of oppoling
his dngle judgment to the united wbll of a nation, and
that too in the prefent perilous and critical times, w hen
he could not fail to be fufpefted of didiking a conditu¬
tion, by which his defpotic pow'er wras taken away.
Still, however, the reprefentative government of Bri¬
tain had radically been the model on which the French
had proceeded ; and there is no doubt, that they ex¬
pected, during any conted in which they might be in¬
volved with the powers of the continent, that they
w’ould enjoy, if not the fupport, at lead the neutrality
and favourable countenance, of the Britidi nation.
On the other hand, however, the padion for inno¬
vation which had feized the French nation, had, in
many indances, proceeded to very extravagant lengths;
and there was reaion to fear, on the part of the court of
London, that this padion might communicate itfelf in an
inconvenient degree to Britain, w'here, though political
abufes wTere comparatively triding, and the padion would
confequently End lefs food for its exertion, yet enough
941 might exid tokindle didurbances and produce anxiety.
Society of In the month of April 1792, a fociety was inditut-
friends of ed in London, at the head of which appeared Mr
the people. Grey, Mr Baker, Mr Whitbread, Mr Sheridan, Mr
Lambton, Mr Erikine, and feveral other members of
parliament, for the exprefs purpofe of obtaining a re¬
form in the reprefentation of the people. The affocia-
tion affumed the popular title of the friends of the f>eo-
/■/?; and it was foeedily joined by fome very relpefta-
ble charafters in the commercial and literary world. Britain.
Similar focieties had, at former periods, exided in
Great Britain ; and the duke of Richmond, Mr Pitt,
and others, while they wTere zealous advocates for the
reform of parliament, had attended meetings, not
merely of perfons afting in their individual capacity,
but what W'as undoubtedly more dangerous, of perfons
appearing as delegates of other focieties. At the pre¬
fent period, however, government, not without rea~
fon, appear to have regarded any affociation of this
kind, as unufually dangerous. The lociety had re-
folved, that, early in the next fedion, a motion diould
be brought foiward in the houfe of commons, for the
reform of parliament, and that the conduft of the bu-
dnefs diould be committed to Mr Grey and Mr Er-
fkine. In conformity with the intentions of the ado-
ciation, on the 30th of April, Mr Grey gave notice
in the houfe, of a motion, which next fedion he in¬
tended to fubmit to their condderation, for a reform Mr^Grey
in the reprefentation of the people. Its necedity, he announces
faid, had been admitted both by Mr Pitt and Mr arnot'onf°t
Fox. The times w'ere indeed critical, and the minds a r^orm
of the people agitated, but his objeft wTas to tranquil-1
lize them, by removing every caufe of complaint. He
requeded gentlemen to condder the quedion in the in¬
terval, and hoped, that by the time the motion wTas
brought forward, the fentiments of the people on the
fubjeft would be fully afeertaiued.
Mr Pitt rofe with unufual vehemence. He faid, he OppolLl
felt no difficulty in faying, in mod decidve terms, that Mr Bitt.
he objefted both to the time and the mode in which
this budnefs was brought forward. He retained his
opinion of the propriety of a reform in parliament, if
it could be obtained by a general concurrence j but he
feared at this moment, that if agreed on by that houfe,
the fecurity of all the bleffings wre enjoyed w'ould be
diaken to the foundation. The prefent, he alleged,
was not a time to make hazardous experiments. Could
wre forget what leffons had been given to the world
in a few years ? or could men be fuppoftd to regard
the fituation of this country as in any refpeft unfortu¬
nate when contraded with that of others ? He took
notice of the new affociation, and the advertifements in
newspapers, by which they invited the public to join
the dandard of reform. He faid, he faw with concern
the gentlemen to whom he alluded, united with otners,
who profeffed not reform only, but direft hodility to '
the very form of our government, who threatened
an extinftion to monarchy and every thing which pro¬
moted order and fubordination in a date.
Mr Fox declared himfelf fatisfied concerning the
necedity of a reform in the reprefentation, but that he
never entertained very fanguine hope of its accomplidr-
ment. He would repeat however what he had faid
almod the fird time he addreded that houfe, that the
greated innovation which could be introduced into the
conditution of England was to come to a vote that
there ffiould be no innovation in it. His name did not
indeed appear in the lid of the fociety for reform, be-
caufe, though he faw great abufes, he did not fee the
remedy. Had his honourable friend confulted him,
he ffiould have hedtated in recommending the part he
had taken ; but having taken it, he could not fee why
the period was improper for the difeuffion. He pro¬
feffed drong attachment to the Britidi conditution, but
4 M 2 did
&
B R I [ 644 ] B R I
Britain. (Jld not regard this as the only free country in the
^" v world. He noticed particularly the American dates
as in the enjoyment of practical freedom, and approved
of the new conilitution of Poland. After a tumultuous
debate, in which Mr Burke and Mr Windham oppo-
944 fed Mr Sheridan and Mr Erfkine, the fubjefl was dropt.
Paine’s fe- In the mean time, a variety of political pam-
cond part of phiet;3 were daily pubiilhed, the mod remarkable of
* rvi^*8 ltS which was a publication by Thomas Paine, entitled
“ the Rights of Man, part fecond.” This was a di¬
rect and mod inflammatory attack upon the whole
Roval^pro- principles and pradtice of the Britifh conditution. Ad-
clarnation minidration thought fit, on the 2id of May, to iflfue a
againft fe- royal proclamation againd the publifhing and difperf-
dcatiom Seditious writings j exhorting the rnagidrates to
vigilance in attempting to difeover the authors of fuch
writings, and to preferve the peace and tranquillity of
the kingdom; and exhorting the people to guard againd
all attempts which aimed at the fubverfion of regular
government.
It is not eafy to perceive what precife purpofe go-
> vernment intended to ferve by this proclamation. The
authors of the feditious publications alluded to did
not conceal themfelves, and the publications were
openly fold without any attempt to fupprefs them by
profecutions. Perhaps it was intended to prepare the
minds of men for thefe future meafures of dired! hodility
againd France, on which government had already refolv-
ed. Perhaps it was only meant to roufe and counte¬
nance, in the friends of government, a fpirit of oppod-
tion to the propofals of innovation which were now
afloat, or it might be intended in this way to try the
general feelings of parliament and of the public upon
the fubjedl; but whatever objedl adminiflration might
have in view by this proclamation, its fird efledl was to
excite a general fpirit of political curiofity, and to
ferve as a public advertifement to the dangerous writ¬
ings of Thomas Paine and others. In all parts of the
ifland multitudes of perfons, who had not hitherto in¬
terrupted their ordinary occupations to attend to the
tranfadtions of the continent, or the fpeculative difeuf-
dons which the prefent date of France had excited,
avere now feen crowding to the fliops of bookfellers, in¬
quiring for the treatifes, the names or titles of which
they knew not, againd which the king’s proclamation
had iffued. Every printing prefs in the kingdom was
occupied, and copies could fcarcely be fupplied in fuf-
ficient abundance to fatisfy the demand.
On the 25th of May, an addrefs to his majedy being
moved by the mader of the rolls, in confequence of the
proclamation, he intimated that the objedt of the pro¬
clamation was Mr Paine’s works. He read an extradl
from one of his pamphlets, importing that all kings
were tyrants, and their fubjedls flaves, and complain¬
ed of the circulation of fuch publications. Mr Grey
aderted, that the minider, apprehenfive of the effedts of
the aflbeiation of the friends of the people, had concert¬
ed this meafure with an infidious view of feparating
thofe who had been long connedled. He pretended
that fuch finider pradfices were delighted in by a
gentleman, whofe whole political life was a tiflue of
jnconfidency, and who never propofed a meafure with¬
out intending to delude his hearers. He faid, that
mode of proceeding againd feditious writings was inef¬
ficient, irregular, and raifehievous. If improper writ¬
ings were publidied, his majedy’s miniders ought to Britain,
have profecuted the authors or printers. Upwards of
twelve months had elapfed fince the publications now
complained of made their appearance. What could they
now lay for themfelves, or what could the public think
of the condudt of the miniders of the crown, who had
differed thefe publications, which were faid to be the
bane of the public tranquillity, to poifon the public mind
for a whole year? He vvidied to know what could be the
motives that brought forward at this time this hidden
diow of ardour to fubdue diforder. Had it always mani-
feded itfelf in the condudt of miniders ? Was there any
remarkable adlivity difplayed in preferving order in the
affair of Birmingham, where there had been ad’tual out¬
rage and violence to the laws, to liberty, and order? Mr
Fox difapproved of the proclamation, becaufe it was in-
ddious and ambiguous, tending to propagate vague and
unnecefl’ary alarm. Mr Pitt laid he was far from im¬
puting any ill defign to the new affociation ; but ob-
ferved that it might be taken advantage of by ill-
difpofed perfons, who under the (belter of a refpedtable
body might pufh their own finider defigns. The plan of
the perfons to whom he alluded, was evidently to de-
droy the monarchy, and convert the kingdom into a
republic. The addrefs to the throne was agreed to
without a divifion ; and in the houfe of lords on the
3id of May a fimilar addrefs was voted after fome
debate. Parliament was prorogued in a diort time
thereafter.
The eyes of all Europe were now turned towards France mc-
France ; and the combination which the kings of Eu- paced^vith
rope w’ere known to have formed againd that country
was expedted fpeedily to proceed to adtion. The king
of Sweden who was fond of war, and had greatly dil-
tinguidied himfelf in his late conted with Ruffia, hav¬
ing now fettled all difputes with that date, offered
to lead in perfon the armies of the combined powers,
to dedroy in France thofe new inditutions and opinions
which threatened to fubvert the whole ancient fydem
of public order in Europe. He dill however con¬
tinued in a date of extreme hodility with his difaffec-
ted nobles; and on the 16th of March be was affaffmat-
ed at a mafquerade by an enthufiad, a nobleman of the
name of Ankerdroom, who beaded, when he was ap¬
prehended, that he had liberated his country from a
tyrant. In the mean time, Leopold emperor of Ger¬
many had alfo died, and was fucceeded by his fon
Francis II. Leopold had chofen to temporize with
France, but his fucceffor thought it unneceffary to ob-
ferve any meafures of caution. On fome remondrances
being made by the French government againd his per¬
mitting troops to affemble on the frontiers, he avowed
the concert of princes againd the conditution of Francej
and he dated it to be one cf the conditions neceffary to
the preiervation of peace, “ 7'hat the neighbouring
powers diouldhave no reafon for the apprehenfions which
arife from the prefent weaknefs of tlie-internal govern¬
ment of France.” This acknowledged intention to in¬
terfere in the internal affairs of the French nation, pro¬
duced a propofal on the part of the French king to
the national affembly, which was readily acceded to,
for declaring war againd the king of Hungary and
Bohemia, and in a diort time war was in like manner
declared againd Prudia and Sardinia.
In the mean while, though the combined princes
had
B R I [ <H5 l B R I
Britain, had not probably as yet completely adjufted the (hares
< ,, ' they were to receive of the fpoils of France and Po-
947 land; yet that the latter might-be retained in a (late of
jR ^^"de wea^ne^s> au<^ that all traces of the new principles which
Poland.7* C were at this time alarming the world, might as far -as
poilible be obliterated, the emprefs of Ruffia gave no¬
tice to the king of Poland of her determination to in¬
vade that (late with an army of 150,000 men, for the
purpofe of overturning the new conititution, which had
been framed in imitation of that of Great Britain. No
proviflon had been made by the king, who appears to
have been a well-intentioned but a weak man, to refift
fuch a force. An attempt was however made by Ko-
fciuiko, a Polifli nobleman, who had ferved under Ge¬
neral Wafhington in America, to defend the indepen¬
dence of the country. Some battles were fought, but ’
the Ruffians continued to make progrefs 5 and on the
23d of July, the king, defpairing of the refult of the
conteft, fubmitted without referve to Ruffia, and con-
fented to the reiteration of the old conititution with all
its weaknefs and anarchy. When this event took place,
coniiderable numbers of perfons in Britain were pro¬
moting a fubfeription of fums of money to affiit the
Poles to maintain their independence. The popula¬
tion of Poland was fufficient to have enabled it to re¬
lift the power of Ruflia ; but the people at large were
(till the property of the nobles, and confequently illite¬
rate, and incapable of exerting themfelves with that
Union which is neceflary to a great national effort.
While the combined princes were thus fuccefsful in
the north, a very different train of events awaited them
in France. The French king and his miniftry directed
the Auftrian Netherlands to be invaded, but the obje£t
was accomplhhed in an unfldlful manner. Four dif-
tin& detachments, under Fayette and other generals,
were directed to enter that country at dift'erent points.
They made fome progrefs ; but their raw tro ps were
fpeedily repulfed by the difeiplined armies of Auftria,
v/hich afterwards advanced with contiderable force.
At length Pruifia and Auftria, who had undertaken
the extinction of the revolution in France, had com¬
pleted their preparations, and the duke of Brunfwick
was appointed commander of the combined armies
which were to enter that country. In a long manifefto
iffued by the emperor and the king of Prudia, they
thought it neceffary to difclaim all views of aggrandife-
ment, or interference in the internal adminiftration of
France; but declared themfelves refolved to re-eftablifh
in that country public fecurity, with the ancient order
of things, and to protect the perfons and property of
all loyal fubjebts. They threatened to punifti in a
ftriking manner, and to give up the city of Paris to
moft dreadful and terrible juftice, if the lead infult
948 Ihould be offered to the king, the queen, or the royal
Duke of family. The duk- of Brunfwick alfo iffued a manifef-
wkk’s ma t°’ OWT1 name» on 2 7th °f Juty? at Coblentz
rb'elto.ma head quarters, in which he declared that the two
allied courts had no intention to make conquefts from
France ; that they meant merely to deliver the king
and royal family from captivity, and to reftore his au¬
thority. The duke promifed protection to all who
(hould fubmit to the king. Pie required the national
guards to protect the public fafety till farther orders,
and threatened to treat fuch of them as Ihould refift
him in arms as rebels to their king. He required, in
like manner, the officers and foldiers of the French re- Britain,
gular troops to fubmit to their legitimate fovereign. * P
He declared the French magiftrates refponfible, on pain
of lofing their heads and eftates, for every diforder
which they ihould not have attempted to prevent. He
threatened with death the inhabitants of towns and vil¬
lages, who (hould dare to defend themfelves againft his
troops, but promifed protection to thofe who ihould
fubmit. He called upon the city of Paris to fubmit
inftantly to the king, making perfonally refponfible,
on the pain of lofing their heads, purfuant to military
trials, ail the members of the national affembly, and
the magiftrates and national guards of Paris ; threaten¬
ing on the word of the emperor and king, that if the
palace of the Thuilleries (hould be forced or infulted,
or the leaft outrage offered to the king, queen, and
royal family of France, or if they were not immedi¬
ately placed in fafety and fet at liberty, to infliCt the
moft exemplary and ever memorable avenging punifh-
ments, by giving up the city of Paris to military exe¬
cution, and expofing it to total deftruCtion : Laftly, It
was declared that no other laws could be acknowledg¬
ed in France, excepting thofe derived from the king
when at full liberty ; he was therefore invited to come
to fome frontier town, where he might provide for the
reftoration of order, and the regular adminiftration of
his kingdom. 949
This fatal manifefto was no fooner publiftied, than all^*,n^e‘
France was in commotion. The infolent language held q , , -5f?0
in it by two foreign powers, one of which, Auftria, • e 4ukeb
had for ages been regarded with hereditary hoftility, muf-
wounded the national pride and patriotic fpirit of wick’s
every Frenchman. Many who were the enemies ofnitcfto*
the revolution, could not brook an attack upon the na¬
tional independence ; and the zeal of thofe who had
been enthufiaftic promoters of freedom was kindled into
frenzy. From all quarters of the country, multitudes
haftened to the frontiers, to (hare the danger of pro¬
tecting the independence of their country. Unhappily
for the monarch, Louis XVI. the enemies of the na¬
tion had loudly declared themfelves to be his friends,
and the reftoration of his abfolute power was made the
excufe for a hoftile invafion. The king, therefore,
and all who were attached to him, became objeCts of
public jealoufy. A very fmall republican party had
previoully exifted ; every hour now procured to it an
acceftion of ftrength, as it appeared dangerous to in-
truft the national defence in the hands of the king.
He was, therefore, dethroned on the 1 oth of Auguft. A
republic was proclaimed, and the capital foon became the
feene of a fanguinary maffacre of thofe perfons who had
been imprifoned on fufpicion of adhering to his caufe.
The. duke of Brunfwick was, in the mean time, Dukeof
advancing into the country at the head of the combined ■ i'wick
armies. Verdun and Lbngwy furre idered to his arms enters
in the end of Auguft, and he gradually advanced to F-ance*
the neighbourhood of Chalons. He had been op-
pofed, however, at every itep of his progrefs ; the peoole
of the country removed all kinds of provilions from the
courfe of his march, while the French army under
Dumourier was well fupplied. At laft, as the French
daily acquired difeipline, General Kellerman was able
to fuftain, with 16,000 men, an attack of 14 hours by
a fupenor force. The combined army fuffered by dif-
' eafe, while their adverfaries were rapidly augmenting
Pages 645 and 646 'o be cancelled, and this leaf inferted in their place.
B R I
t 646 ]
B R I
Britain.
951
Conduft of
Pruifia.
95*
13uke of
Brunf-
wick’s, re¬
treat.
953
Battle of
Jemappe.
Invention
of flying-
artillery.
in numbers and in courage, To that it became not a
little dangerous to attempt to advance to the capital.
The king of Pruflia was perfonally prefent with
the combined army. We have already noticed the
policy of that prince, or of his cabinet. He had
relifted the combination of Ruftia and Auftria to ac-
complilh their own aggrandifement by dividing the
territories of the Turks, and he had given counte¬
nance to ttie new Polilh conftitution, to form a bar¬
rier againft Ruffia. Being deferted in his views by
Britain upon the queftion concerning Oczakow, and
finding France unable to give him any fupport, he had
found it neceflary to enter into the views of ^he two
imperial courts ; but he appears by no means to have
regretted the difeovery which he now made, that
France was by no means in the proftrate date to which
it had been fuppofed to be reduced j that Ihe was
capable of refilling an invafion, and was likely foon to
refume her place among the European powers, and
confequently, according to her ancient policy, to give
countenance and protection to Pruffia, and to reprefs
the ambition of the court of Vienna. It may be
farther remarked, that in confequence of Pruflia be¬
ing a Proteftant ftate, and of the philofophical notions
that had been diffufed by the former monarch, Fre¬
derick II. many of the Pruflian courtiers and military
officers were not unfavourable to fome of the princi¬
ples of the French revolution, particularly to the over-
throw of the Roman Catholic church. Neither was Pruf¬
fia very jealous of political reforms, as it had countenan¬
ced the eftablilhment of a free conftitution in Poland,
to aflift him in refilling the reillefs ambition of Ruffia.
A retreat was begun by the combined armies,
without any very defperate attempt being made to
force the French to a general engagement, or to pe¬
netrate farther into their country ; lb that fome fufpi-
cions were at this time entertained, by difeerning men,
that France would not have much to dread from the
obftinate hoftility of the king of Pruflia. He proba¬
bly wilhed to allow the new republic another winter,
within which to eftablifh a government for themfelves.
If they fucceeded in their objefl, he would be fafe
againft the future ambition of Ruflia and Auftria. If
they failed to acquire fufficient energy to defend them-
felves, he could return during the following fummer,
to take his fliare of their fpoils. After his retreat,
the French, with wonderful activity, commenced of-
fenfive operations. General Cuftine took Mentz in
Oflober. In the fame month Dumourier invaded the
Netherlands, and on the 4th of November, fought the
celebrated battle of Jemappe, in which the Auftrians
were beaten; and, as the late emperor Jofeph II. truft-
ing to his alliance with the royal family of France, had
demolilhed the fortifications of the towns in the Ne¬
therlands, excepting Luxembourg and the citadel of
Antwerp, the whole of that country, to the frontiers of
Holland, now fuddenly fell into the hands of the French.
At the battle of Jemappe, a new invention
in the art of vrar, that of flying-artillery, is faid to
have been firft put in praflice by the French army.
Like all other contrivances in the art of war, it de¬
rived much weight from its novelty ; and as fuccefs in
this terrible art depends greatly upon influencing the
paflions of mankind, by ftriking terror by what is un¬
known, or infpiring hope and confidence in confe*
Britain.
quence of any new device, this invention, at the period
alluded to, made much noife in Europe. Ihe brench
boafted greatly of the fuperiority which they derived
from the ufe of it, and this boaft was no doubt of fome
ufe to their enterprifes. The invention itfelf is under-
ftood to have been made a ftrort time before the battle
of Jemappe, by the late Mr John Anderfon, profeflbr
of natural philofophy in the univerfity of Glafgow. He
is faid to have informed his friends in Scotland, that he
offered the contrivance originally to the Britiih govern¬
ment, at leaft to fome perfons connected with admini-
ftration for the time, but that it was neglected by them.
Being a man of an irritable temper, he was greatly en¬
raged by this negleft, and inftantly went over to France,
where he communicated his contrivance to M. de la
Fayette. Here he met wuth a very different recep¬
tion. His experiments having been repeated by a
committee of French engineers, the importance of the-
invention W'as inftantly difeerned } he was careffed by
the moft diftinguilhed perfons in the French capital,
and confidered as one of the moft ingenious men of
his age. He was feen looking from a window with
Madame de la Fayette, on the day that the king w>as
brought back to Paris after his unfortunate flight to
the frontiers. His vanity appears to have been much
gratified by the attention wffiich, on this and other
occafions, he received 5 and he remained during life
an admirer and friend of the French revolutionary
leaders. In the mean time, that people enjoyed the
benefit of his invention, which on iome occafions pro¬
ved very fatal to their enemies •, and the ufe of it is
believed to have been only borrowed from them by
the Britifh army at a future period. 954
After the victory of Jemappe, the government of the Proceedings
new French republic, to conciliate the inhabitants of£f the
the Auftrian Netherlands, publiffied a refolution to^™^'
open the navigation of the river Scheldt (wdfich for
fome centuries had been kept Ihut up by the jealouiy
of the Dutch), and thereby to revive the trade of Ant¬
werp, anciently one of the firft commercial cities in
Europe. At the fame time to counteradl, if poflible,
the combination of princes which had been formed
againft them, and which was now rapidly extending
itfelf to every court in Europe, the new French con¬
vention (or reprefentative body wdiich had been elecl-
ed after the depofition of the king) eagerly endeavour¬
ed to reprefent their owm caule as the caule of man¬
kind, or of the people at large in every country, in
oppofition to that of their princes or hereditary ruleis,
wffiom they denominated deipots and tyrants. On the
19th of November, the convention paffed a decree, de¬
claring, that they would give afhftance, by their armies,
to every people that ftiould attempt to eitablilh a free
government for themlelves. X he lame convention, two
months thereafter, by a majority of votes, ordered their
imprifoned monarch to be put to death on an accufa-
tion that he had betrayed the caufe of the nation.
The important tranfa&ions which were taking place Effeds of
on the continent could not fail to produce^ a powerful
effedl upon the Britiih nation, where the minds of men, (.ranfa(qions
as already remarked, had been directed in fo particu-j,. jjritain.
lar a manner to political queftions by the late, royal
proclamation. According to the different fentiments
of men, they perufed with terror, or with fatisfaction,
the duke of Brunfwick’s manifefto. Men of a patri¬
otic
B R I [ 647 ] B R I
Britain, otic character, however, whatever their political opi- prefervation of public tranquillity.
956
Political
nions might be, were in general not diffatisfied to lee
a nation capable, amidll the utmoft public confuhon,
of repelling an invafion by the beft difciplined armies,
condu&ed by the moft experienced commanders, in
Europe. The horrid maffacres, however, which took
place in September, together with the treatment of the
royal family, excited very different fentiments, as exhi¬
biting an inftance of unparalleled barbarity and ufelefs
bloodlhed. In confequence of the political publications
which, by the months of Auguftand September, had been
univerfally read, the whole Britifh nation was in a moft
agitated ftate. In all companies, political queftions on
the comparative merits of monarchical and republican
government, together with the propriety of a reform
in the Britifh houfe of commons, formed the foie fub-
jefts of converfation. Perfons of every rank and fex
ferment in entered into thefe difcuffions with lingular eagernefs.
the nation. Jn general, at the commencement of the difpuce, very
few had any idea that a republican government would
• be found practicable in France. With regard to Bri¬
tain, which enjoyed a found adminiftration of juftice,
and much internal profperity, no change feemed necef-
fary. In proportion, however, as the French gained vic¬
tories, a republican government feemed lefs impractica¬
ble in fuch a country ; and, in proportion as the fub-
jeCt of political abufes was canvafled, new ideas con¬
cerning the ftate of government in Britain began to
be entertained.—The difgraceful fcenes of tumult and
notorious corruption which had occurred in borough
elections, the inattention of parliament during late
years to the petitions prefented for the abolition of the
Have-trade, or motions made upon other popular topics,
and lall of all, the memory of the coalition, and the
reproach under which the houfe of commons ever fince
that time had fallen, induced many perfons to think a
reform in the reprefentation of the people abfolutely
necefl'ary. As it is the nature of the human mind,
when its attention is completely occupied on any fub-
jeft, to proceed to extremes, new notions were daily
broached at home, or imported from the volcanic re¬
gion of France ; one notion, in particular, was extremely
prevalent, that of the boundlefs perfeClibility of the hu¬
man mind, which is fo true in theory, but fo falfe in faCt;
which, in the hands of providence feems to be gradually
and furely going forward, but which has never failed to
cover with confufion all thofe w’hohave hithertoattempt-
ed to aft upon it as a prefent and exifting reality^ At
the period alluded to, however, when fo many novelties
were afloat, this notion gained Angular favour.. Men
of fcience or benevolence, who judged of others from
the reftitude of their own intentions ; men of ardent
imaginations, wFo believed every thing prafticable to
their unbounded zeal ; together with the young and
inexperienced, who were unacquainted with the im-
perfeftions of the human charafter,—all imagined, that
the period was arrived when mankind, become rational
and juft, were no longer to engage in fanguinary wars
of ambition ; when good fenfe alone was to rule the
wmrld ; and when the public bufinefs of fociety, re¬
duced to the narrow limits of adminiftering juftice and
conftrufting high roads and harbours, might be con-
dufted with little trouble, and without the eftablifli-
ment of kings and nobles, and different ranks and
orders of men, or the difplay of military force for the
As thefe notions Britain,
were extremely favourable to the common people, they
entered into them wftth much eagernefs, and thus con¬
tributed to give them a greater appearance of prafti-
cability. A fort of general delirium upon political
fubjefts prevailed, and mankind were led to believe
that the greateft changes in the order of fociety might
be accomplifhed with facility and fafety. 91,7
Befides the fociety called the Friends of the People, Political afw
other aflbciations of lefs diftinguiffied perfons, called fociatlon:i
the Cunfinational and Correfpundmg Societies, were
eftablifhed in London ; and during the harveff, focieties
affuming the name of that of Friends of the People,
w7ere eltablilhed in all towms and villages throughout
the country, for the avowed purpofe of accomplifliing-
a reform in parliament. In proportion, however, as
the charafter of the French nation began to difplay
itfelf, in the fanguinary nature of their revolution, and
the extravagant projefts and fentiments which they
publiflied, perfons of rank and property, as well as
thofe of a mild and moderate difpofition in Britain, be
came greatly alarmed left fomething fimilar ihould
occur in this country. In the month of November arx
affbciation was inftituted at the Crown and Anchor
tavern in London, by Mr Reeves, the chief juftice of
Newfoundland, and other gentlemen connefted with
adminiftration •, the avowed purpofe of which was the
proteftion of liberty and property, againft the attempts
of republicans and levellers. Similar aflbciations for
the fupport of government were inftituted in other
parts of the metropolis, and throughout the country.
Thefe laft included, in the courfe of the winter and
fucceeding fpring, almoft all perfons of property in
the iftand, befides great numbers of others who, from a
fpirit of timidity, or the defire of appearing the friends
of the exiffing government, thought fit to join them,
fo that in point both of number or wealth it appeared^
that, comparatively, very few had formed a refolution
to avow a defire of innovation at this period. In Scot*
land, w'here the literature generally diffufed among the
common people enabled them to obtain a full know¬
ledge of the new notions then’ afloat, which their rank
and fituation in fociety induced them to regard with
favour, it was found very eafy to quiet the general'
ferment j becaufe the fame literature enabled them, ,
by the perufal of newfpapers and pamphlets, to fee the
universal combination of perfons of rank and property
that was formed againft the opinions which had recent¬
ly gone abroad. „
Parliament was aflembled on the 13th of December Parliament
1792. The fpeech from the throne intinrated, that aflembled
his majefty had judged it neceffary to embody a part
of the militia, and to aflemble parliament previous to
the time fixed for that purpofe. It Anted^ as the caufes
of thefe meafures, the feditious praftiees which had been s )e^
difcovered, and the fpirit of tumult and diforder Ihown fronAha
in afts of riot and infurreftion, which required the throne,
interpofition of a military force in fupport of the civil
magiftrate. I he induftry, it added, employed to ex¬
cite difcontent on various pretexts, and in different
parts of the kingdom, appeared to proceed from a
defign to attempt the deftruftion of our-happy confti-
tution, and the fubverfion of all order and govern*
ment, and that this defign had evidently been purliied
in conneftion and concert with perfons in foreign
countries.
Britain.
960
Debate on
the king’s
fpeech.
B R I [648
countries. His majefty aflerted, tliat he had carefully v
oblerved a ftrift neutrality in the prefent war on the
continent, and had uniformly abftained from any in¬
terference with refpeft to the internal affairs of France;
but that it was impoflible for him to fee, without the
moft ferious uneafinefs, the ftrong and increafing in¬
dications which had appeared there of an intention to
excite difturbances in other countries, to difregard the
rights of neutral nations, and to purfue views of con-
queft and aggrandifement, as well as to adopt towards
his allies, the ftates general, meafures which -were
neither conformable to the law of nations, nor to the
pofitive ftipulations of exifling treaties. Under all thefe
circumfiances he felt it his indifpenfable duty to have
recourfe to thofe means of prevention and internal de¬
fence with which he was intruded by law; and
thought it right to take fome fteps for making fome
augmentation of his naval and military force, being
perfuaded, that thefe exertions wrere necelfary in the
prefent date of affairs, and were bed calculated both to
maintain internal tranquillity, and to preferve the bled
fings of peace.
An addrefs, in confcquence of the fpeech from the
throne, having been moved, as ufual, in the houfe of
commons, Lord Wycombe oppofed it. He faid the
fpeech calumniated the people of Englandthat no
infurredfion exided; that the kingdom was on the con¬
trary overdowing wTith loyalty ; that fpeculative poli¬
tical opinions had always been agitated under the free
conditution of Britain ; and that the perfons thought
mod difaffefted, widred to reform that conditution. He
apprehended we had no jud caufe of war at prefent;
for he confidered the opening of the Scheldt, or even
the protection of the dadtholder’s privileges, as no fuf-
ficient judification of fuch a meafure. Mr Fox faid,
that the prefent was the mod momentous crifis, not
only that he had ever known, but that he had ever
read of in the hidory of this country, and that 'on the
conduft of parliament, depended not merely the fate
of the Britidi conditution, but of doCtrines which go
to the happinefs and well-being of all human kind.
He alleged, that there was not one faCt aflerted in his
majedy’s fpeech, wdiich was not falfe. He denied the
exidence of an infurreCtion ; remarking that though the
failors at Shields, Yarmouth, and other places, had
entered into riots for an increafe of wages, nobody
had alleged that they had any political objeCt in view.
He judified the joy which many perfons had exprefled,
on account of the retreat of the duke of Brunfwick ; and
aflerted, that this did not imply, in the minds of fuch
perfons, the exidence of a diflike to the Britidi condi¬
tution. One extreme, faid he, naturally leads to an¬
other ; thofe who dread republicanifm, fly for flielter
to the crown; thofe who defire reform, and are calum¬
niated, are driven by defpair to republicanifm, and
this, faid he, is the evil that I dread ; thefe are the ex¬
tremes into which thefe violent agitations hurry the
people, to the gradual decreafe of that middle order
of men, who dread as much republicanifm on the one
hand, as they do defpotifm on the other. He defcri-
bed the calling out of the militia, as a fraud, intend¬
ed to induce the people to believe, that great caufe of
alarm exifted, and thereby to bring them more com¬
pletely under the influence of government. He treat¬
ed the opening of the Scheldt, as no juft caufe of
z
] B R I
war, and faid, he did not btheve that it would ever Britain,'
be the real caufe, though it might be the pretext. He
faid, that fuch a war would undoubtedly aid the objeCl
of republicans and levellers; and recommended the re¬
moval of acknowledged grievances, as the certain means
of appealing difcontents among the people. He, there¬
fore, moved an amendment to the addrefs, which Am¬
ply pledged the houfe, to make inquiry into the fa6L
ftated in his majefty’s fpeech.
Mr Windham now deferted the oppofition, and
joined adminiftration, in contending that great danger
to the conftitution exifted. He declared his approba¬
tion of the march of the combined armies into France,
becaufe he believed their motives to be good. Mr
Dundas aflerted, that under the pretext for reform, the
example of France had been held out for imitation to
the people of this country ; that the object of the
French evidently was the aggrandifement of their do¬
minions. He (aid the interefts and honour of this coun¬
try, required that we ftmuld protect Holland, in the
right of keeping the Scheldt (hut, and thereby con- •
vince it, that it was happier to be conne&ed with
Great Britain, than with France. He took notice of
the invafion of Poland, that had been alluded to in
the debate ; and faid, that if there had not been fuch
a divifion in that houfe, on the fubjeft of the Ruffian
war, Poland w-ould have efcaped her prefent fate. Mr
Sheridan denied the exiftence of any juft caufe of a-
larm, and faid, that he fliould vote that Englifli mini-
fler to be impeached wdio fhould enter into a wrar, for
the purpofe of re-eftablilhing the former defpotifm in
France, or fhould dare, in fuch a caufe, to fpend one
guinea, or Ihed one drop of blood.
From the commencement of Mr Pitt’s adminiftra- Great de-
tion, a confiderable number of members of parliament, fertlon frori(i
the remnant of the coalition, had remained in oppofition 0PPol'ltion'
to his meafures. At this time, however, in confequence
of the alarm which had diflfufed itfelf among perfons
of high rank, and perhaps alfo in confequence of a
plaufible excufe being found for deferting a fruitlefs
and unprofitable oppofition, of which they w-ere weary,
a great number of the members of the party hitherto
hoftile to adminiftration, now joined in fupporting thofe
meafures which they perceived to be agreeable to the
executive pow?er. On a divifion there appeared for
the addrefs 290 ; for the amendment 50. On the fol¬
lowing day, when the addrefs was reported by the
committee appointed to prepare it, Mr Fox moved an
amendment, the object of wdiich was to prevent a war.
He remarked, that fome gentlemen had faid, that mi-
nifters ought fooner to have taken the alarm, and
fooner interpofed to guard againft the ambitious de-
figns of France. He alfo thought, that they ought to
have armed fooner, but not for the purpofe of joining
the general confederacy againft France, but of counter-
afling it. They fhould have armed, the inftant they
heard that the twTo great military pow’ers of Germany
had confederated, and refolved to enter France ; they
fhould have oppofed any fuch invafion, becaufe it muft
have been productive of great injury to Britain, and
to the other ftates of Europe, had it been attended
with fuccefs. He faid, he was an enemy to the ag¬
grandifement of France, but in oppofing it, he would
take care to have juftice on his fide. Had he been
minifter w’hen Pruffia and Auftria refolved to invade
that
B R I [ 649 ] B R I
'■Britain, that country, he would have told thofe powers they
V'—' had no right to enter France. Had this been done,
the Englith muft have acquired fuch an influence in
the councils of that nation, as would have completely
prevented any attack upon Holland. He contended,
that, in cafe of a war, the mutual jealoufies of Auftria
and Pruflia would render them unlteady allies j nor
was Holland to be trufted, on account of the exiflence
of a ftrong party, hoftile to the ftadtholder. Mr Burke
compared the new French republic to the fyitem of
Mahomet, who., with the Koran in one hand, and a
fword in the other, held out the former to the accept¬
ance of mankind, which the latter compelled them to
adopt as their creed 5 and afferted, that the two dates
of France and Britain might already be confidered as
actually in a ftate of war. Mr Dundas defended admi-
niftration for not having mediated on the invafion of
Fiance by Auftria and Pruflia. Fie admitted, that the
fucceffes of the French had been incredibly great; but
he noticed the emptinefs of Dumourier’s military cheft,
and the expences daily increafing ; comparing them
wflth the fituation of this country, and pronouncing con¬
fidently that the war muft be fuccefsful and glorious.
Mr Fox’s amendment was negatived without a divifion.
In the houfe of lords, fimilar debates took place up¬
on the addrefs, and oppolition experienced a fimilar
defertion of a part of its members. The duke of Nor¬
folk, the marquis of Lanfdowne, Lord Rawdon, (fince
earl of Moira), and Earl Stanhope, declared themielves
averfe to war j while Lord Grenville, Lord Stormont,
the marquis of Townftiend, and others, fupported the
fentiments exprefled in the king’s fpeech.
After the French king had been dethroned, Earl
Gower the Britifti ambaffador was recalled j but the
962 French ambaflador, M. Chauvelin, ftill continued to
Mr Fox’s refide in London. On the 15th of December, Mr Fox
treatwith move^> that a minifter ihould be fent to Paris, to treat
-the French. whh the provifioual executive government of France.
He declared, that by this motion, he meant not to ap¬
prove of the conduft of the French government, but
limply to record it as his opinion, that it was the true
policy of every nation to treatwith the exifting govern¬
ment of every other nation, with which it had relative
interefts, without regarding how that government was
conftituted. He faid, ive could have no ftronger ob-
je&ion to the exifting government of France, than to
the government of Algiers and Morocco, where we
have confuls. This motion gave rife to a very ani¬
mated debate, in which the prefent oppofition were ac-
cufed of wiftung to encourage difcontent and fedition,
and were defended by Mr Taylor, Mr Grey, and
Colonel Tarleton. Mr Jenkinfon enlarged on the
flourilhing ftate of our finances, while the French were
involved in enormous expence j that the period for
going to war was favourable ; that the difaffedded party
in this country was very fmall j and, in the mean time,
that the ambition of the French nation was daily in-
creafing, and the ambition of a nation was more dan¬
gerous than that of a king. He confidered the protec¬
tion of the Dutch, in their claims to prevent the navi¬
gation of the Scheldt, as a juft caufe for going to war j
and faid, that by fending an ambafiador to Paris, we
Ibould offend thofe who were to be our allies, the king
of Pruflia and the emperor. Mr Fox’s motion was
;negatived.
Vol. IV. Part II.
On the 19th, Lord Grenville introduced into the Britain,
houfe of lords, what has been called the alien bill, J
which authorized government todifmifs from the hing--p|
dom fuch foreigners as they might think fit. It palfed/oju,
after fome oppofition from the earl of Lauderdale and
the marquis of Lanfdowne. During its dependence,
the latter nobleman ineffectually propofed an addrels
to his majefty, to enter into a negotiation with the ex¬
ifting government of France, for the purpofe of avert¬
ing the fate of Louis XVI.
On the 28th of December, Mr Secretary Dundas
urged the houfe of commons to pafs the alien bill, on
account of the extraordinary influx of foreigners into
the country, and on account of the diffatisfaftion of
perfons at home. Sir Gilbert Elliot fupported the
bill, and declared his regret on account of being un¬
der the neceflity of differing from his foimer political
aflociates. Mr Burke, as ufual upon the fubjeft of
French affairs, Ipoke with great violence. He faid,
he would give the bill his moft cordial fupport, as be¬
ing calculated to keep out of England^thofe murderous
atheifts, who would pull down the ftate and church,
religion and God, morality and happinefs. The bill,
he laid, was intended to drive from this country mur¬
derers and affaflins. At one part of his fpeech, he drew
a dagger from under his coat, and, with much vehe¬
mence of aflion, call it on the floor. This, faid he,
pointing to the dagger, is what you are to gain by an.
alliance with Fiance j wherever their principles are
introduced, their practice muft alfo follow : you muft
guard againft their principles j you muft profcribe their
perfons. I vote, faid he, for the prefent bill, becaufe
I confider it as the means of faving my life, and al!
our lives, from the hands of affaftins. When they
fmile, I fee blood trickling down their face j I fee their
infidious purpofes } I fee, that the objedft of all their
cajoling is blood. I now warn my country to beware
of thofe execrable philofophers, whofe only objedt is to
deftroy every thing that is good here, and eftablilh im¬
morality and murder, by precept and example.
Hie niger ejl, hunc tu Romane caveto.
While the alien bill was ftilT under confideration,
another meafure allied to it in principle w'as introduced.
This wTas a bill to prevent the circulation of aflig-
nats and other paper money, under the authority of
France. The objedf of the bill w as to make payments
made in this w7ay illegal, even when accepted. During
the month of December, an order of council was alfo
iffued for preventing the exportation of corn to France,
and fome fltips which had grain on board were com¬
pelled to unload. On the 26th of December, an adt
of indemnity paffed upon the fubjedl.
Affairs were now haftening to an open rupture with Lord Gren-
France. On the 17th of December, M. Chauvelinv>fle and
tranfmitted a note to Lord Grenville, one of the fecre-^j.C,hau-
taries of ftate, in which, in the name of the executive
council of the French republic, he demanded to know deuce,
whether his Britannic majefty ought to be confidered as
a neutral or a hoftile power. He faid, that no wifti ex-
ifted on the part of France, to entertain any doubt up¬
on the fubjedt. That they even wifhed to anfw^er pre-
•vioufly, all thofe reproaches winch might be throwm
out againft them. Notice was taken of the decree of
the French convention of November 19th, which it
4 N was
Britain.
B R I
was alleged had been mifmterpreteJ
republic did not intend to favour infurredlions in neu¬
tral or friendly Hates, and, that the decree applied only
to thofe people, who, after having acquired their liber¬
ty, might requeft the afliftance of the French republic,
by a folemn and unequivocal eicpreflion of the general
will. A promife was made that the neutrality of Hol¬
land Ihould be refpedled, while that power confined it-
felf on its part within the bounds of ftridl neutrality.
With regard to the queftion of opening the Scheldt, it
was a queftion irrevocably decided by reafon and juf-
tice, of little importance in itfelf, in the opinion both
of England and of Holland, and which could not feri-
oufiy become a caufe of war. It was added, however,
that on the fatal fuppofition of a w'ar being refolved on,
while the intentions of France were thus peaceful and
conciliatory, the w'hole weight and refponfibility of it
xvould fooner or later fall on thofe who had provoked
it.
Lord Grenville’s anfwer to this note, wLich bears
date 31ft December 1792, difclaims confidering M.
Chauvelin in any other public charafter than that of
minifter from his moft Chriftian majefty. His lordihip
denied, that the decree of 19th November wras fatisfac-
torily explained, as the promoters of fedition, in every
country, might ftill have in view the cafes in which
they might count before hand on the fupport of France.
The neutrality of Holland was faitl to be already vio¬
lated by a French officer, who had navigated the
Scheldt, to attack Antwerp } that the unimportance
of the Scheldt would only render the opening of its
navigation a clearer proof that an intention exifted to
infult the allies of England, by violating their rights
which were guarded by the faith of treaties.
An official note of the executive power of France,
was tranfmitted through M. Chauvelin in reply to Lord
Grenville’s anfwer, in which an attempt was made to ju-
ftify their former explanation, or to explain farther the
obnoxious decree of November 19th. All intention of
making a conqueft of the Netherlands was difclaimed j
and it was added, that, if the Belgians, through any
motive whatever, fhould confent to deprive themfelves
of the navigation of the Scheldt, France would not op-
pofe it. In an anfwer to this note by Lord Grenville,'
thefe explanations were declared unfatisfadlory. On
the 17th of January, M. Chauvelin fent to Lord Gren¬
ville his letters of credence, as an ambaflador from the
French republic. On the 20th of the fame month,
Lord Grenville fent him a letter, refufing to receive
his credentials, or to confider him in any other charac¬
ter than that of one among the general mafs of foreign¬
ers refident in England. On the 24th of January, Lord
Grenville fent to M. Chauvelin a pafsport for himfelf
and his fuite, declaring that, after the fatal death of his
moft Chriftian majefty, he could no longer be confider-
ed as holding any public chara&er in Britain.
In confequence of this correfpondence, the French
convention declared War againft England and Holland
on the 1 ft of heb. 5 and in the mean time, on the 28th
of January, Mr Secretary Dundas prefented to the houfe
announcing of commons a meflage from the king, Hating that co¬
war. pies of the papers now mentioned, were laid before the
houfe. It was added, that his majefty thought it necef-
fary to make a farther augmentation of his forces by
fea and land, and, that he relied upon the zeal of the
Britain.
966
965
The king’s
meflage
[ Go ] B R I
that the French houfe of commons to enable him to take the moft ef¬
fectual meafures for maintaining thefecurity of his own '
dominions, for fupporting his allies, and for oppofing
the ambition of 1*ranee, at all times dangerous, but pe¬
culiarly fo, when connefled with the propagation of
principles utterly fubverfive of the peace and order of
all civil fociety.
Thus Britain became a party in the moft fanguinary The French
and eventful war that Europe ever faw. We may attempt to
here remark, that, in the month of April, the Frenchrenew the
government made an attempt to enter into a new ne-
gotiation. The minifter, (Le Brun,) tranfmitted to
England by a private gentleman letters to Lord Gren¬
ville, to be delivered by Mr John Salter a notary in
London, in which he requefted palfports for M. Ma-
ret to come to Britain to negotiate peace} but no pub¬
lic notice was taken of the application.
In the quarrels of nations, the real fources of hofti- Remarks
lity are often very different from thofe that are often-on the
fibly held out to the world. It was for fome time cu-
ftomary to difpute in Great Britain, with much eager-
nefs, the queftion concerning who were the aggreffors
in this war. In fuch difputes the friends of admini-
ftration were under great difficulties, in confequence
of the narrow ground upon which government had
thought fit to reft the grounds or caufes of hoftility.
The French government had been willing to explain
away the offenfive decree of the 19th November, and
the queftion about the Scheldt they were willing
to give up. It would feem, that their total igno¬
rance of the nature of the Britifti conftitution, and
of the elements which influence it in practice, prevent¬
ed them from entertaining any idea that they were
likely to encounter hoftility from this country in con¬
fequence of their revolution. Hence they not only ne¬
glected their navy, but they had already, in fome
meafure, ruined it, by fending their feamen to the fron¬
tiers in the charafter of foldiers. But though the French
had originally no hoftile defigns againft this country,
and though the oftenfible caufes of war on the part of
Great Britain were weak, it by no means follows, that
the motives which aftually influenced the conduCl of
the Britifti government, on this occafion, were of the
fame nature. France had been the ancient and the dan¬
gerous enemy of England. She had fuddenly fallen
into a ftate of anarchy and confequent debility. All
Europe was now leagued againft her. Within ftie was
divided by faClion, and without fhe was aflailed by im-
menfe hofts of the beft difeiplined foldiers in Europe,
conduced by the moft Ikilful leaders, to whom fhe
had nothing to oppofe but an undifeiplined multitude,
led on by low-born and inexperienced chiefs. In this
ftate of things, it feemed a very fafe meafure to make
war againft her. To do fo, was only to retaliai . the
conduft flie herfelf had recently obferved, when fhe
accomplifhed the difmemberment of the Biitifh em¬
pire, by affifting our revolted colonies. It now Teem¬
ed practicable, by difmembering France, to render
her for ever incapable of being dangerous to Bri¬
tain.
But the moft; powerful incitement to this w*ar un¬
doubtedly arofe from the example of political innova¬
tion, which it w^as fo much the intereft of every go¬
vernment, in which there exifted any mixture of here¬
ditary authority, completely to defeat and overwhelm.
To
B R I
[ 1
B R I
Britain. To comprehend the full force of this motive for going
""“v—to war, it is neceffary to have lived in thefe times, to
recolleft the ferment which univerfally prevailed in the
minds of men, and to imagine the fituation and the
feelings of a prince, who, though ftill fafe himfelf, yet
faw, in his immediate vicinity, the firft of European
monarchs, of the moft ancient race, and at the head of
the mightieih kingdom, hurled from his throne to a pri-
fon, and from that prifon to a fcaffold •, his power
affumed by the meaneft of his fubjedls, who juftified
their own conduct as the triumph of reafon and ©f free¬
dom ; their minds inflamed by furious zeal, devoting
to deftru£tion whatever refilled their career 5 while, at
the fame time, the contagion of their fentiments ex¬
tended itfelf into neighbouring kingdoms, and from
the licenfe of fpeech and of publication allowed in Bri¬
tain, produced a vehemence of difcuflion, which threat¬
ened to break out into actions not lefs violent than
thofe of the primary revolutionills of France. In this
ftate of things, and under the influence of fuch fenti¬
ments, a war againft France feemed to be a war in
defence of the whole arrangements of fociety, whether
civil or religious ; and princes and nobles confidered
themfelves as engaged in the proteftion, notTmerely
of their rank and riches, but of tl^rir perfonal fafety.
By engaging in war, the hands of government would
be ftrengthened, in confequence of the patronage pro¬
duced by the expenditure of public money, and of
placing the patriotic lentiments of the people, or the
wifli to defend their own country, in oppolition to the
feelings of fympathy, with which they were difpofed
to regard the efforts of the French leaders in elfablilh-
ing a republican conftitution, and defending their na¬
tional independence.
Still, however, there were not wanting at that time
fome individuals, who thought the war altogether un-
neceffary to the fupport of the Britilh conftitution and
government. The great amount of the national debt,
together with the patronage of the crown, and the ge¬
neral happinefs and integrity of charadler which the
admirable jurifprudence of England produces in the
people at large, gave powerful affurances of liability
to government, and fafety to property. Even before
the war commenced, the crimes committed by the
French revelutionifts had greatly diminilhed the po¬
pularity of their caufe ; while the affociations on the
ftde of government that vrere forming throughout the
kingdom, demonftrated the fuperiority of its adherents
in wealth and numbers. It was therefore thought by
a few perfons to be completely practicable to weather
the ftorm, without having recourfe to war, efpeciaily
as the body of the people of Great Britain were at this
time entire ftrangers to the military art, and complete¬
ly deftitute of arms, while a confiderable Handing army
was in the hands of the crown. The example of the A-
merican government, which, though weak in itfelf, and
totally deftitute of a Handing army, while the people, as
individuals, were all poffeffed of arms, and though great¬
ly difturbed at this time by the admirers of the French
revolution, yet, under the virtuous adminiftration of
George Waftiington, contrived to preferve its neutra¬
lity, affords fome countenance to this idea. There
were even fome who doubted the prudence of the war,
notwithftanding the ftrength of the combination form¬
ed againft France, and who fufpedled, that in a fangui-
96S
Doubts of
the neceffi
ty of the
war.
nary and defperate conteft, fuch as this was likely to Britain,
prove, armies led on by princes, brought into power 1 v-"-"
by the cafualty of birth, might prove no match for
French enthufiafm in the fiift inftance,. and far lefs ul¬
timately for the fuperior taClics and entcrprife which
muft fpeedily be introduced, by men riling to com¬
mand in confequence of the admiration produced by
their talents and their fuccefs. Laft of all, we have
already remarked the opinion fuggeflcd by Mr Fox,
that Great Britain ought, on this occafion, to have
aClively protected the independence of France, which
would have given fuch an afcendency over her coun¬
cils, as would have enabled us to proteCt Holland,
perhaps to preferve the life, and even the fovereignty,
of Louis XVI. } and, at all events, would have ena¬
bled us fpeedily to terminate the war, without any im¬
portant changes being fuffered to take place in the re¬
lative ftrength of the continental Hates of Europe.
It is to be obferved, that at the clofe of the year Mr Pitt
1792, Mr Pitt did not attend parliament when it firft abfent from
affembled, nor did he make his
appearance in the padLq1611*
houle of commons till the alien bill was going through*°r a tinu’
its laft ftages in January, after the firft debates were
ended, and the relative ftrength of parties had ap¬
peared. The oftenfible caufe of his abfence was, that
having obtained, on the death of Earl Guildford
(Lord North), the place of warden of the cinque-
ports, and thereby vacated his feat as a member of the
houfe of commons, he had gone to Cambridge to fe-
cure his re-eleCIion. The length of his abfence, how¬
ever, fuggefted to fome perfons a fufpicion, that he
■was hefitating about engaging to fupport the court
in going into the war. Mr Dundas, in the mean
while, who, during Mr Pitt’s adminiftration, had ufu-
ally left the entire management of every debate to the
premier, though he had afted otherwife when fup-
porting Lord North’s miniftry, flood forth in the
houfe of commons, as the leading fervant of the crown,
in fupport of the propofal for engaging in the war.
Mr Pitt, however, on his return, refumed his ftation
in the debates of the houfe, and fupported the prefent
meafure with the utmoft ardour. In the mean time,
it is to be remarked, that, at this period, Lord Thur-
low was removed from the office of lord-high-chancel¬
lor, and was fucceeded by Lord Loughborough, who
had originally owed his preferment to the fupport giv¬
en by him to Lord North’s adminiftration and mea-
fures, and wffio had hitherto adhered to oppofition, but
in the late debates had defended the plans of admini-
ftration. _ , p70
On occafion of the meffage from his majefty an-Debates on
nouncing the adftual declaration of war by France, Mrt*ie Drench
Pitt ftated, that his majefty had always declined tak-(1fCi,?‘ratlon
ing any part with regard to the internal government
of France ; and, during the fummer, while France had
been engaged in war with Auftria and Pruffia, his ma¬
jefty had in no form departed from his neutrality but
as the French feemed now determined to fubjugate
other nations to their principles, he was under the ne- /
ceffity of interfering for the protection of his own al¬
lies, the Dutch, who had not indeed made any formal
requifition for affiftance, but to w h^fe government the
French had at all times been notonoufty hoftile. Mr
Pitt alfo reprefented the language of the men in powTer
in France, as intolerably menacing towards the go-
4 N 2 vernment
B R I [65
Vemraent of Britain, and, as dangerous, from its ten¬
dency to introduce anarchy. He read an extratt from
a letter, written by one of the French executive coun¬
cil, and addreffed to all the friends of liberty in the
French fea-ports : “ The king of England and his
parliament mean to make war againft us. Will the
Englifh republicans fuffer it ? Already thele free men
fhow their difcontent, and the repugnance which they
have to bear arms againft their brothers the French.
Well, we will fly to their fuccour j we will make a
defcent on the ifland ; we will lodge there 50,000
caps of liberty ; we will plant there ‘the facred tree,
and we will llretch out our arms to our republican
brethren : the tyranny of their government will foon
be deftroyed.” Mr Pitt alfo adverted, in ftrong terms,
to the death of the French king as a calamitous event;
an a£t of outrage to every principle of religion, juftice,
and humanity ; an aft, which, in this country and the
whole of Europe, had excited but one general fenti-
ment of indignation and abhorrence, and could not
fail to produce the fame fentiments in every civilized
nation. He compared it, and other late proceedings,
to the maflacre of St Bartholomew. It was, he laid,
in all its circumflances, fo full of grief and horror, that
it muil be a with, in which all united, to tear it, if
poflible, from their memories; to expunge it from the
page of hiftory j and remove it for ever from the ob-
fervation and comments of mankind.
Exciclat Me dies cevo, neu pojlcra credant
Secula / Nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa
Noble tegi nojlrce patiamur crimina gentis.
All the members who remained in oppofition, con¬
curred in reprobating the conduct of the French revo-
lutionifts. Mr Fox, however, aflcrted, that the ge¬
neral maxim of policy was, that the crimes committed
in one independent ftate could not be cognizable by
another. Fie alleged, that the topics adverted to by
Mr Pitt, w’ere introduced into the debate to blind the
judgment, by exciting the paflions j and he contended,
that the opening of the Scheldt, and the decree of
the 19th of November, w'hich were Hated as the
caufes of the war, could never juftify fuch a meafure.
He cenfured our pall neutrality as unfair. While the
French w7ere invaded, w7e were quiet fpeftators ; but,
on their becoming invaders in their turn, we faid Eu¬
rope was in danger, and interfered againft them.
With refpedt to the general fituation of Europe, he
faid, we had been fcandaloully inattentive. We had
feen the entire conqueft of Poland, and the invafion of
France, with fuch marked indifference, that it was evi¬
dent the profeffed caufes wrere not the real grounds for
going to war. He afl'erted, that the real caufe, al¬
ways difavowed by our government, but ever kept in
mind, was the internal government of France. The
deftrudlion of that government w7as the avowed objeft
of the combined powers. Wd were about to join them}
but we were alhamed to own that Britain was enga¬
ging to aid the reftoration of defpotifm } and there¬
fore the Scheldt and Holland were collufively had re-
courfe to as pretexts.
In the houfe of lords, when the fame fubjeft was
difcuffed, the marquis of Lanfdowne contended, that,
by fending an able and experienced minifter to Paris,
our government might have faved the life of Louis
2 ] b r 1
XVI. He faid, the war would be a wanton war on Britain-
our part, without provocation on the part of France } 1
and he highly difapproved of the infulting manner in
which M. Chauvelin was difmiffed. Various debates
afterwards occurred, in which both parties eagerly dif-
puted the queftion, wrhether the French or the Britilh
were the aggreffbrs in the war. 971
Though from the expenfive nature of modern wTars, Greaf com-
a great commercial nation, in confequence of its wealth
and credit, is enabled to engage in them with conft-
derable advantage} yet, on every fuch occafion, it
makes an immenfe facrifice of individual happinefs.
The derangement of great branches of trade, and the
difappointment of commercial {'peculations, never fails
to reduce to inftant ruin vaft numbers of manufac¬
turers and merchants, while many thoufands of their
dependent labourers, fuddenly deprived of bread, are
under the neceflity of enlifting as foldiers } a circum-
ftance, which is indeed attended with conveniency to
government, but is produdlive of much wrretchednefs,
for a time, to the families of fuch perfons. At the
period of which we are now treating, the Britifh com¬
merce had become extremely extenfive, and, in confe¬
quence of the commercial treaty, the Britifh and
French merchants had become clofely connected. From
the hidden ftagnation of trade, which the wrar now pro¬
duced, added to the alarms wyhich had been excited
upon political fubjedls, a general paralyfis appeared to
feize the country, and the number of bankruptcies ex¬
ceeded all that had ever happened in the molt calamitous
times. A general ftoppage of commercial credit took
place. No bank wTould venture to advance money to
merchants or manufacturers} the confequence of which
was, that many of them, wdth large quantities of goods
in their poffefllon, w7ere unable to make effectual the
fmalleft payment. To apply a remedy to this alarm¬
ing evil, feveral of the principal traders and mer¬
chants waited upon Mr Pitt, and requefted the inter¬
ference of government} which w'as granted. A feleCt
committee of the houfe of commons was appointed to
inveftigate the fubject. After confulting with a va¬
riety of bankers, manufacturers, and merchants, the
committee, on the 29th of April, gave a report fa¬
vourable to the felicitation of the merchants for relief. 972
A bill w7as accordingly introduced, on the ill of May, Loan to
authorizing government to iffue five millions by ex-^e^^r”
chequer bills, in loans to fuch merchants and manu¬
facturers, as fltould depofit goods in fecurity for the
fum advanced. This meafure proved extremely falu*
tary. When it w7as found that the traders could ob¬
tain money from government, the bankers, and all
other perfons, immediately became willing to advance
them money, or to give credit to their bills} the con¬
fequence of w'hich was, that not one hall of the ex¬
chequer bills w7as ever iffued. Trade gradually revi¬
ved, and new channels were by degrees found out, for
the difpofal of the productions of Britifli induftry. 973
On the 27th of March, Mr Pitt, in a committee of Loan to
the houfe of commons, ftated that he had borrowed ?0vern-
for the fervice of the prefent year 4,500,000k The
terms of the loan were, that for every 72k advanced
to the public, the lenders (hould be entitled to look
Hock, bearing an intereft of 3 per cent, which would
make a capital of 6,210,000k the intereft of which,
to be paid by the public, would amount to 186,cock
ment.
B R I [ 653 1 B R I
Britain, a year. He faid, there was another charge attending
the loan ; for, by the act for appropriating the mil¬
lion furplus to a finking fund, it was provided, that
whenever a new loan firould be made, a fund equal to
one per cent, on the whole of it muft be provided, and
applied to the liquidation of it. This wrould require
an annual charge of 62,100!. making in the whole,
including the intereft, 248,400!, per annum.
Traitorous On the 15th of March, the attorney-general brought
correfpon- forward a bill for preventing traitorous correi’pondence
dence bill, the ]^Jng’s enemies. It was the intention of this
bill, to prohibit the fale to the French government, or
the French armies, of arms, military ftores, provifions,
or clothes, under the penalty of high treafon. The
purchafe of lands in France was alfo prohibited. No
perfon was allowed to go from this country into France,
without a licenfe under his majefty’s great feal, under
the penalty of being accounted guilty of a mifdemean-
our. Perfons, though fubjedfs of this country, com¬
ing from France, w7ere prohibited to enter the king¬
dom without a paflport, or, at leaft, without prefent-
ing to the mailer of the veffel, a declaration to be
tranfmitted to the fecretary of Hate, and that, in the
mean time, they fliould not quit the place where they
had landed, without the permillion of a jullice of peace,
or finding fecurity for their good behaviour. Lallly,
The infurance of veffels, either coming from France or
going to France, was prohibited. The bill was op-
pofed as unneceflary, becaufe the ancient Englifh trea-
lon laws prohibit the fupplying of the king’s enemies
with naval or military llores, and becaufe there was
little danger of Britifh money being conveyed to
France, in the prefent difirafted Hate of that country.
It palled through both houfes, fupported by great ma-
975 jorities.
Petitions During the prefent fellion, a very great number of
for parlia- petitions were prefented to the houfe of commons, from
rnentary different parts of the country, praying for a reform in
e orm. reprefentation. On the 6th of May, Mr Grey
brought forward the queftion, after prefenting a petition,
which had been framed by the afibciation called theFriends
of the People in London, and which had a very nume¬
rous fubfcription annexed. He afferted, that the num¬
ber of petitions now brought forward, demonllrated,
that the houfe of commons were not the real repre-
fentatives of the people. He gave a detailed ftate-
ment of the various defedffs in the reprefentationj and,
as a fpecimen of the mode of argument now maintain¬
ed upon the fubje£l, it may be remarked, that when
Mr Grey came to take notice of burgage tenures, and
the fplitting of mefluages and hereditaments, for the
purpofe of multiplying voters, contrary to an aft of
King William for preventing luch praftices ", he quo¬
ted an opinion given judicially by Lord Thurlow,
when fitting as chancellor in the houfe of lords, in an
appeal caufe from Scotland, refpefting the right of
voters at eleftions. His lordlhip faid, “ If the right
of eleftion could be tried by law, in a court of law in
England, he was convinced that an Englilh court of
law wrould not be fatisfied with fuch a mode of elec¬
tion as this, that a nobleman’s fteward Ihould go down
to a borough with ten or twelve pieces of parchment
in his hand, containing each the qualification for a
vote, and having afiembled a fufficient number of his
mailer’s tenants round a table, Ihouid diftribute among
them the parchments, then propofe a candidate, and Britan*
afterwards colleft thefe parchments, and declare his V—
lord’s friend duly elefted for the borough. Thefe e-
leftions Lord Thurlow called a mockery.” Mr Grey,
after aflerting that a conliderable part of the reprefenta¬
tion of England was in this defeftive ftate, and urging
the neceflity of a reform, concluded, with moving
that the petition ihould be referred to a committee. A
very animated debate eniued, which was adjourned,
and renewed on the following day. The propofal of
reform was chiefly oppofed on account of the hazard at¬
tending it, which appeared from the example of France,
and on account of the length, univerfal fuffrage, to
which its more ardent partizans out of doors wiihed
it to be carried. Mr Pitt, in a fpeech of confiderablc
length, explained his former motives for being friend¬
ly to a parliamentary reform, and his objeftions a-
gainll it at the prefent moment. If this principle of
individual fuffrage (pointed at in feveral of the peti¬
tions) was to be carried to its utmoff extent, it went,
he faid, to fubvert the peerage and to depofe the king,
and, in fine, to extinguilh every hereditary diftinftion,
and every privileged order, and to eftabliffi that fyf-
tem of equalizing anarchy, announced in the code of
French legillation, and atteffed in the blood ffied in
the maffacres at Paris. “ The queftion then” added
Mr Pitt, “ is, whether you will abide by your confti-
tution, or hazard a change with all that dreadful
chain of confequences, wdth which w7e have feen it at¬
tended in a neighbouring kingdom.”
Mr Fox, on the contrary, reprefented in ftrong
terms, the inconfiftency of Mr Pitt’s prefent conduft
with his former profeflions. As to the time of attempt¬
ing a reform, he faid, it had been propofed at all pe¬
riods, in war and in peace ; but they had all been re¬
prefented as improper. The prefent, he contended,
was not a more dangerous period than the year 1782,
when Mr Pitt himfelf had brought fonvard a fimilar
propofal. Mr Fox faid, he had always dilliked uni-
verfal reprefentation as much as the chancellor of the
exchequer, but that dillike was no reafon for charging
it with more mifchief than w7as fairly imputable to it.
Fie denied that it had been the caufe of all the evils
which had occurred in France. Thefe he afcribed to
the councils, generally unwufe, and often wucked, by
which that country had recently been governed. Mr
Grey’s motion was rejefted, upon a divifion of 282
againft 41.
We have already remarked, that duringTome pre-
ceding years, the people at large took a very confix about the
derable intereft in the queftion concerning the aboli-
tion of the African ftave-trade, and that great num- ti)roPPe(l .b7
bers of petitions had been prefented to-the houfe oftne
commons, during every feffion, praying that it Ihould
be prohibited. During the prefent feflion, however,
no fuch petitions were brought forward. In confe-
quence of the French revolution, and of the dread of
innovation at home, the greater number of the ori¬
ginal enemies of this traffic had been deterred from
oppofing it, left they ftrould give countenance to the
difcuflion of a popular queftion, .by which a dangerous
enthufiafm might at this critical time be excited. The
remaining enemies of the trade, being alfo zealous ad¬
vocates for a reform of the parliamentary reprefenta=*
Lon, had refolved to drop all infftior queftions, and
to-
Britain.
Board of
Agricul
4ure infti-
tuted.
978
Relief of
the Scotifti
.Catholics.
B R I [ C54 ] B R I
to concentrate their ftrength upon that fingle point,
affuring themfelves, that if the houfe of commons
fhould once be elefted in a manner in any degree ap¬
proaching towards univerfal fuffrage, every popular quef-
tion would thereafter be eafily carried. The fubjeft be¬
ing thus in fome meafure deferted by the people at large,
Mr Dundas did not account it necelfary to revive the
propofitions, by which, on the part of government,
during the* former feffion, he had endeavoured to mo¬
derate the views of the opponents of the trade.
On the 14th of May, however, Mr Wilberforce
moved for leave to bring in a bill, for abolilhing the
trade, carried on by Englilh merchants, for fupplying
foreign territories with Haves. This motion was car¬
ried by a majority of 7 j but as it was not to take ef¬
fect for fome years, according to the refolution of the
houfe in the preceding fellion, Mr Wilberforce mov¬
ed, that leave be given to bring in a bill, for limiting
and regulating the importation of Haves into the Britiih
Weft Inuia colonies, for a time to be fixed in the aft.
This motion was alfo carried, by a majority of 35 a-
gainft 25. The bill proceeded through a firft and fe-
cond reading, but was rejefted on the 12th of June,
by a majority of 3 1 againft 29.
During the prefent feflion, certain popular mea-
fures were adopted. On the recommendation of Sir
John Sinclair, a gentleman who of late years had
been extremely aftive, in calling forth a fpirit of at¬
tention to the improvement of the domeftic pro-
duftions of the ifiand, 3000I. per annum was voted
by the houfe of commons, for the eftabliftiment of
a board of agriculture. This inftitution has been the
means of collefting and conveying to the public much
ufeful information refpefting that moft valuable of all
arts. At the fame time, the inftitution is believe^ to
have fuffered from the unpropitious efi'eft of political in¬
fluence, which is fo apt to injure the utility of every
Britiih eftabliftiment •, and after the removal from its
head of its original propofer, which happened in a few
years, in confequence of his oppofition to Mr Pitt’s
meafures, it loft much of its utility. As it pofieffes
little patronage, and has no fpecial bufinefs allotted to
it, there feems to be danger that it may fink into in-
fignificance.
In confequence of a motion of the lord advocate
of Scotland, Robert Dundas, Efq. a bill was in the
month of April, brought into parliament, for the re¬
lief of the Roman Catholics of Scotland. The per-
fons of that proferibed feft were ftill incapacitated by
law from holding or tranfmitting landed property, and
were liable to other very fevere reftriftions. Thefe
were now removed by a bill which paffed without op¬
pofition. The pafling of this bill, was at the prefent
period a popular meafure, although a dozen of years
had fcarcely elapfed, fince the people of Scotland had
almoft univerfally, and with the utmoft violence, com¬
bined to oppofe any relaxation of the penal laws a-
gainft the Catholics. But one of the favourite notions
of all political reformers at this time, was that religion
ought to have no influence upon government •, that re¬
ligion, or our duty to God, is a fubjeft about which
men are only interefted as individuals, and concerning
which fociety has no right to interfere. On the other
hand, the oppofers of every kind of innovation, were
xlifpofed to regard the Catholics with a favourable eye,
1
as the adherents of an ancient fyftem w! ich reproba- Britain,
ted all novelties, and tended to infpire 1 .e utmoft re-""v——'
verence for eftabliftred authority. ^79
The inhabitants of the north of Scotland were fuc-Taxon
cefsful, by the afiiftance of Mr Dundas, in obtaining coals car7
a repeal of the duty on coals carried coaft-ways, as wanfeoaft
far as refpefted that part of Great Britain : hut the wayS re.
cities of London and Weftminfter were lefs fortunate, pealed,
in a fimilar attempt, to procure a repeal of the taxes
paid by them on the fame article j as the minifter would
not agree, at the commencement of a war, to relin-
quifli a tax which amounted in this cafe to a confidera-
ble fum. ^So
At this period the exclufive charter of the Eaft In-in(paCom-
dia Company being within a year of expiring, thatpany’s
body prefented a petition for a renewal of it. On thechar1:er re'
23d of April the fubjeft was confidered in the houfene''ct"
of commons. Mr Dundas introduced the bufinefs by
obferving, that the propofal he was about to make of
a renewal of the charter was undoubtedly attended
with confiderable difficulties. “ No writer upon politi¬
cal economy, (faid he), has as yet fuppofed that an ex-
tenfive empire can be adminiftered by a commercial af-
fociation 5 and no writer on commerce has thought that
trade ought to be Hiackled with an exclufive privilege.
In deviating from thefe principles, which have been
admitted and admired, I am fenfible, that my opini¬
ons have popular prejudices againft them : but 1 am
fupported by fuccefsful experience *, and when the
houie adverts to the peculiarities of the fubjeft before
them, they will at once fee, that I am not attempt¬
ing to overturn theories, though I am unwilling to
recede from old and eftabliffied praftice. It would be
idle, and a proof of ignorance, to maintain, that all
the advantages which Great Britain pofleffes from its
connexion with India, arife out of the prefent exclu¬
five privilege of the company ; but it would be im-
poffible to fay what might be the political or commer¬
cial effefts of a variation from the prefent fyftem.”
Mr Dundas then ftated, that the {hipping employed
by the Eaft India Company amounted to 81,000 tons}
that the feamen navigating thole ffiips were about
7,000 men, who had conftant employment: that the
raw materials imported from India for the ufe of home
manufaftures amounted annually to about 700,000!.:
that the annual exports of Britiffi produce and manu-
fafture to India and China in the company’s ffiips,
amounted to upwards of a million and a half fterling.
Tie ftated, that great difficulties would attend any al¬
teration of the prefent fyftem of government in India,
efpecially from the eftefts which the innovation might
have on the minds of the natives. He therefore pro-
pofed a variety of refolutions, the moft material of
which was; “ That it appears to be fit and proper*
to continue to the Eaft India Company their exclu¬
five trade, within the limits now enjoyed by them,
for a farther te'rm of 20 years, to be computed from
the 1 ft of March 1794, liable to be difcontinuqd at
the end of fuch period, if three years notice ffiall pre-
vioufly be given by parliament; fubjeft, neverthelefs,
to the regulations herein after fpecified for promoting
the export of goods, wares, and merchandile, of the
growth, produce, or manufafture of Great Britain or
Ireland, and for encouraging individuals to carry on
trade to and from the Eaft Indies.” Th^ regulations
referred
B R I [ 655 ] B R I
f , referred to, permitted the export and import ot cer- at Edinburgh, and found guilty of publidung a poll- Britain.
- tain commodities in the company’s fhips, at a Hated tical libel, which had been written by feme other per-'   1
freight. The refolutions propofed by Mr Dundas fon, but which he had correfted, and ordered to be
having been carried, a bill was brought forwards, and printed. Both of thefe gentlemen were condemned
paffed through both houfes, with little oppofition, for to tranfportation, Mr Muir for fourteen, and Mr Pal-
pSl renewing the Eaft India Company’s charter. mer for feven years, to fuch place beyond feas as his
Trial of Mr I he trial ot Mr Huttings Hill proceeded, though majefty thould think fit to appoint 5 and they were
Halhngs. very (lowly, and was now totally difregarded by the accordingly fent to Botany Bay. The feverity of
puolic. A petition was pieiented to the houle of thefe fentences excited confiderable difeufiion. The
lords on the 18th of April, from Mr Hattings, com- .crime with which they, the condemned parties, were
plaining of “ the enormity of the delays which have charged was, that of fedition or leafing-making, or
attended his long-protia£!ed trial, and earnellly en- public libel; the exprefs punithment for which is pre¬
treating, that their lordlhips would adopt fuch means feribed by the law of Scotland, to be fine, imprifon-
as might feem bed calculated to accomplilh the end merit, or banithment. As it is a rule in law, that pe-
which the petitioner fo anxioufly folicited, viz. a clofe nal fiatutes are to be ilriaiy interpreted, it was
of the trial during the prefent feflion of parliament, doubted how far the punithment of tranfportation
Mr Haftings had addreifed the court on^ the 27th of could be intliaed under a ftatute which points out, in
February, to the fame effea, but the bufinefs was not general terms, banithment as the punithment of the
p8z at this time brought to any conclufion. offence. The ancient praftice of the Scotifir courts
Ereftion of During this year, government endeavoured to was undoubtedly favourable to the extenfive and more
barracks, flrengthen itfelf by ere&ing barracks in the neighbour- fevere interpretation now adopted.
hood of all the great towns in the itland : that, by re- Not intimidated by thefe trials, a few perfons, of.noBritifl,torn
tiding there, the foldiers might be removed from the public or political importance whatever, met at Edin-vention.
hazard of receiving the contagion of popular opinions, burgh in the month of November, and thought fit to
A confiderable degree of political fermentation Hill call themfelves a Britifli convention. They mimicked
prevailed in the minds of the people, which, however, the proceedings of the French national convention as
was rapidly fubfiding. In England a bookfeller was clofely as poffible, faluting each other with the title
profecuted, and punithed with imprifonment, for fell- of citizen, holding public fittings, admitting Hrangers
ing the fecond part of Paine’s Rights of Man; and to the honours of the fittings, &c. and mingling the
p83 one or two individuals, of low rank, were committed folemn with the ridiculous in a mofl fingular "flyle.
Political for {editions words. In Scotland, the public attention At any other period their conduft would have excited
trials. was much excited by the profecution of two gentle- nothing but ridicule. At this time, however, it was
men, Mr Thomas Muir, a member of the faculty of confidered in another light, as feme of the members
advocates, and Mr. Fyfche Palmer, a member of the were brought to trial, and puniihed with the fame fe-
univerfity of Cambridge, who added as a Unitarian mi- verity that had been exercifed towards Maiir and Pal-
nifler at Dundee. Mr Muir had been extremely ac- mer. q ,
tive daring the. autumn of the preceding year, when do promote the fuccefs of the war, a convention Foreign
the political agitation was at its height, in promoting had been figned in the fpring between our court andtreaties’
afibciations about Glafgow and its neighbourhood, for that of Peiertburgh, flipulating for the profecution of
the avowed purpofe of procuring a popular reform of hoflilities till the French thould relinquith all their
tne reprefentation in the houie ot commons. His ta- conqueHs. A treaty was foon after concluded with
lents as a man of letters were only moderate., but he the landgrave of Heffe Caffel, for a fubfidiary body of
poiTefied the taculty of unpremeditated elocution in a 8000 men ; a number which, by a fubfequent agree-
furprifing degree; and he appeared to be influenced in ment, was extended to 12,000. The king of Sardi-
a great mealure by the vanity of haranguing without nia engaged (for 200,000!. per annum) to keep up
end, which the daily meetings, of thefe focieties af- an army of 50,000 men, to be employed in the parti-
forded him an opportunity of doing. In other refpe&s cular defence of his dominions, and in general fervice
he was no way formidable, polTefling little knowledge againH the enemy. A compaft of alliance was ad-
cf the world, and .Hill lefs difeernrnent of the human jufled with Spain, one with Naples, and others with
charafter. He injured the caufe he meant to pro- Pruflia, Auflria, and Portugal. Betides the flipula-
mote, by conftantly collefting numerous afiemblages of tions of vigorous hoflility, it was agreed, that the con-
common people., firfl at Glafgow and afterwards at du£l of other powers thould be watched with extraor-
Edinburgh, which gave an appearance of diforder and dinary circumfpeflion in this caufe of common concern
turbulence to the Hate of fociety, that was extremely to every civilized Hate, leH they thould abufe their
alarming, not merely to. government, but to perfons, profefled neutrality by protedling the commerce or
who in other.r.efpe£ls, might have been difpofed to fa- property of the French.
vour the political fentiments which he avowed ; but We referve the particular detail of the military The^war.
who were intimidated by the events tvhich were paf- tranfa&ions of this moH eventful contefl for the article
ung on the continent of Europe, and by the unfet- France, to which we refer the reader. We may here
tied appearance which affairs were thus made to af- obferve, however, that during the prefent campaign
iume at home—Mr Palmer was a man of more li- the independence of France feemed at one time to be
te.rary talents. He attended political focieties, but brought into confiderable hazard. The faftion that
without making any remarkable efforts in. them. He overturned the monarchy, affembled a convention of
was tried before the circuit court of judiciary,, on the national repaefentatives, and was endeavouring to
?yth 01 September, fome months after Mr Muir’s trial eflablith a republican form of government, foon divid¬
ed
B R I
[ 656 ]
B R T
Ihitaln.
987
Defedlion
ed itfelf Into two parties. The leading party .at the
firft eftablKhment of the republic confifted chiefly of
men of letters, who were led by their fpeculations to
expeft a wonderful amelioration of the human cha¬
racter, and of the flate of fociety, from the changes
they were producing. They wifhed to avoid fangux-
nary meafures at home, and to reftore tranquillity to
their country as fpeedily as poffible. Thefe men, how¬
ever, appear to have been deficient in a&ivity, as well
as in knowledge of the character of their countrymen.
They were oppofed by a turbulent and ferocious mi¬
nority, led by Robefpierre, Danton, and other men of
a moft unprincipled and fanguinary temper. The mo¬
derate and ruling party were deceived by many of
thofe whom they employed ; and at laft their chief
commander, Dumourier, having been repulfed in the
yjf making
_peace loft
Dumou- Netherlands by the united forces of Auftria, Pruflia,
rier. an(J England, entered into a negotiation with thefe
powers for the reftoration of monarchy in France.
The negotiation was rendered abortive by the fide¬
lity of his army, almoft the whole of which deferted
their general, and refufed to bring the independence
of their country into hazard by allowing foreign armies
to interfere in the arrangement of its internal govern¬
ment.
The defe&ion of Dumourier, together with the
repulfe of their armies, brought the moderate party,
which ftill ruled in the French convention, into great
difficulties ; and it is perhaps a moft unfortunate cir-
cumftance, that the Britiffi government did not feize
998 that opportunity of making peace with them. The
Favourable hazard of innovation was now over in Britain. One of
opportunity ^ maxims 0f the firft French republicans was the love
of peace and hatred of war. I he unfuccefsful iffue of
the attempt which they had made to penetrate into
other countries might have remained long upon their
minds, and added force to this fentiment. The tran¬
quillity of Europe might thus have been infured during
a confiderable period. A mild party would have been
preferved in power, an influence obtained by Great
Britain over their councils, and the fanguinary fcenes
would have been avoided which afterwards occurred
in the interior of France, and upon the frontiers. This
opportunity of making peace, however, was unhappi¬
ly difregarded, and nothing lefs was expeCfed from its
diftraftion within, and the immenfe combination of
force alfailing it from without, than the complete fub-
jugation of that country. The want offuccefs in their
military operations at laft encouraged the antagonifts
of the more moderate French republicans to attempt
their overthrow by an infurreftion of the common
people of Paris. The national reprefentatives were in
this way fubdued. Ninety members of the convention
were imprifoned, and the minority were enabled to
convert themfelves into an apparent majority. By
this event all France was thrown into confufion. The
authority of the convention, thus mutilated, was reject¬
ed by the whole of the fouth of France, and the royal
or national harbour of Toulon, with its fleet and ftores,
furrendered, by negotiation, to the Britifh admiral,
.Lord Hood, as truftee for the next heir of the mo¬
narchy. In the weftern parts of France, the ftandard
of royalty was reared, and joined by immenfe multi¬
tudes, who adhered to it with the moft obftinate bra-
,i'£ry, and were not fubdued till after a greater expence
of blood than was found neceffary for the repulfe of Britain,
the combined armies of Europe.
On the part of Britatin the general plan of a war Genyer^j
of fuch magnitude and fuppofed importance does not p!an ot-t]ie
feem to have been well contrived, or properly carried war de-
into effeCl. A great part of the weftern coaft
France was in full poffeffion of the royalifts, while, at
the fame time, the Britifh navy commanded the ocean.
It was, therefore, an eafy enterprife, at a time when
Britain had an opportunity of taking into pay fo many
foreign troops, to have landed a great army on the
French coaft, to have affifted the royalifts, and ad¬
vance along with them through an open country, def-
titute of fortified towns, to the capital, againft a con¬
vention whofe authority was fcarcely acknowledged by
one-third of the nation. Inftead of this mode of pro¬
ceeding, the combined armies advanced againft the
French Netherlands, and wafted the fummer, as well
as their own ftrength, in the fiege of a few of the
powerful fortreffes which defended that frontier. Thus
the attack upon France was aftually made upon its
ftrongeft fide, that is to fay, in the moft injudicious
manner poflible. Leifure was given to the convention
to eftablifh its authority at home, and to call forth im¬
menfe levies for the defence of the country, fo that
before the clofe of the year the tide of fuccefs was
turned in their favour. Toulon was retaken, and the
Spaniards beaten in the fouth } while on the northern
frontier, the Britifh army was repulfed before Dun¬
kirk, and the commander in chief of the allies, the
prince of Cobourg, before Maubeuge. I he duke of
Brunfwick and Prince Wurmfer were driven acrofs
the upper FJiine near Mentz, within the laft fortnight
of the year, after a fucceffion of fanguinary conflifls,
in which the French, by fighting every day in fuc¬
ceffion, and daily bringing forward frelh troops, who
had been allowed to repofe on the preceding days,
at laft fucceeded with their raw levies, in wearing
down the ftrength and the courage of their \eteran
enemies. 99a
The Brkifli parliament affembled on the jft of Ja-King’s
nuary 1794. In the fpeech from the throne his naa-fpeech.
jefty called the attention of the two houfes to the iffue
of the war “ on which” he obferved, “ depended the
fupport of our conftitution, lawTs, and religion, and the
fecurity of all civil fociety j” to the advantages that
had attended our arms, both by land and fea 5 and the
expectation of ultimate fucce'ls, as the operations of
our enemies were alone derived from an arbitrary
fyftem, which enabled them unjuftly to difpofe of
the lives and properties of the people, wffiich muft ne-
ceffarily introduce internal difcontent and confufion.
His majefty proceeded to ftate the impoffibility of
making peace upon the only grounds on which it
ought to be concluded, the permanent fafety of the
country, and the tranquillity of all other nations. He
noticed the treaties and conventions into which he had
entered for this objeCI with foreign powers $ and men¬
tioned the general loyalty which prevailed among!! all
ranks, notwithftanding the continued efforts to miflead
and feduce the people. He lamented the neceffity of
additional burdens upon the people, but noticed the
favourable ftate of the revenue.
As ufual, the topics mentioned in the king’s fpeech
became the fubjeft of debate, both in the houfe of
lords
B R I
Svitain.
lords and in the houfe of commons, but they excit-
' ed little attention throughout the nation. Men of pro¬
perty, in general, had been fo much alarmed by the
events which occurred in France, that they accounted
it abfolutely neceffary to repofe implicit confidence in
government j and as adminiftration feemed refolved not
yet to defpair of fuccefs in the war, they received full
fupport from the approbation of the public. A mi¬
nority, indeed, exifted throughout the country, by
tvhom the war was openly difapproved of; but as they
confided in general of perfons of little influence, they
could in no way embarrafs the meafures of adminidra-
tion. By this minority, the debates in parliament Were
as little regarded as by the fupporters of government.
They had no confidence in that aflembly, in confe-
quence of the inconfiderable number of the members
that remained in oppofition; and the memory of the
coalition between Lord North and Mr Fox, to¬
gether with the moderate and correctly conflitutional
nature of the principles fupported by Mr Fox, de¬
prived this datefman of the confidence of the moie
ardent lovers of political innovation, and rendered
his eloquence of little value in their edimation. In¬
deed there was fomething in the form wThich the parlia¬
mentary debates generally aflumed during the prefent
War, which tended to render them unintereding. It
was underdood by the public, that the war was under¬
taken for the purpofe of fubduing the political prin¬
ciples adopted by the French leaders ; but thefe prin¬
ciples, notwithdanding the extravagant length to which
they had been carried, and the abfurdities and the
crimes which had been committed under pretence of
them by the ruling faftions of France, dill, at bottom,
bore fuch a refemblance to fome fundamental maxims
of the Britidi conditution, and to the principles for
which our ancedors fo earnedly contended, that the
members of adminidration feem to have accounted it
imprudent to avow in their public fpeeches, that the
war originated in the purpofe which their friends out
of doors confidered as its radical object. They were
unwilling to fay, that they wiflied to encroach upon the
independence of a neighbouring date, or to prevent its
cdablifhing a reprefentative government ; and chofe
rather to allege that the war was occafioned by the di-
re£t aggreflion and ambition of the French, in attempt¬
ing to edablilh their dominion over other nations, and
that our objedt in it was merely to obtain indemnity
for the pad, and fecurity againd fuch aggreffion for
the future. As oppofition pofleffed confiderable ad¬
vantages from this equivocating mode of defending the
war, every debate was apt to turn into this channel,
and the fame arguments were continually repeated with¬
out any perfon being convinced.
On occafion of the king’s fpeech, Lord Wycombe
the addrefs. moved an amendment to the ufual addrefs of thanks,
recommending pacific meafures. Lord Mornington, on
the other hand, who was one of the principal fupport¬
ers of the addrefs, contended that the alternative of war
and peace did not at prefent exid. Before we could
relinquifli the principles on which the war commenced,
proof was neceflary, either that the opinions which we
had conceived of the views of France were erroneous ;
that the war was become defperate and impra&icable ;
or that, from fome improvement in the fydem and prin-
Vol. IV. Part II.
t 657 ]
B R I
991
Debates on
ciples of the French, the judice and necedity which
prompted us to commence the war no longer exided.
His lordfhip afenbed to France unlimited view's of ag-
grandilement; ambition connefted wdth principles fub-
verfive of all regular government. In fupport of his
opinion, he adduced the aft of fraternity, the aflump-
tion of fovereignty in Savoy and the Netherlands, the
opening of the Scheldt, and the apparent defigns of
hodility againd Holland. That fuch were the motives
his lorddrip contended from a pamphlet w'ritten by M.
Briflbt, the conduft of the French refidents in Ameri¬
ca and Condantinople, and the fcheme of emancipating
and arming the negroes in the Wed Indies. From all
thefe proofs, his lordflrip declared himlclf fully convin¬
ced of the original judice and necedity of the war. He
was fo plealed, notwithdanding the late reverfes, with
the general relult of the campaign, that he entertained
confident hopes of ultimate fuccefs. He confidered
the foundations of the French power as fo unfound,
and the new government as fo weak, that the efiect of
the confederate arms would foon be triumphantly drik-
ing. He acknowledged, that the enemy had difplay-
ed extraordin ry vigour and energy ; but he was con¬
vinced that power obtained by a fyflem ot terror would
not be permanent. He oppofed a negotiation as unlikely
to be effeftual in the prefent circumdances, and advifed
the continuance of the mod refolute exertions of hodility.
Mr Sheridan, in reply to Lord Mornington, aflerted
that Great Britain had afted with no lefs difregard of
the independence of neutral dates than the French ;
that w'e had endeavoured to compel Genoa, Switzer¬
land, and Tufcany, to join the confederacy againd
France, by the mod infulting menaces ; and that, as far
as prudence would permit, we had affumed the fame
language towards Sweden and Denmark. He faid,
that if the French fydem of fraternizing with other
nations that wiflied to overturn their owm internal go¬
vernment was a jud caufe of war, their dereliftion of
that fydem ought to be a reafon for making peace.
He denied that the French were the original aggrefibrs.
“ I am adonifhed,” faid he, “ that the minifler w ho
fits near the noble lord, does not himfelf feel it necefiary
to his owm dignity to oppofe this paltry argument of
the aft of aggreflion having come from them, indead
of leaving that talk to us, to whom comparatively the
faft is indifferent. When he hears this called a war
of neceffity and defence, I w’onder he does not feel
aflramed of the meannefs which it fpreads over the
whole of his caufe, and the contradiftion which it
throws among the greater part of his arguments. Will
he meet the matter fairly ? Will he anfwer this one
quedion didinftly ? If France had abdained from any
aft of aggreflion againfl Great Britain, and her ally
Holland, flrould we have remained inaftive fpeftators
of the lad campaign, idle, apart, and lidening to the
fray ; and left the contefi to Audria and Pruflia, and
whatever allies they could themfelves have obtained ?
Doetr he then mean to fay that he would have
fat dill; that Great Britain would have fat dill with
arms folded ; and.reclining with luxurious eafe on her
commercial couch, have remained an unconcerned fpec-
tator of this mighty conflift, and have left the caufe of
civil order, government, morality, and religion, and its
God, to take care of itfelf, or to owTe its prefervation to
4 O the
Britain.
B R I [ 658 ] B R I
Britain, tlie mercenary exertions of German and Hungarian
Y barbarians 5 provided only that France had not impli¬
cated Great Britain by a fpecial offence, and forced us
into this caufe of divine and univerfal intereft by the
petty motive of a perfonal provocation ? He will not
tell us fo : or if he does, to anfwer the purpofe of the
hour, will he hold the fame language to our allies ?
Will he fpeak thus to the emperor ? Will he fpeak thus
to the king of Pruffia ? Will he tell them that we are
not volunteers in this caufe j that we have no merit in
having entered into it ; that w-e are in confederacy
with them only to refent a feparate infult offered to
ourfelves ; which redreffed, our zeal in the caufe at
leaff, if not our engagement to continue in the alliance,
muff ceafe r Or if he would hold this language to thofe
powers, will he repeat it to thofe leifer ffates, whom
we are hourly dragging into this perilous conteft, upon
the only plea by which fuch an aft of tyrannical com-
pulffon can be attempted t® be palliated, namely, that
a perfonal ground of complaint againft the French is not
neceffary to their enmity j but that as the league again!!
that people is the caufe of human nature itfelf, every
country where human feelings exift, has already re¬
ceived its provocation in the atrocities of this common
enemy of human kind ? But it is unnecefiary to a!k
whether he would hold this language to the greater
powers. The king of Pruffia, Sir, at this moment,
tells you even with a menacing tone that it is your
own war 5 he has demanded from you a fubfidy and a
loan •, you have endeavoured to evade his demand, by
pleading the tenor of your treaty of defenfive alliance
with him, and that as the party attacked, you are en¬
titled to the wdiole of his exertions •, he denies that you
are the party attacked, though he applauds the prin¬
ciples upon which you are the aggrefibr ; and is there
another power in Europe, to whom our government
wrill venture to refer the decilion of this queffion ? If
what I now ffate is not the faft, let me fee the mini-
ffer Band up and contradift me. If he cannot, let us
no longer bear that a fallacy flaould be attempted to be
hnpofed on the people of this country, which wrould be
treated with fcorn and indignation in every other cor¬
ner of Europe. From this hour, let him either aban¬
don the narrow ground of this being a war of neceffity
entered into for felf-defence, or give up the lofty pretence
of its being a war of principle, undertaken for the caufe
of human nature.” Mr Sheridan admitted, that enor¬
mities had been committed in France, which difgufted
and fickened the foul. This was moft true ; but what
relation had thefe to England ? And if they had, what
did it prove ? What but that eternal and unalterable
truth, that a long-eftabliffied defpotifm fo far degrad¬
ed and debafed human nature, as to render its fubjefts,
on the firft recovery of their rights, unfit for the exer-
cife of them ? But, he faid, he fhould always meet with re¬
probation the inference from this truth, that thofe who
had long been flaves ought ever to continue fo. That
we and all the powers of Europe had reafon to dread
the madnefs of the French, Mr Sheridan agreed ; but
was this difficult to be accounted for ? Wild and unfet¬
tled as they muff necefiarily be from the pofleffion of
fuch power, the furrounding ffates had goaded them
into a.paroxyfm of madnefs, fury, and defperation. We
called them monfters, and hunted them as monfters.
The confpiracy of Pilnitz, and the brutal threats of
the abettors of that plot, had to anfwer for all the ad- Britain,
ditional horrors that had fince difgraced humanity. w
We had covenanted for their extermination, and now
complained that they turned upon us with the fury
that we had infpired. The fame fpeaker aflerted, that
no reafonable hope of fuccefs exifted upon which w7e
ought to be led. <{ What,” faid he, “ vTas the ftate
of our allies when we entered into the confederacy ?
The force of Auftria unbroken, though compelled to
abandon Brabant, and the power of the veteran troops
of Pruffia abfolutely untried, though the feafons and
difeafe had induced them to retire from Champagne.
What is their ftate now ? Defeat has thinned their
ranks, and difgrace has broken their fpirit. They have
been driven acrofs the Rhine by French recruits, like
iheep before a lion’s whelp, and that not after the
milhap of a fingle great a£lion loft, but after a fuc-
ceflion of bloody contefts of unprecedented fury and
obftinacy. Where now is the fcientific confidence
with which we were taught to regard the efforts of dif-
cipline and experience, when oppofed to an untrained
multitude and unpraftifed generals ? The jargon of
profeflional pedantry is mute, and the plain fenfe of
man is left to its own courfe.” Mr Sheridan aflerted
that the efforts of the inferior Bates, the Dutch, the
Portuguefe, the Italians, whom we had compelled to
enter into the war, had been of no importance, and he
alleged that government had condufted the conteft;
with little vigour or ability.
Mr Windham combated the opinion, that the enor¬
mities committed in France w'ere the effefts of the wrar.
It was, he faid, the duty of every government to interfere j
for France wTas making war againft all government,
all religion, and all principle. Howt wras it poflible to
preferve peace wuth a nation which formed a ground
for quarrel wdth every government that dared to fuf-
peft the purity of their intentions ? Whatever might
be underftood as the binding law upon nations carry¬
ing on offenfive war, with refpeft to interfering in the
internal affairs of other countries, he conceived that
fuch opinions could not affeft a nation fuftaining a de¬
fenfive war. “ Standing (faid Mr Windham) as we
do, the defenders of the prefent and the future world,
ought we meanly to crouch in cowardice, and fink in
defpair.”
Mr Dundas defended the management of the wTar,
and the aftivity wrhich had been employed by govern¬
ment in it. Our feamen in the beginning of the year,
were only 15,000 j in the courfe of the war 54,000 men
had been added. At the commencement of the wrar,
we had only 13 (hips of the line and 30 frigates fit for
fervice ; at the prefent time, we had 80 fhips of the
line and 100 frigates in aftual employ, which, with
the armed veffels now in the fervice of the public,
made the whole above 300 fail. In augmenting the
army, the moft effeftual and economical fyftem had
been purfuedj befides the militia, 30,000 men had been
added to the army. He concluded, that more had
been done in the firft year of this, than of any former
war 5 and added, that upon the iffue of this ftruggle,
every thing that was valuable to us, either as indivi¬
duals or a nation, depended.
Mr Fox repeated in a variety of forms the affertion
that we were the aggreffors in the war. He contended,
that every ftate had a full right to regulate its internal
government 5
Britain.
B R I [ 659 ] B R I
government j and afferted, that the manifefto of the
duke of Brunfwick had occahoned all the exceffes of
the French. Upon the fubjeft of ails of aggreffion
previous to the war, he thought, that this difference
between the conduit of the parties fubfifted ; France
was always ready to negotiate, while the Britilh go¬
vernment invariably refufed. The former expreffed
the ftrongeft diflike to war, and took every Hep to a-
void it. The latter not only {bowed an inclination
for war, but endeavoured to indame and provoke hofti-
lities. He contended, that the nature of the conduit
of the French government towards this country, afford¬
ed no good reai’on for a continuance of hoftilities, and
no rational objeition againft the permanency of any
treaty that might be concluded with them. We ne¬
gotiated with Louis XIV. though his pretenfions were
no lefs dangerous to this country, than thofe of the pre-
fent French leaders. That monarch was a declared
enemy to our revolution. He correfponded with the
Jacobites of England. He endeavoured to overturn
our eftablifhment in church and {late. He invaded
Holland, and confined not his projeits of conqueft to
the banks ot the Rhine. Mr Fox faid, we ought to be fa-
tisfied with the belt fecurity for peace, that the nature
of the circumftances in which it was made would per¬
mit, taking care that the power with whom it was made
fliould have no temptation to break it. He denied,
that the prodigal manner in which the French govern¬
ment conducted their affairs, and the confufion and
ruin into which their finances were haftening, afforded
any profpedt of fuccefs to the allied powers. He faid,
he remembered, that during the American war, there
was much talk of a vagrant congrefs, which was no¬
where to be found, of their miferable refources, and
their wretched paper money at 300 per cent difcount,
of which, with any few halfpence you had in your
pocket, you might purchafe to the amount of 100 dol¬
lars. The Americans were reprefented, as exercifing
on each other the molt intolerable tyranny, on the
royalifts the moft unheard-of cruelty j and it was then
faid, that if fuch principles were fuffered to exift, if the
caufe of America was ultimately fuccefsful, there was
an end of all civilized government; England muff be
trodden in the duff. “Yet then (faid this ftatefman),
I recommended negotiation, and lived to fee Great Bii-
tain treat with that very congrefs fo often vilified and
abufed, and the monarchy remain in fufficient vigour.
God grant that I may not fee her treat with the pre-
fent government of France in circumftances lefs favour¬
able for making peace than the prefent”. He repro¬
bated the conduft of adminiftration, in endeavouring
to compel the weaker ftates to join them in the war,
while, at the fame time, they were inveighing againft
the French, as invaders of the rights of nations. He
concluded with a moft: fplendid panegyric, upon the
fuperior dignity which appeared in thefe times in the
character and conduft of the illuftrious General Wafti-
ington, who, for the prefervation of his authority, as
ftrft magiftrate of a free people, had not recourfe to
tricks of policy or arts of alarm, but depended upon
his own wifdom, moderation, and firmnefs; which en¬
abled him to preferve the neutrality of America, with¬
out fear of the contagion of the French revolution, or
of the threats of Britifh hoftility.
Mr Pitt recapitulated the arguments formerly ufed,
to prove that the aggreflion had certainly taken place Britain,
on the part of France. He mentioned the fy!i. m
adopted by the French as fubverfive of all regular
government, their ufurpation of foreign territory, their
hoftile intentions againft Holland, and their unprece¬
dented views of aggrandifement and ambition. Unlefs it
could be proved that we had miftaken thefe principles,
we were bound, he faid, to continue the war j and fup-
poiing that difficulty and disappointment had occurn d
in the profecution of it, thefe ought to infpire us with
additional vigour, and ftimulate us to new exertions.
Had there been any mifeonduft, of which he was not
fenfible, in conducing the war, yet that could not af-
fe£! the general queftion. If the difficulties we had
experienced, arofe from the want of abilities in thofe
to whom the management was entrufted, let us refort
to other men. If the difficulty arofe from the nature
of the conteft, then the argument againft: minifters
would be much weakened. He Hated the obje&s of
the war to be, to procure a fecure and permanent peace,
and an indemnity for the expences incurred. To ac-
complilh thefe ends, he afferted the neceflity of inter¬
fering in the internal affairs of France, and he vindi¬
cated this meafure upon the ground of fecuring our
own fafety. He conceived there was not the leal! pro¬
bability of the continuance of the prefent government
of France. The efforts of the people had been mere¬
ly the refult of terror. They were fupported by the
moft defperate refources, which could not poffibly con¬
tinue. He faid, that peace with the prefent French
government was lefs defirable to him than war, under
any difafters which he could poffibly imagine. He ad¬
mitted, that a fafe and advantageous peace ought to
be concluded, as foon as it could pofiibly be obtained ;
but he affirmed, that the fecurity and benefits of peace
with France muff: depend upon the eftablifliment of a
government effentially different from the prefent. He
afferted, that had Louis XIV. fucceeded in his projedhs,
what we • ftiould have fuffered from him would have
been a deliverance, compared with the confequence of
fuccefs attending the prefent French fyftem. He faid,
he did not attach the fame degree of importance to the
reftoration of monarchy in France, as to the deftruc-
tion of the prefent fyftem. He attached importance to
the former, only as a form of government in which
the greater part of the people would be difpofed to
concur, and which would afford the beft fecurity for
the permanence of peace. He noticed, as precluding
all negotiation, a late decree of the French convention,
declaring the unity and indivifibility of their republic,
in the enumeration of the territories of which they in¬
cluded their late conquefts. He concluded with fay¬
ing, that there could be no queftion but to refill, till
fuch time as, by the bleffing of providence upon our
endeavours, we might fecure the independence of this
country, and the general interefts of Europe. The
addrefs was carried by a majority of 277 againft 59. 992
In the houfe of lords, a fimilar debate took place Debate on
upon the fame occafion. Lord Stair moved the ad- ,the a{ldrefs
drefs, and the motion was feconded by Lord Auckland, ^^d^oufe
with fpeeches which recited in ftrong terms the atrocities °
committed by the French factions upon each other, to¬
gether with the fucceffes of the Britifti troops under
the duke of York and elfewhere. Thefe noblemen
were fupported by the duke of Portland, Earl Spencer,
4 O 2 Lord
B R 1 [
Britain. Lord Coventry, the earl of Mansfield, the earl of Hard-
 v ' wicke, the earl of Carlifle, Lord Grenville, and others.
They were oppofed by the earl of Guildford, who pro-
pofed an amendment to the addrefs, recommending
negotiation, and by the duke of Norfolk, the earl ot
Derby, the earl of Lauderdale, Earl Stanhope, and the
marquis of Lanfdowne. Earl Mansfield afferted, that
the war was begun by the unprovoked aggreffion of
Trance 5 and continued on our part, not from the mo¬
tives of ambition and conqueft, but to reftore the blei-
fings of order and good government to that country,
to refill and defeat the wild attempts of thofe, who had
declared it to be their purpofe to diforganize Europe,
and who were the enemies of the whole human race.
He faid, that a lalting peace with France would be im-
pouible. No alliance could be made with anarchy.
The government of France was continually fludluating,
and the leaders of the prefent fadlion w^erc not likely
to refpedl any engagements formed by their predecef-
fors.—Other noblemen fupported the neceihty of per-
fevering in the war to avoid breaking faith with foreign
powers, and as the only means of preferving the inde¬
pendence and the conllitution of this country ; while,
on the other hand, the marquis of Lanfdowme contend¬
ed, that the fpeech from the throne had difcovered an
important fecret, that this was a war for nothing, or
w'hich had no fpecific objedl in view. He ridiculed,
with much fuccefs, the difficulty of treating with the
French, becaufe they had no government, or were in
a Hate of anarchy. Let the minillers, faid his lordffiip,
alk General Wurmfer if there is no exifting govern¬
ment in France. Let them alk the duke of Brunf-
wick and the king of Pruffia. Let them alk Lord
Flood and Sir Gilbert Elliot, the royalilt army of
La Vendee, the unfortunate Lyonefe, the Spaniards
retiring before their arms. Fie feared it would not be
long, before the prince of Saxe-Cobourg and the duke of
York mult allow, that there w^as a government in France.
The horrid outrages perpetrated in France, he confider-
ed as chiefly owing to the delufive hopes entertained
by the royalilts, of affiftance from this country. The
earl of Lauderdale regretted the confequences, which,
by the management of minifters, the war wTas made to
produce upon the fituation of the people of this coun¬
try. He afferted, that the alarm fpread by minillers
had been made the ground for a fyftem of perfecution.
The revolutionary tribunal had been regarded with
horror and difguft 5 but what had been the conduff of
the courts of iullice in this and a neighbouring coun¬
try ? What their fentences ? Who could venerate a
conllitution, wffiich mull be prote£led by the friend be¬
coming a fpy on the aftions of his neighbour, and the
houfe of domellic conviviality being fubjefted to a
Hate inquifition ? His lordffiip difcuffed at Tome length
the feverities exercifed in Scotland, and afcribed the
revolution in France to the feverity of punilhments
and the oppreffion of the poor. “ Does the minilter
then (faid his lordfliip), take the way to prevent the
introdu£lion of French principles, when he embarks in
a war which weighs down the people with taxation •,
and introduces a fyllem of feverity, which mull make
them detail, not admire, the conllitution of Great Bri¬
tain.” The addrefs was carried in the houfe of lords,
by a majority of 97 again!! 12.
Several debates of a fimilar nature occurred during
66a ] B R I
the courfe of the feffion ; but as the iffue of the whole Britain.
was the fame, and the arguments employed did not v T *
differ effentially from thofe now mentioned, it is unne-
ceffary to Hate them in detail. 993
It is one of the remarkable charaflerillics of the Bri-R-emark on
tiffi nation, to be at all times eafily thrown into a ftate^^^f®
of great anxiety and alarm, by any objeft which go-£r;tain>
vernment for the time thinks fit to reprefent as dan¬
gerous. The turn greatell objects of political terror 994
to Englilhmen, have at all times been the fear of a Fear ot
foreign invafion, and the dread of fecret confpiracies,inVtl on'
afferted to be entered into by a diiaffefled party. It
is true, that during many ages Britain has not been
fuccefsfully invaded, and that-, fince the time of the
Spanilh armada, no fuch attempt has been made by
any of thofe governments with which Britain has en¬
gaged in hollility •, but this very circumllance, which
leads reflefting perfons to regard fuch a projeft as ex¬
tremely unlikely to occur at any particular period,
feems to produce a contrary effe£l upon the people at
large. The evils attending invafion having never been
felt, lay hold of their imaginations, in the wildell
and moll exaggerated forms; and from the terror thus
produced, they are prevented from refle61ing upon the
difficulties attending fuch a projeft, which deterred
‘Louis XIV. from attempting it while in the height of
his power, and poffeffing the advantage of a difputed
fucceffion to the crown. Such is the credulity of the
Britiffi nation upon this head, that adminiftration can at
any time throw them into a Hate of the utmoff conffer-
nation, by expreffing an apprehenfion of a French in¬
vafion. From this alarm, miniHers ufually derive con-
fiderable advantages. The voice of faction is filenced
for a time by patriotic terror, and all parties are under
the neceffity of arranging themfelves under the ban¬
ners of government for the defence of their country.
The dread of plots and confpiracies produces effe&s Fear of
fomewhat fimilar. It is true, that no confpiracy of plots.
Englilhmen wTas ever productive of danger to the
government, while it remained even tolerably popular;
but this never prevents the nation from being thrown
into the utmofl conHernation, by intimations, on the
part of government, that fome defperate confpiracy is
fecretly carrying on, and is ready to burff forth, to the
utter deffruCtion of the public tranquillity.
During the war, of which w e are now' treating, Mr
Pitt’s adminiffration derived incredible ffrength from
thefe twm fources of terror; the fear of invafion, and
the dread of confpiracies by difaffeCled perfons. Nei¬
ther did he want Ikill to profit by them. At the com¬
mencement of the war, it had been believed by moff
perfons, and perhaps by government, that it wmuld be
of ffiort duration, as the Hate of anarchy which fuc-
ceeded the overthrow of the monarchy in France,
feemed to render that country an eafy prey to the
powerful armies by which it was invaded. When any
doubt of fuccefs was expreffed, it was faid, that after
making trial of the war for a year, we might deliff, in
cafe w7e wrere unfuccefsful. But the original Hate of
affairs w'as now confiderably altered, by the fucceffes
of the French at the end of the late campaign. The
Britilh government Hill refolved to perfiff in the war;
wfliich, however, .was now- becoming lefs popular, as
lefs likely to be attended with fuccefs. On the other
hand, the French leaders rvere greatly irritated by the
perfevering
B R I [ 661 ] B R I
■Britain, perfeverlng KoiVility of the Britifii miniftry, and amidft
the pride of vidlory, menaced England with invafion.
It is evident, that they had Hill too much bufinefs up¬
on their hands on the continent, to be able to make
the llightelt attempt to carry their threats into execu¬
tion : but the Britilh adminiflration, taking advantage
of the threat, expreffed their fears that it might be fuc-
cefsful; and propofed the arming of affociations of volun¬
teers, both cavalry and infantry, throughout the iiland,
for the defence of the nation, both againit foreign in¬
vafion, and alfo againft the efforts of difaffefled perfons
at home. They alfo encouraged the railing of fubfcrip-
tions to defray the expence of thefe armed affociations ;
and although the meafure wras difapproved by the mi¬
nority in parliament, as an unconftitutional mode of
railing money, it was fupported by the majority. An
aft was paffed, authorizing the embodying and train¬
ing of volunteers, and the meafure was carried to a con-
fiderable extent throughout the country. In like man¬
ner, though the political ferment occafioned by the
French revolution had now confiderably fubfided, and
the alarm occafioned by it was gradually palling away,
adminiftration, aware of the ftrength they derived from
keeping the country in a Hate of anxiety upon political
fubjefts, announced to parliament, by a meffage from
the king on the 12th of May, that feditious praftices
had been carried on by certain focieties in London,
with a view to overturn the eonllitution, and introduce
the fyfterri of anarchy that prevailed in France } that
their papers had been feized, and were fubmitted to
the confideration of the houfe. On the fame day, Tho¬
mas Hardie a Ihoemaker in Piccadilly, who had afted
as fecretary to the London Correfponding Society, and
Daniel Adams the fecretary to the Society for Conftitu-
tional Information, were apprehended for treafonable
praftices, upon a warrant from MrDundas. Mr Horne
Tooke, w'ell known for his ingenious philological wri¬
tings, as well as for the political part he formerly aft¬
ed in the turbulent days of John Wilkes, with the re¬
verend Mr Jeremiah Joyce, Holcroft a dramatic wri¬
ter, Mr Kyd a barrilfer, and John Thelwall, who had
for fome time entertained the town in the charafter
of a political lefturer, were in a few days arrefted
and committed to the Tower on a charge of high trea-
^ fon.
Secret com- A fecret committee of the houfe of commons wTas
mittee. chofen by ballot, for the fake of giving folemnity to
the inquiries made into this confpiracy. The members
of the committee were the friends of the minifter. The
report of the committee, concerning the alleged con¬
fpiracy, amounted to little more than a recital of a
number of advertifements from focieties, or accounts of
their debates, that had previoufly appeared in the pub¬
lic newfpapers. It ferved, however, as a reafon for
fufpending the operation of the habeas corpus aft, and
thereby enabling minifters to prevent any political
movement, or avowed difapprobation of their meafures,
from being ralhly exhibited out of parliament.
In the mean while, the fear of invafion, added to the
political alarm, which, previous to the commencement
of the war, had diffufed itfelf through the country, and
which was thus artfully maintained, conferred upon mini-
llers a degree of ftrength, which for a century or two
no Britifli adminiftration had poffeffed. Almoft all
men of property were their adherents. Their antago-
nifts funk into utter difcredit, and fuffered a very fe- Britain,
vere degree of perfecution in every department of fo- 1
cietyj fo that it became dangerous to a man’s profpefts
in the world, and in ordinary bufinefs, to exprefs the
ilighteft doubt of the propriety of any meafure appro¬
ved of by government. ^
In the early part of his adminiftration, Mr Pitt had finance,
endeavoured to reft his reputation, in a confiderable
degree, upon the improvement of the finances, and the
hope which he held out of paying off the national
debt. He now deferted all fuch views j and taking
advantage of the uncontrouled power he poffeffed at
home, and the pliability of parliament, he engaged in
a career of unexampled expenditure, in corrupting fuc-
ceffive parties in France, or in the management of the
war. No oppofition w7as made to a demand of 85,000
men for the maritime fervice ; but the increafe of the
army to 60,000 men wras refilled by oppofition, though
the majority allowed that number. The whole fupply
of the year exceeded 20,228,000b As a loan was ne¬
gotiated for ll,oco,OOob; fpirituous liquors, glafs,.
bricks, paper, and other articles were fubjefted to new
duties ) and an additional revenue was dratvn from at-
torneys. ... 99g
From its firft rife to eminence, as an European Pruffian
power, the Pruffian court confidered France as its politics,
proteftor againft the ambition of Auftria. We have
remarked, that, at the period of which we are treat¬
ing, Pruflia had entered with reluftance into the
ambitious views of Auftria and Ruffia for the parti¬
tion of Poland and France. Having found it neceffary
to do fo, howTever, for the fake of iharing in their ac-
quifitions, the Pruflian court appears to have conduft-
ed itfelf with lingular prudence and dexterity. During
the prefent year, in fpite of the refillance of a party in
Poland, headed by the brave Kofciulko, that country
was partitioned, and Pruffia obtained an ample lhare
of its territory. The partition of France was an objeft
from which Pruffia had every thing to fear, as it would
deftroy that power, by which Auftria, the inveterate
enemy of Pruffia, had at all times been kept in awe.
When the Pruffian monarch found it neceffary in con-
junftion with his new allies to invade France in 1792,
he retired upon the firft appearance of a tolerably firm
oppofition, and gave the new republic a refpite of an¬
other winter, during which to arrange its ftrength, and
call into aftion its refources. In the year 1793, the
Pruflians remained extremely inaftive till towards the
clofe of the campaign, when, at laft, in confequence of
repeated remonftrances from their allies, they advan¬
ced againft Alface. Being there repulfed, and the re¬
public beginning to exhibit on all Tides a refpeftable
military front, the king of Pruffia declared, that the
expences of the war were more than his finances could-
fuftain, and required the other German Hates to fupply
him wdth money, threatening in cafe of a refufal en¬
tirely to defert the common caufe. Upon their declin¬
ing to comply with his demands, he aftually began to
withdraw his troops. By this time, however, the Bri-
tifti miniftry had engaged in the war with a degree of
eagernefs, which induced them to make every facrifice
to obtain luccefs in their objeft. On this occafion,
therefore, to avoid lofing the afliftance of Pruffia to¬
wards the common caufe, they offered a fubfidy, which,
was finally adjufted upon the following terms J. His
Pruffiaa
B R I [ 662 ] B R I
Britain. Pruflian majefly agreed to furnifh 62,000 troops, which
^ was 30,000 beyond his contingent j for which his Bri¬
tannic majefty agreed to pay him 50,000!. a month,
loo,oool. a month for forage, 400,000!. to put the ar¬
my the army in motion, and ioo,oool. on their re¬
turn j in all for the remaining nine months of the pre-
fent year, 1,350,000!. The whole year wmuld amount
to 1,800,000]. out of which the ftates general were
to pay 400,000!. The forces thus fublidized, were
to be commanded by an officer to be named by the
king of Pruffia.
By this treaty the king of Pruffia was enabled to
keep his army upon the w^ar eftabliffiment wdth little
additional expence to himfelf, and would have it in his
power to claim a ffiare of w-hatever conquefts were made
from France; while at the fame time, by ftipulating that
he himfelf ffiould appoint the general of the fubfidized
army, he retained a complete command over it, and
could prevent his troops from being worn out by adlive
fervice, and rellrain them from doing greater injury to
the French republic than he himfelf might judge pru-
999 dent.
Maritime All Europe looked forward with great anxiety to
BriCefn°f t^ie aPProac^ng campaign, as decifive of the mighty
n'ain’ conteft, in which its whole powers, excepting Ruffia,
Sweden, and Denmark, w^ere a&ively engaged. At
fea, where her ftrength could be moft effe&ually exert¬
ed, Great Britain was eminently fuccefsful. An ex¬
pedition, under Sir Charles Grey and Sir John Jer¬
vis, was fent to the Weft Indies, where Martinique,
St Lucia, and other iflands were taken. In the Me¬
diterranean, the French were driven from the ifland of
Corfica, and the inhabitants acknowledged the king
of Great Britain as their foyereign. But the moft
lignal victory, was that which was gained by Lord
Howre, over the French fleet, on the ift of June, near
Breft. During the firft years of the revolution,
France had fuffered much diftrefs from a fcarcity of
grain ; and fuch was the inveteracy with which the pre¬
lent wTar was conduced, that the Britifh government
had formed a plan of fubduing that nation by famine,
by preventing their obtaining fupplies of provifions
from any foreign country. In their diftrefs, the French
rulers applied for afliftance to the United States of A-
merica. The ftates ftill owred a confiderable debt to
France, which they had contradled to the monarchy,
in the war with Great Britain, by which their own re¬
volution had been accompliffied. The French now
offered to accept payment of this debt, not in money,
but in corn, a commodity abounding in America.
The Americans, accordingly, delivered the grain in
their own ports, and 160 fail of veffels laden with
grain fet fail for France. Lord Howe was fent out
to intercept, if poffible, this valuable convoy ; while,
on the other fide, the French admiral, Villaret Joyeufe,
failed from Breft to hazard an engagement with the
Britiffi fleet, for the fake of preferving the convoy.
The force of the hoftile fleets was nearly equal, the
Britifti having 26, and the French 25 fail of the line;
but the French line wTas broken, and at the end of an
obftinate engagement, fix of their ffiips were found to
be taken, and two funk. Their admiral, howrever,
had before the battle, detached a confiderable force for
the prote&ion of the convoy, which was thus enabled
1
with fafety to reach its deftined port. This victory pro- Britain,
duced very great exultation in the Britilh nation, in con- v—
fequence of the tear of invafion, which had been pre-
vioufly excited, the danger of which, this proof of na¬
val fuperiority feemed to place at a diftance. IQOg
On the part of the French, however, thefe colonial Continental
and naval Ioffes were greatly overbalanced by the campaign,
general refult of the campaign. The allies ftill con¬
centrated their principal force againft the Netherlands,
and with that view, befieged and took Landrecies at
the commencement of the campaign; but the fortune
of the wrar was fpeedily turned. General Pichegru
advanced into maritime Flanders, and in a variety of
engagements, defeated General Clairfait, an Auftrian
officer of great activity, who fpeedily ruined his own
army, by daily and fanguinary efforts to drive back a
fuperior enemy. An attempt made by the-grand ar¬
my to cut off the retreat of Pichegru, wras unfuccefs-
ful. He, in return, aftemards made an attempt, on his
part, to cut off the communication between the im-
perialifts and their ftores at Ghent. He was repuL
fed; but the obftinate conflift which he maintained,
and the fteady fire of his troops, during a fuccef-
fion of battles, which lafted from daybreak till the
fetting of the fun, convinced the allied armies, that
the invafion of France had become a hopelefs projeft.
At laft, the French advanced, under General Jourdan,
from the eaftward, and at Fleurus gained a viiftory
in which 15,000 of the Auftrian troops perifhed. Mu¬
tual difguft, as well as difeouragement, now prevailed
among the allies. The Auftrians retreated, leaving
the duke of York, at the head of the Britifh and
Hanoverian forces, in confiderable peril. He made
good his retreat, however, with the affiftance of Earl
Moira. This nobleman (formerly Lord Rawdon) had
diftinguifhed himfelf in the American war. In the
houfe of lords, he had oppofed the prefent war, but
he had been fent by adminiftration with a feeble arma¬
ment, where the greateft efforts of Britain ought to
have been directed, that is, to affift the royalifts on the
weftern coaft of France. Finding himfelf too weak to
effeft any important meafure in that quarter, he had
brought back his troops. He was afterwards fent
with them to defend Oftend. Learning the difficult
nature of the duke of York’s fituation, and perceiv¬
ing that Oftend could not long be prote&ed, and could
indeed be of no value after the reft of Flanders was
deferted, he marched acrofs the country, and in the
face of much danger, and great hardftiips, effefted a
jundfion with the principal Britifti army, to which this
reinforcement afforded feafonable aid.
The French were no lefs fuccefsful upon the upper
Rhine, on the frontiers of Italy, and of Spain. At
the end of the campaign, an intenfe froft having fet
in, they reinforced their armies, and Pichegru invad¬
ed Holland. After a variety of engagements, the Bri-Holland
tiffi and Hanoverians, together with fome Auftrian conquered,
auxiliaries, wrhom Britain had fubfidized were repul-
fed, and found it neceffary to leave Holland to its
fate. Many Dutch families fought refuge in Britain.
When Utrecht had fubmitted to the enemy, the ftadt-
holder knowing that Amfterdam wmuld not be defend¬
ed, left his country, and efcaped to England in a fifti-
ing-boat. He and his family became immediate ob¬
jects
B R I
iooa
Pruffia de¬
fects the
allies.
Britain, je&s of royal liberality, and were treated with the re-
lpe£t due to their rank and misfortunes.
The Dutch, who had viewed the Englifh with a
very unfriendly eye, fince the revolution of the year
1787, appeared to be highly pleafed with this change in
their affairs. They had for fome time treated our mi¬
litary countrymen with contempt and illiberality, and
were not difpofed to alleviate by kindnefs, or compaf-
fion, the fufferings of the wounded, or the diftrefs of
the fugitives, who at length effefted their retreat to
Bremen, after a long and fevere exercife of their pa¬
tience and fortitude.
The united provinces were now revolutionized on
the French model. Liberty, equality, and the rights
of man, were proclaimed $ reprefentatives of the peo¬
ple were chofen, and the regenerated ftate was named
the Batavian Republic. But the pretended friends of
the Hollanders, in refeuing them from what they
termed a difgraceful yoke, did not fuffer them to en¬
joy real freedom or independence.
The refult of thefe fucceffes was, that the king of
Pruffia, now perceiving France reftored to more than
her ancient energy, and become capable of endeavouring
to humble his enemy, and her ancient rival, the houfe of
Auftria, deferted the coalition againft her, refufed to ac¬
cept of any farther fublidy from Great Britain, and took
under his proteftion, as neutral Hates, the whole princes
of the north-weft of Germany, thereby becoming the of-
tenfible head and guardian of a large divifion of the em¬
pire, which was thus enabled to recover its tranquillity,
and to become a quiet fpettator of the prolonged conteft,
which the reft of the empire under Auftria continued to
carry on againft France. Spain was under the neceffity
of imitating the example of Pruffia, though upon lefs
favourable terms, being conftrained to relinquifti, as
the price of peace, her half of the illand of St Do¬
mingo. The duke of Tufcany alfo deferted a con¬
teft, into which he had been conftrained to enter.
In the mean while, adminiftration at home purfued
their fyftem of alarming the friends of internal tranquilli¬
ty, by the dread of confpiracies, and attempts againft the
conftitution. The perfons who, in the month of May,
had been imprifoned on a charge of high treafon, were
brought to trial in the end of Oftober. The firft that
was tried, was Thomas Hardie. His indiftment Ha¬
ted nine overt afts of high treafon. ift, That with
others, he had formed an intention of exciting re¬
bellion and infurreftion; to carry which into efledf, he
and they had confpired to fubvert the government,
and depofe the king. 2dly, That he and thev had
written diverfe books, pamphlets, letters, and addrefles,
recommending delegates to a convention. 3dly, That
they confulted on the means of forming fuch a con¬
vention. 4thly, That they agreed to form themfelves
into a fociety for the purpofes aforefaid. 5thly, That
they caufed arms to be made to fubvert the govern¬
ment, and depofe the king. 6thly, That they con¬
fpired to levy war within the realm. 7thly, That they
confpired to aid the king’s enemies. 8thly, That they
compofed and publifhed certain books, pamphlets, let¬
ters, exhortations, and addreffes, for the purpofes afore¬
faid. Laftly, That they procured arms, for the pur-
pofe of levying war againft the king, and to excite re¬
bellion, See. The written evidence confifted chiefly of
advertifements, and addreffes, publifhed in the newf*
[ 663 ]
B R I
.1003
Trials tor
treafon.
papers, many of which were exprefled in a very in- Britain,
temperate ftyle, with regard to miniftersj and the pro-'■“""V"—""
ceedings of the focieties, which were all public, were
of a fimilar nature. With regard to any intended ar¬
mament of the people by thefe focieties, it appeared
to reft upon no folid foundation. The accufation and
defence, therefore, refted chiefly upon the queftion of
the intention of the party accufed, and his aflbeiates.
He was ably defended by Mr Thomas Erfkine, and
Mr Gibbs, and the profecution was conduced by the
attorney and folicitor-general. When the proceedings
had continued to the eighth day, the jury, after fome
deliberation, brought in a verdift of not guilty. The
next trial was that of Mr Tooke, who endeavoured to
prove, that he had merely followed the example of Mr
Pitt, in recommending a plan of parliamentary re¬
form. The minifter was examined on the occafion,
chiefly witli regard to the proceedings of the popular
party (before the clofe of the American war) for the
attainment of that objeft ; but he evaded molt of the
queftions by alleging a want of recolledtion. The ac¬
quittal of Mr Tooke, being followed by that of Mr
Thelwall, a defpair of convidting any one of the fup-
pofed traitors produced a dereliction of the indift-
ment.
As the war was becoming unpopular, the acquittal
of thefe perfons, which tended to diferedit the alarms
kept up by the friends of adminiftration, was felt by
them as an additional misfortune. Had the indift-
ments been laid only for fedition, the profecutions
would probably have proved faccefsful; but minifters
were led to carry matters the length of an accufation
of treafon, by their fuccefs in a fimilar charge at E-Trial ot
dinburgh, in the preceding month of September, a-Watt and
gainrt two perfons named Robert Watt and David Downie“
Downie. Watt had been a fpy, employed by govern¬
ment to attend political focieties, and difeover the de-
figns of the leaders. As he was a needy perfon, and
had been unable to communicate intelligence of much
importance, he had received little pay. To earn more
money, he had thought fit to contrive a plot, which
he communicated to Downie, and fome others, for
feizing the caftle and public offices at Edinburgh, with
a view no doubt of afterwards holding out his aflb¬
eiates to government as criminals. Neither he nor
they had any means of carrying fuch a' plan into ef-
fedl. Watt, however, had procured fome pikes, which
he depofited in a cellar in his own houfe. Thefe be¬
ing accidentally difeovered, he was apprehended; and
the perfons to whom he had communicated his plan,
having come forward as witnefles againft: him and
Downie, they were both found guilty of high treafon j
but Downie, who had done little more than appear to
approve of Watt’s plan, was recommended to mercy,
and afterwards pardoned ; but Watt was executed.
Another caufe of encouragement to adminiftration Pop-gun
to proceed with meafures of feverity, arofe at the fame plot,
time from a plot brought to light by fome informers,
which by tvay of ridicule w^as afterwards termed the
pop-gun plot. The perfons implicated in this charge,
were John Peter Le Maitre, a native of Jerfey, and
apprentice to a w'atch cafe-maker in Denmark ftreet,
St Giles’s; William Higgins, apprentice to a chemift
in Fleet-market; and a man of the name of Smith,
who kept a book ftall in. the neighbourhood of Lin-
coln’s-inn»
B R l
[
Britain. colnVinn. Their accufer was one Upton an appren-
* tice or journeyman to a watch-maker. Le Maitre,
Higgins, and Smith, were apprehended on Saturday
the 27th of September, by a warrant from the duke of
Portland, as fecretary of ftate, and were examined on
Sunday the 28th before the privy council, the lords
of which were fummoned again to attend on Tuefday
on the fame important bulinefs. The charge iupport-
ed by the teftimony of Upton, was to the following
«flfe£l : An indrument was to have been conftrufted
by the informer Upton in the form of a walking dick,
in which was to have been inferted a brafs tube of two
feet long ; through this tube a poifoned dart or arrow
was to have been blown by the breath of the confpira-
tor Le Maitre at his majedy, either on the terrace at
Windfor, or in the playhoufe. The poifon was to
have been of fo fubtle a nature, that if the point but
glanced upon the king, it was to have produced in-
ilantaneous death. Nothing diort of the mod confum-
mate ignorance of the date of human fcience could on
any ordinary occadon have procured attention to fuch
a ridiculous dory as this. Such, however, is the well
known credulity of the Englidi nation, with regard to
political dangers, that adminidration and their friends
appear to have regarded this plot as an affair of fome
importance, as tending to keep men’s minds in a date
ioo6 of anxiety.
Meeting or Parliament alfembled on the 30th of December. In
S?ai lament• the fpeech from the throne, his majedy urged the ne-
cedity of perfiding in the war, however unfortunate it
had been, and noticed the rapid decay of the refources
of the enemy. The Dutch had, he obferved, from a
fenfe of prefent difficulties, entered into a negotiation for
peace with the prevailing party in France; but no
edabliffied government could derive fecurity from fuch
a negotiation. The mod effeftual means had there¬
fore been employed for the further augmentation of
the forces ; on whofe valour, as wTell as on the public
fpirit of the people, his majedy profeffed he had the ut-
mod reliance. The fpeech ended with mentioning the
acceffion of the fovereignty of Corfica to the Britidi
dominions *, a treaty of amity and commerce wnth Ame¬
rica $ the concludon of a treaty of marriage between
the prince of Wales and the princefs Caroline of
Brunfwick, in making datable providons for whom his
majedy doubted not of the concurrence and fupport of
both houfes.
When an addrefs to his majedy in the fame terms
with the fpeech was moved in common form, very ani¬
mated debates took place in both houfes of parliament.
The wrar u^as attacked and defended upon the ufual
topics, with this additional circumdance, that the events
of the late campaign gave condderable countenance to
the affiertions of oppodtion, that all hope of ultimate
I00^ fuccefs was irrational. Adminidration, however, were
Chang :S :n no lefs powerful than formerly. On the lad day of the
thecabiuet. preceding feffion, they had received into official fitua-
tions, fome of thofe fupporters of the war, who in for¬
mer years had oppofed their meaffires. Earl Fitzwil-
liam had been appointed prefident of the council. The
duke of Portland became one or the fecretaries of
ftate. Earl Spencer was declared keeper of the privy
feal, and Windham fecretarv at war. Notwith-
ftanding thefe official changes, Mr Pitt wutb the aid
„ -ff his perfonal friend Mr Dundas, and his relation
664 ] B R I
Lord Grenville, was underftood to retain the efficient Britain,
power of the ftate. Mr Dundas had ftill retained the v——v-—*
management of the war with France ; and as a kind of
third fecretary of ftate, he performed a confiderable
part of the bufinefs wdiich would otherwife have de¬
volved upon the duke of Portland, w hile at the fame
time he continued as prelident of the board of controul
to fuperintend the affairs of India, and to hold the of¬
fice of treafurer of the navy. Earl Fitzwilliam was
foon got quit of, wuthout any diladvantage to admini-
ftration. He w7as fent to Ireland as lord-lieutenant,
under an agreement, as he alleged, that he was to have
full power to promote the recal of the penal ftatutes
againft the Catholics, and to concede certain privi¬
leges which had been withheld in 1793. Afterw ards,
however, minifters m England having altered their
fentiments about fome of thefe points, prohibited him
to proceed, and as he infilled upon the terms on wffiich
he accepted his fituation, he was recalled and difmiffed
from office. By joining minifters for a time, he w7as
prevented from adding along with oppofition, in re¬
probating the war, and thus he was lelt infulated and
ieparated from both parties. Ioog
Among the debates of the prefent feffion, one of ]v?r Grey's
the moft remarkable was that which occurred upon the motion for
motion of Mr Grey in the houfe of commons on the pegotia-
2 6th of January 17 95, “That the exiftence of the prefenttlon*
government of France ought not to be conf dered as
precluding at this time a negotiation for peace.” He
laid that after two years of war, which had drained
this country of its blood and treafures, wre did not ap¬
pear to be one point nearer to the object for which it
was undertaken. From certain wmrds of the minifter
on a former occafion, Mr Grey inferred, that this wras
a wTar ufque ad internecionem, or a mortal ftrife to be
carried on till one of the parties fliould be deftroyed.
He wiffied, by the prefent motion, to put the queftion
to iffue, wffiether this opinion w7as countenanced by the
houfe of commons. He faid that the public at large,
and even the enemy wTith whom we wTere contending,
had a right to know the length to which the conteft
was to be carried, and the terms upon wffiich peace w as
to be obtained. He endeavoured to ftiow that there
exifted no profpeft or chance of fuccefs in overturning
by force of arms the republican government of France,
and that a war perfifted in with that view muft necef-
farily be abfurd. He contended, that the people of
France were too firmly attached to their new arrange¬
ments to be likely to give them up, how-ever they
might change their leaders. A dependance upon a
decay ol7their finances was, he alleged, equally ill found¬
ed. Both in the American war, and the prefent, the
affairs of the Britiffi nation were unfortunately entruf-
ted to perfons unable to diftinguiffi between the fallacy
of imperfect calculations, and the energy of a people
ftruggling for independence. He faid that the French
government were admitted to noffefs a landed eftate far
exceeding in value the moft exaggerated account of
their debts. With this, w’as to be confidered the ad¬
dition of the money of Holland, the population of
France, which was equal to that of one-fixth of the
whole of Europe, and the diftrafted and impoveriffied
ftate of our allies. Our own refources w7ere, he doubt¬
ed not, equal to every thing to which they ought to
be applied, but not equal to the conqueft of France,
or
B R I [ 665 ] B R I
Britain, or to a war of aggreflion. For the exhaufted date of
the emperor’s finances, he appealed to a memorial he
had recently addrefled to the circles of the Upper
Rhine. Was it then from him, from the Italian ftates,
the kings of Sardinia, Naples, and Spain, or from our
difgraceful alliance with the emprefs ofRuffia, that we
expefted afliilance ? Or was it from our good German
ally, who had taken 1,200,000!. of our money, who
had not brought into the field the 62,000 men for
which he ftipulated, who had denied our right to com¬
mand any of the Pruflxan troops, and contended that
they ought not to march againft the French, but to re¬
main to defend Germany. The ftrongeft reafon which
a great nation could have for war, was the defence of
its honour ; this he contended, we had fo fully vindi¬
cated, as to fecure us from future infult. The decree
of the convention, November 19. 1792, was now no
bar to a negotiation, as that declaration had been re¬
pealed, and followed by a contrary declaration. It had
been (fated, that there had been periods at which a
negotiation could commence. It was a proper period
at the time the mifunderftanding commenced with
this country 5 and at feveral times when we had been
fuccefsful fince, negotiation might have been begun.
This, Mr Grey remarked, had been repeatedly advifed
from his fide of the houfe 5 and thus much mifery
might have been prevented. While we poffeffed great
power and great refources was the time for negotiation.
Should the French proceed in their rapid career of
conqueft, it would not be'eafy. Were even the houfe
willing to trull minilfers with the profecution of the
war, would the minifter declare he could trull the al¬
lies ? This, therefore, was a time for negotiation j
and Ihould our attempts of that nature prove fruitlefs,
the houfe and the people would cheerfully concur in a
vigorous profecution of the war ; and we (hould then
refemble France in the only point in which (he was
to be envied, the unanimity of the people with their
government. As additional reafons, Mr Grey noticed
the capture of Holland, and the debates in the diet at
Ratilbon, in which all parties agreed for overtures to
the enemy, except the eleftor of Hanover, and the
landgrave of Hefle.
loop Mr Pitt, in reply, aflerted, that the motion was ut-
pmend'”3 terly inconfillent with the fentiments formerly expref-
rncnt of ^ by his majelly and by parliament. He therefore
Mr Grey’s propofed an amendment, importing, that “ it was the
motion. determination of the houfe to profecute the war, as the
only means of procuring a permanent and fecure peace j
relying on the intention of his majelly, vigoroully to
employ the force of this country in fupport of its in-
terell, and on his defire uniformly manifelled of effedl-
ing a pacification with France, under any government
capable of maintaining the relations of peace and ami¬
ty.” Mr Pitt contended, that no nation at war with
another, ought to treat for peace, with a government
that could not give fecurity. This lad he aflerted
to be the great objeft by which alone the war could
be terminated. “ What did we naturally look to in
the date of any country, but to the manner in which
they performed their engagements j to their dability,
their apparent authority, and the reliance that might
be placed on their pacific difpofitions ? Nothing but a
deries of revolutions had been generated under the fy-
Vol. IV. Part II.
dem and principles now prevalent in France.” He Britain,
reprefented the agriculture and commerce of France
as in the mod difadrous fituation, and judice as almod
unknown. With refpeft to their religion, he demand¬
ed, whether the houfe would willingly treat with a na¬
tion of Atheids. He would not, however, fay, that
they might not improve. When they Ihould come into
fuch a date, as would give, with regard to their go¬
vernment, that dability and authority, which afforded
a probability that we might treat with fecurity, their
we might negotiate : but we ought, in prudence, to
wait the return of fuch circumdances as would afford
a chance of treating with fuccefs. He confidered the
French as having begun the war, upon the principle,
that their own was the only lawful exiding govern¬
ment, and that they had a right to dedroy all others
as ufurpations j a principle from which they had not
yet ceafed to a£l. In April 1793, the French had
enafted the penalty of death, upon any perfon who
firould propofe peace with any country, which did not
acknowledge the French republic one and indivifible,
founded on the principles of equality. The admidion
of thefe principles amounted to a confedion of the
ufurpation and injudice of every other government.
In treating for peace with France, one preparatory
dep was, the acknowledgment of what the houfe bad
hitherto denied. They mud acknowledge thofe prin¬
ciples which condemned the ufurpation of all other go¬
vernments, and denied the very power they were ex-
ercifing. Were peace to be obtained, he thought the
country in the utmod danger from French emiffaries j
and if a peace drould be fo infecure as to require us to
remain in a date of vigilant jealoufy and never-cealing
fufpicion, we would be under the necedity of retain¬
ing an edablilhment, which would prove burdenfome
to peace, and ineffeftual to war. With refpedl to the
comparative refources of this country and France, the
latter had, as he dated, expended 260,000,000 der-
ling, during the lad two years. Affignats, he laid,
were at 15 per cent. ; and every thing proclaimed a
rapid decay of the French refources. Miniders, he
declared, had never looked to the conqued of France.
Peace was not obdru6led by any form of government,
but by the internal circumdances of France. An at¬
tempt to treat, indead of accelerating peace, would
only be productive of danger ; it would encourage the
enemy, and fink the fpirits of the people of this coun¬
try.
Mr Fox accufed miniders of tergiverfation. He
faid, he approved of the amendment, fo far as it dat¬
ed, that there exided nothing in the prefent form of
government of France to prevent negotiation ; but he
complained, that, during two fuccedive years, oppofi-
tion had moved a fimilar amendment j and for doing
fo, they had been called the advocates of France, ja¬
cobins, republicans, enemies of their king and coun¬
try, &c. though it was now pretended that all this
time they were fpeaking the fentiments of miniders.
He contended, that the minider had, in faCl, found it
neceffary to alter his condu<51 ; and that the impolitic
fpeech he had put into the mouth^of his majelly, at
the opening of the fedion, had made a ferious impref-
fion upon the public, which mud be done away.
What, he alked, would have been the feelings of
4 P Englidimeii,
Britain.
ioto
Duke of
Bedford’s
motion for
peace.
15 R I [
Englii'hmen, if the convention had determined never
to treat with them till there was a reform in the Eng-
lifli government ? We muft do away all our arrogant
expreffions againft France, and then, even though we
fhould not obtain peace, yet we Ihould take from them
the caufe of their enthufiafm, that which roufed every
national feeling, and had carried them to unparalleled
exertions. They would not then feel that they w’ere
to fight to extremity, for daring to give to their own
country the government they liked. He wilhed us
not to diminiih our force ; but furely we could fight
juft as well, if neceffary, after declaring we had no
intention to reduce a people to flavery. He ridiculed
the idea of danger from the influx of French princi¬
ples, and obferved, that the conftitution of this coun¬
try had been endeared to us, from the fatal experi¬
ments made in France. He called the recolleftion of
Mr Pitt to the declaration of his father, “ that they
fhould die on the laft breach before they granted the
independence of America j” yet the firft aft of his po¬
litical life had been to iign the very independence which
his father had deprecated. Neceffity diftated that aft;
and he muft now, on the fame account, retraft his de¬
claration refpefting France.
The motion was oppofed by Mr Dundas, on the
ground, that it would fetter the executive government
in their negotiations for peace ; and he thought we
had the utmoft reafon to expeft fuccefs from the pro-
fecution of the war : at leaft, it was a fair prefumption,
that our fituation would not be wotfe if we continued
the war. Mr Grey’s motion was negatived by a ma¬
jority of 183, and Mr Pitt’s amendment afterwards
adopted, by a majority of 164.
On the following day, the duke of Bedford brought
forward, in the houfe of lords, a motion, fimilar to
that which Mr Grey had fupported in the houfe of
commons. This patriotic nobleman, who enjoyed
great popularity, becaufe he expended his princely re¬
venue in promoting and giving countenance to the
agriculture of his country, urged the neceflity of an
explicit declaration of the real objeft of the war. Mi-
nifters faid, negotiation was difhonourable, as the
French were the aggreffors. Admitting this, what
fcenes of blood muft Europe have exhibited, had it
been adopted as a general principle, that no party fhould
manifeft a wifli for peace, which had not been the ag-
greffbr in the war. That the French, however, were
not the aggreiTors, his grace contended, from the re-
traftion of the offenfive declaration ; from the expla¬
nation offered by their minifter ; from different fpeech-
cs in the convention, and the decree afterwards paffed
that they would not interfere with the government of
other countries. As to a permanent peace, no fuch
thing could be found in the abfolute fenfe of the word.
An equitable peace was the only one likely to prove
permanent. He contended, that we ought no longer
to truft to the efforts of our continental allies. He
did not believe the finances of France exhaufted ;
but admitting they were nearly fo, could we hope to
ruin them ? certainly not. While there was property
in the country, the government would find means to
obtain it; and, while the people were convinced it was
a war of extermination or unconditional fubmiffion,
they would facrifice their property. Still lefs was the
666 ] B R I
probability of outnumbering them. Attempts had
been made to excite the paffions of men, by calling
this a war in the caufe of humanity and of God. What¬
ever it might have been during the life of the king,
whole death he thought accelerated by our interfe¬
rence, it could no longer be called fo. It had, as al¬
lowed by minifters, produced the fyftem of terror in
Britain.
France ; and could the death of 50,000 Britilh fub-
jefts, and of hundreds of thoufands of innocent fol-
diers on all fides, be called a circumftance favourable
to humanity ? It was admitted, he faid, that the pre-
fent government of France was infinitely milder than
what it had been ; but, inftead of aflifting her rulers
in the work of reformation, our minifters declared, they
Ihould not reftore order and juftice but by our means,
and that we wmuld not be fatisfied without carrying
war to their frontiers, and famine to their interior.
By this courfe, we Ihould never conquer the armies or
the opinions of France, but might regenerate the fy¬
ftem of terror. The adoption of his motion would,
his grace obferved, unite the people of this country,
if the war continued, and difunite the people of
France.
Lord Grenville moved an amendment, precifely li-
milar to that which had been introduced by Mr Pitt
in the houfe of commons the preceding evening. He*
thought the prefent was not a moment convenient or
proper for forwarding a negotiation. It never, he ■
laid, had been his opinion, that this country fhould
not make peace with another, merely on account of
their form of government; but, in fuch a negotiation,
efpecial care fhould be taken to provide for that
moil: important of all concerns, fecurity. His lordfhip
declared his belief, that a majority of the French were
favourers of royalty ; and the re-eftablifhment of mo¬
narchy prefented the moft probable hopes of peace.
Minifters had, he faid, never declared that they would
not treat with any government capable of maintaining
the accuftomed relations of peace and amity. He de¬
nied, however, that any probability exifted of the per¬
manency of the prefent French government. He en¬
tered into a detail of the fhocking impieties of the
French ; and infilled upon the failure of their refources,
and the difaffeftion of a confiderable number of the
people towards the prefent ruling party, who had pe¬
remptorily refufed to the lawful heirs the reftoration of
that wealth, of which their fathers had been unjuftly
deprived. He allowed, that, by the new fyftem in
France, we were in a fituation lefs remote from that
in wdiich wTe might treat with a rational profpeft of fe¬
curity. Till that period, however, arrived, which he
thought far diftant, he conceived, that a vigorous pro-
fecution of the wrar was far preferable to any attempt
to negotiate.
The bilhop of Llandaff urged the importance of an
immediate negotiation to promote union at home, and
to fhew to the French, that, if refufed by them, the
wTar was continued in confequence of the ambition and
oppreffion of their rulers. He was aware, that fome
might objeft to negotiation, on the ground of evincing
an unwTorthy w'ant of firmnefs; but, in that refpeft,
firmnefs wras out of the queftion. When circumftances
rendered it prudent to alter a courfe, to perfift was
not firmnefs, but obftinacy. It was a miftaken notion
of
B R I [ 667 ] B R I
Britain, of firmnefs that loft America. It might be afked, if
thofe who had been guilty of fuch atrocities ought to
go unpunilhed ? To this he would anfwer, that though
the atrocities of the French difgraced human nature,
we were not the avengers; they ought to be left to
the wifdom and juftice of God ; or, if any thing more
w^as to be laid, let their lordlhips pray to God for par¬
don to the guilty. He afferted, that even could we
place upon the throne of his anceftors, the fon of the
laft French monarch, he could grant us no indemnity
for our paft expenditure 5 his own fubjefts, and even
our own continental allies, would not fuffer him to do
fo. With refpect to the charge of Atheifm againft the
French, as a reafon for continuing the war, his lord-
fhip added : “ Prefumptuous idea ! Miferable beings
as we are, do w^e imagine that the arm of fldh is
wranted to aflift and enforce the will of the Almighty ?
Not one of the tribe of modern philofophers can af-
fe£l or injure Chriftianity. The abufe of religion has
been miftaken for religion itfelf. Hence, France in
the eagernefs of her enthufiafm for reform of religious
abufes, overlooked religion itfelf, and fell into A-
theil’m. But the mift of infidelity will foon be dif-
perfed, and Chrirtianity appear in a purer ftate.”
The duke of Norfolk, the marquis of Lanfdowne,
the earl of Lauderdale, the duke of Leeds, and the
earl of Guildford, farther fupported the motion 5 while
the amendment was defended by the earl of Darnley,
Lord Hawkeft»ury, Earl Spencer, Lord Hawke, the
marquis of Abercorn, the lord-chancellor, Lord Auck¬
land, and others. On a divifion, a great majority voted
in favour of the amendment The viftories of the
French, during the late campaign, and the defpair of
ultimate fuccefs in the war, which now began to be
entertained throughout the country, encouraged oppo-
tion to renew the fubje£t, under a variety of forms,
and to urge minifters to enter into a negotiation ; but,
on every occafion, the motions made by them were
ton negatived by a fimilar fuperiority of numbers.
Forces 1 he number of feamen and marines voted during
voted. the prefent feffion, amounted to 100,000; while
119,380 men were voted to form the guards and
garrifons. To procure the requifite number of fea¬
men, the parliament required the merchants to give
up a part of the crew’s of their {hipping, in proportion
to the tonnage ; and ordered every parifh to furnifh
one man for the fervice. A loan of 18,000,000
was found neceffary, together with a large ilTue of
exchequer bills, as the fupplies voted amounted to no
leis than 29,307,000!. The new taxes were made
payable on wune, fpirits, tea, coffee, ftamps on deeds,
&c. infurance on Ihips and cargoes, timber, and on
perfons wearing hair-powder.
Slave- Wilberforce again brought forward the queftion
trade. °f the (lave-trade. He was fupported by Mr Fox and
Mr Pitt; but the propofed abolition of it was rejedfed
IOIj in the houfe of commons, by a majority of 17.
Mr Haft- _ During the prefent feflion, the long trial of Mr Ha-
ings’s trial flings was at length brought to a conclufion. The
ended. fubjedl was difcufled in a committee of the houfe of
lords. The lord chancellor, and the earl of Carnar¬
von, confidered Mr Haftings as criminal; but he was
defended very elaborately and ably by Lord Thurlow,
who was fupported by the marquis of Lanfdowne, the
bifhop of Rochefter, and others. When every part of
the accufation had been difallowed by the committee, 'Britain,
the report was reviewed by the houfe ; and after fome -"V’-"
debates on the mode of proceeding, it was refolved, that
the queftion fhould be feparalely put on 16 points.
The greateft number of peers, who voted the defend¬
ant guilty in any one refpedl, did not exceed fix. The
votes of innocence on fome of the charges, were 26 ;
in others 23 ; in one, 19. The lord chancellor then
intimated the decifion of the court to Mr Haftings, who
received it in filence, bowed, and retired from the
bar. The wrar in which we were nowr engaged, had
rendered men more eagerly defirous of the aggrandife-
ment of their country than they were when this trial
commenced, and alfo lefs fcrupulous about the means
by wEich that aggrandilement was promoted. The
fervices of Mr Haftings, were now therefore more
highly appreciated ; and the public regarded, with fa-
tisfadlion, the acquittal of one, w^ho had fo eminently
promoted the intereft of his employers, fecured their
authority, and extended and eftablifhed their domi¬
nion.
At this time, the debts of the prince of Wales DebtTof
amounted to 630,000!. It had been adjufted at court, the prince
that thefe debts fhould be paid, and that the princeofWales*
ftiould marry his coufin, the daughter of the duke of
Brunfwick. After fome difcuffion in the houfe of
commons, the prince’s eftablithment was fixed at
125,000!. out of which he was required to pay 65,000!.
every year, till his debts ftiould be liquidated. The
rents of the duchy of Cornwall, amounting to 13,000!.
were alfo fet apart for the extin&ion of the debts.
Farther fums were alfo voted to defray the expences of
the marriage, and the repairs and decorations of Carl¬
ton houfe. Parliament was prorogued on the 27th o£
June, by a fpeech from the throne, in which minifters
thought it prudent to hold out to the public, fome
profpeft of negotiation. “ It is impoflible (faid his
majefty) to contemplate the internal fituation of the
enemy, with whom wre are contending, without in¬
dulging a hope, that the prefent circumftances of
France, may, in their effe&s, haften the return of
fuch a ftate of order and regular government, as may
be capable of maintaining the accuftomed relations of
amity and peace with other powers. The ifiue, how¬
ever, of thefe extraordinary tranfa&ions, is out of the
reach of human forefight.”
1 he incidents of the war, during the year 1795, The war.
were lefs memorable than thofe of the former years.
Lord Bridport, with an inferior force, attacked a
French fleet, near Port POrient, and took three of
their fhips. Vice-admiral Hotham purfued to the
Genoefe coaft, a fleet which had failed from Toulon,
to attempt the recovery of Corfica, and which had
captured one of his detached {hips. He brought the
enemy to a partial engagement, and took two fail of
the line ; but he afterwards loft one of his own Ihips,
in confequence of damage received in the conflift.
On their own weftern coaft, the French, with 13 fail
oi the line and frigates, avoided coming to an en¬
gagement with Vice-admiral Cornwallis, who had on-
!y eight {hips including frigates. Thefe events occur¬
red early in the fummer. Notwithftanding the vigi¬
lance of the Britifti navy, the French captured, in the
month of July, 3° fhl of a valuable convoy, return¬
ing from the Mediterranean. They alfo made prize
4 ? 2 ’ of
Britain.
1016
War with
Holland.
1017
Expedition
to Quibe-
ton.
toiS
Campaign
in Ger-
inany.
B R I [ 668 ] B R I
of part of a Jamaica fleet. On tlie other hand, their 'would endeavour to diftinguilh itfelf by feme impor- ^ Britain^ ^
own commerce had funk fo low, as to prelent few ol> taut operations. . Icvi
jeifts for our cruizers and privateers. "Ihe Britiih parliament was again aflembled at a 0f
As the Dutch, though nominally the allies of the very early period, the 29th of Oftober. The ftate ofparijamen*u
French, had, in faff, become fubject to them ; let- public affairs bore at this period an unfavourable af¬
ters of marque were iffued againlt them by (jreat Bri- peft. 1 he hrench armies had been inaffrve during
tain, and direffions given to feize their colonial terri- the fummer, but they had loft nothing ; the new re-
tories, under the profeffed intention, however, of re- public retained poffeflion of the territory extending
ftoring them when the ftadtholder’s government fhould from the Pyrenees to North Holland, and confequent-
be re-eftablifhed. The Cape of Good Hope was ta- ly of an immenfe length of coaft oppofite to Great Bri-
ken, together with Trincomale and the other Afratic tain. In the meanwhile, a dearth of proviflons began
fettlements of the Dutch, excepting Batavia. Their to prevail at home. The winter, which had fet in with
territories in the Weft Indies were not attacked during extreme feverity at the clofe of the year 1794, and
the prefent year, on account of the difficulties.which enabled the hrench to conquer Holland with little
the Britiih experienced in that quarter, in keeping in difficulty, was followed by an ungenial fummer, during
fubjeftion the illands captured from the French, wffiere which the crop failed in confequence of almoft incet-
various infurreflions W'ere incited by their ancient ma- fant rains. I his ftate of affairs wTas produffive of dif-
ffers. The ifland of Jamaica was alio kept in a ftate content in many among the lower orders of the people,
of great alarm, by a fmall tribe of independent ne- and the war was blamed as tending to aggiavate the
groes, called Maroons, which had long exifted in the diftrefs which they fuffered. Previous to the meeting
mountainous parts of the iiland. Thefe people, in of parliament, fome meetings wrere held by the London
confequence of a quarrel with the white inhabitants, Correfponding Society, for the avowed purpofe of
committed many cruel ravages, and were not fubdued petitioning the king in parliament in favour, of peace
till Spanilh hunters and blood-hounds vcere procured and a parliamentary reform. As the meetings were
from the ifland of Cuba, and employed againft them, held in the open fields, they were very numerouily at-
which induced them at laft to fubmit to deportation tended, but the perfons compofing them difperled
from the ifland. without difturbance. At the- opening of parliament,
When it was too late, the Britifli miniftry refolved fome riots took place \ and though it did not appear,
to give affiftance to the royalifts in the weftern parts that the perfons guilty of thefe riots belonged to the
of France. An expedition, planned, it was faid, by fociety above mentioned, yet it ieems probable, that
Mr Windham, and guided by French emigrant offi- its meetings had tended, along with the general ftate
cers, with troops, many of whom confifted of prifoners of public affairs, to roufe the attention of the multi-
of war, relieved from confinement, on condition of tude to political fubjefts. 1020
bearing arms againft their country, fet fail for the His majefty proceeded from the palace to open the lef-
French coaft, and landed upon the extremity of the fion of parliament at the ufual hour, between two and . ® ^^a'_
narrow peninfula of Quiberon. Here they fortified three o’clock j and the crowd in St James’s park, which j2amen^
themfelves •, but many of the troops, as might have is always confiderable on thefe occafions, was certainly
been expefled, proving unfaithful, they were fpeedily greater than ufual, though it was thought to have been
overpowered by the republicans, wffio, according to overrated, when eftimated at 130,000 perfons. A. fine
their cuftom, put to death fuch of their countrymen day, and a rumour which had been circulated, with what
as they found in arms fighting againft them. By this view it is impoffible to afcertain, that a riot w-as like-
leeble and ill-timed invafion of the French territory, ly to take place, contributed greatly to increaie. the
nearly 10,000 men were loft, that is, were killed or multitude of the fpeflators. As the royal carriage
taken prifoners. paffed along the park, the predominant exclamations
The continental campaign on the fide of Germany were “ Peace ! peace ! Give us bread ! No Pitt ! No
wras of little importance during this year, and was famine ! No w7ar !” A few voices were heard to ex-
upon the wffiole unfavourable to the French. The claim, “ Down w'ith George,” or words to that effect,
convention had fhaken off the government of that fan- In the park, and in the ftreets adjacent to Weftmin-
guinary faftion, which, under Robefpierre and his af- fter-hall, fome ftones and other articles were thrown,
fociates, had deluged the interior of France W'ith blood, nine of which, it is afferted, ftruck the ftate-coach ;
but wffiich had poffeffed the merit of calling forth with and one of them, which was fufpe£!ed to have pro-
aftonifhing energy, the powers of that country for the ceeded from a wflndow in Margaret-ftreet, near the
fupport of its independence. The prefent leaders abbey, perforated one of the windows by a (mall cir-
poffeffed lefs activity, and affeifted a milder train of cular aperture : and from thefe circumftances, it was
condu£t. The military operations languiihed. The fuppofed by fome to have been a bullet difcharged
French army remained inaftive till autumn, when it from an air-gun, or from (ome fimilar engine of de-
croffed the Rhine near Mentz, under General Piche- ftrudlion : but no bullet was found } and whatever it
gru, but was fpeedily repulfed, and an armiftice was was, it neither touched the king nor the noblemen
concluded for the winter. The convention, however, who attended him. As his majefty returned from the
eftabliftied a new form of government, confiding of an houfe through the park, though the gates of the Horfe-
executive dire&ory of five perfons, ele&ed by two re- guards were (hut to exclude the mob, yet even this
prefentative bodies, to which the powers of legiflation precaution was not fufficient to prevent a renew-al of
w7ere intruded ; and it wTas naturally expefted, that if the outrages, and another ftone was thrown at the car-
the war Ihould continue, the new executive power riage as it paffed oppofite to Spring-garden terrace.
2 After
B R I [ 669 j B R I
Britain. After the king had alighted at St James’s, the popu*
lace attacked the date-carriage, and in its way through
Pall-mall to the Mews, it was almoft demolilhed.
The king’s The fpeech from the throne dated his majedy’s fatis-
fpeech. faflion, that the general fituation of affairs, notwith-
danding many events unfavourable to the common
caufe, was materially improved. The French had,
in Italy, been driven back, and were checked on the
lide of Germany. Their fuccefl'es, and the treaties of
peace they had entered into, were far from compenfa-
ting the evils they fuftered from the continuance of
war ; and the unparalleled embarraflment and diffrefs of
their internal dtuation appeared to have produced an
impredxon that their only relief mud refult from peace,
and a fettled government. The crifis in which they
now were mud probably produce confequences im¬
portant to the intereds of Europe. If this crifis ter¬
minated in any thing affording a reafonable expefta-
tion of fecurity in any treaty, the appearance of a dif-
pofition to treat for peace, on jud and fuitable terms,
would, his majedy added, be met on his part with an
earned defire to give it the fpeedied eft'eft. The ac¬
celeration of this defirable end required, however, that
we drould prove our ability to profecute the war till
we could conclude it in a peace fuited to the judice
of our caufe, and the fituation of the enemy.
In the fpeeches for and againd the ufual addreffes
little novelty occurred ; the fame fubjeft, that is, the
propriety of the war, having been fo repeatedly dif-
cuffed. Adminidration took advantage of the attack
upon his majedy’s perfon, to iffue a proclamation con-
nedling the meetings of the Correfponding Society with
1022 the infults offered to his majedy, and to bring forward
New penal two penal datutes. The fird was introduced into the
statutes. houfe of lords by Lord Grenville, under the title of
“ an aft for the fafety and prefervation of his majedy’s
perfon and government againd treafonable and fedi-
tious praftices and attempts.” One claufe ordained the
capital punidiment of every one who diould exprefs,
utter, or declare by the publication of writings, or by
any overt-aft, fuch imaginations, devices, or intentions,
as were calculated to injure the king, impair his au¬
thority or that of the parliament, or promote an in-
vafion of his dominions. Another provifion was,
that all declarations tending to excite hatred or con¬
tempt of the king diould be confidered as high mif-
demeanours; and it wTas decreed, that a fecond offence
of this kind might be punidied, either in the ordi¬
nary mode, or by banidiment from the realm, for a
term not exceeding feven years. The other bill wTas
introduced by Mr Pitt in the houfe of commons. It
enafted, that no meeting of any defcription of perfons,
exceeding the number of 50, except fuch as might be
called by dieriffs, or other officers or magiffrates,
diould be holden for political purpofes, unlefs public
notice ffiould have been given by feven houfekeepers :
that if fuch a body diould affemble without notice, and
12, or more, individuals diould continue together
(even quietly) for one hour after a legal order for
their departure, they ffiould be puniffied as felons,
without benefit of clergy : and that the fame rigour
might be exercifed, if any perfon, after due notice of
the meeting, diould ufe feditious language, or propofe
the irregular alteration of any thing by law eftablidied.
With regard to the delivery of leftures or dileourfes,
or the exercife of debate, on topics connefted with the Britain,
laws and government of the country, a licenfe was de-
dared to be neceflary for fuch meetings. I02^
Very animated difcuffions upon thefe bills took place Petitionsfoir
in both houfes of parliament. While the difcuffions an<l againft-
were going on, many petitions were prefented againd; PtIiai
the bills. On the other hand, various corporations11
and public bodies petitioned for their enaftment. The
relult of the whole was ufeful to miniffers j as the
difputes wdiich thus arofe, tended to revive in the minds
of perfons of property that political alarm which was
now palling away, and to remove a portion of that
didike to the wrar, which naturally arofe from the w ant
of luccefs with which it had been attended. The tw'o
bills w^ere enafted into laws by the votes of great ma¬
jorities. Still, however, adminiftration wTere fenfible
that it would become neceflary, for the fake of pre-
ferving their popularity, to affume an appearance of
wullingnefs to put an end to the war. Accordingly,
while the turo bills w:ere ftill under difcuffion, each I024
houfe received a meffage from the king, in which, al-Pacific mei--
luding to the new conftitution, and the direftorial ^a8e (roiu
government of France, he faid, that fuch an order oft,lfc kin^
things had arifen as would induce him to meet any de¬
fire of negotiation on the part of the enemy with a
full readinefs to give it the fpeedieft effeft. When an
addrefs of thanks for this communication wras moved,
Mr Sheridan fuggefted an amendment, tending to pro¬
duce an immediate negotiation, and to remove, by a
renunciation of the principles on which the war had
been condufted, all obftacles to the attainment of
peace. Mr Fox alfo wiffied, that the firft offer fliould
proceed from our court: but Mr Pitt and Mr Dundas
thought it advifeable to w'ait till the enemy fhould
manifeft a difpofition to negotiate. Similar obferva-
tions wrere made in the houfe of peers. At a future l'jg6>
period, Mr Grey moved, that his majefty fliould be re-
quefted to intimate to the executive government of
France, his readinefs to enter into a negotiation for
the re-eftablilhment of peace on reafonable terms.
He faid he was forry to obferve, that the court ap¬
peared to be more intent on warlike preparation than
eager to promote peace : overtures from this country,
he thought, could not be degrading ; and he flattered ■
himfelf with the hope, that they w'ould be fuccefsful.
Mr Pitt wiflied that this affair might be left to the
difcretion of miniftry. It wfas proper* he faid, that
the allies of Great Britain fliould be confulted, as a
clofe concert with them would give greater dignity
and effeft to a negotiation. Steps had been already
taken to afcertain the difpofition of the enemy 5 and
if there fliould be- a profpeft of an honourable peace,
the opportunity would be embraced with pleafure,
Mr Fox faid, that a better feafon for treating than
the prefent might not occur for a long period j and
he hoped, that, as the. French had renounced the de¬
cree of fraternity, every idea of interference in their
interior concerns would, on our part, be difclaimed.
This would be a good preparative to negotiation ; and
a fubfequent offer of -moderate terms would expedite
the accomplifliment of the defirable objeft. Only 50
members fupported the motion, while 189 voted again!!
it.
On the 8th of March 1796, Mr Wickham, his majef- Attempt twr
fly’s minifler to the Swifs cantons, tranfmitted a note to negotiate.
M,
B R I [ 670 ] B R I
Britain. M. Barthelemi, the French ambaffador at Berne, ftat-
^ ing, that he himfelf was not authorized to enter into
any negotiation, but requefting information in writing
on the part of his court about three points. Firft,
Whether France was difpofed to fend minifters to a
congrefs to negotiate a general peace with his Bri¬
tannic majelly and his allies. 2dly, Whether the
French government would be willing to Hate the gene¬
ral grounds upon which they would confent to con¬
clude a treaty *, and gdly, Whether the French go¬
vernment would think fit to propofe any other mode
of arriving at a general pacification. M. Barthelemi
returned an anfwer, on the 26th of the fame month,
ftating, that the executive diredlory doubted the lin-
cerity of thefe overtures for peace, from the propofal
of a general congrefs, which would lead to endlefs ne¬
gotiations, and from Mr Wickham having received
no powers to negotiate. He afferted, however, the
willingnefs of France to make peace ; but declared,
that the executive direftory had no power to relin-
quifti any of the territories which the contitutional aft
had declared to form an integral part of the republic.
With regard to other territories occupied by the French
armies, tbefe, he faid, might become objefts of nego¬
tiation.—As the Netherlands, and the ifiand of St Do¬
mingo, had been declared by the new French confti-
tution, to form a part of the territory of the republic,
the Britilh government immediately publilhed a note
declaring thefe pretenfions on the part of France to¬
tally inadmiflible ; and that while they were perfifted
in, nothing was left but to profecute a war equally
juft and neceffary. This firfi: attempt towards negoti¬
ation for peace gave rife to various debates in the Bri¬
tilh parliament, in all of which adminiftration were
\ox6 Supported by their ufual majorities.
Finances, Supplies were voted during this feffxon to the a-
£cc. mount of 37,588,000!. and upwards of twenty-five
millions and a half were borrowed. As no profpeft
exifted that Britilh armies could be employed on the
continent, the guards and garrifons were reduced to
49,000 men. The forces in the colonies were increaf-
ed to 77,000 j the failors and marines were 110,000.
Taxes were impofed on legacies to collateral relations,
and on horfes, and dogs, and hats. The affelfed taxes
were increafed, and alfo the duties on wine, tobacco,
fait and fugar. Parliament was diffblved on the ?,oth
1027 May* an^ nev^ eleftions immediately took place.
Campaign An extremely aftive campaign was now opened by
on the con- the French upon the continent. Their generals, Mo¬
ment. reau and Jourdan, advanced into Germany. They
were ultimately repulfed by the archduke Charles, but
not till they had reached the vicinity of Ratifbon.
The retreat of Moreau, amidft hollile armies, form¬
ed one of the moft celebrated events of the war. On
the fide of Italy the French obtained greater ultimate
fuccefs. Their new general in that quarter, Bona¬
parte, compelled the king of Sardinia to defert the al¬
lies, and to purchafe peace at the expence of a con-
liderable portion of his territory. He next defcended
into the Milanefe •, obliged the Italian Hates to fur-
render their fineft paintings, ftatues, and other curi-
ofities, together with large fums of money as the price
t>f peace, and after a multitude of fanguinary conflifts,
he fuceeeded in fubduing, by famine, Mantua, the on¬
ly fortrefs that remained to the Auftrians in Italy.
Few maritime events of much importance occurred. Britain,
The Dutch loft their wdiole tropical poffeftions, with
the exception of the unhealthy but rich fettlement of Maritime
Batavia in the ifiand of Java ; and they alfo loft a fqua-eVents,
dron which they fent out to attempt the re-capture of
the Cape of Good Hope, but which was itfelf made
prize of by the Biitifli admiral, Sir George Elphin-
fton. On the other hand, the Britifii were under the
neceffity of abandoning Corfica in confequence of the
conquefts of Bonaparte in Italy, and the mutinous
fplrit of his countrymen, the Corficans. i®2t)
The refult of this campaign was, that the Britifii
minifiry, to avoid quarrelling with the nation, found it i^Vivi'd-
neceifary to fend Lord Malmefibury to Paris to nego- mdbury.
tiate a peace. It was afterwards admitted by Mr Pitt
that, at this period, they had no wilh to conclude a
treaty, and that the meafure now mentioned was adopt¬
ed merely in compliance with the obvious willies of the
public. Accordingly, as the French ftill refufed to
relinquifii the Netherlands, this was adopted as a fuf-
ficent reafon for perfevering in the war.
The early part of the feflion of parliament, which
met on the 6th of Oftober, pafied away with few de¬
bates, on account of tfie intention to attempt an imme¬
diate negotiation, wdiich had been announced in the
king’s fpeech, and afterwards on account of the ex¬
pectation of its iflue. At the clofe of the year, the
French direftory, in conquence of an invitation from a
difaffefted party in Ireland (fee Ireland), fent to in¬
vade that country, an expedition of 17 Ihips of the
line and many imaller veflels, bearing an army of
18,000 men under General Hoche. The violence of
the winds prevented the rendezvous of this armament
at Bantry bay, in confequence of which no landing w'as
attempted, and the fleet returned home with the lofs of
two Ihips of the line and two frigates, wThich periftied
in a tempeft, and one frigate taken by the Englilh.
Shortly thereafter the French difembarked on the
coaft of Pembrokelhire 1250 criminals, whom they
had fent as foldiers upon the Irifti expedition, but
whom they did not now know how to employ.
At this period the firft inftance of ferious difficulty oc- 1797.
curred in the management of the Britilh funding fyf- 1030
tem. The large fmr.s of money fent abroad as fub- Stoppage 01
fidies to foreign princes by government, had dimi-
niflied the quantity of gold and filver in Great Britain, bank.
At the fame time, adminiftration, through the medium
of the bank of England’s paper, had iffued immenfe
fums for the public expences, and in payment of the
additional intereft of the national debt. The alarm
occafioned by the Irifli invafion coming in addition to
thefe circumftances, produced a greater demand than
ufual upon the bank to exchange its paper for fpecie.
Thus their coffers were foon drained, and to replenifh
them they were under the neceffity of giving for bul¬
lion a premium, or high price, which they paid with
their paper. This made matters wmrfe, for certain
perfons fecretly melted down the guineas which the
bank had procured to be coined, and, for the fake
of the premium, fold this gold back to the bank as bul¬
lion. A ruinous traffic w'as thus carried on by the
bank, which purchafed bullion at a high rate, vffiile
they gave out their guineas at the ufual price. The
direftors of the bank were under the neceffity of lay¬
ing their cafe before the privy council, which iffued
an
B R I [ 671 ] B R I
Britain, an order againft the iffue of cafli by the bank. Con-
U—hderable alarm was occafioned by this ftep. Commit¬
tees of the two houfes of parliament were appointed to
inquire into the date of the bank’s affairs, both of
which reported them to be profperous, yet each re¬
commended a continuance of the late prohibition. An
a£! was therefoie paffed for confirming the reftriftion,
and to render it lefs inconvenient, bank-notes for one
and two pounds were put into-circulation. At the
fame time private perfons were not compelled to ac¬
cept of the bank of England’s notes in their tranfac-
tions wfith each other. As the bank of England is
the office through which the Britiih government iffues
all payments, and as thefe payments are made in the
bank’s paper, which adminiftration might influence
the directors to augment indefinitely, many perfons
feared and predidled, that this paper wmuld fpeedily
fink in value wrhen compared wffth gold and filver, as
the French afiignats and the American paper currency
had done when rendered not convertible at pleafure
into fpecie. The liability, however, of the Britiih
funding fyftem fpeedily difplayed itfelf. The credit
of the bank of England’s paper remained unlhaken,
becaufe government received it in payment of all taxes,
and thefe taxes fully equalled the intereft of the whole
. fums borrowed by the public.
Supplies. During the preceding year the emperor had re¬
ceived a fubfidy, under the appellation of a loan, from
the Britiih government, and a new fubfidy w7as now
given him under z limilar appellation. To fupply
this and the reft of the national expences, early in the
feffion 27,647,000!. w^ere voted, and afterwards above
15 millions additional were thought neceffary, and vo¬
ted. Two loans were negotiated by government, one
for 16 millions and a half in the ufual way, from
1033 money brokers, and another of 18 millions, called the
Joan^&c Royalty loan, from the nobility and gentry being re-
quefted to fill it up, which they did with eagernefs.
1 he troops voted confifted of 120,000 feamen j 60,765
foldiers for guards and garrifons, that is, for European
fervice, and above 64,000 for the dependencies of
Great Britain. As the fear of invafion w7as now re¬
vived, a large fupplementary body of militia was le¬
vied, together with a confiderable force confining of
cavalry. 1 he intereft of the two loans rvas provided
for by taxes upon houfes, ftage-coaches, horfes, auc¬
tions, ftamps on agreements and newfpapers, ornamen¬
tal plate, fpirits, tea, coffee, &c. Towards the clofe
of the feflion, oppofition unfuccefsfully brought for¬
ward motions to addrefs the king to difmifs his mini-
fters, relume the negotiation with France, and to re¬
peal the two a£!s introduced in the preceding feflion
by Lord Grenville and Mr Pitt, for extending the
treafon laws, and impofing reftriftions upon popular
meetings for political purpofes. They were encouraged
in fome meafure to thefe motions by a variety of ad-
dreffes which at this time were prefented from dif¬
ferent parts, of the country, to his majefty, advifing
him to difmifs the prefect miniftry.
War with The I'rench had now acquired fuch an afcendency
Spain. over Spanilh monarchy, as to induce the govern¬
ment of that country to declare war againft Britain.
Their fleet, amounting to 27 fail of the line, attempt¬
ed to join a French armament; but were attacked by
Sir John Jervis, on the 14th of February, near Cape fedtalm
St Vincent, with only 15 fail of the line, and four of
their {hips from 74 to 11 2 guns, were made prizes by
the Britiih fleet. The illand of Trinidad was alfo
taken from them ; and there alfo they loft four fhips of
the line and a frigate. I0,^
At the commencement of the fummer an event oc- Mutiny in
curred which, had the French been prepared to at-tlie fleet*
tempt an invafion of this country, might have been
productive of ferious evils. This was a mutiny in the
fleet. It appears that very grofs impofitions had for
fome time been praCtifed upon the leamen with regard
to their provifions, both as to the quantity and qua¬
lity allowed them. They made an anonymous appli¬
cation for redrefs to Earl Howe, by a letter. The ap¬
plication was diregarded, becaufe the ftriCtnefs of dilci-
crpline prevented the open avow'al or public appearance
of difeontent, which his lordlhip, therefore, inconfider-
ately fuppofed did not exift, and that the letter muft
be an impofition. The feamen refolved to enforce re¬
drefs. When orders were given to prepare for putting
to. fea, the crew of the Queen Charlotte, and other Ihips
lying at Spithead, refufed to aft ; and treating with
contempt the remonftrances of the officers, made
choice of delegates, who, after a formal confultation,
drew up petitions to the board of admiralty, and the
houfe of commons. Earl Spencer, the naval minifter,
that is, the firft lord of the admiralty, dreading a dan¬
gerous mutiny, and not thinking the demands unrea-
fonable, promifed compliance j and the king readily
offered full pardon to all who fliould immediately re¬
turn to their duty. The feamen, how'ever, would
not declare their fatisfaftion before the parliament had
confirmed the promifes of the lords of the admiralty ;
and, as fome delay was thus produced, the irritation
of their minds led to a conteft with Vice-admiral
Colpoys, in which fome lives were loft. An aft
W'as paffed for the gratification of the feamen both
in point of pay and provifions ; and fubordination was-
reftored at Spithead and Plymouth.
1 ire grant of thefe claims encouraged the feamen at
the Nore to infift on a more punftual difeharge of ar¬
rears, a more equal diftribution of prize money, and a
general abatement of the feverity of difeipline. A
council of delegates w7as elefted, at the head of whom
wTas a feaman named Richard Parker, who took the com¬
mand of the fleet. He prevailed upon the men to rejeft
repeated offers of pardon. He robbed two merchant Ihips
of provifions, and obftrufted trade by the detention of
others ; and he fired on fome (hips of war that refufed
to accede to the mutinous combination. An aft of
parliament wyas paffed in the beginning of June, de¬
nouncing capital puniflrment againft all who ftrould
hold intercourfe wuth the rebellious {hips, or volun¬
tarily continue on board. As the public ftrongly dif-
approved of this laft mutiny, for which no excufe could
be offered, the feamen gradually returned to their duty-
Parker was apprehended, and with feveral other mu¬
tineers was punilhed with death. A confiderable
number were condemned after trial, but the greater
number w'ere pardoned.
During the.fummer the port of Cadiz was blocked Maritime
up by the Britifli fleet under Earl St Vincent (former-operations*
ly Sir John Jervis.) An attempt w:as made againft the
Spanilfy
Britain.
1036
Duncan’s
•victory.
1037
The em¬
peror for-
, ced to
1038
Britain ne¬
gotiates.
B R I [ 67
Spatiiili iiland of Teneriffe, but without fuccefs. In
the meanwhile another fleet, under Admiral Duncan,
lay before the Texel. When he retired for a fhort
time, the Dutch admiral De Winter failed out. Intelli¬
gence of this event was immediately brought to A d¬
miral Duncan at Yarmouth, who inilantly put to lea,
encountered the Dutch fleet near their own coal! \ and
out of 21 velTels of different defcriptions, captured
feven fail of the line and two frigates. This event
excited, as ufual in fuch cafes, the moft lively joy in
the Britilh nation, from its tendency to put an end to
all fears of invafion.
While their allies, or rather fubje&s, were fuffering
thefe difafters by fea, the French armies triumphed on
-makelieace the continent. Bonaparte advanced from Italy againft
the centre of the Aurtrian dominions. After feveral
fanguinary conflidls, he crofled the Alps, where they
approach the frontiers of Hungary, and forced the
emperor to conclude a preliminary treaty on the 18th
of April, at Leoben. This was followed by a defini¬
tive treaty, figned at Campoformio, near Udine, in
Italy, on the 17th of October. The emperor ac¬
quired the city of Venice; but he relinquifhed the Mi-
knefe and the Netherlands, and, by fecret articles, con-
fented that the Rhine Ihould be the boundary of France.
Britain was now left alone in that contelt into which
Ihe had originally entered as a fort of auxiliary to Au-
llria and Pruflia. The Britilh government, therefore,
again entered into a negotiation towards the clofe of
the fummer. Both the French and Britilh nations
now eagerly wilhed for a termination to this fangui¬
nary conteft, and it is probable, that adminiftration at
lad ferioufly wilhed to conclude a treaty ; but by this
time a violent party, headed by the direftor Barras,
had gained the afcendency in France, and refolved to
continue the war. A demand wTas therefore infolent-
ly made, that Britain Ihould renounce every conquefl;
as a preliminary to farther negotiation, while France
referved a right to make demands. On a refufal of
compliance, the Britilh ambaffador, Lord Malmelbury,
was difmifled from Lille, w'here the negotiations had
been held.
Parliament aflembled on the 2d of November. In
Meeting of the fpeech from the throne, his majefty expreffed his
parliament, concern, that his endeavours to reftore peace had been
rendered ineffectual. But he expreffed the fulleft re¬
liance in the magnanimity and courage of a free people
contending for their belt interefts, in a war in which
they were compelled, by neceflity, to perfevere. Du¬
ring this feflxon of parliament, few or none of the
members of oppofition attended. At the clofe of the
preceding feffion the members of oppofition had de¬
clared this to be their intention, and they juftified
their conduCt in the following terms : “ In times
when every man who cenfures the meafures of admi¬
niftration is regarded as in league with the enemy,
for what end fhould we incur fo black a cenfure ? If
we declare our fentiments, we are proclaimed as the
-enemies of our king , if we tacitly acquiefce in the
meafures of the minifter, we voluntarily take upon us
a {hare of the refponfibility. We have done our ut-
moft to prevent the war ; we have urged repeatedly
the neceftity of bringing it to a fpeed) termination :
.W? have not perfuaded our opponents. Events muft
1C39
1040
'Retreat of
.-oppofition.
i ] B R I
now take their natural courfe : we cannot aid with Britain,
counfel; it {hall not be faid, that we embarrafs by op-
pofition.” This retirement of oppofition, however,
was much refented, and Ipoken of with great bitternefs,
by the friends of adminiftration, as it had a tendency
to fuggeft to the nation, the idea that government was
conducted by the power of the crown alone, uncheck¬
ed by the difcuflion of its meafures by men of talents
in the two legiflative affemblies.
The inability of the bank of England to pay upon I79-*
demand its notes in fpecie, according to ancient cuf-1^1^
tom, and to the terms of the obligation contained in rai({ part°
thefe notes, appears now to have fuggefted to Mr Pitt0f the fup-
fome fear with regard to the funding fyftem, and an plies with-
apprehenfion, that from the immenfe fums annuallyin the yea^
borrowed, and the correfponding quantity of paper-
money neceffarily iffued to pay the intereft of the
loans, the fyftem might be carried too far, fo as to
diferedit this paper-money iffued in the name of the
bank of England. This apprehenfion was {Lengthen¬
ed by a faCI, of which all perfons were daily becoming
fenfible, that the money price of all kinds of property
in Great Britain had rapidly rifen during the war ;
and this rife of price was very juftly aferibed to a gra¬
dual finking in the value of money, (that is, of paper,
the only money ufed in Britain) in confequence of its
too great abundance. Mr Pitt therefore propofed, in-
ftead of borrowing the whole fum neceffary to defray
the expence of the war, and impofing no more taxes
than were requifite to pay the intereft of the loan,
that heavier taxes ftiould be impofed, to defray, by
means of them, a portion of the extraordinary expen¬
diture. Accordingly an a6t was paffed with the view
of railing feven millions within the year. This was
to be done by augmenting, in a threefold proportion,
and, in fome cafes, by raifing to five times their former
amount, the afleffed taxes, that is, the taxes on houfes,
windows, male-fervants, horfes, and carriages ; but fo
as not to compel any individual to pay more than one-
tenth of his income. The leading members of oppo¬
fition attended to oppofe this extraordinary meafure,
but wnthout effefr. 1042
As the French were now difencumbered from all Relative
other hoftility, it was naturally expe&ed that they ftate of ^
would turn their arms in a more direct manner than an
formerly againft the Britilh empire. The refult of the
late combination of the ftates of Europe, for the par¬
tition of France, had been extremely dilaftrous, and
had left the new republic in poffeffion of an extent of
territory which the ableft and moft ambitious of the
ancient French monarchs had in vain afpired to pof-
fefs. The command which they had now obtained of
Holland rendered France more dangerous than former¬
ly, by the fuperior means of invafion which an addi¬
tional extent of coaft, and the poffeflion of a large,
quantity of {hipping, might afford ; and had the French
navy been lefs weak, or the French rulers poffeffed of
greater ability, a dangerous crifis in the hiftory of
Great Britain might at this period have occurred. 10^
It never was the intereft of any Britilh adminiftra-Alarm of
tion to conceal from the public at large, the poflibility invafion.
of a foreign invafion. As the French government
at this time boafted of their intention to make fuch an
attempt, and ordered a confiderable army to advance
to
B R I
[ 673 1
B R I
Britain.
»798-
1044
Defence
to the Tea coaft, it feemed in fonie meafure the duty 01
minifters in Great Britain, to make preparations to
refift any fuch effort. Accordingly they readily came
forward in parliament, to propole meafures of defence ;
and the danger into which the nation confidered itlelf
as brought, obliged all men, in fome meafure, Hill to
adhere to an adminiftration, which, in other refpefts,
might have loft all their popularity from the ill fuc-
cefs of their late meafures.
On the 8th of February 1798, Mr Dundas moved
in the houfe of commons for the introduction of a bill,
to enable the king to incorporate in the regular militia
a portion of the fupplementary militia. T he bill was
palled with little debate. On the 27th of March, the
fame minifter moved for leave to bring in a bill, to ena¬
ble his majefty to take meafures for the more effeftual
fecurity and defence of thefe realms, and to indemnify
perfons who might fuffer injury in their property by
the operation of fuch meafures. He dated, that the
bill had feveral obje&s. Already fome counties had
expreffed a wifti to adopt meafures in their nature fimi-
lar ; for inftance, Dorfetlhire. Propofitions were made
by the men of property, which induced the fheriff to
hold feveral meetings ; but, as from the nature of his
office, he could only call out the fioj/e comitatus, in
cafes limited by circumftances of mere local exigency,
thefe meetings had no other effeft, than that of giving a
collefted expreflion to the patriotifm of that county. In
other counties, the lord-lieutenants had done more j but
it was doubtful whether they could go beyond certain
bounds. It was, he faid, the objeCt of this bill to pro¬
vide for every poflible emergency, by giving a power to
his majefty to difeover who were the perfons prepared to
appear in arms to embody for their own defence. An¬
other provifion of the bill was to fee what number of
the inhabitants of certain diftricts would be able to aft
as pioneers, or in other laborious fituations. Mr Dun¬
das alfo remarked, that, in the crifis of real danger,
fome perfons might be influenced by motives of perfon-
al fafety, or the natural wilh of preferving their pro¬
perty, which might lead individuals to withdraw from
their country •, the prefent bill, however, would provide,
that Ihould the property of individuals be deftroyed by
a marching army, or fall into the enemy’s hands, or.be
taken for the fervice of the country, indemnification
fhould be rendered according to its value.. The other
provifions were, that in the event of its being neceffary
to employ perfons as pioneers to remove ftock, or affift
in facilitating the carriage of military ftores, pro¬
per compenfation would be made. The bill, he obferv-
ed, was intended to give a power of embodying alfo.a
portion of the regular militia, and employing them in
the defence of the country. Upon thefe broad princi¬
ples of juftice, he was confident, the fpirit of the coun¬
try could be exerted and he believed that there was
nothing that could better infufe confidence into a people,
and make them feel that their fecurity depended on the
meafures taken for their defence, than to enable them
to unite to defend themfelves.
The bill was ejjrfflfted into a law after fome unim¬
portant debates. The principal members of oppofi-
tion not ufually attending, the perfons who chiefly
now appeared to oppofe the meafures of adminiftration,
were Mr Tierney, Mr Nichols, Sir William Pulte-
ney, General Tarleton, and others, who had former-
Vol. IV. Part II.
ly been confidered as occupying a lefs important place
in the difeuflions of the legillature.
As it was fuppofed, that the w'ar, on the part of
Britain, would occafion greater expence than when
all Europe had been engaged in it along with her, the
fupplies were augmented to 35,000,000!.} and, with a
view to draw fupplies from diftant parts of the coun¬
try, inftead of railing large loans for the public fer¬
vice, which wTere negotiated in Eondon alone, Mr
Pitt brought forward a fcheme, by which proprietors
of land w'ere enabled to redeem the land-tax 5 in other
words, that the owner of land, and failing him, that
any other perfon, fliould be permitted to purchafe this
tax, by a transfer of ftock, wdiich produced a divi¬
dend greater than the amount of the impoft. '1 he
meafure wras enabled into a law, but produced little
immediate effeft.
On the 25th of May, Mr Pitt brought forward a
bill in the houfe of commons, intended to increafe the
navy, with a view to relift, with greater fuccefs, the
threatened invalion. On this occafior, an event oc¬
curred, which feemed to indicate, that by the long
poffeffion of power, and the uncommon fupport he had
received from the nation, Mr Pitt had fuffered to
grow upon him a certain haughtinefs of manner and
impatience of contradiftion, which, in former times,
would have proved extremely inconvenient to a Bri-
tilh minifter. On the fubjeft of his propofed bill, he
faid, that the objeft he had in view, was to fufpend,
for a limited time, the prote&ions which various de-
feriptions of perfons enjoyed, to prevent them from
being impreffed into the fervice of the navy. It was
his wilh, he faid, that the bill fliould this day pafs
through its different ftages, with a fuitable paufe at
each, if required, and that it Ihould be fent to the
lords for their concurrence. Mr Pitt concluded, by
moving for leave to bring in a bill for the more fpee-
dy and effeftual manning of the navy.
Mr Tierney faid, the very extraordinary manner in
wdiich the right honourable gentleman called upon the
houfe to adopt this meafure, could not fail to create
great alarm. He had imagined, that the augmenta¬
tion of the navy was to be provided for in the ufual
way $ or, if any very uncommon mode was to be re-
forted to for the attainment of that objeft, notice
ftiould have been given to the houfe. For his part,
he had heard no arguments that proved its propriety ;
and even if he had, fome time ought to have been al¬
lowed him to wreigh the force of fuch arguments, be¬
fore he proceeded to give three or four votes on a
meafure, of which no notice of any kind had been
given. If the honourable gentleman perfifted in hur¬
rying the bill through the houfe in the manner propo¬
fed, he mull give it his decided negative. Indeed,
from what he had already feen, he murt view' all the
meafures of the minifters as hoftile to the liberties of
the fubjefts of this country.
The chancellor of the exchequer replied, that if
every meafure adopted againft the defigns of France
was to be confidered as hoftile to the liberty of this
country, then indeed his idea of liberty differed wide¬
ly from that of the honourable gentleman. He ob-
ferved, that he had given notice before of the prefent
motion ; and that, were it not paffed in a day, thofe
whom it concerned might elude its effefts. But
4 0.
Britain,
i°45
Redemp¬
tion of the
land-tax
a 6t.
1046
Navy bill.
B R I
Britain, if the meafure was neceffary, and that a notice of it
■’V—would enable its effe&s to be eluded, how could the
honourable gentleman’s oppofition be accounted for,
but from a defire to obftrud the defence of the coun¬
try ?
Mr Tierney called the right honourable gentleman
to order.
The fpeaker obferved, that whatever had a tenden¬
cy to throw fufpicion on the fentiments of a member,
if conveyed in language that clearly marked that in¬
tention, was certainly irregular. This the houfe would
judge of; but they would wait to hear the right ho¬
nourable gentleman’s explanation.
The chancellor of the exchequer replied, that if the
houfe waited for his explanation, he feared it muft
wait a long time. He knew very w'ell, that it was
unparliamentary to date the motives that aduated the
opinions of gentlemen ; but it was impoflible to go
into arguments in favour of a queftion, without fome-
times hinting at the motives that induced an oppofition
to it. He fubmitted to the judgment of the houfe
the propriety of what he argued ”, and he would not de¬
part from any thing he had advanced, by either re-
J04^ trailing or explaining them.
A duel The refult of this altercation was a duel on the fol-
fought by lowing Sunday, between Mr Pitt and Mr Tierney.
Mr Pm. They went to Putney Heath, attended by feconds ;
and, Handing at the diflance of 12 paces, each of
them fired twice j but Mr Pitt fired his fecond piftol
in the air. The feconds interfered j and thus the af-
s fair terminated.
Rebellion During the fummer of this year, a rebellion broke
in Ireland, out in Ireland, the particulars of which will be Hated
in their proper place (fee Ireland). We fhall only
remark here, that Ireland has, at all times, been in a
very unhappy Hate. Two-thirds of the population are
Roman Catholics, poffefling, till lately, no political
rights 5 excluded by penal flatutes from all employ¬
ments in the army, and from every incorporation $
while, at the fame time, they are under the neceflity
of paying tithes to the ProteHant Epifcopal clergy. The
Proteflants, who form the remainder of the people,
have long been divided among themfelves 5 one part
being Prefbyterians, wdiile the remainder are attached
to the Epifcopal church. Thefe divifions never fail
to produce great unhappinefs *, and fuch was the mife-
rable policy followed by England, that, inflead of in¬
corporating Ireland with itfelf with a view to form an
united empire, with a fingle legiflature, as King James I.
had propofed, and as was attempted during the ufurpa-
tion, the Britifh government ufually chofe rather to hold
Ireland in a Hate of conHant dependence, by govern¬
ing it through the organ of a faflion, and by rather
encouraging than attempting to do aw'ay the divifions
that exiHed among its inhabitants. The enthufiafm
which the French revolution had kindled in fo many
quarters of Europe, extended itfelf to Ireland. Some
men there, of ardent imaginations, chiefly Proteflant
diflenters, perfuaded themielves that they could rege¬
nerate their country, cafl off the dominion of Great
Britain, heal the unhappy divifions among the inhabi¬
tants of Ireland, and convert it into an independent
republic. As early as the year 1793, thefe perfons
formed themfelves into a fociety, under the name of the
United Irijhmen, and were gradually joined by a very
B R I
great proportion of the population of the country. Britain.
They at firff fought aid from France j and it was in '“““"'v' *
confequence of their invitation, that the unfuccefsful
expedition under General Hoche was undertaken.
From that period, the country remained in a Hate of
the greateff alarm. On one fide rigorous laws were
enafted, and every effort was made, by feverity of pu-
nilhment, to reprefs all appearance of oppofition to the
exifling government j while, on the other hand, the
common people bufied themfelves in the fabrication
and concealment oFpikes, or broke into the houfes of
country gentlemen, to feize whatever fire-arms they
could difcover. The fchemes of the difaffe&ed party
were greatly difconcerted, by the difcovery and appro-
henfion of their principal leaders. A rebellion, how¬
ever, aflually broke out j and, though attended with
confiderable deffru&ion of human lives and of proper¬
ty, it w'as of a partial nature, and fpeedily repreffed.
During its exiflence, fome circumffances occurred,
which completely demonffrated of how vifionary a na¬
ture the fchemes of thofe perfons had been, who hop¬
ed to eflablifli, in Ireland, an independent govern¬
ment, upon any bafis that could afford a tolerable
hope of national profperity. The difaffefled party
among the Proteflants were too weak to be able of
themfelves either to Ihake off the dominion of Great
Britain, or to affume the afcendency in Ireland. They
were therefore under the neceffity of calling in the aid
of the Roman Catholics, of wdiom the great mafs of
Irifli population confiffs. They were the more readily
induced to do fo, in confequence of the notion, which
of late years had very generally gained ground in Eu¬
rope, that religious fentiments form no proper fource
of diffin£Hon in civil fociety *, and from perceiving
the facility with which the Catholics of France had
fet at defiance the religion of their fathers, when pla¬
ced in competition with what they accounted the in-
terefls of freedom, or the means of aggrandifement to
their country. But it fpeedily appeared, that thefe
new maxims of condudl could not be adopted by the
fuperflitious and illiterate peafantry of Ireland. The
Catholics were no fooner in arms, than their chief ani-
mofity came to be dire&ed, not againfl the dominion
of Britain or againff any form of civil government,
but againfl their owm countrymen of the Proteftant
faith, w'ho muft thus ultimately have fallen a facrifice
to the fuccefs of their own fchemes. In fhort, it be¬
came evident to all perfons of refledfion, that Ireland
could not poflibly exift in tranquillity, or with fafety
to the Proteftant part of its inhabitants, independent
of the fupremacy of Great Britain.
Upon the continent, the world was amufed with a j^egotia-
negotiation which was carried on at Raftadt, between tions at
the French diredtory and the German empire. The Raftadt.
negotiation was condudled with much flownefs, and
ultimately became ineffedtual. While it was going
on, the French government contrived to quarrel with land feized
the Swifs cantons, invaded and feized their country, by tlie
and converted it into a new republic, under their own^renc^*
influence. Auftria, however, had been fo much hum¬
bled by recent Ioffes, that fhe did not venture, on this
occafion, to affert the independence of Switzerland,
although it muft have been evident to all difcerning
perfons, that her own independence was ultimately
connedted with that objedt.
[ 674 ]
Switzerland
B R I [ o7S ] B R I
■Britain. Switzerland confifts of a vail affemblage of lofty and
precipitous mountains, fituated in fuch a manner as to
Importance divide the mod important countries of Europe from
of Switzer- eac^ other. On one fide, thefe mountains look down
land in upon the fertile country of Italy, to the north they
European command the very centre of Germany, and to the
politics, weft they are bounded by France. For ages they
have been inhabited by a virtuous and fearlefs race of
people, divided into petty communities, who content¬
ed themfelves with maintaining their own indepen¬
dence and though, as individuals, they entered into
the military fervice of the neighbouring princes, yet,
as a people, they had long ceafed to take any part in
the wfars of Europe. For fome centuries, the inde¬
pendence of Switzerland proved the chief bafis of the
independence of the neighbouring nations. All par¬
ties refpecled and avoided any dilpute with the Swifs,
in a war againft whom much might be loft, but
nothing could be won. Accordingly, wThen the French
attacked the Auftrians, and when the Auftrians at¬
tacked the French, the affailing party wras under the
neceflity of fending its armies to a great diftance from
the centre of its own power. If defeated, the march
homewards was long and difficult $ while, even if to¬
lerably fuccefsful, the attack was never ferioufly dan¬
gerous, in confequence of the weaknefs with wffiich it
was made in a remote quarter. Hence when, in 1796,
the French generals, Moreau and Jourdan, marched
through Swabia and Franconia to invade Auftria,
the length of their march afforded many opportunities
of attacking them with fuccefs •, and the invaded
country had full leifure to call forth its whole refour-
ces againft them. The refult was, that, wffien Jourdan
wras defeated, the retreat of the other army became al-
moft imprafticable j and hence arofe the unbounded
reputation acquired by Moreau, in confequence of ac-
complilhing it with fuccefs. Had the French, at that
period, occupied Switzerland, the retreat of Moreau
would have been attended with no difficulty; becaufe, by
retiring into that rugged country, he could eafily have
made a ftand againft a very fuperior force for a confi-
derable time, till he could receive reinforcements from
home, for the future, therefore, by commencing a
war of invafion againft Auftria, not upon the frontiers
of h ranee, but at the eaftern extremity of the Swifs
mountains, the French, if fuccefsful, might reach the
gates of Vienna in a few weeks. The independence
of Switzerland, by placing thefe nations at a diftance
from each other, had hitherto prevented fuch an en-
terprife from being carried into effeft j and the pre-
fent removal of that barrier by the French dire&ory,
during a period of peace wuth Auftria, difplayed, on
their part, a corre6! knowledge of the caufe which
had, at all times, fet bounds to the ambition of
hranee; and, at the fame time, a determined fpirit of
hoftility againft the independence of the furroundine
ftates.
In the meanwffiile, the weaknefs of the French na¬
vy. rendered it impoffible for them to engage in any
ferious attack againft the European part of the Britiffi
empire. The French government, however, with the
double view of attacking the rich empire which Bri¬
tain had acquired in Afia, and of removing a popular
military officer, whole ambition was already accounted
dangerous, formed a fcheme of fending Bonaparte, Britain.
with an army, to feize and colonize Egypt. To ac-   ‘
compliffi the fcheme with the greater fafety, the threats ^ 1052
of invading England were loudly renewed. The troops t0’
upon the coaft were denominated the army of England, Egypt.
Bonaparte was appointed their commander, and vifit-
ed them in perfon : But he fuddenly departed, and
embarked at Toulon with a great army, before his in- 1G„,
tentions were fufpe&ed in Great Britain. Malta was Sea-fight
furrendered to him on his paffage. Departing thence, at the Nile,
he landed in fafety in the vicinity of Alexandria, and
foon wTas mafter of all Egypt. Here, however, his
fucceffes terminated. He was clofely purfued by a Bri-
tifh fleet, under Admiral Nelfon ; and the French ad¬
miral, inftead of putting to fea, having injudicioufly
remained at anchor near the fhore, gave an opportu¬
nity to fome of the Britiffi ffiips of war to run between
a part of his veffels and the coaft, while others attack¬
ed the fame veffels from the fea ; and thus, by put¬
ting them in fucceffion between two fires, captured or
deftroyed the whole, excepting two flaps of the line,
w’hich put to fea and efcaped. I0^
From the time of the battle of Atftium, by which Its eft'etfts,
the fovereignty of the Roman empire was decided, no
naval vi&ory was ever attended with confequences fo
immediately and obvioufly important as this. The
French direftory had concealed their intended enter-
prife from the Ottoman Porte, which lays claim to the
fovereignty of Egypt, but has never been able to make
its claim fully effedlual. The Grand Signior, however,
confidered the prefent attempt as an aft of hoftility
againft himfelf; and the maritime victory above men¬
tioned, encouraged him to declare war, in the name of
all Muffulmen, againft that hoft of infidels which had
invaded the land, from which the facred territory of
Mecca is fupplied with bread. In Europe, fimilar
conlequences took place. The irreftftible career of Bo¬
naparte had compelled Auftria to fubmit to peace, up¬
on terms wffiich left France in a ftate of moft danger¬
ous aggrandifement. But the terrible Bonaparte, with
the beft part of his vi6torious army, was now held un¬
der blockade by the Britifh fleet in a diftant country.
rI he hopes of Auftria began to revive, and there feem-
ed reafon to expeft, that by renewing the conteft, her
ancient rank in Europe might be recovered. The
king of Naples entered into thefe views wffih great ea-
gernefs, and raflrly went to war with France, without
having patience to w^ait, and to follow the movements
of the greater powers.
The emprefs of Ruffia was now dead, and was fuc-Rufila’joins
ceeded by her fon Paul. She had never contributed a new com-
more than her good wifties towards the war, which blnation
the other powers of Europe had waged againft France. “gainft
But her fon, a man of a furious and paffionate charac- r‘UK'''
ter, wras unable to follow the fame cautious policy, or
to remain a quiet fpedlator of the iffue of a conteft
againft the French republic, in which he confidered
all princes as deeply interefted. He was encouraged
by the naval victory gained at the mouth of the Nile,
which feemed to infure the abfence of Bonaparte and
his army, to declare his wdllingnefs, fo far as his fi¬
nances would permit, to join in a new combination
againft France.
Ihus, by the victory at the Nile, Great Britain
4 Qj2 was
Britain.
1056
Minorca
taken.
J1057
St Domin¬
go aban¬
doned.
1058
Meeting of
■parliament.
B R I [6
was enabled to procure allies, willing to fend abun¬
dance of troops againft her enemy, providing fire would
defray the neceffary expence. In the mean time, the
acquifitions and the Ioffes of Britain, were nearly
equally balanced in other quarters. An armament
failed towards the illand of Minorca, and a defcent
was made near the creek of Addaya. A body of Spa¬
niards threatened to furround the firft divifion of the
invading army $ but they were foon repelled, and our
troops gained a pofition, from which they might have
attacked the enemy with advantage, if the latter had
not retired in the evening. The army feized the pofl;
Mefcadal, and a detachment took the town of Mahon
and Fort Charles. The chief defence was expe&ed at
Civadella, where new works were added to the old
fortifications. The approach of the Englilh drove
the Spaniards within the walls of that towm, and Ge¬
neral Stuart fummoned the governor to furrender it
without delay. To enforce compliance, two batteries
were ere6!ed •, but, as the invaders had few of the re-
quifites of a fiege, their adverfaries might, with a fmall
ihare of fpirit, have made a confiderable refiftance.
Intimidated, how’ever, by the movements of the
troops, and the appearance of the fquadron, the garri.
fon capitulated j and thus the whole ifland wras redu¬
ced without the lofs of a fingle man.
Towards the end of the fame year, however, the
Britilh troops, which during a confiderable length of
time had occupied a great number of pofitions upon
the coaft of the illand of St Domingo, found it necef¬
fary to abandon the whole. The power of the
French government had nearly been annihilated there,
by a negro commander (Touffaint), to whom the Bri-
tilh furrendered Port au Prince and St Marc. The
Ioffes incurred in confequence of the unfortunate at¬
tempt made by the Britilh government to fubjugate
that ifiand, were immenfe; 15 millions of money
were expended, and, it is faid, that upwards of 20,000
men were loft, chiefly by the ravages of the yellow fe¬
ver, added to the natural malignity of that climate to
European conftitutions.
Parliament affembled on the 20th of November. It
was faid, in the fpeech from the throne, “ that the
fuccefs which had attended our arms, during the courfe
of the prefent year, had been produ&ive of the hap-
pieft confequences, and promoted the profperity of the
country. Our naval triumphs had received frefli fplen-
dour, from the memorable aCtion in which Lord Nel-
fon had attacked a fuperior enemy, and turned an ex¬
travagant enterprife to the confufion of its authors :
the blow thus given to the power and influence of
France had afforded an opening, which might lead to
the general deliverance of Europe.
“ The magnanimity of the emperor of Ruflia, and
the vigour of the Ottoman Porte, had fhown, that
thele powers were impreffed with a juft fenfe of the
prefent crifis ; and their example would be an encou¬
ragement to other ftates to adopt that fpirited line of
conduft, which was alone confiftent with fecurity and
honour. Our preparations at home, and the zeal of
all ranks of people, had deterred the enemy from at¬
tempting to invade our coafts. In Ireland, the rebel¬
lion had been fuppreffed : the views of ill-minded peo¬
ple, who had planned the fubverfion of our conftitu-
76 ] B R I
tion, had been fully deteCIed and expofed thofe whom Britain,
they had milled, muft now be awakened to their duty ; 1 v——^
and the miferies which thofe traitorous defigns had
produced, impreffed the neceflity of repelling every
attack on the eftablilhed government of their coun¬
try.
“ Under the preffure of protracted war, it was a
great fatisfaftion to obferve, that the produce of the
public revenue had been fully adequate to the increafe
of our permanent expenditure ; the national credit had
been improved, and commerce had flouriflied in a de¬
gree unknown.”
The debates which occurred in the houfe of com¬
mons upon this occafion, were not remarkably intereft-
ing, as the leading members of the old oppofition were
ufually abfent. Adminiftration was chiefly oppofed by
Mr Tierney, Sir Francis Burdett, Sir John Sinclair, and l05^
Sir William Pulteney. In the houfe of lords, Earl Debates on
Darnley moved the ufual addrefs to the throne, and tlie addrefs,
was feconded by Lord Craven. This laft nobleman
difcuffed, in terms of great triumph, the fituation and
profpe&s of Britain. He remarked, that, after being
deferted by the allies, whofe caufe we had efpoufed,
it was gratifying to fee the noble Hand wre had made,
and the fuccefs w^e had obtained by our fingle exer¬
tions. The navy of the French republic was annihi¬
lated •, her boafted army of England loft its title ; not
only our coafts at home, but our moft valuable poffef-
fions abroad, were fecured. There was only one
branch of commerce which wre did not before almoft
exclufively poffefs, namely, that of the Levant; and
of that trade France would now be totally deprived,
and we (hould reap all thofe advantages which had
heretofore maintained her navy. The fituation of Bo¬
naparte was alfo in our favour ; cut off from all means
of retreat, and befet on every fide with obftacles.
Thefe fucceffes had given fpirit and alacrity to feveral
of the foreign powers, who had unequivocally deter¬
mined to join againft the common enemy. Ruflia and
the Ottoman Porte had declared themfelves ; and Au-
ftria, though unwilling, would find it her intereft to
unite in the exertions which our example had recom¬
mended to all Europe, and without wThich it would
be in vain to look either for fecurity or peace.
The marquis of Lanfdowne remarked, that the great-
eft conquefts wrere but fleeting objetts unlefs well ufed,
and, how’ever fafcinating by their fplendour, would pafs
away without folid caufe of joy, unlefs made the means
of obtaining the moft defirable good, fo often recom¬
mended by himfelf in that houfe, a fafe and honour¬
able peace. The real patriot would think his fervice
beft repaid, by knowing it had tended to procure the
ceffation of arms, and the return of tranquillity. He
had no doubt, but that Lord Nelfon wmuld highly pre¬
fer this fatisfadlion to any perfonal compliment which
could be paid him ; and the marquis acknowledged his
regret in obferving, that the victory of the Nile, which
might have led to peace, was employed as a reafon for
new exertions, and a continuance of the rvar. And in
what manner ? By again combining with the European
powers, by every one of whom wre had already been
abandoned. His lordfhip reprobated the conduct of the
French ; but, afferted, that the propofed means for
diminilhing their power, were inadequate to the objedl
Britain.
B R I [ 677 ] B R I
in view. We now were told of die vigour manifefted
by Ruffia and the Porte, a monltrous alliance between
the Turks and Ruffians. We all knew, that their mu¬
tual diftrufts exceeded thofe of other nations : it was he¬
reditary, it w'as implanted in their nature, and ftrength-
ened by their education. The family upon the throne
of the" Ruffians had uniformly cherifhed the notion,
that Conftantinople was to be a part of their inheri¬
tance. It W'as with this view they named the fecond
fon of the prefent emperor Conffantine II. ) and it was
from a coalition of this fort, that we were to derive
hopes of vigorous operations againfl: France. It Ruffia
was in earneft, why did we not hear of the other north¬
ern powers coming forward and joining in the league.
As to the Grand Signior, what was the Ottoman
Porte ? Turkey was the mofl: helplefs of all countries
upon earth, incapable not only of external operations,
but of domeftic defence, and in a date of univerlal in-
fubordination. Defeated in more than 30 attacks up¬
on one rebellious pacha, unable to reffft the rebellion
of a fubjedt, was it from fuch a country that we were
to expedt a vigorous co-operation } upon fuch a league
thatvve could place our confidence ? His lordffrip, there¬
fore, urged the propriety of affuming the moment of
vidtory, as the proper period, in which, without hu¬
miliation,we might fafely teftify a wifli for peace.
Lord Holland fupported the fame fentiment. . He
faid, that the fpeech from the throne held forth the
probable fuccefs of a powerful confederacy againfl:
France. We had heard fuch language before} but
we had only feen, in confequence of thefe confederacies,
devaftation extended over the furface of the globe,
with lefs and lefs profpedt of procuring tranquillity.
The former confederacy of princes was the chief caufe
of the calamities produced by the French revolution.
Experience might teach us, that it was impoflible to
derive any advantage to this country from them. We
might recoiled!, that we never had an alliance with any
of them, who had not deferted us. Aurtria, the molt
confiderable, wras only a drain upon us, and a tempta¬
tion for the conquefts of the enemy.
The late glorious vidtory ought to induce us to
fhow a difpofition for peace. It would not be humilia¬
tion, but magnanimity *, nor wmuld the people of this
country fancy it wras a degradation, if his majefty’s
minifters, in their name, would evince a pacific fpirit.
The people of England had no wdfties inconfiftent with
the glory of their country } and he heartily regretted,
that they had not their due weight in the government.
Of the diminution of expence he faw but little proba¬
bility, having obferved, that in the years when we had
the ftrongeft aflurances of retrenchment, our expendi¬
ture had increafed the more.
On the contrary, Lord Mulgrave was furprifed, that
any Englilliman Ihould think that this was a moment
for propofing peace, efpecially to fuch an enemy as we
had to contend with. Reference to the fate of the for¬
mer attempts, had little to do with the prefent. He
demanded, whether the relative fituation of the two
countries were the fame as at the beginning of the war,
either in point of glory, in point of finance, or in point
of the popularity of the two governments. When the
conteft firff began, the parties ftarted as great rivals
upon equal terms } at prefent, however, every thing
which could conftitute advantage was in our favour.
In fuch a pofitxon of things, wrould it be wife to truft^ Britain,
the moderation w’hich the noble lord had fo highly ex- *
tolled ? ought we to reft our fecurity upon the pacific
difpofition of the prefent rulers of France ? Was it
found policy, at a moment when a prolpeft had arifen
of fecuring the independence of Europe, to throw a-(
way our advantages, and feek, by crouching at the
feet of France, a precarious, hollow, and fallacious
peace, without endeavouring to turn the glory we had
earned into a univerfal benefit to the world ? i
In fupport of the fame fentiments, Lord Grenville
ftated, that the powers of the continent were at prefen^
willing to embrace a train of condudt fuited to the pro-
tedlion of their independency } and was this a moment
for England to fliow, that Ihe was guided by little lelf-
ifh politics ? Inftead of leaving Europe to its fate, and
abandoning the vidfims of French domination to their
mifery, it ought to be the bufinefs of Great Britain
to animate their efforts, and contribute to their deliver¬
ance. It was the duty of minifters to promulgate this
glorious purpofe, to conciliate differences, to allay jea-
loufies, and not, by reviving them, to prevent that
co-operation which w7as fo neceffary to the general
fafety, and connedled with the true interefts of the
country. _ I06o
As a profped! was now opened of reviving, upon a New mea-
moft extenfive fcale, the continental war againft France, tures of
it became neceffary to provide great pecuniary re-finance»
fources to fubfidize the armies which were to be brought
forward, efpecially by the Ruffians, the poverty of
W'hofe country could ill afford to fuftain the expence of
fupporting armies in Italy or the banks of the Rhine.
The fame difficulties, however, or rather doubts con¬
cerning the prudence of carrying to its utmoft length,
the Britilh pradtice of borrowing money to defray the
extraordinary expence incurred during each year of war,
which had led to an augmentation of what are called
the ajjejfed taxes, ftill induced the minifter to attempt to
raifea proportion of the extraordinary or war expenditure
wfithin the year, not by a loan, but by taxes to the re-
quifite amount. With this view, what was accounted
a very bold meafure wras brought forward. This waSjncome
a propofal for impofing a general tax upon the income tax.
of every individual throughout the nation. Mr Pitt
ftated, in the houfe of commons, his plan to be, that no
one whofe income u’as lefs than 60I. per annum ffiould
be obliged to contribute more than the taxes he al¬
ready paid } but that every one who had an income of,
or beyond that amount, ffiould be additionally burthen-
ed, feme in the proportion of ten per cent, others at a
lower rate. All who had 200I. a year, w'ould be re¬
quired to fign a declaration of their willingnefs to pay
a certain fum, not lefs than a tenth part of their income,
wfithout particularizing the modes in wffiich it accrued}
and a fcale of eafy computation would be adjufted for
the reft. If doubts of the fairnefs of the ftatement
ffiould arife, the commiffioners might fummon any in¬
dividual before them, and demand upon oath a minute
fpecification of income } and if, on a continuance of fu-
fpicion, full proof of accuracy ffiould not be adduced,
they might fix the amount of contribution. If they
ffiould require more than a tenth, no relief would be
allowed, unlefs the books of the tradefmen, or the or¬
dinary accounts kept by others, ffiould be fubmitted to
infpettion.
Having.
I
B R I [ M ] B R I
t Britain. Having ftated the outlines of his plan, Mr Pitt
W"~v mentioned the data upon which he formed an eftimate
of its produce. He was of opinion, that the annual
rent of all the land in England and Wales, amounted
to twenty-five millions of pounds fterling *, a fum
which, by the allowance of a fifth part, for the excep¬
tions under 6ol. and the modifications under 200I. a
year, would be reduced to twenty millions. Six mil¬
lions he thought might be affumed as the clear income
of the land to tenants, the tithes might be valued at
four millions, the produce of mines, canals, &c. at
three, the rent of houfes at five, and the profits of the
liberal profefiions at two : on all thefe heads, it might
be fufficient to allow an eighth part for Scotland,
which would be five millions. Income drawn from
poffeffions beyond feas might be ftated at five; annui¬
ties from the public funds, at twelve j thofe of in¬
ternal trade, mechanical Ikill, and induftry, at twen¬
ty-eight millions. Thefe calculations formed an ag¬
gregate of an hundred and two millions; and from
this fource about ten millions of fupply were expelled
I0g2 to arife.
.Defedts of The whole of this meafure was oppofed, without
the income fuccefs, by Mr Tierney, Sir John Sinclair, Mr Pul-
teney, and others. Its chief defefts were two : it
w'as unequal in its principle, and, when carried into
practice, occafioned much falfehood, with a view to
evade it. Its inequality in point of principle is extreme¬
ly obvious; becaufe, under the tax upon income, a man
without capital who earned 200I. per annum, by his in¬
duftry, paid the fame tax to government, with a man
living in idlenefs, and enjoying a revenue of the fame
amount upon a land eftate ; though it is obvious that
the wealth of two fuch perfons, as well as the degrees
in which they deferve public encouragement, are very
different. In its colle&ion, this tax prefented to mer¬
chants, and all other perfons, whofe income depends
upon their own induftry, a powerful temptation to re-
prefent its amount as extremely low’. It was expe&ed,
indeed, that the vanity of appearing wealthy and prof-
perous, would counteraft this tendency; but it was
foon found that, on a commercial community, the love
of gain is not eafily fubdued by any other paffion: and
as a general underftanding foon prevailed among men,
with regard to each others feelings upon this fubjeft,
nobody regarded his neighbour as unprofperous, mere¬
ly becaufe he had reported his own income, to govcrn-
io(53 ment, at a low rate.
Union with The fear of a French invafion, had in a former age
Ireland induced the Englilh nation, fo far to vanquilh their
propofed. own prejudices, as to confent to an incorporating
union with Scotland. The late rebellion in Ire¬
land, together with the dread, that by means of
French aid, Ireland might be difmembered from the
Britifti empire, as the American colonies had been,
now produced a fenfe of the neceflity of doing what
ought to have been done three centuries before this
date, that is, of uniting Ireland to Britain, by incor¬
porating into one the heretofore diftinft legiflatures of
the twTo iflands. The meafure was at this period very
practicable, becaufe Ireland was, in faft, under the
dominion of 40,000 troops, who had been collect¬
ed to crufli the rebellion, and proteCt the ifland a-
gainft the Flench; and becaufe the friends of govern-
I
ment were too much intimidated by the confufion, and Britain,
the fcenes of bloodlhed, which had recently occurred
there, to venture to oppofe vigoroufly, a meafure which
promifed to preierve for the future the tranquillity of
the country inviolate.
On the 31ft of January, Mr Pitt propofed the mea¬
fure in the Britifh houfe of commons. He faid, that a
permanent connexion between Britain and Ireland
was effential to the true interefts of both countries •
and that unlefs the exilling connexion fhould be im¬
proved, there was great rilk of a feparation, he had
ftrong reafons to believe. The fettlement of the year
1782, he faid, was fo imperfeft, that it fubftituted no¬
thing for that fyftem which it demolilhed, and it was
not confidered as final even by the minifters of the
time. It left the twTo realms with independent legif¬
latures, conneCled only by the identity of the execu¬
tive power, a very infufficient tie, either in time of peace
or of war, inadequate to the confolidation of ftrength,
or the mutual participation of political and commer¬
cial benefits. The cafe of the regency exhibited a
ftriking inftance of the weaknefs of the connexion •
and if the twm parliaments had differed on the fubjeCI
of the war, the danger of a disjunaion would have
been ferioufly alarming. The entire diffociation of the
kingdom was one. of the greateft aims of our ene¬
mies ; and, as their eventual fuccefs on Ireland would
expofe Britain to extreme peril, the eftabliftiment of
an incorporative union, by which their views might
be effe-aually baffled, was a neceffary aft of policy.
Great Britain had always felt a common intereft in the
fafety of Ireland ; but that intereft was never fo ob¬
vious and urgent, as when the enemy attacked the for¬
mer realm through the medium of the latter. The
French had Ihown by their conduCl, that they deemed
Ireland the moft vulnerable part of the empire; and
this confideration alone ought to enforce the adoption
of a meafure, which would tend to ftrengthen and fe-
cure that country. It ought to be noticed, that the
hortile divifions of its fe&s, the animofities exifting
between the pofterity of the original inhabitants and
the defcendants of the colonifts, the rudenefs and ig¬
norance of the people, and the prevalence of jacobin-
ical principles among them, had produced a ftate of
diftrefs, for which there was no cure, but in the for¬
mation of a general imperial legiftature, free alike from
terror and refentment, removed from the danger and
agitation, uninfluenced by the prejudices, and unin¬
flamed by the paflions, of that diftrafted country.
Among the advantages which would accrue to Ire¬
land, from an incorporation with Britain, he mention¬
ed the protection which ffle would fecure to herfelf in
the hour oi danger; the moft effectual means of in-
creafingher commerce, and improving her agriculture-
the command of Engliffl capital, the infufion of Eng!
hfh manners and Englilh induftry, neceffarily tending
to meliorate her condition : adding, that Ihe would fee
the avenue to honours, to diftin&ions, and exalted fi-
tuations in the general leat of empire, opened to all
thofe whole abilities and talents enable them to indulge
an honourable and laudable ambition. He farther re¬
marked, that the queftion was not what Ireland would
gain, but what Ihe would preferve; not merely how Ihe
might bell improve her fituation, but how ffle might
avert
B R I [ 679 ] B R I
Britain, avert a preffing and immediate danger: in this point of.
view, her gain would be the prefervation of all the blef-
fings arifing from the Britilh conflitution.
After fome commercial ftatements, tending to Ihow
the benefits derivable to Ireland from an union, he af-
ferted the competency of the legiflature, not by argu¬
ment or demonllration, but by allegations of the dan¬
ger of contravening fuch right. A denial of parlia¬
mentary competence, he faid, would amount to a de¬
nial of the validity of the Scotilh union, and of the
authority under which the exifting parliament now de¬
liberated; and it would even fliake every principle of
legiflation. That a competency for any new, or
very important meafure, could only arife from the ex-
prefs diredlions or confent of the ele&ors, or the great
body of the nation, was a Jacobinical idea, connedled
with the dangerous dodlrine of the fovereignty of the
people.
As the fuppofed lofs of national independence form¬
ed, in the minds of many, a ftrong obje&ion to the
fcheme, he argued, that the dreaded lofs would be a
real benefit; that the Irilh would rather gain than lofe
in point of political freedom and civil happinefs ; and
that though a nation pofleffing all the means of dig¬
nity and profperity, might juftly obje£t to an aflocia-
tion with a more numerous people, Ireland being de¬
ficient in the means of protection and civil welfare,
could not be injured or degraded by fuch an union,
with a neighbouring and kindred ftate, as would con¬
ned both realms by an equality of law, and an iden¬
tity of intereft. Her people would not lefs be mem¬
bers of an independent ftate, as to any valuable or ufe-
ful purpofe, or lefs free in the enjoyment of the benefits
of fociety and civilization.
Mr Sheridan oppofed an union, as particularly un~
feafonable, amidft the irritation which prevailed at this
period in Ireland; and deprecated the accomplifhment
of the objeCt by means of force or corruption. The
meafure, however, was approved of by a majority of
145. In the houfe of lords, the fame fubjeCt was af¬
terwards difcufted with a fimilar refult. In the Irifh
parliament, however, the propofal was refifted with
fuch vehemence, that adminiftration, finding them-
felves fupported only by a fmall majority, thought fit
to avoid prefling the matter at the prefent period.
Before the rifing of parliament, money was voted
to the amount of 30,947,000!. to provide for the ex-
1064 pences of the war.
Fall of During the prefent year, the Britilh power in In-
Tippoo in dia was greatly augmented, and its territory extended,
India. by tbe faq 0f Tippoo Sultan, the fon and fucceffor of
Hyder Ally. From the time that this prince had
been compelled, in 1792, to furrender one half of his
dominions, in confequence of the invafion by Lord
Cornwallis, it was underftood, that fooner or later,
he would make an attempt to recover what he had
loft. It would feem that he had entertained hopes
of aid from the French, and that with this view he
had privately fent envoys to the ifle of France, to
attempt to form a connexion with the prefent French
rulers. When intelligence reached India of the ex¬
pedition to Egypt, and the victory at the Nile, the
Britilh governor-general demanded from Tippoo Sul¬
tan, an explanation of his views, and after fome fruit-
lefs negotiation, on the nth of February a Britilh ar- Britain,
my, under General Harris, invaded the territory of the v—~J
Myfore, which they found in a bad ftate of prepara¬
tion for war. After fome flight engagements, the Bri¬
tilh army, on the 6th of April, encamped before Se-
ringapatam. It was not till the 2d of May, however,
that the befieging batteries began to make a breach.
On the 4th, during the heat of the day, the place
was ftormed, and Tippoo himfelf perilhed fighting at
one of the gates of the fort. His dominions were
feized by the Britilh, who bellowed a portion of them
upon the Mahrattas, and the nizam their ally. A part
was referved under the direCt fovereignty of the Eaft
India Company; and the remainder was nominally be¬
llowed upon a prince of that family which had loft
its power by Hyder’s ufurpation. The fubftantial au¬
thority, however, over this laft-mentioned portion of
Tippoo’s dominions, was in truth retained by the Bri¬
tilh government. As the nizam himfelf foon became
entirely dependent upon the Britilh power, the whole
peninfula of Indoilan might nowr be confidered, by the
death of Tippoo, as brought under our government,
with the Angle exception of the territory of the Mahrat¬
tas, which evidently could not long remain unfubdued. 10<j5
In Europe the prefent campaign was extremely Continental
eventful. The French directory had been more arl-war•
xious to eftablilh its own power at home, than careful
to preferve the armies upon the frontiers, and in the
conquered countries, in a proper ftate of force and
difcipline. A French army, under General Jourdan,
advanced into Swabia, in the month of March ; but
W’as encountered and beaten by a fuperior force, un¬
der the archduke Charles. The importance of the
pofleflion of Switzerland inftantly difplayed itfelf.
The vanquilhed French army crofled the Rhine into
Switzerland, and in that mountainous country, contriv¬
ed to make a Hand during the greater part of the
fummer. The Auftrians advanced the length of Zur¬
ich, of which they obtained poffeflion; but before they
could proceed farther, the French armies were rein¬
forced towards the end of the feafon, and were ena¬
bled in their turn to aCt offenfively.
In Italy the French aCted unlkilfully at the open¬
ing of the campaign. Inftead of concentrating their
forces, they attempted to retain pofleffion of the whole
of that country, and were thus in various engagements’ 1066
beaten in all quarters. The combined armies of Au-Suwarrow’s
ftrians and Ruflians were commanded by the Ruflian^^P^S0*
general Suwarrow, who preffed upon the French with
incredible a&ivity, carrying on a multiplicity of lieges
at the fame inftant, bringing his troops together with
wonderful celerity, when his enemy attempted to take
advantage of the manner in which his forces were
fcattered. The refult of the whole was, that before
the campaign terminated, he had driven the French
out of the whole of Italy, with the exception of Savoy
and the Genoefe territory. But this was not accom-
plilhed without a great lofs of men in fieges and fan-
guinary confMs. In thde laft the hardy warriors
of the north fuffered very feverely. Their leaders de¬
pended more for fuccefs upon the intrepidity of their’
troops, and the prompitude with which they rallied in¬
to adlion, than upon the Ikilful difpofitions with which
they arranged their force, or haralfed their enemy,
Hence3
B R I [680
^Britain. Hence, it happened that amidft all Suwarrow’s vic-
tories, no inftance occurred of any column of French
troops being compelled to furrender without fighting,
nor was any advantage gained but by the efforts of
fuperior force exerted in open battle. Such a warfare,
carried on againft a fingle enemy by combined armies,
could not long be fuccefsful. The Auftrian officers
complained loudly of their northern allies as men def-
titute of military fkill, who wafted armies without a
proportioned return of conqueft ; while, on the other
hand, the Ruffians cenfured their affo'ciates as deftitute
of proper fpirit, and as protrading the war by an ill-
1057 timed caution.
Attempt to The advantage derived by the French from the pof-
French^ ^e®on Switzerland, had by this time begun to be
from Swit- underftood. A refolution was therefore adopted of
zerland. clofing the campaign, not by fending Suwarrow from
Italy into the fouth of France, but by dire&ing him
to turn his arms northward againft the Alps. The
archduke Charles had fpent the fummer in preffing up¬
on the French in that quarter, but had been unable to
advance beyond Zurich 5 he now departed wuth a di-
vifion of his army towards Manheim and Philipftmrgh,
leaving confiderable bodies of Auftrians and Ruffians
at Zurich. To affume the command of jthefe troops
Suwarrow advanced from Italy at the head of 18,000
men. His views however were anticipated by the
French general Maffena, who finding the archduke
Charles and Suwarrow at the diftance of more than a
day’s march on his left and right, inftantly attacked the
troops ftationed near Zurich. The Auftrians perceiv¬
ed the hazardous nature of their own fituation, and re¬
treated out of Switzerland with only a moderate de¬
gree of lofs. Unit the Ruffians, from an ill-judged con¬
tempt of their enemy, from their own ignorance of the
country, and want of Ikill in the art of conducing war
in it, maintained their ground till they were hemmed
in on all fides. They attempted to refift the French,
as they had often refifted the Turks, by forming a
hollow fquare of great ftrength ; but neither this nor
their own courage afforded any fafety againft the fly¬
ing artillery of their enemy, in the face of which an
iron front of bayonets was in vain prefented. Their
order was at laft broken, and their retreat wras ex¬
tremely difaftrous j Suwarrow was in the lame in-
ftant advancing rapidly to their relief j but a victorious
enemy turned quickly upon him, and attempted to en-
compafs him on all lides. By great activity he effect¬
ed his efcape with about 5000 of his troops, in want of
every thing, and retaining only the mufquets in their
hands.
Thus terminated on the eaftern fide of France this
very active campaign. The allies remained .mailers of
Italy ; but France was ftill enabled to menace that
^ country, as well as Germany, by retaining poffeffion of
Invafion of Switzerland. In the meanwhile, the Britiffi attempted
Holland by with the aid of Ruffian auxiliaries to drive the French
u e jjrituh. out of Holland. On the 27th of Auguft, a landing
was effected under Sir Ralph Abercromby at the
mouth of the Texel. The Zuyderfea was immediatly
entered by a Britilh fleet, under Admiral Mitchell.
The Dutch admiral, Story, furrendered the fleet under
his command, alleging that his men refufed to fight.
The Ihips were 12 in number, and eight of them mount-
B R I
1068
The Ruf¬
fians de¬
feated.
1069
ed from 54 to 74 guns. Here, however, the effectual Britain,
fuccefs of the expedition terminated. The duke of'—T—
York afterwards affumed the command, and forces
amounting to 35,000 men were fent over. But it was
foon difcovered that the invafion had been ill con¬
certed. To have afforded a profpect of fuccefs, the in¬
vading army ought to have landed in the vicinity of
Rotterdam, which is full of Scotchmen, and where the
fupporters of the ftadtholder were numerous j and to
have advanced rapidly into the centre of the country,
to encourage the numerous enemies of the French to
ftand forward in their favour. Inftead of this, the ar¬
my was fet afliore at the extremity of a long and nar¬
row neck of land, having the fea on both fides, where
the French and Dutch found it no difficult matter to
obftrudl their progrefs with a handful of troops during
a great length of time. Their difficulties were in-
creafed by the unufual wetnefs of the feafon, which
greatly injured the roads. The Britifli commander
was at length under the neceffity of withdrawing his
troops to the point at which they originally landed j
and a convention w7as entered into, by which it was
ftipulated on the one hand, that he ffiould not injure
the country, and that a number of French prifoners in
England ihould be releafed ; while, on the other hand,
it was agreed that the duke of York Ihould be permit¬
ted to retreat unmolefted. Q
At the end of this campaign, the French govern- Ufurpatlen
ment underwent a new7 change at home, Bonaparte of Bona-
after the conqueft of Egypt, had invaded Syria $ but Parte*
found his career ftopt at Acre by the Turkiflr govern-
nor of that town, affifted by the Britilh under Sir Sid¬
ney Smith. Having returned into Egypt, and deftroy-
ed a Turkiffi army, Bonaparte ventured upon a ftep
which is without example in the hiftory of modern
Europe. He had heard of the great reverfes which
the French armies had fuffered in the early part of the
campaign, and of the general difeontent which pre¬
vailed throughout the nation in confequence of thefe
misfortunes, and he refolved to try his fortune amidft:
the prefent troubled ftate of public affairs. With this
view, along with a party of felefl friends, he fecretly
Hole away from his army in a fmall veffel, leaving his
troops blockaded by a Britilh fleet in a barbarous
country. The unexpe&ed arrival in France of an officer
who had never fought in Europe without fuccefs, was
welcomed by the public at large as a moll happy event j
and in the flrft moment of joy, little inquiry was made
about the manner in which he had forfaken his army,
which in any other circumftances would have been re¬
garded by a military people as one of the greateft of
crimes. Finding a party willing to fecond his views,
Bonaparte took advantage of the fatisfa£lion occafion-
ed by his arrival, together with the difeontents arifing
from the corruption and mifmanagement of the direc¬
torial adminiftration, to ufurp the government, and to
diffolve the reprefentative legiflature.
The Britilh parliament was affembled fo early as parliament
the 24th of September, for the fake of providing for affembles.
the expences and augmentation of force, thought necef-
fary to give effedft to the invafion of Holland, of the
fuccefs of which fanguine hopes were at that time en¬
tertained. The fpeech from the throne began with
recommending the propriety of permitting to a very
confiderable
B R I
Eutain. confulerable ‘extent, the acceptance of the voluntary
fervice of the militia to augment our force abroad. It
ftated that our profpe&s under providence had been
improved beyond the moil fanguine expectation 5 the
deliverance of Italy might now be confidered as fecur-
ed by a campaign, equal in fplendour and fuccefs to
the molt brilliant recorded in hiftory.
1 he kingdom of Naples had been refcued from the
h rench yoke, and reltored to the dominion of its law¬
ful fovereign.
The French expedition to Egypt had been produc¬
tive of calamity and difgrace, whilit its ultimate views
againft our eaftern poffeffions had been utterly con¬
founded ; the defperate attempts which our enemies had
made to extricate themfelves, had been defeated by
the courage of the Turkilh forces, direCled by the {kill,
and animated by the heroifm, of a Britilh officer j and
the overthrow of that reftlefs and perfidious power had
placed the Britifh interefts in a Hate of permanent fe-
curity.
There was every reafon to expeft that our prefent
efforts for the deliverance of the United Provinces
would prove fuccefsful. We had refcued already the
principal port and nayal arfenal of the Dutch republic
from the enemy j and might hope that the fldll of our
generals, and the intrepidity of our troops, would foon
with the afiiftance of our allies furmount every ob-
ftacle, and that the fleet deftined under the ufurped
dominion of France to invade thefe iflands, would, un¬
der its ancient ftandard, reftore the religion, liberty,
and independence of provinces fo fong in alliance with
this country.
To our good and faithful ally the emperor of Ruf-
fia, whole wifdom and magnanimity dire&ed the force
of his extenfive empire to lb many quarters of Europe,
we were in a great meafure indebted for the favourable
change in the general pofture of affairs. In purfuance
of the recommendation of the Britilh parliament, his
majefty had communicated their fentiments to both
houfes of parliament in Ireland, refpeflinga union with
that kingdom, which would add fo much to the fecuri-
ty and happinefs of his Irilh fubje&s, and confolidate
the llrength and profperity of the empire.
In confequence of the recommendation from the
throne, an act wTas palled, authorizing his majefty to
receive into the army volunteers from militia regiments j
and lome meafures of finance wTere adopted : but go¬
vernment having received intelligence of the failure of
the expedition againft Holland, parliament was fud-
1 681 ]
b r r
denly adjourned for fome time. In the mean while
affairs on the continent began to affume an unpropi!
tious afpeft. The emperor of Ruflia, from his extreme
vehemence of character, was led to entertain a very
vioient degree of difeontent, on account of the defeats
luftamed by his troops in all quarters towards the
dole of the campaign. Ke became diiTatisfied with his
allies, and there was reafon to dread that his irafcible
and unreafonable temper might lead him not merely to
delert but to quarrel with them. In the mean while
Bonaparte, under the title he had alfumed of Chief or
Firf Conful of the French republic, refolved to fignalize
his acquifition of power, by what w>as now become a
very popular meafure in France, an attempt to procure
peace. He thought fit, with this view, to addrefs a letter,
iigr.ed by h.mfelf, to the king of Great Britain. In this
Vol. IV. Part II.
letter he announced his own appointment to the office of Britain,
firft magiftrate of the republic. He afked, “ Is the war —v—^
which for eight years has ravaged the four quarters ofLet^£rom
the wmrld to be eternal? Are there no means of coming
to an underftanding r How can the moft enlightened na-to the king,
tions of Europe, powerful and ftrong beyond w’hat their
fafety and independence require, facrifice to ideas of
vain grandeur, commerce, profperity, and peace ? How
is it that they do not feel that peace is of the firft: im¬
portance, as well as the higheft glory ?
“ Thefe fentiments cannot be foreign to the heart of
your majefty, who reigns over a free nation, with the
foie, view of rendering it happy. Your majefty wdll
fee in this overture my fincere wifli to contribute efti-
cacioully for the fecond time to a general pacification,
by a itep fpeedy, entirely of confidence, and difenga-
ged.from thofe forms which, perhaps neceiTary to dif-
guife the dependence of weak ftates, prove in thofe
that are ftrong only the defire of deceiving each o-
ther.
“ France and England, by the abufe of their ftrength,
may ftill for a long time, for the misfortune of all na¬
tions, retard the period of their being exhaufted j but,
I will venture to fay it, the fate of all civilized nations
is attached to the termination of a war which involves
the whole world.” This letter was tranfmitted through
the medium of an agent of the French government,
wdro refided in London for the fake of managing the
exchanges and other affairs relative to prifoners of war.
Lord Grenville, as fecretary of ftate for the foreign de¬
partment, informed the agent who had tranfmitted Bo¬
naparte’s letter, that his majefty could not depart from
the ufual forms of tranfa&ing bufinefs, and therefore,
that the only anfw^er to be returned, would be an official I0-.
note from himfelf. In this note, his lordlhip ftated, Lord Gren-
that the king wiftred for nothing more than to reftore vhle’s an-
tianquillity to Europe } that he had only made war in^wcr‘
defence of his people, againft an unprovoked attack j
but that it w-ould be in vain to negotiate while the
fame fyftem continued to prevail in France which had
ravaged Holland, Switzerland, Germany, and Italy.
“ While fuch a fyftem therefore prevails, (continued
his lordihip,) and whilft the blood and treafures of a
powerful nation can be lavifhed in its fupport, experi¬
ence has ffiown, that no defence but that of open and
fteady hoilility can be availing. The moft folemn
treaties have only prepared the way to frefli aggreffion;
and it is by determined refiftance alone, that whatever
remains in Europe of liability, for property, for per-
fonal fafety, for focial order, or the exercife of religion,
can be preferved. . For the fecurity, therefore, of thefe
eftential objedls, his majefty cannot place reliance on
the mere renewal of general profeflions of pacific dif-
pofitions. Such profeffions have been repeatedly held
out by all who have fucceflively directed the refources
of France to the deftrudlion of Europe, and wffiom the
prelent rulers have declared all to have been incap¬
able of maintaining the relations of amity. Greatly
will his majefty rejoice whenever it fhall appear, that
the danger to which his owm dominions and thofe of
his allies have been fo long expofed has really ceafed j
whenever he ftrall be fatisfied that the neceflity of re-
fillance fhall be at an end, and after fo many years of
crimes and miferies, better principles have prevailed,
and the gigantic projefts of ambition endangering the
4 B, very
B R I
Britain, very exigence of civil fociety, have at length been re-
v~—* linquilhed. But the convidiion of fuch a change can
refult only from the evidence of fadts.
“ 1'he beft pledge of its reality and permanence
would be the reftoration of that line of princes which,
for fo many centuries, maintained the French nation
in profperity at home and confideration abroad. Such
an event would at once remove all obllacles in the
way of negotiation for peace. It would confirm in
France the unmolefted enjoyment of its ancient terri¬
tory, and give to all other nations, that tranquillity,
that fecurity, which they are now compelled to feek
by other means.
“ But it is not to this mode that his majefty limits
the poffibility of folid pacification •, he makes no claim
to prefcribe to France what {hall be the form of her
government, or in w'hofe hands Ihe {hall veil the au¬
thority neceffary for condufting the affairs of a great
and powerful nation.
“ His majefty only looks to the fecurity of his own
dominions, of "his allies, and of Europe. Whenever
he {hall judge it can be in any manner attained, he
will eagerly embrace the opportunity, to concert with
his allies the means of an immediate and general
peace.
“ Unhappily at prefent no fuch fecurity exifts •, no
fufficient evidence of the principles by which the new
government will be direcled, no reafonable ground of
its liability, appears. In this fituation, therefore^ it
remains for his majefty to purfue, in conjundtion with
other powers, thofe exertions of a juft and defenfive
war, which a regard to the happinefs of his fubjedts
will never permit him to continue beyond the neceflity
in which they originated, or to terminate on any other
foundation than fuch as would contribute to the fe-
cure enjoyment of their tranquillity, their conftitution,
and their independence.”
As one of the principal objedls, on account of which
Bonaparte commenced this negotiation, undoubtedly was
to caft upon Great Britain the odium of the continu¬
ance of the vrar j he perfevered in this purpofe with
conftderable dexterity : He appeared not to be difcon-
I0^4 certed by the firft rejedfion of his offers, and continued
Talley- the correfpondence through the medium of Talleyrand,
rand’s note. h;s minifter for foreign affairs, who, in a note in an-
fvver to that of Lord Grenville, began with a recri¬
mination refpedfing the origin of the war j in which he
prefented a pidlure of a defign and colouring totally
different from that which his lordlhip had portrayed in
his letter. The charge of aggreffion, of which the
French nation wrere accufed, was haughtily repulfed,
and retorted on the coalefced powers, and particularly
on the Britilh government. After expatiating on this
fubjedl, the French minifter obferved, that a fincere
defire for peace ought to lead the parties to the dif-
covery of the means of terminating the war, rather
than apologies or recriminations refpedting its com¬
mencement ; that no doubt was entertained but that
the right of the French nation to choofe its own go¬
vernment, was a point w7hich would not be contefted,
afferting that the BritHh crown w7as held on no other
tenure ; that at a time when the republic prefented
neither the folidity nor the force which it now poffef-
fed, negotiations had been twise folicited by the Bri¬
tilh cabinet, and carried into effedt: that the reafons
B R I
for difcontinuing the war were become not lefs urgent j Britain,
on the contrary, the calamities into which the renova-' -1 - v ^
tion of the wTar muft infallibly plunge the wdiole of
Europe, were motives which had induced the firft:
conful to propofe a fufpenfion of arms, which might
likewife influence the other belligerent powers. The
minifter concluded with prefling this objeft fo far as to
propofe the town of Dunkirk, or any other, for the
meeting of plenipotentiaries, in order to accelerate the
re-eftablilhment of peace and amity between the
French republic and England. I0^
In the anfwer of the Britiftt minifter to this note, Anfwer by
the recrimination of aggreflion was as contemptuoufty the Britifti
repulfed as it had been haughtily urged: Referringcourt-
to his former note, the minifter obferved, that the ob-
ftacles which had been prefented, rendered hopelefs
for the moment any advantages which might be ex-
pefted from a negotiation ; that all the reprefentations
made with fo much confidence by the French minifter,
the perfonal difpofitions of thofe in power, the folidi¬
ty and confiftence of the new government, were points
which could not be admitted as motives for opening a
negotiation, fince thefe confiderations remained yet to
be proved, and of which the only evidence muft be
that already explained by his majefty, namely, the re¬
fult of experience, and the evidence of fadls.
On the 22d of January, copies of this correfpond¬
ence were prefented to the Britifti parliament, along
with a meffage from his majefty announcing, that
he relied on the fupport of his parliament, and the
zeal and perfeverance of his fubjefts, in fuch mea-
fures as would beft confirm the fignal advantages
obtained in the laft campaign, and conduit the con-
teft to an honourable conclufion. On the 28th of
the fame month, the fubjeil was difcuffed in the
houfe of lords upon a motion made by Lord Gren¬
ville for an addrefs of thanks to his majefty in 10>j6
confequence ©f the meffage. Lord Grenville con-Debate in
tended, that nothing in the ftate of Europe admitted ^^houfe^
a rational hope, that there was any fecurity but in the corre^
war j that peace with a nation at enmity with order, fp0ntience
religion, and morality, would rather be an acquiefcence with the
in wTrong than a fufpenfion of arms in ordinary war- Trench j;c-
fare. In thefe times, when the differences that agi-veinment
tated ftates were of no common origin ; when indeed
they were the offspring of a mad and maddening
fyftem of innovation ; the work of peace ftiould be
entered upon with caution, and purfued with jealoufy.
To negotiate with eftablifhed governments was formerly
not merely eafy, but fafe 5 but to negotiate now with the
government of France, would incur all the riiks of an un¬
certain truce, without one of the benefits of a temporary
peace. He entered into a comment upon the note of
the French minifter, and difputed all its pofitions. He
faid that the love of peace, on the part of France, had
been difplayed in a war of eight years with every na¬
tion in Europe excepting Sweden and Denmark j that
her difinclination of conqueft had been afcertained by
the invafion of the Netherlands, of Italy, of Switzer¬
land, and even of Afia. He contended, that no hon¬
ourable or permanent peace could be made wflth the
prefent rulers of France. Every power with which
{he had treated could furnifh melancholy inftances of
the perfidy, injuftice, and cruelty of the republic. If
ftie agreed to a fufpenfion of arms, it was in order to
[ 682 ]
B R I [ 683 ] B R I
itain.
be admitted into the date of the negotiating prince,
that fhe might then undermine his throne by corrupt-
ting the principles of his fubjefts. The duke of Tuf-
cany was among the early fufferers by a treaty. He
flrove to conform his conduct in every refpedt to the
views of France •, but at the moment when (Ire pledged
her honour for the fecurity of his ftate, he faw the
troops of his ally enter his capital, the governor of
that city imprifoned, his fubjedks in a ftate of rebellion,
and himfelf about to be exiled from his dominions. It
was to this prince, however, that the republic repeated
her affurances of attachment. That very republic,
which fought not conqueft, which declared (he would
not interfere with the government of other ftates, de-
pofed the fovereign and gave democracy to the Flo¬
rentines. A ftmilar conduct had been obferved to¬
wards the king of Sardinia^ the king of Naples, and
the republics of Venice, Genoa, and Switzerland. He
repeated the affertion, in which he had always perfe-
vered, that France had been the original aggreflbr in
the war. His lord Chip next proceeded to inveftigate
the character of the prefent ruler of the French nation.
He remarked, that General Bonaparte, in the third
year of the republic, impofed upon the French, by the
mouth of the cannon, that very conftitution which he
had now deftroyed by the point of the bayonet. If a
treaty was concluded and broken with Sardinia, it was
concluded and broken by Bonaparte ; if peace was
eftabliftied and violated with Tufcany, it was eftabliftr-
ed and violated by Bonaparte ; if armiftices were rati¬
fied and annulled with Modena, and the other petty
ftates of Italy, they were ratified and annulled by Bo¬
naparte ; if that ancient republic Venice was firft
drawn into a war, and compelled afterwards to conclude
a treaty, it was that Bonaparte might more eafily
overthrow her conftitution, and annihilate the political
fyftem by which fhe had exifted with glory and fecuri¬
ty for ages paft ; if the government of Rome was fub-
verted, it was fubverted by Bonaparte •, if Genoa was
reduced to the fame humiliating fituation, her wealth
and independence were facrificed to Bonaparte j if
Switzerland, deluded by offers of peace, was induced
to furrender up her rights and liberties, fhe was de¬
prived of them by Bonaparte. But to examine that
part of his conduct which is diplomatic, and palling
over his rapacities, and the cruel maflacres which were
perpetrated by his orders, let us review his profeftions
to the Porte : he folemnly declared, that he had no
intention of taking poffeflion of Egypt ; whilft he de¬
clared to his own generals that this was his intention,
and to the people of Egypt that it was with the con-
fent of the Porte. He had multiplied violations of all
moral and religious ties; he had repeated afts of per¬
fidy ; his hypocrifies were innumerable •, and in that
country where he had affirmed the French to be true
MuiTulmen, he had given us a correft idea of his fin-
cerity and his principles.
Being thus provided with fo many unqueftionable
pledges of his future integrity, was it illiberal or impoli¬
tic to fufpeft a man, who, having overturned the govern¬
ment of his own country, as he had done that of others,
now came forward with offers of pacification. If the
intereft of Bonaparte were deeply concerned he might
be fincere, and there was no doubt but it was his in¬
tereft to confolidate his power ; but it ought not to
be forgotten, that whenever any acts of atrocity were
to be accomplifhed by the French, they had been
ufually effedted by a fufpenfion of arms. The propofed
negotiation wmuld relieve her from the prefent preffure
of alarming difficulties, and could not relieve England
from any ; the ports of France, which were now7 bloc¬
kaded by our fleet and cruifers, would be thrown open
to introduce naval ftores, and a variety of neceffary ar¬
ticles, of which the country w7as in w’ant 5 fleets would
be fent to bring back the troops which were now7 de¬
prived of all intercourfe with the republic, and which
might then be employed in augmenting the number
of the French armies. To us a fufpenfion of arms
could not be produdlive of any benefit whatever 5 our
ports were not blocked up, our commerce w7as not in¬
terrupted ; and it alfo fhould be confidered, that there
would be no fecurity for the maintenance of fuch a
fufpenfion. Was Bonaparte now' prepared to fign a ge¬
neral peace ? If he were not, he could not be fincere
in his offers. It was neceffary for him to keep an
army of 60,000 men to preferve tranquillity in the in¬
terior of France ; every adt of his government was fup-
ported by force ; and if he even were fincere, it w'as
hazarding too much to hazard all on his Angle life.
What reliance could be placed on the unanimity of the
French people ? Were we deftitute of hope from the
change which had recently taken place in the perfons
employed in public offices ? Men of the blacked: cha-
radters had been appointed to fituations of the greateft
truft } men infamous for profeffed principles of an¬
archy, had been raifed to places of confidence and
power j and thofe who w7ere judges in the fanguinary
tribunals of Robefpierre, were now exalted to a diftin-
guifhed rank in the republic : whilft, therefore, the
jacobin fyftem prevailed in France, there w'as no fecu¬
rity for England but by a vigorous profecution of hotti-
lities.
His lordlhip concluded by difclaiming, on the part
of adminiftration, any wiftr to confider the reftoration
of the French monarchy as the objedl of the war ; he
confidered the reftoration of monarchy as the beft, the
fureft and fpeedieft, but not as the only means of re-
ftoring peace : his majefty, he faid, would not hefitate
to treat with any form of government capable of pre-
ferving the cuftomary relations of amity ; but to com¬
mence a negotiation which would not be likely to ter¬
minate in peace, would be diflioneft and fruitlefs.
The duke of Bedford oppofed the fecretary’s motion
for the addrefs. He contended, that all the objections
againft negotiation might have been urged againft the
negotiations which the minifters themfelves had for¬
merly opened at Lifle. He confidered the conduCt of
the Britiftr government, on the prefent occafion, as un-
W'ife; becaufe provoking and unconciliatory. He
thought, that, in a correfpondence with the prefent
French government, all difcuffion about the original
commencement of the war ought to have been avoided.
Whether England or France w'ere the firft aggreffor,
was a queftion to be referved to pofterity it w7as na¬
tural for each country to throw the imputation off their
own Ihoulders, and avoid not only the execration of the
prefent age, but the curfe of pofterity. The wild
fcheme of reftoring the French monarchy, was the Jine
4 R 2 qua
Biituin.
B R I [ 684 j B R I
Britain. qUa non, if not of peace, of negotiation j for notwithftand-
",^v ing the noble fecretary had denied the charge, whilft
he pointed out the irapollibility of treating with the
French government during all its ftages to the prefent,
and infifted upon vigorous hoftilities being the only
means of our fecurity, there was no inference to be
drawn, but that the war mult be continued till mon¬
archy was eltablilhed. What profpe£t remained of fuch
an event taking place, his grace laid he would not pre¬
tend to determine •, but this fatft was certain, that, in
the fame proportion as this country opprefled France,
in the fame proportion did Ihe become violent ; our at¬
tempts to deitroy Jacobinifm promoted, and if we per-
fevered, would ellablilh it. If the reiteration of mon¬
archy was not the objedd, what was it ? Were minifters
contending that we ought to wait for a more favour¬
able opportunity of entering into negociation ? Was it
to be obtained by railing at Bonaparte ? There were
no terms fufficiently Itrong to cenfure the littlenefs
which attacked his charafter, in order to ruin him in
the eltimation of the French nation, as if, by fo doing,
we could negotiate with more effedd, or gain a fairer
profpedd of peace.
The duke of Bedford next contended, that no confi¬
dence was to be repofed in our prefent continental allies;
and as a fevere fcarcity at this period prevailed in the
country, this circumilance was made ufe of, as an addi¬
tional argument againft perfevering in the war. We had
been taught to believe, faid his grace, that this country
was able to llarve France j novv, if we took a view of
our owTn internal fituation, we ihould find it alarming in
an extreme degree. If we repaired to the woods, w^e
fhould everywhere difeover traces of thofe miferable
wretches, whofe poverty left them no refources but de-
' predation ; if we contemplated the villages, we fhould
hear only the unavailing cries of children, calling for
that food which their parents had not to give them.
Numerous were the inltances, of llrong and healthy
country men, appealing from parifh officers, who had
denied them affiftance on the ground of their being
able to work : it was true, that they had ability, but
no employment; and, left without it, they were per¬
petually diflreffed with the clamours of their families pin¬
ing at their miferable homes in wretchednefs and want.
The beneficence of individuals had indeed much al¬
leviated thefe evils ; but the neceffity of affording re¬
lief to the laborious part of the community by charity,
was a proof of the weaknefs of the country. Six
months ago, our army had been recruited by unconfti-
tutional meafures; the fundamental principle, on which
the force of the kingdom was formed, had been viola¬
ted for the purpofe of conducting us to viCtory ; that
fame army, which we had beheld marching with an
affurance of fuccefs, had been obliged to purchafe its
retreat from the enemies territory with difgrace. Such
were the means we had of obtaining a more favourable
opportunity to negotiate. Ought minifters to be fuf-
fered to perfift, were they to have another fecret ex¬
pedition, to drain the country of its provifions, in or¬
der to fill the magazines of the enemy, and to ftamp
the Britiih character with dilhonour ? Surely it ought
firft to be well afeertained, that we had fome rational
hope of fuccefs. The chief conful, doubtlefs, fought to
make a peace advantageous to himfelf, and the nation
over which he prefided. Like all other ffatefmen, his Britain,
motives might not be influenced by humanity. It was v-■'' y~—■
to be fuppofed his aim would be to fatisfy the French
people, and confolidate his own power. As to the
abuie which minifters threw upon his charafter, it was
their habit to abufe every ruling power in France.
But, w'henever they had been driven by the voice of
the people to negotiate, their former ill language had
never been any impediment. It w^as unfortunately the
intereft of minifters to procraftinate the war 5 they re¬
tained their places by its continuance, and when it was
ended, the people would inquire for what they had
been fpending their blood and treafures, and reflect on
the heavy calamities they endured, without having
reaped the leaft advantage by the conteft. The duke
of Bedford concluded his fpeech with a motion for an
addrefs, recommending a negotiation for peace.
.Lord Borington faid, he would not pretend to de¬
termine what might be the real difpofition of the firft
conful relative to general pacification ; but it was re¬
markable, that though his majefty, with that good faith
fo well becoming his character as well as that of the
nation, exprefsly ftated his intentions of acting only in
concert with his allies, not one word Ihould be faid re-
fpefting peace with them j he argued, therefore, that
even if we had acceded to the French propofitions, it
was probable we might have left in exiftence the con¬
tinental war ; we might have enabled France to have
ftrengthened and recruited her forces, bafely have al¬
lowed her to bring them out againft the powers now
in alliance with us, and have put into the hands of the
fucceffors of Bonaparte a power more formidable than
that nowT enjoyed by himfelf 5 more formidable from
the principles of thole who might direft it, and, above
all, from the (abje£t ftate in which it would moft affured-
ly find this country, under fuch circumftances. It was
impoffible to conceive means more calculated to damp
the ardour, and check the enterprife of our fleets, to
deftroy the difeipline ^nd fpirit of our armies, and dif-
iufe diftruft and defpondency into the public mind,
than the hafty conclufion of a temporary peace.
Lord Holland reprobated the conduct of minifters
th roughout the conteft. At one time they afferted,
that the ambition of France was fo inlatiable, that ftie
W'ould lirten to no terms ; they were now driven from
that pretext, and they urged that a peace would be in-
fecure. As to the ambition of the enemy, it was a
confideration of weight in the arrangement of terms,
not a preliminary obje&ion preclufive of treaty. What
proof could be given of the abandonment of dangerous
views, but a negotiation in which moderation could be
difplayed. It w’as urged, that Bonaparte might be in-
fincere •, but if he was not, he could only have done
precifely what he had done. Was it reafonable to fup-
pofe that he would admit, that the guilt of the ag-
greffion lay with France ? This was a point which ought
not to have been difeuffed. The objedt was to treat on
aftual circumftances, and the real grounds of difpute.
It wras not I alleyrand who began the fubjeft ; he did
not, like our minifters, throw out levere reproach and
pointed infult; he merely ftated, that the poffibility of
arrangement, not the original offence, was now the
queftion. Suppofe that Bonaparte, defirous to attain
peace by any means, fhould fit down to confider how
he
B R I [ 68
Britain, he could fucceed. What does the note allow him to
u"“'v  do ? He would find that the reftoration of the hereditary
line of kings was the only cafe in which a fpeedv
peace would be admitted as polfible ; in faft, therefore,
this reftoration was the Jine qua non, in which imme¬
diate negotiation was admiflible with minifters. Now
let us examine this condition of peace in two points of
view ? Was it defirable in itl'elf ? Would it remove the
objections urged to negotiation. Surely if the ambi¬
tion of the republic was fo formidable, we could not
forget this ground of apprehenfion, when we talked of
reftoring the houfe of Bourbon. Had we forgotten
their proverbial ambition, and was their reftoration the
remedy for evils arifing from fuch a lource ? We had
nowr taken up the principle, fo much objefted to jaco¬
bins, of diftinguiftiing between the people and their
government; but what was the conduCt of the French?
Bonaparte diftindly renounces this principle in the let¬
ter to the king, and acknowledges the title and the
charafter of his majefty’s government. The note of
our minifters was a manifefto to the royalifts, and for¬
med for that purpofe. It fpoke of the miferies of
France ; but the miferies of France w^ere not the caufes
of the war: they might intereft our humanity, but wrere
not to be urged as motives in diplomatic papers. As
little had we to do with the internal miferies of the
republic, as Talleyrand would have to retaliate, by
reproaching us with the teft acf, the want of parlia¬
mentary reform, affefled taxes, or any other of our
grievances.
Lord Holland aflerted, that the people at large dif-
approved of the abrupt rejeftion of Bonaparte’s over¬
tures ; and if it afterwards fttould appear, that he was
fincere, how would their lordlhips reconcile it to their
confciences, to have prolonged by their fanCHon the
calamities of w?ar, without any motive of honour, in¬
tereft or fecurity? He therefore, gave his decided fup-
port to the amendment.
d he earl of Carnarvon faid, he would not confider
the anfwer of our minifters as a refufal to treat for
peace, or a declaration of eternal war; it was, as the
fecretary of ftate had termed it, a call upon the houfe
and the country, to paufe before they raftfty fuffered
themfelves to enter into a negotiation with an unfet¬
tled government. He did not expect any extraordi¬
nary faith to be manifefted by Bonaparte, more than
by any other chief, or chiefs; but, although he ftiould
be beft pleafed with the reftoration of monarchy in
I ranee ; in all times, in monarchies as w^ell as repub¬
lics, ariftocracies, and every other fpecies of govern-
ment, good faith in treaties was preferved, and ex¬
emplified, only fo long as it was the intereft of the
parties to maintain it. So little integrity had hiftory
ieft on record, that at the very time they were figned,
a fecret intention wras often indulged to violate them
at a particular period. The addrefs, as moved by
Loid Grenville, was carried by a majority of 70 a-
IC77 6*
Debate in 1° the houfe of commons, I\Ir Dundas moved a li¬
the houfe milar addrefs, which gave rife to a fimilar debate.
onCthe?o°rnSlV-Ir JDundas faid’ that the fading feature of the’
refpond- ’ *rencl1 revolution, was a difregard of all treaties, and
ence. a contempt for the rights of other powers; in proof
of this affertion, he confidered it as neceftary. merely
to recite the names of Spain, Naples, Sardinia, Tuf-
5 } B R I
cany, Genoa, Geneva, Modena, Auftria, Rutlia, Eng- Britain,
land, and Egypt, with Denmark and Sweden, though v*—
at all times neutral ftates. He contended, that Britain
had not at this time any reafonable caufe to fuppofe
that a change of principles had taken place. The ja-
cobinical form of goverment was at an end indeed ;
but, in fubrtance and effence, all the qualities of the
revolutionary government were in as full force at this
moment as they were in the days of Robefpierre. All
power was now confolidated and concentered in the
hands of Bonaparte ; and the nation ftood with a mili¬
tary defpot at its head, inverted with unlimited author¬
ity to revive the prafHce of forced loans and requi
fitions, to wield the force of the ftate as he pleafed.
and relbrt to all the refources of the revolutionary go¬
vernment.
Under thefe circumftance, overtures are made for
peace. This propofition minifters have thought pro¬
per to reject, afligning as the caufe, that as all the
former attempts had proved abortive, or, if fuccefsfui,
were followed by violation, nothing yet prefented it-
felf which afeertained fecurity. In the firft place, we
were not aftur'ed of the fincerity of the offer, and in
the fecond, of its permanency. There were certain
circumftances which infpired confidence in ftates, as
the charadler of the king of a country, the condudl of
his minifters, the general laws of the government; but
was there one of thefe criteria to be found in the
prefent cafe? If there were none of them to be found,,
it refted folely on the affertion of the party himfelf,
declaring he was of a pacific difpofition, accredited by
his minifter Talleyrand; for to him he had referred to
vouch for his charadler. It was not, however, the
bufinefs of this country, to judge the private charac¬
ter of Bonaparte ; at the fame time, He muft confefs,.
that he had an old prejudice hanging about him, fo as
to induce him to regard the blafphemer of his God, as
not the perfon with whom, he would wifti to treat.
But, waving thefe objedlions, he was to be confidered
in the charadler in which he forced hixnfelf upon the
houie, namely, as profeftlng a pacific difpofition, and
propofing. a negotiation with us. Here Mr Dundas •
particularized, with much feverity, the condudl of
Bonaparte, in the various kingdoms and 'fiates which
he had before named 5. and concluded with obferving,
there was not a fingle one, with which he bad not vio¬
lated his faith 5 and affirmed thefe to be llrong reafons
for withholding confidence, and rejedling treaty. Mr
Dundas contended, that a negotiation at this period
would be equivalent to a delertion of our allies, and
would furrender the continent of Europe to France,
that we fttould uphold the ufurpation of Bonaparte,
while at the lame time, we could have fo little con¬
fidence in his good faith, that even, were the negotia ¬
tion to terminate fuccefsfully, Great Britain could not-,
venture to difarm.
Mr Whitbread afferted, that, had it not been for the
interference and ambition of the other powers of Eur¬
ope, the French revolution would have affumed a very
different charadler from that which it now poffeffed.
He remarked, that other powers had treated neutral
ftates no lefs unjuftly than had been done by the French;
Lord Harvey, and Lord Hood had ordered the French
minifters to be difmiffed from Florence, and by threata
we had compelled Genoa to difmifs her French inhabi-
tantSi.
B R I [ 686 j B R I
Britain, tants. He compared Bonaparte with Suwarrow, and
“"■'v " the invahon of Egypt by France, with that of Poland
by Auftria, Ruffia, and Pruffia, whofe frienddrip we
had frequently courted.
Mr Thomas Erlkine entered at great length into the
queftion, upon which he himfelf had previoufly publifh-
ed a pamphlet, whether France or Great Britain had
been guilty of the original aggreflion in the war. He
contended that the Britilh government had unnecef-
farily engaged in it, and perfifted without neceffity;
and rtrenuoully relifted the propriety of giving any
approbation to the part which adminiftration had a<fted
in the late correfpondence.
Mr Pitt on the other hand aflerted, that the French
leaders had themfelves begun the war, on the principle
that it was neceflary to confolidate the revolution.
With regard to the propofal to negotiate with their
prefent leader, he faid that it was impoftible to difcufs
fairly its propriety, without taking into confideration
his perlbnal charadfter and conduft. Some gentlemen
indeed had reprefented this as irritating and invidious ;
but no minifter could difcbarge his duty, without fta-
ting the principles and difpofitions of the perfon with
whom we were to treat, fince the liability of the treaty
mull depend on thefe circumftances. Mr Pitt here
expatiated on the conduft of Bonaparte at Campoformio,
in the Milanefe, Genoa, Modena, Tufcany, Rome, Ve¬
nice, Switzerland, and Egypt 5 his arts of perfidy, he
laid, were commenfurate with his number of treaties j
and if we traced the hiftory of the men in this revolu¬
tion whofe conduft had been marked by the moll atro¬
cious cruelty, the name of Bonaparte would be found
allied to more of them than that of any other within
thefe ten eventful and difaftrous years.
From thofe fadls the houfe might judge what reli¬
ance might reafonably be placed on this conqueror,
and what degree of credit might be given to his pro-
feflions. It had been obferved, indeed, that whatever
had been his charadler, he had now an intereft in
making and preferving peace. This was to him a
doubtful propofition 5 that it was his intereft to nego¬
tiate he readily would acknowledge, and to negotiate
with this country feparately, in order to dilfolve the
whole fyftem of the confederacy on the continent •, to
palfy at once the arms of Rufiia, of Auftria, or of
any other country which might look to us for fup-
port; and then either to break off his feparate treaty j
or if he Ihould have concluded it, to apply the leffon
taught in his fchool of policy in Egypt, and to revive
at his pleafure thofe claims of indemnification, which
may have been referved to fome happier period.
Under all thefe circumftances of his perfonal cha¬
racter, and his newly acquired power, what fecurity
had he for retaining that power but the fword ? His
hold upon France was the fword, and he had no other.
Was he connected with the foil or with the habits, the
affeCtions or the prejudices of the country ? No : he was
a ftranger, a foreigner, and aufurper. He united in his
own perfon every thing that a pure republican muft
deteft ; every thing which an enraged jacobin had ab¬
jured ; every thing which a faithful royalift muft feel
an infult. If he was oppofed in his career, he appealed
to his army. Placing then his whole dependence on
ipilitary fupport, could he afford to permit his mili¬
tary renown to pafs away, his laurels to wither, and
x
his trophies to fink in obfeurity ? Was it certain that, Britain,
with his army confined within France, and reftrained ~ v 1
from inroads upon her neighbours, he could maintain
at his devotion a force fufficiently numerous to uphold
his power ? Flaving no objeCl but dominion, no paf-
fion but glory, was it probable that he could feel fuch
an intereft in permanent peace as would juftify our lay¬
ing down our arms, reducing our expence, and relin-
quithing our means of fecurity, on the faith of his en¬
gagements ?
But was the inference to be drawn from thefe con-
fiderations, that we ought in no cafe to treat with Bo¬
naparte? No: but we ought to wait for the evidence of
faCls. If there fhould be an appearance that France
was governed by other maxims of policy from thofe
which had hitherto prevailed ; when there w’ere figns
of a liable government, which were not now7 to be
traced *, if the danger of the conteft fhould increafe,
whilft the hope of ultimate fuccefs fhould be diminifh-
ed, all thefe wTould have their due w'eight : but at pre¬
fent there wras nothing from which w7e could prefage a
favourable difpofition to change in the French confuls.
There w7as the greateft reafon to rely on powerful co¬
operation from our allies ; the ftrongeft marks in the
interior of France of a difpofition to refill this new
tyranny ; and every reafon to believe, that if we wTere
difappointed of complete fuccefs, the continuance of
the conteft, inllead of making our fituation compara¬
tively worfe, wrould have made it comparatively better.
It might be neceffary, Mr Pitt remarked, to take
notice of the negotiation at Lille in 1797, to which
allufions had been frequently made by the opponents
of adminiftration. The jacobin fyllem of prodigality
and bloodfhed, by which the efforts of France had been
fupported, had at that period driven us to exertions
which had exhaufted the ordinary means of defraying
our immenfe expenditure, and led many who were
convinced of the neceflity of the wTar to doubt the po-
fibility of perfifting in it. There feemed too much rea¬
fon to believe, that, without fome new meafure to
check the accumulation of debt, we could no longer
trull to the funding fyftem by-which the nation had
fupported the different wars in which w7e had been en¬
gaged during the prefent century. The general and
decided concurrence of public opinion was neceffary
in order to profecute our plans wuth rigour. Under
this impreftion w7e negotiated, not from the fanguine
hope that its refult would be permanent fecurity ; but
from the perfuafion, that the danger arifing from peace
in thefe circumftances would be lefs than the conti¬
nuance of w'ar W’ith inadequate means. Thofe nego¬
tiations have fully proved, that the enemy w7ould be
fatisfied wdth nothing lefs than the facrifice of the
honour of our country ; and from this conviction a
fpirit and enthufiafm w7as excited in the nation which
produced the fubfequent happy change in our fitua¬
tion..
Mr Fox afferted, that France undoubtedly at the
commencement of the w7ar was the defending party :
the aggreftions of Auftria and Pruflia could not be
denied by any impartial perfon ; nothing could be more
decidedly hollile than their proceedings ; they feru-
pled not to declare to France, that it wras their in¬
ternal concerns, not their outward aftions, w'hich pro¬
voked them to confederate againll her: they did not
pretend
B R I [ 687 ]
Britain, pretend to^ fear their ambition, their coiKjuelis, their majority
B R I
1 troubling their neighbours ; but they accufed them of
new-modelling their own government. In all this he
was not feeking to juftify the French, either in their
internal or external policy j on the contrary, he thought
their fucceffive rulers had been as execrable, in various
inftances, as any of the moft defpotic and unprincipled
governments which the world had ever feen j and it
was impoffible that it Ihould have been otherwife :
men bred in the fchool of the houfe of Bourbon, once
engaged in foreign wars, would naturally endeavour to
fpread deftrudlion, and form plans of aggrandifement
on every fide ; they could not have lived fo long under
their ancient mailers, without imbibing the infatiable
ambition and reftlefs fpirit, the perfidy and the defpo-
tifm, inherent in the race 5 they had imitated their
great prototype ; and through their whole career of
crimes, had done no more than trace the Heps of their
own Louis XIV. Are we for ever, continued Mr
Fox, to deprive ourfelves of the benefits of peace, be-
caufe France has perpetrated adts of injuftice ? With the
knowledge of thefe adls, w^e had treated with them
twice, and ought not now to refule to do fo ; much
lefs ought we to regard any improper language w-hich
the French leaders have ufed. Bonaparte had declared
the two governments of Great Britain and France
could not exift together, and deputed Berthier and
Monge to make known this fentiment to the diredlory
after the treaty at Campoformio. And had not Mr
Pitt declared the fame thing in that houfe. If we were
to bring up all the idle fpeeches of the French, and
they were to repeat ours, there wmuld be no end to
thefe reciprocations of animofity. Much, Mr Fox re¬
marked, had been faid of the fhort-lived nature of mi¬
litary defpotifm ; yet fuch was the government eredl-
ed by Auguftus Caefar, which endured 6©o years. In¬
deed it was too likely to be durable wherever it w7as
eftabhlhed. Nor was it true that it depended on the
life of the firft ufurper : half of the Roman emperors
were murdered, yet the tyranny continued j and this,
it was to be feared, would be the cafe in France.
Neither would it make any difference in our relation
with that country if Bonaparte rvere removed, becaufe
the purchafers of confifcated property, amounting, it was
faid, to one million and a half of perfons, mull prove
an infurmountable obftacle to the relloration of the
ancient monarchy and the nobility. Mr Fox con¬
cluded by remarking, that if adminillration wilhed to
include the allies of Britain in the propofed negotia¬
tion, they ihould have faid fo to Bonaparte, and not
have infilled upon keeping him fome time longer at war,
as a Hate of probation 5 but the fa£l appeared to be,
that, contrary to the wifhes of adminifiration, the
people of England were friends to peace, and hence
mini Hers were apprehenfive that Bonaparte might
agree to their propofal, and thereby deprive them of
all pretext for the continuance of hoflilities. The ad-
1078 diefs was carried upon a divifion of 260 againfl 64.
Union with ^ ^‘e great meafure of a legifiative union with Ire-
Ireland et- land was carried into effeft during the prefent feflion
fectcd. 0f parliament. Adminifiration had found it neceflary to
delay this interefling affair, in confequence of the
firength of the oppofition to it in the Irilh parliament 5
but during the recefs they had obtained a more ample
Britain.
The Britilh parliament, upon Mr Pitt’s
motion, had paffed refolutions in favour of the union.
The bufinefs was formally introduced to the Irifli par¬
liament on the 5th of February iBcc, by a meffage
from the lord-lieutenant, in which his excellency
Hated, that he had it in command from his majefiy, to
lay before the houfes of legifiature, the refolutions of
the Britifii parliament ; and to exprefs his majefty’s
wilh, that they would take the fame into their molt
ferious confideration, &c. After a long and fpirited
debate, the miniflry prevailed, by a majority of 43,
for taking his majefiy’s meffage into confideration on
the Wednefday following. The diffinguilhed abilities
of Mr Grattan, which had been voluntarily call into
obfcurity, were once more brought before the public lo
on interefling occafion. In a debate, which tookDebawin
place on the 17th of February, on propofing the firft Ireland a-
article of the union, he oppofed the meafure with fuch bolUlheir
a degree of vehemence, that the chancellor of the ex-Union*
chequer accufed him of affociating with traitors, and
of difaffedlion to the government. The reply of Mr
Grattan was fo pointed and fevere, that the chancellor
conceived himfelf under a neceffity of relenting it by
a challenge : five ihots were exchanged, and the chan¬
cellor (Mr Corry) was wounded in the arm. The
queftion, however, was carried by a majority of 161
againft 115, and as the difcuffion proceeded, the num¬
bers of oppofition appeared to diminifti. The lail
ftruggle, as it may be deemed, was made on the 13th
of March, when Sir John Parnell moved to petition
his majefty to call a new parliament, in order that the
fenfe of their conftituents might be more fully afcer-
tained 5 but this motion was overruled by a majority
of 46. In the mean time, the bufinefs proceeded with
little oppofition in the houfe of lords, and on the 24th
of March that houfe adopted the whole of the articles
of union with few alterations. On the Friday follow¬
ing both houfes waited on his excellency with a joint
addrefs to that effedl, which was afterwards tranimit-
ted to Great Britain ; and no time was loft by the mi-
nifters in fubmitting the meafure anew to the Britifli
parliament.
On the 2d of April, a meffage frotn his majefty wTas
prefented to each of the houfes of the Britiih parlia¬
ment, communicating the refolutions of the Irifti par¬
liament in favour of an entire union between the twTo
kingdoms, and recommending the fpeedy execution of
a work fo interefting to the fecurity and profperity of
the Britiftr empire. ^
In the houfe of lords the meafure w7as oppofed by Debates in
Lord Holland, chiefly for this reafon, that an union atBritain on
the prefent period was not the fpontaneous offer of the th<:
parliament of Ireland, uninfluenced by corruption orUm°n'
menace. The whole articles of the union were after-
w’ards moved, and carried, in a committee of the houfe,
after fome debates of no great importance.
In the houfe of commons fimilar debates occur¬
red. Mr Pitt Hated, that the principal article in
the treaty, that of the flrare of reprefentation which
Ireland w7as to have in the united parliament, was
founded upon a comparative ftatement of the popula¬
tion of both kingdoms, as w’ell as the revenue of both.
Fhe number of members, fixed for the counties and
two principal cities, was 68 j and thofe for the moft
confiderable
Britain.
B R I { 688 ] B R I
confiderable cities, towns, and boroughs, were regu¬
lated at 31, who would be felefted without partiality.
Having adverted to the article refpefting the number
of reprefentatives for the commons of Ireland, on the
ground that they could afford no caufe of fufpicion as
to any increafe of the influence of the crown, he
next adverted to the arrangements refpetting the houfe
of peers, and the members to be returned 5 and faid, as
the members for the commons of Ireland were nearly
double in number to thofe of Scotland, the fame rule
would be obferved with the peerage, which therefore
was to confllt of 32 members. It was alfo underltood,
that fuch peers of Ireland as might not be among the
28 temporal peers, fliould be allowed to fit in the
united parliament until elefted. Such a meafure, in
his opinion, could not be thought unconftitutional.
He remarked, that the only article, confifting of mi¬
nute details, related to apportioning the lhares of the
revenue of each country refpeftively. He faid, it was
a circumftance much to be wifhed, that the finances of
both countries were fo nearly alike, that the iyftem of
both could be identified ; but, as from the different pro¬
portions of debt, and the different ftages of civiliza¬
tion and commerce, and the different wealth of the
countries, that defirable objeft was rendered imprafti-
cable, he contended, however, that the advantage
of an union ought not to be deferred, becaufe it could
not at once be carried to its full extent.
Mr Grey oppofed the union in the prefent ftate of
affairs. He faid, that it had been afferted, in a fpeech
of the lord-lieutenant to the Iriflr parliament, that five-
fevenths of the country, and all the principal commer¬
cial towns, except Dublin, had petitioned in favour of
the union. He faid, this only meant, that 19 coun¬
ties had prefented petitions, and that thefe counties
conftitute five-fevenths of the furface of Ireland. He
admitted the petitions in favour of the union j but by
what means wTere they obtained ? The lord-lieutenant,
who, befides being the chief civil magiflrate, is com¬
mander of a difciplined army of 170,000 men, who is
able to proclaim martial law when he pleafes, and to
eftablilh the military trial of a court martial, in his
progrefs through the kingdom, procured thefe peti¬
tions, which, he faid, were figned by few names, and
thofe by no means the moll refpettable. Fortunately,
faid Mr Grey, there w’ere many petitions on the other
fide w’hich were not obtained by felicitation and at il¬
legal meetings, but at public affemblies, of which le¬
gal notice had been given. Tw?enty-feven counties
had petitioned againft the meafure. The petition from
the county of Doune was figned by 17,000 refpeftable
independent men j and all others were in a fimilar
proportion. Upon this Mr Grey fpoke at fome length,
and begged the attention of the committee, wdiile he
adverted to fome of the favourite arguments of union-
ills. I heir grand fource of argument, he faid, was
the experience of the benefits derived from the union
with Scotland. He had attended to that point, and
he could fee, after the moll mature deliberation, no
analogy between the circumllances of the Scotch union
and thofe wdfich called for a union with Ireland, nor
could he apprehend that'the fame confequences would
follow from them. In the union between Scotland
and England, there was no phyfical impediment j the
relative fituation of the twro countries wras fuch, that
2
the king himfelf could adminifter the executive go- Britain,
vernment in both : there tvas no occafion for a fepa- * " 1"
rate ellablilhment being kept up in each. The great
difference, faid Mr Grey, between Scotland and Eng¬
land, was not between people and people, but between
parliament and parliament. The Scots had prohibited
the importation of Englilh goods into Scotland ; they
had ellablilhed a trading company, which interfered
with the colonial arrangements of England, and near¬
ly embroiled her with Spain •, they had refufed to li¬
mit the fucceflion of the crown, and even enafted,
that it fliould not defcend to the fame perfon with the
crown of England. An adt was about to have been
brought into the Englilh parliament, to render all
Scotfmen aliens, and another to fit out a fleet to at¬
tack all Scots veffels they ftiould fall in with. Here
Mr Grey obferved, there was no alternative but union
or war. If the union ftiould, in this cafe, be carried
into effedl notwithftanding the general difapprobation
of the people, he wilhed that it might tend to ftrength-
en the connexion between the two countries, as much
as he believed in his confcience, that it threatened the
only folid bond of connexion, that of affedlion and
kindnefs, and that it mull prove injurious to the real
power of the ftate. Mr Grey concluded, by moving
an addrefs to his majefty, requefting a fufpenfion of
all proceedings relative to the union, till the fenti-
ments of the people of Ireland could be afcertained.
Mr Sheridan reprefented the meafure as an acl of
tyranny towards the people of Ireland, which mull be¬
come the fatal fource of new difcontents and future re¬
bellions. Mr Grey’s motion was reje£led, on a divi-
fion of 236 againft 30.
Early in the prefent feflion of parliament, mention
had been made by oppofition of the unfortunate inva-
fion of Holland by the Britifh forces •, but minifters
declined entering upon the fubjecl, as the whole ex¬
pedition had been carried on under the fuperintendence
of Mr Secretary Dundas ; and that gentleman, fpee-
dily after the meeting of parliament, had gone down
to Scotland in the depth of wunter, without any often-
fible bufinefs ; a circumftance which gave rife to fufpi-
cions, that fome diffatisfa&ions exifted at court, on
account of the refult of the Dutch invafion, or the
manner in which the duke of York had been fupport-
ed in it by adminiftration at home.
On the loth of February, the fubjedl was introduced Debate on
into the houfe of commons by Mr Sheridan, who mo- the Dutch,
ved for an inquiry into the caufes of its failure. He
treated the capture of the Dutch navy as of little va¬
lue, or rather as pernicious, on account of the exam¬
ple of mutiny, which it exhibited on the part of the
feamen, whom we had received into our fervice. He
admitted, that the reftoration of the ftadtholder was,
in fome meafure, ajuftifiable motive for our interfe¬
rence j but contended, that Britain had treated the
people of Holland ill, by obliging them to enter into
the prefent war, and by avoiding to promife a reftora¬
tion of their colonies, in cafe of a fuccefsful invafion.
In thefe circumftances, he thought the Britilh govern¬
ment had adled imprudently in expelling any aflift-
ance from Dutchmen. He afferted, that the expedi¬
tion itfelf was ill arranged, as the army, after its land¬
ing, had no means of moving forward, on account of
the want of neceflaries. The refult was, that inftead
of
B R I
Tritain.
icSz
Able de¬
fence by-
Mr Dun-
d as of the
expedition
of delivering the Dutch, the Britifti army was under
the neceffity ol entering into capitulation for its efcape,
and of holding out as an inducement to enter into this
capitulation, a threat, in cafe of its being refufed by
the enemy, to deftroy for ever the means of commerce
of that very people whom wre embarked to fave. He
contended, that to vindicate the honour of the Britilh
army, it was neceffary to inquire into the caufe of its
misfortunes upon this occafion.
Mr Dundas defended the expedition againft Hol¬
land with great ability. He ftated its objedl to be
threefold: lit, To refcue the United Provinces from
„„r   the tyranny of the French ; 2dly, To add to the effi-
to Holland, cient force of this country, and diminiflr that of the
enemy, by gaining poileflion of the Dutch fleet ; and,
latlly, By hoftile operations in Holland, to oblige the
French to weaken their armies in other quarters. Mr
Dundas contended, that at the commencement of the
expedition, a great probability exifled of the fuccefs of
all thefe objects; two of them did actually fucceed,
and only one failed.
Mr Dundas remarked, that it was a maxim adopted
by the wife ft politicians, from the earlieft period of our
connexion w'ith Holland, to protect its independence
both againft France and Spain. Queen Elizabeth
gave them afliftance for this purpofe. King William
followed the fame policy, and it had been uniformly
obferved under the houfe of Brunfwick. It could not
furely be more criminal in us to attempt to refcue the
fame provinces from the French republic, which we
had prote&ed againft the houfe of Bourbon.
With regard to the capture of the fleet, Mr Dundas
declared himfelf aftonifhed, that a doubt ftiould exift
about the value of fuch an acquifition. That fleet had
been abfolutely deftined for the inraiion of our domi¬
nions ; along wuth it we took nearly 7000 feamen, all
of whom were liable to be employed in the French
fleet, and 40,000 tons of fhipping, which might have
annoyed our commerce.
By the invafion of Holland, Mr Dundas aflerted,
that the French were compelled to weaken their other
armies, which gave fuccefs to Suwarrow, in driving
them from Italy, and to the archduke on the upper
Rhine and Switzerland. They had indeed fucceeded
in defending Holland; but, as the price of this fuccefs,
they had been feverely preffed in every other quarter.
Had the French followed the plan formerly adopted by
them, they could not have prevented our recovering
Holland. At the moment our enterprife was under¬
taken, it was a doubt whether they would place their
reinforcements there, or in other parts of the conti¬
nent. ft hey poured their prodigious reinforcements into
Holland, by which means we wrere unable to refcue
it from their yoke ; but another part of the refult was,
that they loft every other point which they contefted,
in the whole campaign, in every other place. Mr
Dundas. afferted, that adminiftration were highly juf-
tihable in undertaking the expedition, in confequence
of their knowledge of the inclinations of the people of
Holland ; but he declined making known upon this
fubjeft ,the fecrets of government. Never, faid he, was
a commencement more profperous than that of the late
expedition. Sir Ralph Abercrombie failed for the
Helder the 13th of Auguft, and every thing promifed
the moft rapid fuccefs. On the 14th came on the moft
Vox. IV. Part II.
[ 689 ]
B R I
extraordinary hurricane that ever blew from the hea¬
vens ; it was impoflible to land a Angle failor on any
part of the coaft of Holland; and this continued till the
27th : the confequence was, that the enemy knew where
our fleet muft land, and the troops came, in ftioals to
oppofe us; 7000 men were colledted ; and as they were
fuperior in numbers, Sir Ralph could not land his men
to advantage. The ardour of the labors and the gallan¬
try of the commander were never excelled on any oc¬
cafion. Without any thing but their mulkets and bayo¬
nets, (for they had not the power of bringing with
them a Angle Held piece) againft cavalry and artillery,
they made their landing good, and by it they fecured
the Dutch fleet. He ftated thefe things, to ftiow how
eafy it was to cenfure both foldiers and their generals
unjuftly upon an event depending on the temper of the
elements. It rvas alleged, that the troops had no means
to draw their waggons; but they had no waggons, and
could not poflibly have landed them had they been
there. Inftantly on their landing they could not want
them ; for all they immediately had to do, was to fe-
cure a landing place, and a poll of communication.
Sir Ralph had to conftder what poAtion he fliould take
till the 1 ft of September, when reinforcements fliould
arrive. He judged wufely for the difpofltions of the
army; and the delay arofe from caufes which no human
wifdom could forefee, and therefore could not prevent.
Had he been able to land when he expedfed, he wxmld
according to all probability have commanded complete
fuccefs to all the objedts of his expedition. The fame
wind prevented the Ruffian troops from arriving to re¬
inforce ours; they did not come till the 18th. The
duke of York offered the Ruffian general, D’ Hermann,
to delay the attack, if he thought his men were not
fufficiently recovered from the fatigues of the voyage ;
but the general requefted that the attack ftiould be
made with a promptitude and alacrity which refledled the
higheft honour upon him. But this ardour led him to
the held full two hours fooner than the time appointed,
ft'he army however was glorioufly fuccefsful till a late
hour in the day. General D’ Hermann and his troops
were in poffeffion of the village of Berghen, and crowm-
ed with vidlory, till his zeal led him beyond a given
point, and turned the fate of it. When the attack
was made, the Fitnch amounted to ycoo, and the
Dutch to 12,000 men ; yet, notwithftanding this fupe-
riority of force, our troops fought and conquered them
with a fpirit which immortalized the battle ; but the
French continually pouring in reinforcements, the
duke was advifed by General Abercrombie, and all the
other officers, to accede to the terms of an armiltice,
which was by that time mutually wiihed. ft’he duke
yielded to this advice, and, by fo doing, confulted the
diftates of reafon and humanity.
Mr Dundas contended, that our army returned
with as much honour as they entered Holland. The
duke of York, indeed, agreed to give up 8000 French
prifoners on condition that his retreat ftiould be un-
molefted; but he could not be wrong in doing fo, be-
caufe our prifons were overloaded with them, and he
did not recede from any one article in which national
dignity w^as concerned ; he reAfted with Armnefs and
indignation every propoAtion for reftoring the fleet.
An attempt had been made to magnify the lofs of
lives, and the expence attending the expedition : the
4 S one
Britain.
B R I
Britain, one had been flated as equivalent to the income tax ;
V—fix or feven millions : the other at the lofs of 10,000
men. There was no occafion to leave this point to
conjethire, the expenditure adtually amounted to
1,142,000!. and computing by Dr. and Cr. there
would, in commercial confideration, be no objection to
it. We had a right to confider the fhips which were
taken, and to flate the reduction for the maintenance
of a fleet in the north feas to check a Dutch fleet: If
we calculated the value of the former, the decreafe of
expence in the latter, and the faving in the pay of
10,000 feamen voted lefs the laft year, the balance
was greatly in our faveun We gave up the 8000 pri-
foners, who rvere annually fed at a great expence, and
gained 6000 Dutch feamen to man our fleets. The
obje&s gained by the expedition were the Ihips, the
reduction of the expence, and the great diverfion in
the French forces which facilitated the victories of
the combined armies. Without making it a topic of
eloquence, he believed he felt as much as any man
for the brave foldiers who compofed our army 5 but in
war no important objects would be obtained without
the lofs of many dear and valuable connexions : thofe
calamities arofe inevitably from the fituation of a great
nation fighting for great objedls j for an independent
empire, and for exiflence itlelf. To remove the im-
preflion of our having loft 10,000 men, he would ftate
in detail the returns made during the whole of the
campaign.
Sick and wounded admitted into the hofpitals, 4,080
Sent home out of thefe hofpitals, 2>993
The amount of thofe who died, 185
And the w'hole of thofe who were (lain, 846
Mr Tierney fupported the propofal for an inquiry ;
he difputed the advantages faid to refult from it by
weakening the French forces in other quarters, as they
had actually been everywhere fuccefsful at the clofe
of the campaign. He contended, that at leaft to a fe-
cret committee, or in fome other form, minifters ought
to account for their conduft, and exonerate themfelves
from fufpicions too ftrong to be removed without proof,
by producing the documents (if any fuch exift) on
which this ill-fated expedition had been planned. It
was unconftitutional, it wras an infult on the houfe, to
fay this could not be done confidently with the pre-
fervation of fecrecy. General Abercromby landed on
the 2 2d of Auguft with 10,000 men j he got pofleflion
of the Helder ; he was reinforced by General Don
on the 27th : Was it not ftrange, that 15,000, headed
by an able general, and going by invitation, Ihould
think it imprudent to advance ? Had the Dutch been
well affefted, why did they not declare themfelves ?
No French troops were then in Holland to keep them
in arve. Why did not the duke of York fail at the
lame time with General Don ? Why were all our
forces fent to one place, and 43,000 men cooped up in
a narrow peninfula where but few could aft at a time?
It was ftrange that minifters, who were fo fond of making
diverfions, did not think of making a diverfion in fome
other quarter. This wTas a point which only military
men could determine ; and the houfe w’as bound to ex¬
amine officers, that the truth might be known, whether
his royal highnefs concluded the capitulation from
inftru&ions, or from his own judgment; he Ihould (in
[ 690 ] B R I
his opinion) have demanded an inquiry j and this was Britain,
the only way the difgrace could be transferred from »
himfelf and the gallant officers who ferved under him.
He had no reafon to apologize for the liberties he ufed
with the name of his royal highnefs, although he might
one day become his fovereign *, for he would not think
the worfe of that Englifhman who was moft felicitous
for the honours of the Britifh army. We gave up 8000
feamen, who it feems were mere lumber: had his
royal highnefs been of the fame opinion, he would not
have helitated in complying with this requifition of
General Brune, but inftantly have made the furrender
of the prifoners. The capitulation had infixed an in¬
delible blot on the national charafter : A king’s fon,
commanding 40,000 men, capitulated to a French ge¬
neral who had only 35,000.
Mr Addington obferved, that having maturely
and difpaflionately confidered the nature of the pro-
pofed inquiry, it appeared to him to reft upon two
grounds : firft the propriety of judging any meafure by
its event j and, fecondly, that in confequence of a
failure, there flrould be a neceflity for inveftigation.
It ought to be recollefted, that the worft concerted
plans had often produced the moft brilliant fuccefs,
and the beft terminated in difafter. No human being
could command fuccefs, and no exifting government
controul the elements. Fie concluded with an eulogy
on the Ikill of our generals, and the intrepidity of our
army. The propofed inquiry was rejected by a ma¬
jority of 216 againft 45. 1084
The fupplies during the prefent year -were eftimated Revenue*
at 39 millions and a half, to which a million and a
half was afterwards added : loans were negotiated to
the amount of 20 millions and a half, and the income
tax wTas mortgaged to a confiderable amount. I0g^
During the prefent year the war was extremely Treaty of
eventful. The army which Bonaparte had lelt inBl-A-dlk*
Egypt under General Kleber could not fail to be dif-
gufted by the defertion of the firft leader of the ex¬
pedition. Accordingly a negotiation was entered into
by Kleber with the Turkifti grand vizier, and Sir Sid¬
ney Smith j the refult of which was, that the French
agreed to abandon the whole of Egypt, on condition
of being permitted to return unmolefted to France.
The agreement was concluded on the 24th of January,
and the return home of this difeontented army might
have proved dangerous, if not fatal, to the newly efta-
blilhed powTer of the firft conful : but here the fortune
of Bonaparte interpofed. The Britifh government,
fufpe&ing that fome propofals of this kind might be
made, fent fecret orders to Vice-admiral Lord Keith not
to confent to any propofals which might leave fuch an
army at liberty to a£l in Europe, or which fhould not
include the furrender of all the ftrips in the port of
Alexandria. The confequence was, that Lord Keith
refufed to fulfil the treaty called the treaty of E!
Arifh, which Sir Sidney Smith and the Turkilh grand
vizier had concluded, and detained as prifoners General
Deffaix, and a number of troops that had been fent
from Egypt. The French general, Kleber, immedi¬
ately intimated to the Turks a determination to re¬
fume hoftilities. He attacked and totally routed their
army, confifting of 40,000 men, in the neighbourhood
of Grand Cairo : multitudes perilhed in the defert and
by flaughter, and the French remained mafters of the
country.
Britain.
BRI [691] BRI
country. Wlien k was too late, an order arrived from On the fide of Germany, the French under Moreau Britain,
Jintain to permit General Deffaix and his troops along exerted equal dexterity. They paffed the Rhine with
wtth hun to land in France and to fulfil every part of fome troops in the neighbourhood of Strafburg, where
n nmitu tin'317 ’mm had they were oppofed by the Auftrians : but this was only
altered, Kleber had been aliamnated, and his fuccefior, - £-'— 1 - 1 7
Menou, refufed to evacuate Egypt ; in confequence of
which it became neceffary at a future period to fend
1085
Campaign
an army from Britain, to drive the French out of that
country.
1 he Auftrian armies in Germany were commanded
on the con- by General Kray, and in Italy by General Melas. The
tmerK. * ' ~ . _ _
10S6
Battle of
Marengo.
campaign was conduced on the part of the French go¬
vernment with great ability and decifion. It was
publicly announced in all the French newfpapers, that
the armies tvere to be reinforced as powerfully as pof-
fible, and that an army of referve was to be formed in
a centrical pofition between Germany and Italy, from
which the armies might be fupplied with frefli troops
according to the events of the w-ar. Dijon was men¬
tioned as the ftation of this army of referve, and that
it already amounted to 50,000 men. Nobody fuf-
pe&ed that any important plan of operations or mili¬
tary ftratagem was concealed by the affe&ed notoriety
of this arrangement. Accordingly the Auftrians
commenced the campaign by an attack upon Maffena
in the Genoefe territory. After a fucceffion of obfti-
nate battles the French rvere driven into Genoa, where
they fuftained a fiege, till they were compelled to fur-
render on account of the want of provifions. While
Melas befieged Genoa, and even pulhed forward his
parties through Nice into the ancient French territory,
Bonaparte in perfon fuddenly joined at Dijon an im-
menfe army, to the afiembling of which, as already
remarked, Europe at large had paid little attention, on
account of the appellation which it had received of an
army of referve. He immediately advanced acrofs
the Alps over the mountain of St Bernard; and, as it
had been accounted imprafticable to tranfport an army
over the rugged mountains and precipices which on
that quarter form the barrier of Italy, he defcended in¬
to the Milanefe with little oppofition. At the fame
time powerful reinforcements joined him from Swit¬
zerland, of which the French troops continued to
hold pofieftion. Bonaparte thus placed himfelf in
the rear of the Auftrian general, and hazarded him¬
felf and his army upon the fortune of a fingle battle.
He was attacked on the plain of Marengo near Alef-
fandria j and, as the Auftrians were greatly fuperior in
cavalry and artillery, they were vidtorious during the
greateft part of the day. The French wings were turn¬
ed, the centre divifion broken, and fcarcely 6000 of
them flood firm at any one point, when General Def-
laix, towards the evening, arrived with a reinforcement
of 6000 cavalry. By this time Bonaparte was perfon-
ally engaged, and on the eve of being killed or taken :
but Defiaix, by facrificing himfelf with the greater part
of his cavalry, broke the Auftrian line, and retrieved
the fortune of the day j the French army once more
rallied^ and the Auftrians relinquiftied the field of bat¬
tle. On the following day Melas propofed to nego¬
tiate, and, as the price of an unmolefted paflage to thd
Interior territory of Auftria, agreed to abandon all
Piedmont, thus furrendering in an inftant twelve of the
ftrongeft fortrefies in Europe.
1087
a feigned attack. They fpeedily retreated, and the
main body of their army at the fame inftant defcended
from the mountains of Switzerland, and croffed the
Rhine in the rear of the Auftrian army near Schauff-
haufen. After a defperate engagement, the Auftrians
were defeated with the lofs of 10,000 men, of whom
4000 were made prifoners. As the mode of attack
had been unforefeen, and was confequently unprovided
for, the lofs of magazines and baggage was immenfe.
In another, and harder fought battle, at Mofkirch, the
Auftrians loft upwards of 8000 men. Other battles
with a fimilar iflue were fought at Biberach, Augfiburg,
and Hochftet 5 the refult of which was, that the Au-
ftrians were under the neceffity of crofting the Da¬
nube, leaving the French mailers of the ele&orate of
Bavaria, and enabled to invert Ulm. A general Continental
fufpenfion of hoftilities was immediately agreed to, by truce-
which both parties retained pofleftion of their prefent
pofitions. A negotiation for peace was entered into be¬
tween the French and Auftrians, which produced an
attempt .to negotiate on the part of Great Britain 5
but as the French demanded a naval armiftice, which
could have no other tendency than to enable them to
accumulate naval ftores, the negotiation was dropt.
After confiderable delays, during which the Auftrian
minifter at Paris concluded a treaty, which his court
afterwards difowned} preparations w-ere made for
opening the campaign anew. But the French confent-
ed to renew the armiftice with the Auftrians, on re¬
ceiving delivery of the important fortreffes of Ulm, In-
goldftadt, and Phillipfburg. 1 hefe armiftices and
unfuccefsful negotiations were of great fervice to the
French. The confent to a truce in the midft of an
unexampled career of victory, gave an appearance of
moderation to the new confular government j the con-
clufion of a treaty at Paris, to which the Auftrian go¬
vernment afterwards refufed to adhere, induced neutral
nations to confider Bonaparte as extremely anxious for
the attamment of peace. Hence the wonderful fuc-
cefs which attended his arms, during the early part of
the campaign, was fo far from roufing the jealoufy of
the other ftates of Europe, that he w7as confidered as
a wTell-meaning and by no means dangerous neighbour
and that the Auftrians had impofed upon his credulity!
The northern nations eagerly courted his alliance :
the emperor Paul of Ruflia, led by the natural inftabi-
hty of his temper, and his admiration of military fuc-
cels, enteied into a clofe alliance writh Bonaparte, and
feized the Britilh veflels in his ports j while the Danes
Swedes, and Pruftians, began to form a confederacy fox’
the purpofe of enabling each other to evade the right
claimed m war by maritime ftates, of preventing their
enemy from being fupplied with naval ftores by means
of neutral vefiels. The prefent weaknefs of the
french at lea rendered fuch a combination direftly
holtile to Great Britain, and favourable to them.
n the meanwhile, Great Britain was greatly di- Scarcit! m
ftrefied at _ home by a fcarcity of provifions; 'riots Britain!
broke out in London and fome provincial towns. On
this.account parliament aiTembled on the nth of No-
4 S 2 vember,
BUT [69
Britain, vember, and the principal difcuflions which occurred
in it related to the fevere dearth which prevailed
throughout the country, and which involved in very
great difficulties the middle and lower claflfes of 1'ocie-
ty. The members of oppofition afferted, that the wjar
and the fcarcity were clofely connedled } whereas Mr
Pitt and his colleagues contended, that a more obvious
caufe might be found in the deficiency of the two pre¬
ceding crops, in confequence of cold rainy ftaions.
A royal proclamation was iifued in the beginning of
^December, which exhorted all maifers of families to
reduce the confumption of bread by at leaf! one-
third of the quantity confumed in ordinary times and
in no cafe to fuffer the fame to exceed one quartern
loaf for each perfon in each week , to abftain from
the ufe of flour in paftry 5 and reftri£t the confump¬
tion of oats and other grain by horfes. A£!s of par¬
liament wTere at the fame time paffed, prohibiting the
exportation, and offering bounties upon the importa¬
tion, of grain. After all, it was thought by many,
that thefe meafures operated doubtfully. By increafing
the alarm of fcarcity to the higheft poflible pitch, they
induced wealthy perfons to buy up grain, and to with¬
hold it from the markets, unlefs tempted by very ex¬
orbitant prices. The prohibition of exportation of
provifions was unneceffary, w7hen a better price could
be obtained in Britain than anywhere elfe ; and the
fame high prices afforded a fufficient bounty for im¬
portation, though perhaps, as an exception to this laff
rule, it was neceffary to offer a bounty for grain im¬
ported from America, or other diffant quarters of the
world, to afford the merchant a certainty of profit not-
withftanding a change of price before the arrival of
his grain.
At the commencement of the fucceeding year go-
the'lulrth vernment impofed an embargo on all Ruffian, Danifh,
ern powers. and Swedifh (hips in Britifh ports, fo that Great Bri¬
tain was now at war with the greateft part of Europe.
Our ally, Auftria, ventured indeed to renew the war ;
but the French general, Moreau, fpeedily gained a
fignal viftory at Hohenlinden, and drove back the
Auftrian army upon their capital, wdaile at the fame
time great defeats wrere fuftained by them in Italy and
Franconia. From the neceflity of their affairs the
Auftrians were thus fuddenly compelled to fue for
peace, wdffch w7as concluded at Luneville. The Ne¬
therlands and the Milanefe were refigned. The em¬
peror confented, that France fhould extend its limits
to the Rhine •, that Tufcany fhould be relinquifhed by
the grand duke ) but that he fhould receive an indem¬
nification in Germany : while, on the other hand, the
city of Venice and a portion of its ancient territory
were relinquilhed to Auftria. The German princes
who fuffered by the treaty, were to receive an indem¬
nification out of the ecclefiaftical ftates of the empire ;
thereby weakening ftill farther the influence of the
houfe of Auftria, which had always been the head of
the Catholic intereft in Germany. This treaty left
the French mailers of Europe to the fouthward of the
Rhine and of the Adige.
The commencement of the year 1801 was marked
in Great Britain by a moft important event, the termi¬
nation of Mr Pitt’s adminiftration. When this event
was announced to the public, it created no fmall degree
1089
War with
1090
Treaty of
Luneville.
1091
Change of
Cttiniftry.
2 ] B R I
of aftonifhment in the minds of men. Since Mr Pxtt Britain,
had come into office, a new generation had fprung up, _
and a fucceffion of the moft extraordinary public tfianl-
adlions had occurred, amidft all which, he and his kinf-
man Lord Grenville, and his friend Mr Dundas, had
remained firmly eftablifhed in power. The authority
and influence of thefe men had in fome meafure inter¬
woven itfelf, in the opinion of moft people, with the
very exiftence of the Britifh conftitution. They were
furrounded by an immenfe train of powerful dependents
and adherents, railed by their patronage ; while, at the
fame time, Mr Pitt himfelf retained iuch a degree of
popularity, that his difmiffion appeared a very bold
meafure in the prefeht difficult ftate of public affairs.
The oftenfible caufe afligned for Mr Pitt’s difmiffion, ofteniible
obtained little credit. He was reprefented, as having caufe of
promifed to the Irifh Catholics, a full equalization oPIr
their privileges with thofe of their fellow fubjedls, on 10IU
condition that they fhould acquiefce in the treaty of
union •, but that his majefty had been perfuaded to op-
pofe the meafure, as contrary to his own coronation
oath. In this ftate of affairs, it wTas faid that the mi-
niftry could no longer honourably remain in office.
Concerning the true caufe of this change, little is
publicly known. It does not feem neceffary, how'ever,
to fearch for a fecret hiltory of fuch a tranfaclion, as it
may be fufficiently accounted for from thofe principles
which, in the conftitution of our nature, generally re¬
gulate the conduit of men. The influence acquired
by Lord North, in confequence of the patronage he
enjoyed during the expenfive period of the American
wrar, enabled him, by combining with others, to efta-
bliflr a formidable intereft in the legiflature. But the
power enjoyed by Loi’d North was trifling when com¬
pared with that which Mr Pitt and his friends poffeffed.
The w7ar which Mr Pitt had conduited, had been ex¬
penfive in a degree altogether unexampled in preced¬
ing times. The circumftances under which it wras com¬
menced had united, as a party under him, almoft all
the perfons of property in the kingdom. During his
long adminiftration, alfo, the crown poffefled, in a more
direft manner than formerly, the increafing patronage
of India. In every refpedl, therefore, the leading mem¬
bers of this adminiftration mult have been regarded, as
having attained to a degree of power and influence,
which might not eafily be Ihakenq and which, there¬
fore, might prove inconvenient, when held by any com¬
bination of fubjedts in a free country. In fuch cir¬
cumftances, it w7as natural for an experienced prince to
wdih for a change. Mr Pitt had been originally re¬
ceived into office, as the agent of the crown in the
houfe of commons, and to fupportthe royal prerogative
there, againft a combination of powerful and accom-
plifhed men. He had enjoyed great popularity, and
was confidered as the man bell qualified to condudl the
dangerous wrar of the French revolution. He muft
have felt the important rank which he held in the pub¬
lic eftimation •, and it is not improbable, that, as in his
difpute with Mr Tierney, he treated the houfe of com¬
mons with little deference, fo in the cabinet he may
have prelumed upon the indifpenfable importance of his
own fervices ; and accounting himfelf abfolutely necef¬
fary to the adminiftration of the empire, he may have
affumed a confideiable degree of independence. Such
a
B R f [ 693 } B R I
Britain. a fentiment miglit at leait be readily imputed to the
'■'"“—v 1 minifter and his friends j and the refult of it would be,
that the period when they would no longer be wanted,
would begin to be expended with fome eagernefs. This
period occurred as foon as the fuccefs ot the French
arms became fuch, that it was no longer poffible to
overturn their new government by war. Accordingly
there appears reafon to fuppofe, that, on diftnifling this
adminiftration, a refolution was at the fame time adopt¬
ed by the. Britilh court, ferioully and earneftly to en-
I095 deavour to obtain peace upon any tolerable terms.
Remarks With regard to the general merits of this adminiftra-
on Mr Pitt’s tion, it muft be left to remoter times, to form a correft
admmiltra- judgment, as we are probably Hill too much involved
in the paffions and prejudices occahoned by late occur¬
rences, to be able to appreciate them with fufficient
candour and intelligence. Mr Pitt derived great ad¬
vantage from the copious and fplendid eloquence which
he at all times difplayed in the houfe of commons; and
certainly, no man ever pofleflfed fo completely the art
of managing the people of England, and of retaining
their affections in an aftoniihing degree, while at the
fame time he continued to poffefs the confidence of his
fovereign. When it is confidered that he obtained the
government of the Britiih empire wdaen a very young
man, the prudence of his conduCt, as well as the mag¬
nitude of many of his plans, entitle him to a great
fliare of eftimation. His finking fund, though not con¬
trived by himfelf, was a great and important meafure,
which he brought forward with ability, and carried in¬
to effeCt with a degree of perfeverance, which has un¬
doubtedly rendered it one of the firmeft pillars of that
great political experiment, the funding fyftem. His
commercial treaty with France was a meafure recom¬
mended by the founded; wifdom. Had it been per¬
mitted to continue in force during a few years longer,
it would in all probability have conneCled fo clofely,
by the ties of reciprocal intered, the Brithh and French
nations, that it would even have prevented the fanguin-
ary conted: by which it was difiblved.
The mod ambiguous circumdances in Mr Pitt’s pub¬
lic conduff, wTere thofe which related to parliament¬
ary reform, to the trial of Mr Hadings, and to the
(lave trade, in wdiich he adopted the popular fide in
the debates of the houfe of commons, w’hile the court
was confidered as hodile to his avowed fentiments, and
thefe fentiments w^ere never fuccefsful. Thofe w’ho
admire the dexterous and Ikilful management of the
humours and falhions of men, and thofe who admire
difintereded magnanimity of condudf, will perhaps
judge differently upon thefe points. To perfons of can¬
dour, it may be fufficient to remark, that the padion of
ambition was fodered at a very early period of life in
the mind of this minider, that it is the mod powerful
of all human paffions, and has been confidered as af¬
fording an excufe for many efforts towards its gratifi¬
cation.
The mod difficult quedion, with regard to.the merits
of Mr Pitt’s adminiffration, relates undoubtedly to the
war with France. Though, by the forms of the Bri-
tiffi conditution, Mr Pitt was refponfible for engaging
in this war, and for continuing in it ; yet, as he was not
aClually the head of the date, it is poffible that the
interference of Britain in it might not originate with
him, and that he had only the alternative of engaging
in the war, or of relinquilhing his power. If the war Britain-
is to be confidered as advifed and conduCted by him, *”
he will be refponfible for the greated misfortune which
during feveral centuries Europe has encountered, that
of the enormous aggrandifement of France, and the
fubjugation of the weaker dates. Had Britain origin¬
ally Hood aloof, or rather, had Ihe negotiated in favour
of the independence ©f France, brought into hazard
as it was by the combination of the great military
powers ; France would have continued to be confined
within her ancient boundary. Italy, Switzerland, and
Holland, would have retained their independence ; and
the ftrength of Auftria would have continued unbroken.
Or had Britain withdrawn her force with the earlieft
opportunity, and avoided urging and fubfidizing the
continental powers, till they were fucceffively van-
quilhed, the fame refult might have occurred.
On the other hand, if the war is to be confidered as
undertaken to overturn the principles of the French,
it was undoubtedly fuccefsful to a certain extent, as it
compelled them to abandon thefe principles, and to
have recourfe to a military ufurpation ; but it ought to
be remembered, that to Britain, as a nation, the politi¬
cal principles of the French were of no importance
whatever; whereas, their permanent aggrandifement
may bring into hazard our very exiftence as a peo¬
ple.
Mr Pitt and his friends called forth the refources of
the country for the fupport of the war in an aftonifh-
ing degree. Immenfe treafures were lavilhed away
upon it in fupporting our allies, and on the increafe of
our navy. By this laft meafure, if the French acqui¬
red the continent of Europe, Britain might be faid to
have acquired all the reft of the world, as no commu¬
nication between diftant regions could exift without
her permiffion. It is to be remarked, however, that
the acquiefcence of the public in the wrar was preferv-
ed, by keeping the minds of men in a ftate of conftant
alarm, from the fear of danger to the ccnftitution, in
confequence of the alleged difaffe&ion of a body of the -
people. In this manner, a conftant fpirit of perfecu-
tion was maintained throughout the country, which <
thus feemed to be ruled rather by a jealous faftion •
than by a legitimate government. The concluding
great meafure of Mr Pitt’s adminiftration, the union
wdth Ireland, is entitled to much praife. It was fug-
gefted by the courfe of events, and tended to remedy
a great defeift in the conftitucion of the Britilh empire,,
the want of confolkiation into one united political
body.
Of the affociates- of Mr Pitt, his relation Lord Gren¬
ville, who afted as minifter in the houfe of lords, wars
the chief in England, and Mr Dundas in Scotland,
and perhaps alfo in the reft of the empire.. This laft:
gentleman poffeffed the greateft lhare of porver ever in-
trufted to any Scotfman fince the union, excepting for
a ffiort time to Lord Bute. During a confiderable
length of time he appears to have conducted almoft the
whole of the public bufinefs of that vaft affemblage o£
nations, in all climates of the globe, which conftitutes
the Britilh empire. Under his patronage, and that of
his friend Mr Pitt, a numerous train of dependents rofe
to the poffeffion of opulence ; while they themfelves,
engroffed by other purfuits, were underftood to have,
made only a very trifling provifion for their future di-
ftin&iaa
B R X 604 ] B R t
Britain, ftm&ion or independence, upon a retreat from the emo-
, v laments of office.
In doing juftice to the merits of thefe men, the next
generation, and even future hillorians, ought to be up¬
on their guard, not to truft raflily to the unfavourable
reprefentations of their a&ions and intentions, which
will be extremely apt to pafs down to pofterity, in con-
fequence of one part of their conduct. During the laft
ten years of their adminiftration, they gave great of¬
fence to men of letters, at lead at a diftance from the
capital, by their difregard of literary talents in exer-
cifing the patronage of the crown, and by placing per-
fons of little reputation or ability in lituations in which
diltinguiffied learning and liberal accomplifhments are
expected to be found. It is dangerous to offend thofe
who poffefs the power of difpenfing renown, or of fix¬
ing permanent reproach upon a name ; and men of let¬
ters, an irritable race, are extremely apt to regard their
own quarrel as that of mankind. Any errors of the
kind alluded to, which were committed by Mr Pitt’s
adminiftration, in their nomination to offices, may in a
great meafure be afcribed to the tempeftuous fpirit of
the times, which compelled, or at leaft induced, admi-
niltration, to countenance an ardent political zeal, and
to confider fidelity to their party as fuperior to every
other endowment. It was only w'hen a man of talents
accidentally poffeffed this merit, that he could expedl
to meet with any countenance, or that the fervants of
the crowm did not otherwife account themfelves at li¬
berty to acknowledge his wmrth. Mr Pitt and Mr
Dundas carried into retirement fo much of the public
regret, that confiderable fums of money were contribu-
iC94 to ere<^ ftatues to their memory.
Royal in- At the time when the change of miniftry was made,
-difpofition. the king became affe&ed with a fevere illnefs, fuppofed
to refult from the anxiety and agitation of mind which
accompanied that important meafure. In making
choice of a new prime minifter, he avoided admitting
into power the jparty that had oppofed the war; and fe-
lefted Mr Addington, whom we have mentioned as o-
riginally patronized by Mr Pitt, and who, in the fta-
tion of fpeaker of the houfe of commons, had gained the
approbation of all parties, by his good temper, pru¬
dence, induftry, and conciliating manners. This gen¬
tleman appears to have obtained from his predeceffors
in office a promife of fupport in parliament; and he
was induftrioufly reprefented throughout the country
as nothing more than a nominal minifler, holding a
temporal fituation, which, with the firft opportunity,
he was to relinquiffi in favour of Mr Pitt and his friends.
This account of the ftate of affairs derived plaufibility
from the aftual fupport in the parliamentary debates
which the new minifter received from thefe gentlemen,
and from the influence which they evidently retained
in the nomination to all inferior offices. Mr Adding¬
ton’s appointment as firft lord of the treafury and chan¬
cellor of the exchequer, was followed by the nomina¬
tion of Lord Eldon to the office of lord high chancel¬
lor, Lord St Vincent to that of firft lord of the admi¬
ralty, Lord Hawkefbury as fecretary of ftate for the
foreign—Lord Pelham for the home department, and
Colonel Yorke as fecretary at war. Lord Eldon was
fucceeded by Sir Michael Pepper Arden, who was
created Lord Alvanley, as chief juftice of the common
.pleas j and Mr Addington by Sir John Mitford, as
I
fpeaker of the houfe of commons. Sir William Grant Britain,
was made mafter of the rolls, and Mr Law and Mr 1 ™
Percival attorney and folicitor general. 1095
On the 2d of February, the parliament of Great
Britain and Ireland was opened 5 but, as the king’s ParliannenL
illnefs immediately fucceeded that event, the new ad¬
miniftration could not receive formal poffeffion of their
offices till the month of March, and during that time
the old minifters continued to hold their former rank.
At the opening of the imperial parliament, as it was
now called, the fpeech from the throne expreffed his
majefty’s great fatisfaftion in being now able to avail
himfelf of the advice of the united parliament of Great
Britain and Ireland. This memorable era, diftinguifh-
ed by a meafure calculated to confolidate the ftrength
of the empire, he hoped would be equally marked by
that energy and firmnefs which our prefent fituation
fo peculiarly required. The court of Peterfburg had
treated our reprefentations of the outrages committed
againft our Ihips and property, and againft Engliihmen,
with the utmoft difrefpeft •, indeed a£ls of injuftice and
violence had aggravated the firft aggreffions.
Under thefe circumftances, a convention had been
concluded between Peterfburg, Copenhagen, and Stock¬
holm, the avowed object of which was to renew their
former engagements, for eftablifhing a new code of
maritime law, inconfiftent with the rights, and hoftile to
the interefts of this country.
The earlieft meafures had been taken to repel this
confederacy, and to fupport thofe principles effential to
the maintenance of our naval ftrength ; in which firm
determination there was no doubt of the vigorous af-
fiftance of the united parliament.
The fpeech concluded with recommending an inqui¬
ry into the high price of provifions, and promifes of
terminating the prefent conteft whenever it could be
done confiftently with fecurity and honour. io^6
When the ufual addrefs was moved, fome debate Debate oa
occurred in both houfes, with regard to the prefent the addrefs,
ftate of affairs, more particularly as conne&ed with the
combination of the northern powers againft Britain.
In the houfe of commons, Mr Grey deplored the pro-
fpeft of a war with all Europe. Ruffia, he faid, had
evidently been guilty of the groffeft violence and in¬
juftice towards this country, in the confifcation of the
property of our merchants, and the treatment of our
failors : but the emperor accufed the Britiffi govern¬
ment of violating a convention by which he was to re.
ceive the ifland of Malta, as the reward of his co-ope¬
ration againft France 5 and the truth of this affertion
ought to be inveftigated. Concerning the northern
confederacy, Mr Grey remarked, that the principles
on which it was founded were of no recent origin.
The king of Pruffia in 1740, difputed the pretenfions
of this country, and contended ftrenuoufiy for the prin¬
ciple, that free veffels make free goods. In 1762, the
Dutch refilled the claim of a right to fearch Ihips un¬
der convoy. In the year 1780, the aflertion of the
rights of neutral ftates affumed a greater degree of
confiftency and concert ; the fubfcribers, that is, all the
powers of Europe, entered into the armed confederacy,
officially announced its principles, and claimed the
rights enumerated in that celebrated document, as a-
greeable to the law of nations. Hence, Mr Grey con¬
tended, that to avoid encountering the inveterate ani-
mofity
B R I
Britain, mofity of other ftates, the fubjedl ought to he cautiouf-
'“""V ' ]y inveftigated, and, unlefs it appeared abfolutely necef-
fary to our fafety, Britain ought from prudence to re-
linquifhher claim. In his opinion, France, while with¬
out feamen or fkill, would derive little benefit from the
importation of naval ftores in neutral veffels.
Mr Pitt, who Hill adled as chancellor of the ex¬
chequer, afferted, that with every one of the three
northern powers, independent of the law of nations, we
had on our fide the ftridl letter of engagements, by
which they were bound to us. In the convention fign-
ed between Great Britain and Ruffia, the latter bound
herfelf to ufe her efforts to prevent neutral powers from
prote&ing the commerce of France on the feas, or in
the ports of France. Denmark and Sweden had ex-
prelfed their readinefs to agree on that very point, which
they wTere now difpofed to contend. We did not in¬
deed know the precife terms of their new convention ;
but as its exiftence and general objeft were acknow¬
ledged, we muff: neceflarily a6l upon the fuppofition of
their hoftility. Mr Pitt aflerted the queftion now to
be, Ought we to permit the navy of our enemy to be
fupplied and recruited ; to fuffer blockaded forts to be
furnifhed with rvarlike ftores and provifions; and per¬
mit neutral nations, by hoifting a flag on a fifhing boat,
to convey the treafures of America to the harbours of
Spain, and the naval ftores of the Baltic to Breft and
Toulon ? If the commerce of France had not been de-
ftroyed, if the fraudulent fyftem of neutrals had not
been prevented, her navy would have been now in ^
very different fituation.
In the month of March, a debate occurred in the
houfe of commons, which is worthy of notice on ac¬
count of the recapitulation which it produced of fome
1097 important circumftances connetfted wdth the ftate of
Motion on the nation, and the hiftory of the war. Mr Grey mo-
nation* ^ ^01" an "lto t^e ^ate ^ nation. He
faid, that we were now in the ninth year of a war
with France, and threatened wdth a war againft all the
maritime ftates of Europe, if not actually involved in
it j we had added 270,000,000!. to the capital of our
national debt, and above 17,000,000!. to our annual
taxes; w^e found ourfelves oppofed to France, wdiich
was now extended in territory beyond the hopes of
her moft fanguine friends, increafed in population,
and fupported by all the ftates of the north. We
were oppofed to her with diminifhed means, exhaufted
ftrength, and ftript of every ally. Was it not then
incumbent on the reprefentatives of the people, to
enter into a ferious inquiry into the means moft likely
to reftore to us fecurity and happinefs. Mr Grey re-
prefented the conquefts we had made during the war, as
not compenfating our difafters, or the acquifitions made
by France. Her frontier now reached to the Rhine,
to the Alps, and to the ocean. All thefe poffeflions
we had confented to abandon as the price of peace j
for peace, w’hich our minifters might have made with
France confined within her ancient limits, w'hile our
own country was profperous and happy. Thus all our
Ioffes w'ere irretrievable, and our triumphs empty.
It had been faid with truth, that there was no Ihore,
from the Texel to the Adriatic, which had not witnef-
led the defeat of our forces, and the difgrace of our
arms. The unfortunate attempt upon Dunkirk, the
[ 69S ]
B R I
fhameful retreat through Holland, the evacuation of Britain.
Toulon, the abandonment of Corfica, and the expedi- -y-—
tion to Quiberon, all were fatal proofs of ill-concerted
fchemes. Mr Grey adverted to the late expedition
againft Holland as more difgraceful than the reft, be-
caufe it terminated in a capitulation to an inferior
force. He afferted, that adminiftration had afted
with fuch imprudence, that our whole allies were con¬
verted into enemies. The Swedes and other neutral
nations had complained, that their trade was molefted,
their ftiips detained, and juftice refufed them in our
courts, or fo long delayed that it was ufelefs. Thefe
he confidered as points which undoubtedly deferved in-
veftigation ; nor did the internal ftate of the country
lefs require confideration. The fum already mention¬
ed of 270,000,000!. had been added to the national
debt, exclufive of imperial and other loans, and the re¬
duction by the finking fund ; and yet we were affured
by the ex-minifters that they left the country in a
flourilhing condition. And did not every Englifnman,
from diminifhed comfort, or from pofitive diftrefs, feel
this declaration to be an infult ? Aflc the ruined ma¬
nufacturers of Yorklhire, Manchefter, and Birming¬
ham : afk the ftarving inhabitants of London and
Weftminfter. In fome parts of Yorkflure, formerly
the moft opulent, the poor rates had increafed from
522I. to 6000I. a-year, though the whole rack rent
of the parifli did not exceed 5600I. In Birmingham
there were near 11,000 who received parochial relief,
where the number of inhabitants is 80,000, and this of a
town accounted one of the moft flouriflflng in England.
The fituation of the fifter kingdom was alarming in the
extreme. Since the recal of Earl Fitzwilliam, Ire¬
land had been the fcene of tranfaClions fhocking to
humanity. Was it nowr tranquil ? A few days ago a
bill paffed the houfe, which, we were told, rvas necef-
fary for its fafety ; though rebellion had been crulhed
in the field, it was faid to lurk in fecrecy; the mafs of
population was difaffefted ; and nothing prevented the
feparation of Ireland from us but the inability of France
to fend a force to aflift the rebels. Whatever any
one might affert, he could not perfuade himfelf, that
there wTas any innate depravity in the Irilh nation.
He muft believe, that, if they were well governed, they
would be fober, indullrious, and Orderly. Hence Mr-
Grey called for an inquiry into the prefent ftate of
affairs, and demanded the fupport of the new admini¬
ftration, as a teftimony of their difapprobation of the
meafures of their predeceffors. I09g
Mr Dundas defended the management of the war. Mr Durv-
The principle which he laid down, as one which never ^as defends
ought to be departed from, was that war ought to be
direCled to the deflruCHon of the commerce and co- War. ° 1 C
lonial poffeflions of the enemy ; in this he included
their maritime power, which muft entirely depend up¬
on their commerce. But this was not the only rea-
fon : it was hardly poflible for England to be long at'
war with France, without being involved in difputes
on the continent, which might deprive us of many of
the markets which w>e had for our goods, and there¬
fore it was peculiarly our intereft to gain thefe colo¬
nies, that they might remain open for our commodi¬
ties. In order then to judge how far this war, con¬
ducted on this principle, had been difaftrous and dif-
graceful5
B R I
^Britain, 'graceful, lie would ftate its progrefs and fuccefs. Hof-
tilities commenced againft France, in February 1793 J
in that year Tobago, St Pierre, Miquelon, Pondicher¬
ry, part of St Domingo, and the fleet at loulon,
were taken, befides the poffeffions of the Newfound¬
land fifhery. In the year 1794, we took Martinique,
Guadaloupe, St Lucia, the Saints, Corfica, and Ma-
-riagalante; in 1795, Trincomale, and the Cape of
Good Hope j in 1796, Amboyna, Berbice, and De-
merara $ in I797> Fiinidad, with four fliips of the
line either taken or dellroyed 5 in 1798, Minorca;
in 1799, Surinam; in 1800, Goree, Malta, and Cu-
ra^oa. Such had been our fucceffes. Mr Dundas de¬
fended the expedition againfl: Holland, upon the fame
■principles as formerly ; obferving that an expedition
could not be regarded as completely unfuccefsful,
which terminated in the capture of ten fail of the line,
and thirteen frigates, which would otherways have
been now employed in augmenting the force of the
northern confederacy.
Concerning the navy, Mr Dundas dated, that with¬
out enumerating its triumphs, he would briefly men¬
tion, that fince the commencement of the prefent w'ar,
we had taken or deftroyed 80 fail of the line belong¬
ing to the enemy, 181 frigates, 224 fmaller fliips of
w’ar^ 743 French privateers, 15 Dutch, and 76 Span-
ifli fliips. The Ioffes we had fuilained were, three fail
of the line, one of which we had retaken ; one fifty
gun (hip, which alfo we got again; and of the frigates
captured by the enemy, only the Ambufcade remain¬
ed in their poffeflion. One of the great advantages to
be derived from the colonial poffeflions of the enemy,
was the procuring markets for our manufactures. In the
>year T793, the manufactures fent from this country to
the Weft Indies, amounted to above i,8oo,oool.fterling.
Before the war, our exports to the Eaft Indies did
not exceed one million, and in the laft year exceeded
J,600,000, a proof that wre had not loft the markets
of Europe, and that his principle had been found po¬
licy, to deftroy the commerce of the enemy, ai*d di-
reCt all our forces to this end, excepting fuch a part
of them as might be neceffary for the defence of Great
Britain and Ireland; and when 400,000 men wrere
applied to this purpofe, which is aftually the cale,
he left it to the houfe to judge, whether minifters
had paid fufficient attention to the fecurity of the
country.
Mr Dundas remarked, that the failure of an expe¬
dition was now confidered as a decifive proof of mif-
eonduft in minifters; but in that glorious feven years
war, which was in every body’s recolleftion, there
were expeditions attempted which completely failed,
though the failure was not confidered as a proof of
incapacity or negleCl in Lord Chatham. The con-
quefts which we then made, were Senegal, Louifburg,
St Lucia, Duquefne, Guadaloupe, Martinique, the
Havannah, Montreal, Pondicherry, Grenada, Belleiile,
befides deftroying the fortifications of Cherbourg ; we
took or deftroyed 32 fail of the line, and 58 frigates,
befides a proportionable number of fmaller veffels. We
were now in poffeflion of every place taken in that
war, excepting Guadaloupe, the Havannah, and Belle-
ille ; but on the other hand we had gained the Cape
of Good Hope, Ceylon, Demerara, Berbice, and all the
B R I
Dutch poffeflions in the Eaft and Weft Indies j added Britain,
to Minorca, and Malta. We had alfo deftroyed the v
confederacy formed againft us in the Eaft Indies, and
acquired a great increafe of power and territory there.
Lord Temple expreffed concern at being obliged, by
a fenfe of duty, to differ from thofe with whom he had
uniformly atted fince he had entered into parliament.
He profeffed the greateft refpett for the new chancel¬
lor of the exchequer; but he acknowledged, he much
wilhed this gentleman had ftiil continued to fill the
the chair of the houfe, which he had done fo long
with honour to himfelf and to his country. But he felt it
incumbent on him, to fupport the prefent motion, be-
caufe he conceived us to be in a ftate of difficulty and
danger. To fuch an objeft, it was worthy the charac¬
ter of the houfe, to devote the moft ferious attention ;
and it was called upon in duty to inveftigate it. I he
king, in the exercife of his undoubted prerogative, had
appointed a new adminiftration, to direft the affairs of
the country, in this important jundlure ; he meant not
to fpeak harfhly of it, though it appeared a thing
made up of ihreds and patches, of men unknown and
inexperienced, in whom he could place no confidence,
becaufe he had had no trial; who, whatever might be
their talents, whatever their capacity for governing a
great nation, had not hitherto been in circumftances
to evince them : and this was not a moment to make
experiments. But to return to the motion ; that fuf-
picion was a fufficient ground for inquiry, he conceiv¬
ed to be an excellent principle for a Britilh houfe of
commons to aft upon.
Mr Pitt, after exprefling his refpeft for the new ad¬
miniftration, obferved, that no point had been more
difputed than that of confidence in minifters. By fome
people it was held, that no perfon was entitled to it,
till he had given proofs of having merited it. Here
it never could be carried in fubftance to the letter; for
whoever entered into any employment, muft at firft be
new to it; there could be no experience without trial,
but when perfons had been tried in one fituation, and
had acquitted themfelves well in it, it was a rule to
give them credit when they entered into another, till
proof of their incapacity or mifeonduft appeared. 1 he
prefent minifters were called, indeed, to a new fitua¬
tion, but they were not new to the houfe and to the
public, or to the love and efteem of both.
Mr Pitt then beftowed the moft ample praifes on the
merits of Mr Addington, Lord Hawkefbury, and Earl
St Vincent. He aiked the gentlemen of the oppofi-
tion, if they knew any one among themfelves fuperior
to Lord Hawkefbury, excepting one (Mr Fox) whofe
tranfeendent talents made him an exception to almofl:
any rule, but whofe conduH alio ought to be an ex¬
ception, having withdrawn his attendance from the
houfe, and whofe counfels, had they been followed,
muft: have been injurious to the country. Of the other
individuals compofing the new adminiftration, much
might be faid, but he was unwilling to trefpals on
their patience. He would only add, therefore, upon
this fubjeft, that it fhowed little reflexion or confider-
ation, to affirm that the prefent minifters were unen¬
titled to confidence, by which he meant, of courfe, no
more than a conftitutional confidence ; and the houfe
was bound by the beft principles of found policy, to
I 696 ]
B R I [ 697 ] B R I
Britain, -wait to fee tlie conduct of the fervants of the crown,
Wl'' ' before they withheld it.
Upon the fubjefl of the retirement or difmiffion of
account of the late adminiitration, Mr Pitt contended, that his
the change majefty had a right to part with his fervants, and his
of miniftry. fervants t0 ret;bre, without any explanations to the pub¬
lic. Concerning the affairs of the Irilh Catholics, and
their connexion with the difmiffion of adminiitration,
which had given rife to many reports, he faid, that
a memorandum had been fent, in the name of a noble
lord, at the head of the executive government of Ire¬
land, who thought it effential to communicate the
grounds of our change of adminiftration, to perfons
more immediately amongit the Catholics. Mr Pitt
faid, it had been at his exprefs defire this communica¬
tion had been made, and the motives explained to
them which led to the change, to prevent any mifre-
prefentation of that fubjeft. Emancipation of the Ca¬
tholics was a term he difclaimed. He never under-
llood the fituation of the Catholics was fuch as to need
what deferved to be called emancipation; but he
thought the few benefits which they had not yet anti¬
cipated, might eafily have been added to thofe fo
bountifully conferred on them in the prefent reign ;
not as a matter of right, but of liberality and political
expedience, and, in this fenfe, of wifdom. Plad fuch
meafures preceded the union, indeed, they would have
been raffi and deftrudtive ; and even now, if any at¬
tempt was made to pufh it fo as to endanger the public
tranquillity, or to pervert the affedlions of any of his
xnajefty’s fubjecls, the late minifters would be firm in
refilling them. But he hoped the day would come
when fuch a meafure might be revived, and carried in
the only way he wiffied to fee it carried, which was con¬
formably to the general tranquillity of the empire.
He acknowledged, that it had appeared to him of fuch
importance, that, being unable to bring it forward as
a meafure of government, he did not conceive it poffi-
ble for him, with honour, to remain in the fame fitua¬
tion ; and, at the fame time, he wiffied it to be under-
ftood, that whenever the fame obllacles did not exilt,
he would do every thing in his powrer to promote its
fuccefs. Pie denied, however, that any of thofe who
had retired from office, had fo pledged themfelves to
the Catholics, as to be under the neceffity of refign-
ing their offices, becaufe they could not perform their
promife ; and faid, he was authorized to deny, that
ever the Catholics fuppofed they had received fuch a
•pledge. An expoftulation was natural, but a pledge
was never given.
Mr Pitt concluded, that the Britiffi government
had jullice on its fide, or rather was fupported by the
law of nations, in the claims which it now maintained,
to fearch neutral veffels for military llores on their way
to the enemy, and to declare particular French or
other ports under blockade, to the effedt of thereafter
having a right to arreil neutral veffels attempting to
enter them.
Mr Fox faid, that it was undoubtedly a dodlrine
recognized by the law of nations, that free bottoms
did not make free goods ; but doubted the propriety
of difcuffing it at this critical jundlure. He thought
our claims, upon this fubjedl, were extended too far,
when they were made to reach to naval ftores, as thefe
Vol. IV. Part II.
had not been at former periods confidered as contra- B
band. He confidered the fubjedl as refolving into three ~~
branches: convoys, fearch, and contraband goods.
If one flate was to convey the trade of another, it was
a new dodlrine, and a fit fubjecl for reprefentation, by
which it might have been fettled. As to fearch, if
we were not content with the papers, and had ground
of fufpicion, we ffiould fearch and do the fame with a
convoy, in which we were fully juftified. Suppofe
Spain, which was always at war with the Algerines,
ffiould demand the fearch of every Britilh veffel paf-
fing through the flrait, merely under pretext of her
being at wrar with Algiers, would we fubmit to it ?
furely not; and yet we had demanded it of others.
Refpefting contraband goods, it was curious to talk of
ffiips, and timber and naval (lores, not being forefeen
as implements of war in 1694. Great maritime pow¬
ers were then in exidence, and it was idle to compare
them with the articles of gunpow-der, guns, and can¬
nons. Naval (lores were not in the number of mo¬
dern inventions 5 and if it had been thought proper to
have called them contraband of war, they wmuld have
been enumerated.
Mr Fox adverted to the fucceffes of the war, which
had been enumerated by Mr Dundas. To the navy
he gave much praife ; and alfo to the late firfl lord of
the admiralty, affigning his merit as the reafon for the
condant and brilliant triumphs of the navy; whillt
our military expeditions, though our troops w’ere as
brave as our feamen, had generally failed. In naval
tallies almod every thing depended on the talents
of the officers; whereas, in military movements,
much depended on the original defign. The beaded
capture of idands wTas not the objeft of the war : our
objedl was to protedl Europe againd France. How
had we fucceeded ? Which of the two nations had been
mod aggrandifed in the courfe of it ? We are told,
that only 160,000,000!. was added to our debt 5 fo
56,000,000!. is cut oft", befides that for which the in¬
come tax is mortgaged 5 and a debt to be paid by indall-
ments was to be confidered as no debt at all. It now
cod us 38,000,000!. a-year in taxes, 10,000,000!. for
poors rates 5 and the whole land-rent of the country
was but 25,000,000!. A country paying double its
land-rent was in a date demanding inquiry. The war
fecietary had talked much about the diverfion of war,
and diown us its nature on his principles. He had fent
his royal highnefs, and an army of 30,000 men, to the
only neck of land perhaps in the world, where a fifth
part of their own numbers was equal to cope with them.
Of the armidice of Hohenlinden, and the negotiation
which followed it, Mr Fox (poke with indignation, re¬
probating the conducl of the minider, which had fo
fatally proved that eloquence was didindt from wif¬
dom. Time had now evinced, that all the great ob-
jedls of the war were defeated, and our allies had de-
ferted ; and when no profpedl of fuccefs remained, we
might refort to negotiation. The fame men who had
rejedled the propofals of Bonaparte with infolence, mud
approach with refpedl, firing for favour, to avoid par¬
ticipating in the difgrace.
With regard to the Iriffi Catholics, Mr Fox faid,
that, in his opinion, no man ought to be deprived of
his rights, becaufe heworlhipped God according to the
4 T didlates
B R I [ 698 ] B R I
Britafo. dictates of his own confcience } that It was a reflection
2'1' tf—""'' upon parliament to lay, as Mr Pitt had faid, that he
could not there propofe a meafure which he approved.
Mr Fox declared his belief, that no fuch difficulty ex-
ilted ; but that the late minifter might wifh to retire
for a feafon, till overtures of peace were made, which
he could not make, without mortification, to the man he
had infulted. Mr Fox fpoke of the change of admini-
flration as a fortunate occurrence. Some indeed might
fufpeft, from the panegyric of Mr Pitt, that the new
minilters were the lefs gaudy puppets, direfted by thofe
who had quitted their llations ; and if they adopted
the fyflem of their predeceffors, with the additional
blame of being hoftile to the Catholic claims, afting
in this point from their own motives, they would be
unworthy of confidence.
The new chancellor of the exchequer, Mr Adding¬
ton, laid, that the degree of confidence wffiich the
houfc of commons ought to extend to the prefent mi-
nillers, it was not for him to conjeflure j they only
alked for that portion of it which fnould be conllitu-
tionally repofed in perfons duly appointed by his ma-
jefty, unlefs it was precluded by antecedent charafter
and conduft. Of himfelf he fhould fay no more, than
that he ffiould be grieved at its being fuppofed, that
he had been induced, by ambition or intereft, to ex¬
change the fituation he had filled for 12 years, for the
prelent, in which, in obedience to the king’s com¬
mand, he was placed. A fenfe of duty and allegiance
alone had directed his conduct *, and to this he had fa-
crificed every other confideration. He commented on
all the leading points in dilpute between us and the
northern powers j and after ably Hating the grounds
of the principle aflerted by this country, and referring
to the exception made by exifting treaties, gave it as
his decided opinion, that the right for which we con¬
tended was vital and fundamental, and could neither
be abandoned nor compromifed } and, at the fame time,
expreffing an earnelt wiffi, that it fhould be afferted
temperately and firmly. The naval pre-eminence,
which it was the objeft of the prefent confederacy to
fubvert, had prote£fed the commerce of Europe, du¬
ring the prefent war, from piracy. Refpefling Catho¬
lic emancipation, he deprecated whatever might have
the appearance of intolerance and prefcription. No
reftraint ought to be impofed on any who diflented
from the eftablilhed church, but what wras abfolutely
neceffary for its fecurity and permanence ; and he
anxioufly hoped, that the diffenters of all defcriptions
would feel aflured, that they were regarded in no other
light by government, than as truly valuable members
of the community.
He felt it incumbent upon him, laftly, to declare,
that it was the determination of his majelty’s fervants,
to take fuch Heps, as appeared to them belt calculated
for the reftoration of peace ; that no form of govern¬
ment in France would obftruft negotiation } and if
there was a correfponding difpofition on the part of the
enemy, the grand objeft would be accompliffied. He
concluded, with proteffing, that he occupied no party
ground, and wiffied no confidence that was not conftl-
tutional. The motion for inquiry was rejected, by a
iioo majority of 291 again!! 105.
finance. Notwithftanding the change of miniftry, Mr Pitt
brought forward the bufinefs of the fupplies in the
houfe of commons. Their amount was 35,587,462k ;
of which fum, 15,800,000!. was for the navy;
15,902,000k for the army ; and for the ordnance
1,938,000k The income tax was now Hated as
amounting only to 6,cco,coch As fome deficiencies
of former eHimates required now to be provided for,,
Mr Pitt Hated, that the whole charge of the two
countries, for the fervice of the year, would amount
to 42,197,000k which would be divided between the
two countries thus : Great Britain for its fifteen-feven-
teenths of the joint expence, and thofe charges which
belonged feparately to her, would have to defray, in
round numbers, 37,870,000!. ; and the charges falling
upon Ireland, would be 4,324,000!. The fum of
25,000,000!. w;as raifed by way of loan, and new taxes
were impoied upon paper, tea, houfes, lead, the poH-
office, and various other articles. The income tax was
alfo farther mortgaged ; fo that the debt for which it
was pledged, amounted to 76,000,000!.
As the progrefs of the funding fyflem of Great
Britain will in all probability be regarded, in future
times, as a mofl important fa£! in the political hif-
tory of nations, it may be here remarked, that the
extent of the national debt was now fo great, and it
arole out of fuch a variety of tranfa&ions and engage¬
ments, that Britiffi flatefmen had begun to differ
among themfelves about its a£lual amount. Mr Tier¬
ney had of late prefented to the houfe of commons, an¬
nually, a flatement of the debt and of the expenditure
for the current year. His ftatements of the amount
of the debt had been combated by the minifter. We
fliall here infert an abflraf! of a confiderable number of
refolutions, which he moved upon the fubjecl, on
the 7th of June ; together with counter relolutions
moved by Mr Addington, on the 2 2d of the fame
month.
Mr Tierney Hated, that the total amount of the
public funded debt, including the Irifh and imperial
loans, and deducing the Hock purchafed by the com-
miffioners, and 16,083,802k transferred to them on.
account of the land tax redeemed, was, in February
1801,
L.484,365,464
That the life and ihort annunities were
about 540,000k per annum, worth
at 6J; years purchafe, 3)375>0C)O
Thatthelong annuities were 1,007,000!.
per annum, worth at 5 per cent. 21,978,132
509,718,596
Dedu£! the Irifli loans, 19,708,750
Debt remaining, exclufive of the Hock
redeemed for the land tax, L. 490,009,846
On the contrary, the refolutions wffiich were moved
by Mr Addington and carried, Hated, that the total a-
mount of the public debt, after deducing the fum of
52,281,656!. redeemed, and the annuities fallen into
the commiffioners, and 16,083,802k transferred to them
on account of the land tax redeemed, was, on the ifl of
February 1801, together with fliort annuities to the
amount of 54J>333^ an<i ^ong annuities to the amount
Britain.
B R I
t 699 ]
B R I
Britain.
of 1,00.7,613!. after deducing the annuities provided
1 for by Ireland, L. 400,709,832
That the life and fhort annuities were
545>3331- Per annum, worth 3,408,331
That the long annuities were 1,007,613I.
per annum, worth at 5 per cent. 21,989,703
Whole debt was
L. 426,207,865
Both Mr Addington and Mr Tierney concurred in
eftimating the total fum to be raifed in Great Britain
in the year 1801, at 68,923,970!. ; and they calcula¬
ted the amount of a future peace eftablilhment, exclu-
five of fums to be paid on winding up the expences of
IIOi the war, at 28,979,563!.
Attack up- In the mean while, to prevent the active co-opera-
on Copen- t[on 0£ Denmark with the defigns of Ruffia, an arma-
Iiagen, &-ment was out jn the Britilh ports, confifting of
17 fail of the line, three frigates, and about 20 bomb
ketches, gun brigs, &c. under the command of Sir
Hyde Parker, and Lord Nelfon. This fleet failed
from Yarmouth on the 12th of March, and trium¬
phantly palling the Sound, which wyas deemed impoflr-
ble, reached the capital of Denmark. The approach¬
es to Copenhagen wrere fortified with (kill 5 batteries
of cannon and mortars were ere&ed on every part of
the fhore, where they were likely to be efficacious j the
Crown iflands, and that of Amak, were {Lengthened
by a variety of works ; the mouth of the harbour was
protedled by a chain, and by a fort built on piles ; and
a line of (hipping added to the (Length of the place.
The admiral having ordered an attack from the fouth-
ward, Lord Nelfon advanced with 12 fail of the line,
four frigates, fome (loops, firefhips, and bomb veflels j
but, from the intricacy of the navigation, two of the
larged (hips ran aground, and another was obliged to
cad anchor far from her intended dation. Captain
Murray in the Edgar, led the van with great intre¬
pidity. The Monarch fudained the mod dedruftive
fire, and her commander (Mofs), lod his life with
above 50 of his men. Captain Riou was alfo killed
while he was attacking the (hips at the entrance of the
harbour. The battle raged for four hours with great
(laughter on both (ides. The number of killed on the
part of the Englifh, exceeded 250 ; on the fide of the
Danes above 500. Almod 700 men in the (hips of
the aggreffors, and about 1500 of the oppofite party,
were vrounded. Some of our (hips were feverely dama¬
ged, wdiile 17 Daniih veffels, floating batteries includ¬
ed, were funk, burnt, or captured.
After the viftory had been decided, Lord Nelfon
threatened to burn all the floating batteries wrhich he
had taken, without faving the troops who were on
board, if the enemy ffiould continue the lead ffiring.
'Phis menace produced a ceflation of hodilities. Lord
■Nelfon landed, and conferred with the prince of Den¬
mark *, and a convention was figned for a regular ar-
miflice.
On the i^kth of April, the Britifli fleet appeared off
the entrance of Carlfcrona, and the admiral acquainted
the governor, that the court of Denmark having con¬
cluded an armiflice by which the unfortunate difpute
with the court of St James’s had been accommodated, be
was directed to require an explicit anfwer from his
•Swedifli majefly, relative to his intention of adhering
to, or abandoning the hoflile meafures he had taken Britain,
in conjunftion with Ruffia. An official anfwer to this **
demand was communicated from the king of Sweden
to Sir Hyde Parker, intimating, that his Swediflr ma-
jefty would not fail to fulfill the engagements entered
into with his allies j but that he wmuld not refufe to
liften to equitable propofals made by deputies, furniflied
wdth proper authority to regulate the matters in difpute.
The termination of the conteft is, however, not to
be attributed, either to the battle t»f Copenhagen, or
to the vieforious progrefs of the Britifli fleet, but to an
event which had juft before taken place, to the aftonifh-
ment of Europe, and vffiich produced an almoft inftan- II32
taneous revolution in the polities of the north. On Death of
the 23d of March, the emperor Paul, who had per-d*6 emPe*
formed fo verfatile and extraordinary a part on the poli- p°v^
tical ftage, from the period when he afeended the Ruf¬
fian throne, expired fuddenly. His capricious tyranny,
which w7as at laft about to be direded againft the
members of his otvn family, proved fatal to him. His
fon and fucceffbr, Alexander, immediately difclaimed
the hoftility againft Great Britain, and made repara¬
tion for the damage fuffered by our merchants, in con- llo^
fequence of the embargo impofed upon our veffels. A Convention
convention wTas adjufted with Ruffia in the month ofwlth
June, which put an end to the difpute with the north- ia*
ern dates, as Sweden and Denmark could not of them-
felves hope to refift the power of Great Britain. By
the third article of the agreement, it was ftipulated, that
effeds embarked in neutral veffels ffiould be free, with
the exception of contraband (lores of war, and the pro¬
perty of an enemy } that the latter defignation (hould
not include merchandife of the produce, growth, or
manufadure of the countries at wrar, acquired by the
fubjeds of the neutral date, and tranfported on their
account j that the commodities prohibited ffiould be fuch
only as wTere declared contraband by the treaty of com¬
merce concluded between Great Britain and Ruffia in
1797 5 that a port (hould be confidered as under bloc¬
kade, wdien the (hips of a belligerent powder (hould be
fo ftationed, as to render it evidently dangerous to en¬
ter ; that the neutral veffels ffiould not be (lopped, ex¬
cept upon (Long grounds, and that the proceeding
ffiould be uniform, prompt, and legal. The next arti¬
cle provided, that the right of fearching mercantile
(hips, failing under convoy of a (hip of war, (hould on¬
ly be exercifed by the (hips of the government, not by
thofe of private adventurers. Thus the chief points in
difpute wrere fettled in our favour. 1104
The war between France and Great Britain was^avalen--
nowr in Europe reduced to operations merely maritime,
and thefe wrere of the mod trifling nature. One of thespaniiii
mod important of thefe, was that which occuired up-coaft.
on the coaft ©f Spain, between Sir James Saumarez
and a fquadron of French and Spaniffi (hips of ivar.
On the morning of the 6th of July, the Britifti admi¬
ral flood through the drafts of Gibraltar, with the in¬
tention of attacking three French line of battle (hips
and a frigate, which were at anchor off Algefiras. On
opening Cabrita point, he found the (hips lay at a con-
fiderable diftance from the enemy’s batteries, and hav¬
ing a leading wdnd up to them, he conceived he had
every reafonable hope of fuccefs. He had previoufly
direfted Captain Hood in the Venerable to lead the
fquadron, but, though ft was not intended, the captain
3 T 2 found
Britain.
  V—
2105
Attack of
Boulogne.
B R I [ 700 ] B R I
found liimfelf under the neceffity of cafling anchor
from the wind failing. Captain Stirling in the Pom-
pee, at the fame time, anchored oppofite to the inner
fhips of the enemy, and the a6fion commenced. In
the ardour for engaging, the Hannibal unfortunately
ran aground.' Every effort was made by the ad¬
miral to cover her from the enemy j but being on¬
ly three cables length from one of the batteries on
fhore, he was obliged to retire, and to leave her in
their hands. The lofs on board the Englilh fquadron
was 375. The admiral was fcarcely in harbour, be¬
fore he was apprifed, that the French line of battle
Ihips difabled in the aftion of the 6th, were on the 8th
reinforced by a fquadron of five Spanifh fhips of the
line, under the command of Don Juan de Mozen, and
a French fhip of 74 guns. Fie learned further, that
they were all under fail on the morning of the 12th of
July, together with his majefty’s late {hip Hannibal.
14 I had almoft defpaired (fays Admiral Saumarez) of
having a fufficient force in readinefs to oppofe fuch
numbers.” But by great exertion he wras able to wrarp
out of the Mole with all the fhips under his command,
the Pompee excepted, which had not time to get in
her mails. The objedl of the Britifh admiral, was to
obflrudl the paffage of this powerful force to Cadiz.
Late in the evening, he obferved the enemies fhips to
have cleared Cabrita Point, and at eight he bore up to
Hand after them. At eleven the Superb was up with
them, and opened her fire on the enemies fhips at not
more than three cables length. At this critical period
a fatal miftake of the enemy decided the battle. The
Spanifh fhips in the darknefs and confufion, fired upon
each other ; the Real Carlos took fire and blew up,
and the Hermenegildo, Hill miflaking her for an ene¬
my, ran on board her, and fhared her melancholy fate.
The San Antonia of 74 guns and 730 men, command¬
ed by Le Rey chief of divifion, being thus left un-
Fupported, llruck to the Superb. The remaining fhips
of the enemy norv crowded all the fail they could car¬
ry, and Hood out of the flraits. At daybreak, only
one French fliip appeared in fight, which was Handing
to the fhoals of Cavil. At this jundlure the wind fail¬
ed her, and the Venerable w^as able to bring her to ac¬
tion, and had nearly filenced her, when the lofs of the
mainmaH, obliged the captain of the Venerable to defifl,
and this fhip, which was an 84, efcaped along with the
reH.
As the French now refumed their ufual threat of in-
vafion, and affumed the appearance of colleffing a
force in the harbour of Boulogne, an attempt was
made by Lord Nelfon to obflruft their preparations.
He fucceeded in doing fome damage, which appears to
have encouraged him to make a more ferious effort.
Boats intended for boarding the French veffels, were
fent off in the night in four divifions, under the re-
Jpeftive conduff of the captains Sommerville, Parker,
Cotgrave, and Jones ; and fome boats furnifhed with
howitzers, were detached under Captain Cowan, to join
in the enterprife. Parker’s divifion firll approached
the enemy, and commenced a fierce attack. He made
ftrenuous efforts, with undaunted courage, and with
fanguine hopes of fuccefs ; but an unforefeen obffacle
baffled all his exertions. This wras a very flrong net*
ting traced up to the low'er yards of the French veffels,
which were alfo fattened by chains to the ground, and
a
to each other. So effe&ual was the refittance of the
foe thus guarded, that about two thirds of the crew of
the boat in which he a&ed, were repelled in their at¬
tempts to board a large brig, by a furious difcharge of
cannon and mufquetry. Many of the affailants loft
their lives, many were wounded and maimed. The
captain received a fhot which carried off his leg and
part of his thigh, and his boat would have been leized
by the enemy, had not a cutter feafonably towed her
off. Sommerville in the mean time filenced the fire of
a brig near the pier head ; but far from being able
to bring her off, he found difficulty in fecuring the re¬
treat of his own boats. Cotgrave, after a fpirited at¬
tack, was deprived of the fervices of many of his men
by a fire from the flotilla and the ftrore. Jones felt fo
ftrongly the obftrudions of the tide, that he could not
approach before the break of day, when the other cap¬
tains were returning ; he, therefore, retired without
making any hoftile attempts. Captain Parker died of
his wounds after the return of the fleet to the Downs.
The number of Britifh feamen killed and w'ounded,
amounted to 172.
In confequence of the unfortunate refufal of the late
adminiftration to ratify the treaty called the capitula¬
tion of El Arifh, negotiated with General Kleber by
Sir Sidney Smith, the French Hill retained poffeffion
of Egypt. To remedy the error, a confiderable force
had been difpatched from Great Britain, under the
condud of an experienced and gallant officer, Sir Ralph
Abercromby. The Britifh forces under Lord Keith
and General Abercromby, after unexpeded delays on
the coaft of Afia Minor, arrived off Alexandria on the
1 ft of March. The following day the fleet made fail
for the bay of Aboukir, and anchored there. Till the
8th, the lea ran high, and no difembarkation could
be efteded 5 but on that day, the firft divifion made
good their landing at ten o’clock in the morning, in
the face of a body of French, who w’ere evidently a-
ware of their intention, and w'ere potted in force, with
confiderable advantage of pofition. The front of the
difembarkation was narrow', and a hill which command¬
ed the whole, appeared almoft inacceffible : yet the
Britifh troops afcended the hill, under the fire of grape
fhot, with the moft perfed intrepidity, and forced the
French to retire, leaving behind them feven pieces of
artillery, and a number of horfes. The difembarkation
W'as continued during that and the following day.
The troops wffiich landed on the 8th advanced three
miles the fame day *, and on the 12th, the whole army
moved forward, and came within fight of the French,
who were formed advantageoufly on a ridge, with their
left to, the canal of Alexandria, and their right to¬
wards the fea.
It w'as determined to commence the attack on the
13th j and, with this view, the Britifh army marched in
two lines by the left, with an intention of turning the
right flank of the enemy. The attack was in fome
meafure anticipated by the French, and they defcended
from the heights on which they were formed, and at¬
tacked the leading brigades of both lines. The Britifh
troops were therefore compelled to change their pofi¬
tion, wffiich w'as done wdth the greateft precifion, and the
reft of the army immediately followed their example.
After a fevere conflidl, victory declared in favour of ths
Englifh, though not without confiderable lofs.
Britain.
1106
Egypt.
Til®
■By’itain.
1107
Death of
Sir Ralph
Abercrom
fcy.
B R I [70
The French commander in chiefin Egypt, Menou,
appears to have afled upon this occafion with little
judgment. Inftead of bringing down nearly his whole
force to the coaft, which would have enabled him
greatly to outnumber, and confequently, in all proba-
bility, to defeat the invaders, who were lefs acquainted
with the country than his own officers ; he thought fit
to hazard an engagement, on the 21 ft of March, with
only half his force. It commenced before day light
in the morning, by a falfe attack on the left of the
Engliffi under Major-general Craddock, in which the
French were repulfed. But the moft vigorous efforts
of the enemy were direffed to the right of the Engliffi
army, which they endeavoured, by every poflible
means, to turn. The attack on that point was begun
with great impetuofity by the French infantry, fuftain-
ed by a ftrong body of cavalry, who charged in co¬
lumn. The conteft was unufually obftinate. The
French were twice repulfed, and their cavalry were re¬
peatedly mixed with the Engliffi infantry, but at length
gave way altogether. While this was paffing on the
right, the French attempted to penetrate the centre of
the Britiffi army with a column of infantry, who were
alfo repulfed and obliged to retreat. A corps of light
troops, however, was advanced, fupported by infantry
and cavalry, to keep in check the left ol the Engliffi,
which wras certainly the wreakeft of the whole line j
but all their efforts wTere fruitlefs, and the Britiffi re¬
mained mailers of the field. The lofs on our fide was
great, being in killed, wmunded, and miffing, upwards
of 1500. The lofs of the French was calculated in
the Engliffi accounts at 3000. One of the French
generals, Roiz, wras killed, and generals Lanuffe and
Bodet died of their wmunds. A French regiment,
which had been ftyled invincible, was deftroyed in this
battle, and their colours fell into the hands of a Sco-
tiffi regiment, the 42d. This battle decided the fate of
Egypt. The invaders having the command of the fea,
received reinforcements, fo that they fpeedily became
decidedly fuperior to the remaining French force. In
this battle, however, the Britiffi army was juftly con-
" fidered as having fuffered a great calamity in the lofs
of its general. This officer was at once beloved and
elteemed by the foldiers whom he commanded ; he
preferved the moft ftri£l military difcipline, while, at
the fame time, he fecured the attachment of his troops
by his obvious anxiety for their welfare. Early in
the late war, he was employed on the continent. He
commanded the advanced guard in the aftion on the
heights of Cateau, and conduced the march of the
guards from Deventer to Oldenfaal in the retreat of
the Britiffi troops in 1794. In the following years,
till 1797, he was engaged as commander in chief in
moft of the fuccefsful enterprifes of the Britifh in the
Weft Indies. On his return to Europe, he was inveft-
ed with the rank of lieutenant-general, and appoint¬
ed to the command of the forces in Ireland. In this
ftation he made great efforts at once to protect the
people, and reftore difcipline to the army, both of which
the violence of faftion had induced the rulers of that
country to negleff. Though he was a man of modeft
manners, yet, being of a moft independent chara&er,
he did not hefitate to exprefs, in public orders, the in¬
dignation which he felt on obferving the diforder and
confequent mifery which had been introduced into
Britain,
1 ] B R I
Ireland, by encouraging the licentious infolence of
the troops againft perfons accounted difaffefted to the
government. He freely informed the army in that
country, that they “ were become formidable to every
one but the enemy.” In the expedition to Holland,
he difplayed great military talents, which excited the
admiration at once of his own army and of the hoftile
generals.
After the death of Sir Ralph Abercromby, the
command devolved upon General Hutchinfon. He
loft no time in proceeding towards Alexandria, where
the principal force of the enemy was yet concentred.
In the mean time, the town and caftle of Rofetta were
taken by a diviiion of the Britifti army under Colonel
Spencer, aided by a body of Turks. The French
garrifon, amounting to 800 men, made but a feeble re-
fiftance, and retired to the right bank of the Nile,
leaving a few men killed and prifoners.
While fuch was the ftate of affairs in the neighbour¬
hood of Alexandria, Admiral Blanket, with a con-
fiderable force from the Eaft Indies, effe£led a land¬
ing at Suez. The admiral was feparated from the
reft of his fquadron in the dangerous and difficult pal-
fage of the Red fea ; but before the end of April was
joined by a large re-inforcement under the command
of General Baird, colonels Wellefley, Murray, &c.
As the capture of Grand Cairo, next to Alexandria,
was an important objedt with the allies, a force was
detached early in May for its redudfion. On the 9th
of that month General Hutchinfon, with 40CO Britifti
and an equal number of Turks, attacked the French
near Rhamanieh 5 the French were driven in, and in
the night retreated towards Cairo, leaving a frnall gar¬
rifon at Rhamanieh, which on the following day fur-
rendered to the vidlors. The lofs of the Engliftr on this,
occafion did not exceed 30 men. About the fame
time a body of French and Copts, who had moved
forward from Cairo to attack the Turks, were defeat¬
ed by the grand vizier, who was effentially afllfted
by Colonel Murray, and other Britilh officers. The
French are faid to have loft 50 men and the Turks
about 30 in this adtion. The whole number of French,
&c. engaged was faid to ‘amount to 4600, and the
Turkilh army to 9000.
It was the middle of June before the Britifti
army under General Hutchinfon reached the vicinity
of Cairo. He found the works very much extended,
though the garrifon did not exceed 4000 or 5000 in
number. The captain pacha at the lame time invelled
Gizeh (which may be regarded as a fuburb of Cairo)
on the left bank of the Nile, and the grand vizier
took a pofition within cannon-flrot of the city. Thus Grand
invefted on every fide, the garrifon, on the 22d, fent a Cairo ta-
flag of truce to the Englifh general, offering to treat ken‘
for the evacuation of Cairo upon certain conditions.
After a negotiation of feveral days, the furrender was
finally agreed upon in a convention of 2.1 articles \ the
fubftance of which was, that the French army at
Cairo and its dependencies ftiould be conveyed in ftrips
of the allied powers, and at their expence, together
with their baggage, arms, ammunition, and other effedfs,.
to the neareft French ports in the Mediterranean ; and
of this convention General Menou w'as to be at liberty
to avail himfelf.
The port of Alexandria was all that now remained
JO.
110S
Britain.
mo
Negotia¬
tion.
B R I [7°
, m pofTeflion of the French ; it was attacked by fea and
land,^ and at length furrendered by capitulation on the
Alexandria 2<^ September. At the time when the news of this
furrenders. event reached England, the views of men were turned
a new Hate of things. Adminiftration had ferioufly
entered into negotiations for peace. Thefe were con¬
duced by Lord Hawkefbury on the part of Great
Britain, and M. Otto, who relided at London as agent
for the French prifoners of war, and who was now in¬
truded, on the part of the French, with this important
bulinefs. The whole was managed with fuch fecrecy,that
not even the perfons who were in official fituations, ex¬
cept thofe immediately concerned, were acquainted
with the date of the negotiation 5 and the lord-mayor
of London was the fird perfon out of the cabinet to
whom the rcfult was communicated. Thus no unfair
advantage could be taken 5 and this treaty dands ai¬
med dngular on our records, fince, at a period when the
praCice of gambling in the public funds was from the
wide extendon of public credit more predominant than
at any previous crids, not a dngle indance occurred
of any dnider praCice.
By the preliminary articles, which were dgned at
London on the id of O&ober, by M. Otto on the
part of the French republic, and Lord Hawkeffiury
on the part of his Britannic majedy, Great Britain
agreed to the redoration of all her conqueds,the iflandof
Trinidad and the Dutch podeffions of Ceylon excepted.
I he Cape ol Good Hope was to remain a free port to
all the contrafling parties, who were to enjoy the fame
advantages. 'I he ifland of Malta was to be evacuated
by the Britiffi troops, and redored to the order of St
John of Jerufalem. Egypt was redored to the Otto¬
man Porte. . The territory of Portugal was to be
maintained in its integrity 5 and the French troops
were to evacuate the territory of Rome and Naples.
The republic of the Seven Idands was recognifed by
France. The fiffiery at Newfoundland was edabliffied
Britain.
nix
Prelimina
ries of
peace.
on its former footing; and finally, plenipotentiaries w7ere
to be named by the contrafting parties, to repair to
Amiens,, to proceed with the formation of a definitive
treaty, in concert with the allies of the contrafting
parties. 6
During the war negotiations for peace had fo re¬
peatedly proved unfuccefsful, that a general incredu¬
lity had come to prevail with regard to the poffibility
ol fuch an event; accordingly ail merchants conduc¬
ed, their {peculations upon the fuppofition, that there
exided no probability of an immediate termination to
the war. The date of the prefent negotiation had been
io carefully concealed, that, when the official intelli¬
gence. of its iffue was tranfmitted throughout the coun-
iii2 try> ^ everywhere excited the utmod adoniffiment.
Rejoicings It produced, however, almod indantaneoudy, the mod
nTaS6 ^nbounded expreffions of joy among all orders of per-
ions.. l.he zealous adherents, indeed, of the late ad-
minidration were upon the whole rather diffatisfied ;
but .their voice was overwhelmed in the general accla¬
mations which took place, and which far furpafled the
e.xpreffions of joy which had occurred at the termina¬
tion of any former war. As an abundant harved was
reaped at the fame, time, the profpeC of plenty greatly
rn- added to the public joy.
Meeting of Parliament affembled on the 29th of O&ober. By
parliament. t],;s t;me t],e ncB adminiflration had obtained, by the
2 ] B R I
mildnefs of their condufl, and by their fuccefsful ne¬
gotiations for peace, a powerful hold over the affec¬
tions of the public. When they fird came into office,
they appeared to have obtained a promife of fupport
from their predecefibrs; but, as might naturally have
been expe&ed, this kind of gratuitous fupport could
not be very confiflent or uniform. Mr Pitt himfelf
continued to give countenance to the minider 3 but
others of his friends avowed their diffatisfadlion on ac¬
count of the treaty with France.
The fpeech from the throne announced the favourable KingV^
conclufion of the negotiations begun in the lad feffion fpeech.
of parliament. It expreffed much fatisfadlion, that the
differences w'ith the northern powers had been adjufled
by a convention wbth the emperor of Ruffia, to which
the kings of Denmark and Sweden had made known
their readinefs to accede.
That the preliminaries of peace had been ratified
between us and the French republic 3 and while this
arrangement manifeded the judice and moderation or
our views, it w7ould alfo be found conducive to the in-
tereds of this country and the honour of the Britilh
character. As the provifion for defraying the expen-
ces which mud unavoidably be continued for fome
time, and maintaining an adequate peace edabliflunent,
could not be made wdthout large additional fupplies,
all poffible attention ffiould be paid to fuch economical
arrangements as might be confident with the great ob¬
ject of fecurity to his majedy’s dominions.
The fpeech concluded w7ith applauding the na¬
val and military operations of the lad campaign, and
the glorious iffue of our expedition to Egypt ; and
with a fervent prayer that the people might experience
the reward they fo w7ell merited in a full enjoyment of
the bleffings of peace 3 and above all, in the undi-
durbed poffedron of their religion, their liberties, and
laws.
In the houfe of lords, the motion for the ufual ad-
drefs paffed unanimoufly. In the houfe of commons,
both Mr Fox and Mr Pitt declared, that they joined
in the general joy which the peace had produced, and
gave it their approbation. On the other hand, Mr Th/trelty
Windham had the misfortune, he faid, to differ on the oppofed by
caufe of -the general joy and exultation 3 he did not Mr Wind-
approve of the preliminaries of peace figned withliaai'
France, nor could he approve the addrefs, if it im¬
plied approbation of them ; but as he did not confi-
de.r the 'fupport of the one as infeparably connefted
ivith the other, he ffiould not w'ithhold his vote.
It behoved him to give his reafons for diffenting fo
materially in a material point. To Hand as a folitary
mourner in the midft of public rejoicings, to w7ear a
countenance clouded with fadnefs, whilft all others
W7ere lighted up with pleafure, appeared ungracious.
But were the circumftances of this peace fuch as jufti-
fied our exultations on former occafions ? To him they
appeared in a quite contrary view; and when he w7as
delired to illuminate, he fliould firft endeavour to learn
whether it w7as to light him to a fealf or a fepulchre.
It was his firm perfuafion, that in figning this peace
his honourable friends had put their fignatures to the
death-warrant of the country. He knew the incon-
liftency of human affairs, not was he profane enough
to fet bounds to the difpenfations of providence 3 but
neither could he forefee what changes might be
wrought
.B..R 1 [ ;
"Britain, wrought in the difporitions of the people of England
"—y—— by intrigues from without or convulfions from within ;
but upon no rational view could he fee his way out of
the evils it would entail upon this country.
The only thing which was neceiTary to enable
France to divide with us the empire of the feas was a
participation of our commerce. This Hie would ef¬
fectually fecure by the prefent peace ; while, by the
furrender of our conquefts, we had thrown out of our
hands the only means to prevent it, the extenlion of
our colonial fyftem.
The motives which induced minifters to conclude
thefe preliminaries, Mr Windham faid, he knew not :
fome of them he had heard, but was not convinced ;
on the contrary, they appeared wholly infufficient.
If we wTere forced to accept this peace through inabi¬
lity of reforting to alternatives, their conduct was the
more excufable j and we had to thank them, not for
what they had acquired, but faved for their country.
If they can prove, that, by ceding foreign colonies,
they had preferved objefls nearer and dearer to us, as
Portfmouth, Plymouth, and Ireland, and the foil of
England, from ravage and defolation, they were en¬
titled to gratitude inflead of cenfure; and had eftablilh-
ed, not an apology, but a claim to thanks. Such a
plea, how’ever, he did not recognize ; and how far
they were aCluated by neceflity, would be a matter
for future difcuffion.
Mr Addington faid, that the obfervations of Mr
Windham were premature, as the articles of the treaty
were not before the houfe. Without referring to the
terms of the peace (for that he could not do at this
time without tranfgreffing order) he would aver, that
all we had given up would have afforded us no fort of
fecurity againil: the danger apprehended by Mr Wind¬
ham. The belt counterpoife to the power of France
was in the prefervation of our conftitution, in our in-
duffry and Ikill, in the right direftion of our refources,
(and happily much remained of thefe refources) which
he confidered, under providence, as the fecurity of the
bleffings of peace.
Refpedling the hint thrown out, that fome unknown
neceffity might have been the caufe of minifters having
advifed his majefty to fign the preliminaries, he total¬
ly difclaimed the plea : he did not feek his own juftifi-
cation, nor would any of his colleagues feek it, in fuch
a way. If the enemy had not acceded to the terms
agreed upon, we fhould have continued the contert,
and been able to have carried it on, proving to the
world, that we ftill had refources to maintain the
honour and fecure the liberties of the Britilh empire.
Mr Sheridan faid, that notwithftanding the unani¬
mity with which the addrefs was confented to, he be¬
lieved, that if men fincerely delivered their opinions,
there never was a period of lefs real unanimity. Mr
Pitt had fpoken of the peace in terms to which he
could not agree, calling it glorious and honourable j
Bill more did he diffent from thofe who maintained it
was inexpedient to make peace at all. It was a peace
of which every Engliftiman might be glad, but no one
proud ; it was a peace involving a degradation of
national dignity, fuch as the war might lead us to ex-
pe<ff, the worft in which this country had ever been
engaged j and the peace perhaps as good as any
■oj •] B R I
minifter could make in the circumftances in which Britain.
we were placed. ' v »
In confequence of a meffage from his majefty, com-TN JII<5
municating the preliminary treaty with the French re- the preli-00
public, an addiefs of thanks was moved on the 3d ofininary
November. Earl Spencer expreffed regret, in mani-treaty in
felling a difference of fentiment from the minifters, of11^ h°ufe
all ol whom he entertained a very favourable opinion,0 0r°’
and with fome of whom it was his pride to have coin¬
cided in principles, and co-operated in condudf. The
great objeft of Britain, in former wars with France,
was the prefervation of the balance of power, that the
relative ftrength of France fhould not exceed that of
other countries, and thereby endanger our fecurity.
This was the point wdnch had been confidered, from
King W ildam s confederacy againft Louis XIV. to the
prefent age. To enfure this balance, it w^as not on-
ly neceffary that Britain fhould not be left by the
peace in a worfe political fituation than in the begin-
ning of the war, but that her ftrength, poffeftions, or
acquifitions, fhould continue in proportion as high as
thofe of France. In the prefent war, the acquifitions
of France had been infinitely beyond all former con¬
ception; fhe had, by her arts or her arms, fubdued the
Netherlands, Holland, the left bank of the Rhine,
and a great part of Italy ; her power, compared with
that of Great Britain, exceeded what fhe had been al¬
lowed to retain at any former treaty of pacification,,
nor could we be fecure, when fuch immenfe acquifi¬
tions had been left to France, without any thing like
an equivalent left to this country. 1 his general prin¬
ciple his lordfhip illuftrated at fome length, and
ftrongly condemned the conditions of the peace now
concluded. It w^as a peace of very great inequality,
w’hether we viewed the relative ftate of France and
the continent, or of France and England. It was al-
fo a peace with a republic which was ftill under the
influence of a revolutionary government, with a ufur-
per who could make a rupture whenever his fpleen or
caprice prompted a violation of the contraft, and con-
fequently a peace which could never be confidered per¬
manent. France, overgrowm and gigantic, would eafi-
ly be roufed to a new w'ar, whenever the firft conful
could gratify his inordinate ambition. In fuch a con-
teft there would be great inequality, and thence
wmuld arife danger to this country, which, notwith¬
ftanding the valour of our arms, by fea and land,
would have a powerful and terrible enemy to com¬
bat.
Lord Pelham took a retrofpeft of the feveral nego¬
tiations, efpecially thofe in which the ex-minifters had
been concerned. He faid there was very little diffe¬
rence between the prefent peace, and that under the
confideration of the late miniftry. Fie ftated the nature
and progrefs of the negotiation after Lord Malmefbury
went to I ranee ; and infifted that this was as proper a
time to conclude it as any. Although nothing was men¬
tioned in the preliminaries of the prince of Orange, he
hoped fomething might be obtained for him by’the
noble marquis intrurted with the definitive treaty.
The terms of peace were the beil that could be pro¬
cured, even in favour of our allies, fuch as fcarcely
could have been expefted, as already ftated in the pre¬
liminaries. Portugal was fafe3 whatever might be af-
ferted
B R I
[ 7°4 ]
B R I
Britain, ferted to the contrary, and the Roman and Neapolitan
'N ' territories had been releafed from the French yoke. One
of the greateft triumphs of the war was the expulfion
of the French from Egypt, by which our Ottoman
ally had been faved, and the Britifh name railed to
the pinnacle of glory. With regard to Malta, of
which furrender fo many complaints had been made,
it was his lo.rdihip’s opinion, that its retention would
have been more injurious than beneficial to England.
A powerful garrifon would have been requifite for its
prote&ion, which would have diftrafted our fieets and
armies, without any objeft equal to the vigilance and
a&ivity of our men. In the Eaft and Weft Indies,
we had been triumphant by fea and land ; our poffef-
fions in the eaft, fo valuable to this country, had re¬
ceived very important additions, by the conquefts we
had made there. As to the fecutity of the peace,
we furely had every fecurity which could be expected
in this critical junfture of affairs. Befides, it was the
policy and intereft of France to preferve it, and in this
view he believed it would be preferved, and confe-
quently voted in favour of the motion.
1 Lord Grenville contended, that as Britain was in a
profperous ftate, we ought to have obtained more ho¬
nourable terms of peace, becaufe we were in a condi¬
tion to demand them. He faid, it was far from his in¬
tention, to undervalue the acquifitions of France ; on
the contrary, he thought them more important than
was generally efteemed ; fhe had made the Rhine the
Boundary of her empire, ihe had acquired Savoy, &c.
and not only extended her territories beyond the am¬
bition of her monarchs, but (he had her frontiers pro-
tefted by dependent republics and tributary kings.
•On our fide, we had triumphs no lefs brilliant and
{hiking; we had multiplied our colonies, and our na¬
vy failed invincible. We had refeued Egypt, cap¬
tured Malta, poffeffed ourfelves of Minorca, and fliut
up the Mediterranean from the ftiips of France and
Spain. The Cape of Good Hope was ours, if not
the only, at leaft an important key of the eaft. In
the Eaft Indies, we had every thing except Batavia,
which we might alfo have poffeffed, had we thought
it w^orth the coft of an expedition. In the Weft In¬
dies, we had Martinico, Trinidad, &c. Upon the
continent of South America, we had an abfolute
empire, in extent almoft equal to that power to
which we reftored it. He meant Surinam, Deme-
rara, &c. Such were the colonial poffefiions acquired
by the war. It, indeed, was not undertaken for the
purpofe of colonial conquefts •, yet the force of the
country had wifely been dire&ed to that objeft : for
whenever we were at war with France, it was effen-
tial to cripple her marine, which could never be better
done, than by contrafting her commerce, and depriv¬
ing her of her colonial poffeflions; and thefe ftiould
have been held as pledges of indemnity, and ftill
more as pledges of fecurity. If Europe could not
have been reftored to her priftine ftate, thefe ought to
have been retained as a counterpoife to the power of
France.
Lord Grenville denied the fairnefs of comparing
the prefent treaty with that propofed at Lille. We
now gave up Surinam, Malta, and Minorca. At no
'ame, during the conteft, was the Spirit of the country
fo depreffed, as at the negotiation at Lifle. If it were Britain,
aiked, why did we choofe fuch a period to nego- v
tiate ? the anfwer was, It was not chofen; but minifters
were convinced, that the wTar could not be carried on,
unlefs the people of England clearly found, that the
rulers of France, at that time, would not grant us peace
on any terms of moderation. A variety of caufes .
combined to produce that defpondency *, the ftoppage
of the bank, the defeftion of our allies, and, above all,
the mutiny in the fleet. If fuch were our fituation, the
meafure was defenfible on neceflity j but this W’as not
the cafe at prefent. Under all the difadvantages un¬
der which the negotiation at Lifle was undertaken, we
demanded on that occafiop the Cape of Good Hope,
and Pondicherry and Cochin in the Eaft Indies. The
refult wTas, in his opinion, that w7e had given to the
French the only thing they wanted, the means of cre¬
ating a navy, and of rivalling us in our commerce j
while we had obtained nothing in return.
The earl of Moira faid, that though the terms of
the treaty were inadequate, they wrere unavoidable.
The noble lord who condemned them, ought to recol-
left, that he had left the country in jeopardy, with a
flender chance of recovery, and it was impoffible af¬
terwards to conclude an advantageous peace.—Lord
Nelfon made fome remarks refpebling Malta. He faid,
that when he was fent down the Mediterranean, this
ifland was in the hands of the French 5 and on his re¬
turn from Aboukir, it was his firft objedf to blockade,
becaufe he deemed it an invaluable fervice to refeue it
out of their poffeflion. In any other view, it was of
no confequence, being at too great a diftance from
Toulon to watch the French fleet from that port*, and
in time of peace, it would have required a garrifon of
7000 men, in war as many more, without being of
any real utility to us. The Cape would be equally
detrimental if retained by us; and though it certainly
ought not to be given up to them, this ceflion wrould
be better than to keep it. Though the war had been
long, he believed his majefty feized the firft opportun¬
ity of making peace, and he believed it would prove
the beft that exifting circumftances admitted. The
addrefs was carried by a great majority. I1Ty
When the fame fubjeft was difeuffed in the houfe of Debate otj
commons, Lord Hawkefbury aferibed the origin of the th.e preli-
war, to the interference of France in the affairs of
other nations*, but faid, that the ftate of that country0fconi_
was now confiderably amended, and that it was impofli- mons.
ble to look at the prefent ftate of France, without being
convinced, that we had at leaft effefted this change.
View the manners and opinions of their people in 1795
and 1801 ! After this comparifon he would not hefi-
tate to give his opinion refpedling the moral evils of
the peace, and that they certainly were lefs at this
moment than at any former period. With regard to
the continuance of hoftilities, there were two confi-
derations by which we wore to be regulated 5 the firft;
was, Did we poffefs the power of forming another coa¬
lition againft France ? and the fecond, If we continued
the war, what injury could France do to us, or we
to France ? The firft coalition had failed, the fecond
had equally failed. What encouragement had we to
hope that the third would be more fortunate, and to
hazard fo dangerous an experiment <“
It
B R I [ 705 ] B R I
Britain. It was impoftible, he contended, to find in Europe
vr—the elements of fuch a combination of force, dire£led
to the attainment of one grand end *, and if no coali¬
tion could be formed, what objeft could we poffibly
have in the farther profecution of hoftilities ? As to any
injury which France could do to us, or we to France,
it did not require much argument to prove there was
none. Where, and in what manner was it poflible
for us, with our immenfe fuperiority by fea, to effeft
a fatal blow *, or for the republic to invade an ifland^
not only defended by its navy, but fortified by the
hearts of the people ? The fa£l: was, neither power
could afifedt the other; and to continue hoftilities,
would be a barbarous effufion of blood, for no end but
flaughter. His lordlhip then expatiated on the advan¬
tages we had gained, and the good faith we had main¬
tained with our allies, releafing them from exprefs fti-
pulations when they were expofed to danger by con¬
tinuing faithful to their engagements. To Portugal
every proteftion had been given, confiftent with our
ftrength and her interefts. Naples was required to
exclude our {hipping from her ports. She went far¬
ther, and joined in an alliance, which would have ju-
ftified a declaration of war on our part ; when, with
a magnanimity peculiar to the fpirit of Britain, we in¬
terfered in her favour *, obtained the reftoration of her
dominions, and the re-eftablifhment of her indepen¬
dence. To the Ottoman Porte, wdio of all our allies
remained faithful to the laft, we evinced proofs of in¬
violable attachment and gratitude ; for we procured
for her not only the reftitution of her territories, but
the renunciation of France to acquifitions which
threatened her exiftence. To the ftadtholder and the
king of Sardinia, to whom we were not bound by
obligation, every thing had been performed which this
country was able to perform. An arrangement con¬
cerning the former had been carried on at Berlin j
and though from various reafons it had been with¬
drawn, the ftadtholder was fatisfied with our meafures.
But it had been contended, that we had given up, by
treaty, an iftand of great importance to our foreign
concerns and commercial profperity, Minorca, which
he did not confider as an acquifition worth retaining.
In war, we had always acquired that ifland whenever
we pleafed, and always loft it at the conclufion of
peace to avoid the expence. Of Malta, he fpoke
with lefs confidence, which, from its impregnable ftate,
was certainly of political confequence in the Mediter¬
ranean : but Malta was no fource of trade and opu¬
lence 5 and, connected with the profperity of the Le¬
vant, its confequence was confiderably diminifhed.
The Levant trade might, like many other topics of
commercial fpeculation, be highly valued j but as far
as it related to England, was next to nothing. The
whole of our manufactures, exported thither during
the war, had not exceeded the fum of 112,000!. ; and
this was to be taken out of the aggregate exports of
24 millions. The trade of Great Britain was inconfider-
able, compared with that of other countries, to the Le¬
vant. It was chiefly fupplied by the fouth of Europe, and
muft remain with thefe places, from the nature of its
articles and the facility of its intercourfe. RefpeCting
the north of Europe, it had principally been in the
pofieflion of the Dutch. Here it might be afked, why
the Dutch, who had no fettlement in the Mediterra-
Vou IV. Part II.
nean, had fucceeded in cultivating this branch of com- Brita
merce ? Becaufe their policy wTas wifer than ours. We
prevented ftiips, with forged bills of health, from en¬
tering our ports j made all velfels, failing from the Me¬
diterranean, perform quarantine ; and prohibited the
landing both of found and bad goods. The Dutch,
on the contrary, gave them an airing within their
ports, feparated the good from the bad merchandife,
and allowed the immediate importation of the former.
Thus they occupied almoft the whole of the northern
trade to the Levant, which was fo ftrongly felt by us,
that two years ago, it wras deemed expedient to repeal
thofe laws, to encourage a fyftem of trade, -which the
Dutch converted wholly to their own profit, without
poflefling a port in the Levant.
Lord Hawkefhury added, that of Trininad and Cey¬
lon he could not fay too much, when he called them the
tvvo great naval ftations of the parts of the world to which
they belonged. Ceylon contained ports lo capacious
and fecure, that the whole of the navy and commerce of
Great Britain might ride with eafe and fafety in them.
It held out a pofition to which our Indian army
might retire, if neceflary, and defy the attempts of the
united force of the world. Trinidad was alfo of con-
fiderable naval importance, and fo healthy and pro¬
ductive, as to induce us to feleft it in preference to
every other pofleflion in that quarter. Thus, confider-
ing the refults of the war, if the term glory be not taken
into account, we have at leaft made an honourable
peace ; we had been engaged in a tremendous conteft,
and come out of it, conlidering the circumftances,
with advantage. The fituation of Europe and of Great
Britain might appear critical; but, in a found fyftem
of policy, confifting of firmnefs and moderation, would
be found a counterpoife for every danger, and a reme¬
dy for every evil.
Earl Temple confidered thofe who had figned the
peace, as having figned the ruin of their country.
Amongft other ill confequences, he lamented the en¬
couragement hereby given to republican principles j
and one of its effefts was to revive the hopes of the
difaffeCled. He recapitulated the various oftenfible
obje&s of the war, not one of which had been accom-
plifhed. The only adequate plea for fuch a peace, was
dire neceflity.—Mr Pitt laid, that, upon a fubjeCt of
fuch importance, it was his misfortune to differ from
thofe with whom it had been his happinefs to live in
habits of ftriCleft friendfhip.
He remarked, that it was undoubtedly the duty of
government, in negotiations, to obtain the beft pofli-
ble terms •, but it was difficult to know how far in¬
filling on fome leffer points might endanger the whole
treaty ; and, for his own part, he had no hefitation in
declaring, that he would rather clofe with an enemy
on any terms, not inconfiftent with the honour of his
country, than continue a war for any particular poffef-
fion. When he had the honour of a feat in his maje-
fty’s councils, if it had come to a queftion of terms,
and if the pacific difpofition of the enemy had corre-
fponded with ours, he knew, that he himfelf ffiould
have aCled on that principle ■, and knowing this, it
was but candid to apply it to another adminiftration.
He did not pretend to ftate, that this peace fully an-
fwered all his willies; but the government had obtain¬
ed the beft terms they could, and the terras for which
4 U we
B R 1
Britain,
we contended would not have juftified minirters for
protrafting the war.
Our grand obje£! was to give additional vigour to
our maritime ftrength, and fecurity to our colonial pof-
feffions. In thus confidering the fubjeft, it was necef-
fary to look to the leading quarters of the world in
which we were to feek this fecurity. Our acquifitions
were all in the Mediterranean, in the Ealt and in
the Weft Indies ; and if, on examination of this treaty,
it ftiould appear, that in two out of the three quarters
mentioned, viz. in the Eaft and Weft Indies, we had re¬
tained fuch poffeffions as effeftunlly preferved our an¬
cient territories, we had done much. He meant not
to undervalue the conquefts in the Mediterranean,
efpecially Malta ; but certainly it was of fecondary
confideration, when compared with the Indies. The
Levant trade he accounted unimportant, in compari-
fon with the trade with Ireland, America, and the tropi¬
cal regions. He accounted it found policy to place
Malta under the protection of a third power, to avoid
attracting the jealoufy of France. Mr Pitt declared,
that he regarded the Cape of Good Hope as far infe¬
rior t® Ceylon, which, of all places upen the face of
the globe, would add moft fecurity to our Eaft India
poffeftions ; as Trinidad was of the greateft impor¬
tance in the Weft, being a poll from which w’e might
direCl our future operations againft Spain in South A-
merica. When it came to be a queftion of terms be¬
tween England and France, it was neceffary for us
to retain one of the greateft naval ftations in the Weft
Indies, becaufe our chief want in that quarter was a
naval port. The four were, Guadaloupe, Martinique,
St Lucia, and Trinidad ; and of thofe Trinidad and
Martinique were the beft, and Trinidad the better of
the two.
Mr Pitt juftified our conduCt towards our allies,
who themfelves had forfaken us, or requefted to be re¬
lieved from their engagements towards us. Even
were wre to take upon ourfelves the granting a remune¬
ration to the prince of Orange, Mr Pitt thought it
ought not to ftand in the way of a great national ar¬
rangement. But it had been affirmed, that we had
figned the death-warrant of our country in this peace,
and given to France an augmentation of maritime
ftrength, whilft we had gained nothing to balance her
powrer. Now, in the firft place, if we had retained
all our conquefts, it would not have made any differ¬
ence to us in point of fecurity : not that he meant to
imply that he would not have kept them all if he
could ; but they were not important, except, as they
would give us a little more or lefs of colonial ftrength,
and only tended to promote our fecurity, by increafing
our finance. The acquifition of all thefe iflands would
not have enabled us to counterbalance the powder of
France on the continent \ they wmuld only have added
a little more wealth, which would have been ill pur-
chafed by a little more war.
Mr Pitt faid, that our refources were greater than
the French, or even the Englilh themfelves fully
underftood : but they ought not to be lavifhed away ;
as, by a continuance of the war, we might come to fit
down in a worfe relative fituation than at prefent.
He faid, that the former adminiftration had wifiied to
fee the reftoration of the French monarchy, but did
not infill upon that point. If it became impoflible to
[ 706 ]
B R 1
attain this, policy required that we fhould remain fa- Britain,
tisfied with the next beft.
Mr F 'ox declared himfelf fatisfied with the terms of
the treaty, and aflerted, that no perfeverance in the
war would have enabled us to make peace upon better
conditions. There were perfons he faid, who lament¬
ed the peace as glorious for France. If it were fo, and
not inglorious to England, it gave him no concern.
The opinions of men depended in a great degree upon
their conceptions of the caufes of the war ) if one of
its objefts was the reftoration of the accurfed defpotifm
of France, to him it was another recommendation of
the peace, that it had been obtained without the ac-
complilhment of fuch an objeft. If the coalition to
reftore the Bourbons had fucceeded, the confequences
would have been, amongft all the kings of Europe, a
perpetual guarantee againft all people who might be
oppofed by any of them, in any part of the world. All
countries therefore mull be benefited by the failure
of fuch a projeft, but no one more fo than Great
Britain. Had the coalition in the reign of Charles I.
eftablifhed fuch a guarantee, would the liberties of the
people have been preferved againft the boufe of Stuart >
Had fuch & guarantee exiiled in latter times, would
the revolution of 1688 have been able to maintain it-
felf ?
In the terms and tone of the prefent treaty, he per-
fe£lly coincided. He approved the terms, and thought
the noble fecretary had wifely tempered firmnefs off
conduft, writh moderation of tone ; but further than
this he could not go : he would by no means agree re-
fpefting the time in which the treaty was made, it
came many, many years too late.
He faid, he would put it to the houfe, whether at the
time the oppofition was moft railed againft, for advifing
pacific meafures, we could not have made peace on
terms equally advantageous with the prefent. Would
not France, on the breaking out of the war, have ac¬
ceded to any ? Would the not then have relinquilhed
Holland, and perhaps abandoned her defigns on the
Netherlands ? But fince that eventful period could we
not have negotiated better very often, for inftance, af¬
ter the furrender of Valenciennes ? Again, at Lille
when we only failed from the extravagant pretenfions
of adminiftration ? In January i8co, the chief conful
made a direfl overture, and we returned anfwer, that
the moft effedual mode of facilitating peace Would be
to reftore the Bourbons, not indeed as the only means,
but it was left to the French to fuggeft any other: Did
we hint then at the poffeflion of Ceylon or Trinidad ?
Wrould not Bonaparte have added thefe ? Yes, and the
Cape into the bargain. We then might have had
Egypt by the convention of El Arifti. The gallant
Abercromby, indeed, would not have fallen covered
with laurels in the lap of vidlory, nor would our brave
army have acquired immortal honour; but we fhould
have gained Egypt without the lofs of blood or trea-
fure. The chief conful might not perhaps have re¬
linquilhed the Netherlands, or the left bank of the
Rhine ; but in Italy he had only the Genoefe territory,
and we had nothing then to refill to the fouth-eartward
of the Alps, and our allies were vi6torious to the
frontiers of France. At that time, the inftability of
the government operated with us; but neither its liabi¬
lity nor iaftability were of any real confequence. None
of
1118
Definitive
treaty ne¬
gotiated.
B R 1 [
Britain, of tlte convulfions and changes of the French revolu-
tion produced any material difference in her relation
with foreign powers. She had at the beginning made
peace with Pruffia, and feduloufly preferved it during
the ftormy times fucceeding its ratification. We 'were
told by the minifters to paufe, and we did pauie from
January 1800 to Oftober 1801, and added 73 millions
to our national debt, fince we returned that imperti¬
nent anfwer to the overtures of Bonaparte. This paufe
coft five times as much as all the duke of Marlborough’s
campaigns.
To negotiate the definitive treaty of peace, the
marquis Cornwallis went to Paris towards the clofe of
the year, and from thence to Amiens, where the nego¬
tiations went on very flowly, and were not concluded
till the 27th of March 1802. The chief difficulty oc¬
curred with regard to Malta. It was at laft agreed that
it fhould be rettored to the knights of the order of St
John, under the proteflion and fovereignty of the king
of Naples ; and that it fhould be under the guarantee
of France, England, Ruffia, Spain, Auftria, and Pruf¬
fia j that if the order fhould not have fufficient troops
to defend the ifland, the guaranteeing powers fiiould
each contribute an equal portion of troops, the officers
to be appointed by the grand mafler. It was fettled
that Malta fiiould be a neutral port, that one half of
the garrifon fhould be Maltefe, and that there fhould
be no French or Englifli body of knights, or tongue as
it is called. The king of Naples, however, was to be
invited to garrilon the ifland with 2000 men for one
year, from the reftitution of the knights j which was to
take place in three months after the exchange of the
ratifications of the treaty. In other refpefls, the defini¬
tive treaty differed little from the preliminaries former¬
ly agreed to.
During the dependence of the negotiation, the
French firft eonful Bonaparte had taken fome fteps
which indicated little moderation, or rather an arbi¬
trary prefumptuoufnefs of chara&er, which demonflrat-
ed that it would be extremely difficult to remain up¬
on terms of amity with him, and that the defire of ex-
tenfive dominion, which at prefent governed his coun¬
cil, was of too reftlefs a chara&er to allow much hope of
tranquillity to the world. Without waiting till a defini¬
tive treaty of peace fhould be concluded, he fent an im-
menfe army to St Domingo, which obliged Britain to
fend to the Weft Indies a powerful fleet to watch its
motions. On the continent his meafures were much
more arbitrary. A confiderable portion of Lombardy,
with Milan as its capital, had been erefted into what
was called the Italian republic, containing fome millions
of people. This was now united to France, by the
form of nominating Bonaparte to the fupreme office of
prefident over it. This laft meafure would at any o-
ther period have involved all Europe in war: but at pre-
fent no ftate ventured to interpofe j and the Britifh
minifters finding no power in Europe difpofed to
refift this ftep towards the permanent aggrandifement
of France, and being themfelves truly anxious, as it
would feem, to reftore peace, did not interrupt the ne-
i'Tio gotiations on this account.
Definitive On Thurfday the 29th of April, Lord Pelham by
-treaty. his majefty** command, laid before the houfe of lords,
a copy of the definitive treaty of peace between his
Britain.
1119
Sufpicious
condudt of
Bonaparte.
707 ] B R I
Britannic majefly and the French republic, his Catho¬
lic majefty, and the Batavian republic, figned at Ami¬
ens on the 27th of March. Several debates occurred
in that houfe upon the fubjedl ; and at length, on the nai
15th of May, Lord Grenville moved the order of the
day, for the houfe to take into confideration the defi- tjYe treaty.
nitive treaty. He remarked, that it might be afked of
what ufe was difeuffion, now that peace was concluded ?
was it to abrogate, could it corredl the treaty i1 To this
queftion he was the firft to anfwer that this unfortunate
treaty had been ratified by his majefty, and was there¬
fore irrevocable ; to its terms, however injurious, we
were bound to accede. By evafion we fhould but add
to difafter difgrace, and, with the lofs of national hon¬
our, fill up the meafure of national calamity. He wifli-
ed not to impede the execution of the treaty, but to
demonftrate to that houfe its dangerous tendency j to
afeertain the fituation in which it left the countryto
point out the perils which impended, and the fafety
which yet remained. His objeflions to the prelimi¬
nary treaty he had already ftated ; but to the definitive
treaty there were Nobjeftions yet more formidable.
Flis lordfhip obferved, that the two bafes of negotiation,
the JIatus ante helium, which fignified the aclual fitua¬
tion of the parties previous to hoftilities, and the uti
pojjidetis, which referred to their pofition during the
pacification, had both been applied in the moft preju¬
dicial manner to this country. With regard to her-
felf, England had adopted the JIatus ante helium 5 with
regard to her rival, the, uti pojjidetis. England had
ceded her own conquefts, and confirmed to France her
new acquifitions. France poffeffed dominion on the
continent ; we had to oppofe to that dominion, the co¬
lonies of France and Spain. It would have been juft:
that France ftiould purchafe our colonial by her con¬
tinental facrifices. His lordfhip contrafted the defini¬
tive treaty with that of 1763. It had, he faid, been an
invariable principle wfith Lord Chatham, to make the
preliminary as much as poffible the definitive treaty 5
our negotiators had treated with France during a na¬
val armiftice. Immediately fubfequent to the preli¬
minary treaty, France had fent an armament to the
Weft Indies, and obliged England to deftine for the
Weft Indies alfo, a naval force more than double to
any fquadrons which had been fent during the war.
The neceffity of keeping in the Weft Indies 35 fail of the
line was the firft fruits of the peace. His lordfhip con¬
tended, that it was incumbent on our negotiators to
have infifted that the French fleet ftiould not fail till
the preliminary articles w'ere definitively ratified, and
till the firft conful had afforded proof that he meditat¬
ed not the acceflion of power he had fince made in
Italy. It was obvious, that the definitive treaty con¬
tained conceflions more important than the preliminary
articles; and it was palpably the object of the French
government to exclude the commerce of this country
from the continent of Europe. With refpeft to the
fituation in which Portugal and the prince of Orange
W'ere left by the treaty, the houfe had been told that
it was a pity, and that the articles w'ere read with re¬
gret. The propofed indemnity to the prince of Orange
w'as evidently at the option of France } for the Cape
of Good Hope, no effort had been made to enfure its
independencej and Malta, whofe independence had been
4 U 2 exprefsly
B R I
Britain.
exprefsly ftipulated, with the provifion that it Ihould
be guaranteed by one of the powers of Europe, com¬
petent to its prote&ion, wras finally placed under the
guarantee of fix powers who never could be brought
to agree on the fubjedf of it. Its reftoration to the or¬
der was nominal and futile. He had eftimated the
whole Maltefe revenue at 34,000!. of which, however,
8000I. only came to the knights ; he was now compe¬
tent to ftate that the expenditure of Malta amounted,
on the average of ten years, to 130,000!. per annum.
The dominions in France and Spain had been confifcat-
ed ; the langues of Italy had produced about 20,000 or
25,000!. from their property in Piedmont, which was
alfo confifcated j the langues of Naples and Portugal
with a revenue of 20,000!. remained to fupport the
ellablifliment of 130,000!. The order of Malta was
virtually extindl j it would be fubjedt to the nomina¬
tion, the influence, and the dominion cf France. His
lordlhip objefted to the treaty, that certain pecu¬
niary claims, which Britain had for fupporting the
French prifoners during the war, had been relinquiflied.
He contended that, by the circumftance of this treaty
not containing a claufe as ufual renewing former trea¬
ties, and in particular by the non-renewal of the treaty
of Utrecht, this country had ceded its claims of equal
participation with France in the privileges of com¬
merce in Spanifh America. In like manner, wTe had
confirmed the ceflion of Goree and Senegal, wuthout
renewing the claufe which ftipulated for us the liberty
of carrying on the gum trade; whilft France had mani-
fefted-her hoftility to our commerce, by prohibiting the
right of trading on that part of the coaft of Africa.
His lordfhip proceeded to take a retrofpedtive view of
the fituation of this country at the commencement of
the negotiation. With a colonial territory of an im-
menfe extent, we had, in the very conquefts achieved
by our arms, the means of perpetuating our victories.
P rom the Weft Indies, the produce of which amounted
^o two millions annually, a confiderable revenue had
anfen, which was now loft. By our naval fuperiority,
we had controuled the movement of the French fleet;
they were now at liberty to fleer for the Weft Indies,
and we wmre under the neceflity of fending fleets to
watch them. We were in pofleftion of refources ade¬
quate to the profecution of the w'ar, and held in our
hands the means of extorting a juft and reafenable
peace. Inftead of improving thefe advantages, we had
refigned to the French the preponderance of power on
the continent, eftablilhed her fway in Italy, and an¬
nexed to her important pofleffions in India. Even our
right of fovereignty in India was no longer recognized.
It had been fuggefted that this right was guaranteed
by the filence of the definitive treaty ; a mode of argu¬
ment which appeared equally ftrange and Angular.
His lordftiip affirmed, that the fovereignty of the Cape
was neceftary to the fafety of our territories in India.
He mftanced the war with Tippoo Sultan, when a cor¬
vette had been fent to the Cape, from whence freffi
troops were immediately difpatched, who landed
marched, and co-operated at the fiege of Seringapa-
tam. ^ By ceding the Cape to Holland, we had ceded
it to France. The town and port of Cochin had alfo
been furrendered to Holland, and virtually to France.
In the Weft Indies we had reftored to France Martinique
[ 708 ]
B R I
and Tobago, and facilitated the recovery of St Domin. Britain,
go. France was alfo miftrefs of Louifiana, and in re- 1 v-“—
ality of Honda, which could not from its vicinity to
Louifiana remain fubjedl to Spain. France pofleffed
the key of Mexico, which (he might enter at any
period. If wre turned to the Mediterranean, his lord-
fliip faid, it wmuld be impoffible to fend there a Angle
Ihip, without the permiffion of France. We were ftrip-
ped of Majorca, Minorca, and even of the ifland of
Elba ; we were excluded from Leghorn, and deprived
of the means of maintaining a fleet in that fea. The
king of Sardinia could no longer open to us his ports.
His lordftiip obferved, that the vi&ory obtained by
Lord Nelfon at Aboukir was to be attributed to the
affiftance rendered by the king of Naples. In return
for thefe fervices, the Britifti government had ftipulat¬
ed that the French republic ftiould evacuate his do¬
minions, without ftipulating that they fhould not re¬
turn to them. His lordftiip added, that whatever the
valour of the Britilh navy had won, the incapacity of
a Britilh miniftry had loft. He wmuld alk whether
the advantages of luch a peace preponderated over the
difadvantages of the war ? It had diminiflied our com¬
merce, and rendered it abfolutely neceffary, for the fake
of fafety, to maintain a great naval and military force
in conftant difcipline.
The duke of Norfolk expreffed his hope, that now
the fword was reftored to its fcabbard, it would not
again be unftieathed for the acquifition of a ftation in
the Mediterranean. Lord Auckland, in reply to
Lord Grenville, difcuffed a point of fome importance
in the law of nations. He ftated, that, from an at¬
tentive perufal of the works of the publicifts, he had
correfted, in his own mind, an error ftill prevalent;
that all treaties between nations are annulled by wrar,
and, to be reinforced, muft be fpecially renewed on the
return of peace. It was true, that treaties, in the na¬
ture of compadls and conceflions, the enjoyment of
which has been interrupted by the wTar, are thereby
rendered null: but compafls which were not impeded
by the courfe and effedt of hoftilities, fuch as the
rights of a fiffiery on the coafts of either of the belli¬
gerent powers; the ftipulated right of cutting log¬
wood in a particular diftridl: compadls of this nature
were certainly not aftedled by war. There wTere alfo
circumftances which might authorize the diflblution of
treaties, without any rupture between the two parties.
In the late revolution in Holland, the antecedent
treaties fubflfting between us would have been diflbl-
ved, although no hoftilities had enfued, by her incapa¬
city to maintain the relations to which thofe treaties
were meant to apply. It had therefore been -well ob¬
ferved by Vattel and other writers, that treaties ceafe
whenever an efl'ential alteration in either of the con-
tradfii g parties takes place. He applied this dodtrine
to Savoy, Switzerland, and other countries, the tem¬
porary vidlims of the French revolution. His lordftrip
admitted, that the definitive treaty contained not a
Angle provifion, diredl or indiredl, for the renewal of
treaties, which had fubfifted previous to the war ; but
it was not true, that by the non-renewal of our trea¬
ties with Holland, the vefiels of that republic would
be exonerated from the ancient pradtice of ftriking
their flag to Britifh ihips of war in the Britifti feas;
that
B R I [ 709 ] B R I
Britain, that pra£tice had exifted independent of the treaty of
’V’—' 1782, or even of the treaty of Breda in 1767, which
were only recognitions of a pre-admitted claim. The
fame remark was applicable to the lixth article of the
treaty of 1764, by which the ftates-general promifed
not to obftruft the navigation of Britifh fubjefts in the
eaftern feas. That article was no new grant, but an
acknowledgment of a right, and a notification to mer¬
chants that they would not be difturbed in the exer-
cife of that right. With refpedt to France, his lord-
fhip acknowledged, that the commercial treaty of
1786 had expired, but not till it had reached the na¬
tural era of decay ; nor Ihould he feel folicitude for its
refufcitation, unlefs our negotiator at Amiens could
have proved, that the French manufadturers were able,
in [802, to refume the competition to which they
were unequal in 1786, under the exiftingtariff; unlefs
we alfo would have facrificed the additional wine du¬
ties, which produced above a million fterling. He
had the deepeft convidlion of the importance of com¬
mercial treaties; and he appealed to the recolledlion
of the manufadlurers of Birmingham, Staffordfhire,
Lincolnlhire, Yorkfhire, and Paifiey, who, during
fix years, had experienced the benefits of the commer¬
cial treaties. His lordfhip was ready to admit, that
the great and venerable mafs of treaties, which had
long conftituted the title-deeds of nations, was utterly
gone ; but this event was independent of omiffion in
the definitive articles; it was caufed by the fate of
vyar and the tide of revolutions, which had fwept away
the old order of things in Europe. He thought the
French plenipotentiaries right in objefling to the re¬
newal of treaties, irreconcileable with the prefent
ilate of Europe. With regard to our fovereignty in
India, it had been confirmed and extended by various
treaties, recognized by all the powers of Europe and
India, who had accepted privileges from us; and fi¬
nally eftablilhed by the undifturbed poffeffion of 40
years: that France was bound by the law of nations,
in India and elfewhere, and by that law w7as pledged
to refume the fituation Ihe had maintained previous to
the war.
On the contrary, Lord Carnarvon reprefented the
treaty as pregnant wfith danger to the country. With
the higheft refpedt for the virtues of thofe who com-
pofed the prefent adminiftration, his lordfhip confeffed,
that he had never confided in their talents or experi¬
ence. The moment they had taken- the helm, they
had preffed into their fervice a noble lord, beloved in¬
deed, but ill fitted for the invidious talk of coping
with men old in craft, adepts in duplicity, regardlefs
of principle, and unpraftifed in virtue. Under nego¬
tiators fo unequal, fome difadvantages were inevita¬
ble ; yet the preliminary articles which difappointed
even the leaft fanguine, and which were approved by
none, were welcomed by all. It had been hoped,
that fome articles relative to our allies, and involving
our own national honour, would be altered : but the
definitive treaty, inftead of realizing, had annihilated
thefe hopes ; conceffion was heaped on conceffion, dif-
grace added to difgrace. By omitting to renew former
treaties, miniflers had unadjufied all former adjufted
difputes, and without the cuftomary acknowledgment
of our rights, had left us to the honour and juffice of
France. So myfterious, his lordlhip obferved, had
1
been this part of their condudf, that it was difficult to Britain,
underftand whether they fought this omiffion, or were
betrayed into it. The country was entitled to know
the truth, and his lordfiiip challenged the miniftry to
avow it. It was palpable, that a deliberate refufal to
renew a treaty, admitted but of one conftruftion, that
the treaty was abrogated ; if the refufal had come from
France, the liability of the peace was on a different
footing : all former difputes were let loofe.
Lord Ellenborough expreffed much furprife, that
the non-renew7al of treaties Ihould have been urged as
a ferious objedlion to the definitive treaty. To what
purpofe was folemn nonfenfe to be revived ? Were
not thefe treaties replete with articles wholly inappli¬
cable to the prefent political Hate of Europe ? For
himfelf, he could as well think ©f the revival of the
condition of mankind, in fome very remote period, as
of the ancient treaties which had become inapplicable
and obfolete. Our fovereignty in India, his lordlhip
faid, relied on the rights of conqueft in legitimate
war, upon the repeated recognition of all the powers
of Europe, and on the bell rights of all, poffeffion. •
His lordlhip, in a rapid epitome of our hillory in In¬
dia, obferved, that the acceptance of the Dewannee
was a foolilh thing, though he honoured the gallantry
and ability of Lord Clive. He approved of the ar¬
rangement refpedling Malta ; and thought the ceffion
of the Cape of Good Hope a fubjedl of felicitation ra¬
ther than of regret. He Hated, that the charge at
which it mull have been retained was enormous ; that
England could not fend thither a fingle chaldron of
coals, without the expence of 2 61. 10s.; and it was
notorious, that when the Dutch were remitting to this
country, in the feafon of fcarcity, a fcanty fupply of
grain, the Englilh government had to procure rice
and other provilions from India ; and was even obliged
to fend home for a fupply of bifcuit, not for our troops,
but for the Dutch themfelves. Much had been faid
of the free navigation of the Indian leas. Had a Britilh
Ihip been Hopped in thofe feas ? For the paltry prero¬
gative of lowering the Dutch flag, he thought there
was little magnanimity in exadling of the weaker, more
than was required of the flronger powers ; and he add¬
ed, that Portugal was grateful for the lervices render¬
ed her by the definitive treaty. 1122
The lame fubjedl, after being repeatedly alluded to, Debate iw
was finally difcuffed in the houle of commons on the the boufe
13th of May. Mr Windham attacked the treaty in 0^commons
feveral of its prominent parts. With regard to Malta,
he contended, that it mufl ultimately fall into the treaty,
hands of the French. The little order of Malta,
wffiich contained in itfelf the great chara&eriflic and
diltindlive qualities which the French revolution had
fubverted, was now deflroyed. Fhe little phial which
contained the effence of the old principles, had been
diluted by miniflers, not even with common water,
but with water from the puddle. The German
knights had already refufed to ferve in a body fo de¬
graded and debafed ; the Neapolitan foldiers would
form no fecurity for the independence of the illand ;
the Hate of Malta was a virtual furrender, and our po-
fition in the Mediterranean untenable. The Cape of
Good Hope was ceded, in full fovereignty, to the
Dutch, who were thus at liberty to refign it to France.
It had been faid, that the Cape was but a tavern ; and
B R I [ 710 ] B R I
Britain, furely a tavern, in the middle of a long voyage, was
T" no unimportant accommodation : without it, the troops
deftined for the Eaft India fervice mult arrive in that
country, in a ftate which would unfit them for active
exertion. No other refting port was open to us ex¬
cept the Brazils ; and who was to enfure us conftant
accefs there in a feafon of hoftilities ? Our Indian em¬
pire was, Mr Windham obferved, our flieet anchor ;
and whatever was neceffury for its prefervation, was
©f the laft importance. The difadvantages on our fide,
Mr Windham contrafted with the advantages in fa¬
vour of France. By the reftitution of Cochin to the
Dutch, they had acquired the means of annoying our
poffeflions in the Eaft Indies. In defining the bounda¬
ries of French and Portuguefe Guiana, minifters ap¬
peared to have been puzzled with the Colapanatuba
and Afouari, and that the Afouari was the limit af-
ligned : there was in faff little difference between the
treaty of Madrid and that of Badajos. France had
obtained her object, the navigation of the river Ama¬
zon •, and the Portuguefe fettlements were left expo-
fed to the foe. Mr Windham deplored the ceflion of
•Eouifiana to France, wdiich, confidering the indefinite
extent of Guiana, wTas a furrender of a fourth part of
the globe : two rivers, the greateft in the world,
the Mifliflippi in the north, the river of Amazons in
the fouth of America. Rivers were the vital parts of
countries ; without hyperbole, we might be faid to
have given away a brace of continents. In aggrava¬
tion of this thoughtlefs prodigality, minifters had aban¬
doned the whole continent of Europe to France ; they
had let in a tide, which fpread like a torrent in every
direftion, endangered our fafety at Honduras, and me¬
naced our deftruftion in India. We already knew
the French too well, to doubt that they would fcruple
what means they ufed to accomplilh their ends. Had
they not fraudulently obtained the reftitution of Porto
Ferrajo to the king of Etruria, to fecure it to them-
felves ? Regardlefs of ftipulations and treaties, they
had feized on the ifland of Elba ; and, to beftow a
compenfation on the king of Etruria, extorted Piom-
bino from Naples. Mr Windham proceeded to deli¬
neate the coloffal powTer of France, which refembled
nothing that had exifted fince the empire of Rome. The
French were a new race, of Romans 5 in ten years they
had even acquired more than the Romans achieved in
fifty-three. On the map of Europe two nations only
ftood ereft; and of thefe, the one from dirtance more
than ftrength. Auftria was indeed ftill rich in relources,
but deftitute of foreign aid. There was no fingle
power which could enter the lifts with France. In
the firft conflift it would be nearly crulhed by her tre¬
mendous mace : but Mr Windham added, it was by
1'ome fuppofed, that though Europe fliould be wrecked,
we at leaft might take to our boat and efcape. By
the Ipeftre of French power, we ftiould ftill be pur-
fued : in Afia, in America, it would follow clofe,
fearing us with its gorgon afpeft. Mr Windham here
enumerated the iflands ceded to France in the Weft
Indies. He maintained, that the eftabliihment of the
blacks in St Domingo wrould be lefs formidable to
this country, than its fubjeftion to France. Admit¬
ting that fome black emiffaries had reached our
jfiands j to private interefts fuch an event might have
been more prejudicial, but to political interefts lefs
2
fatal. Mr Windham repeated, that we had given Britain,
away two continents 5 and that the objedl of France ——v-—
obvioufly was, the attainment of univerfal empire. He
admitted, that the peace muft be obferved, now that
it was entered into ; but concluded with a motion for
an addrefs, expreflive of difapprobation of it.
Lord Hawkefbury faid, that from fome obfervations
of Mr Windham’s, it would feem that whenever any
continental power, however unconnefled with us, be¬
came involved with France, it was our duty to volun¬
teer our interference, and our afliftance. That we were
deeply interefted in the deftiny of the continent, he
was willing to admit 5 but he conceived our interfer¬
ence with its commotions to be optional, neither miti¬
gated by neceflity, nor extorted by honour. At the end
of nine years of war, his lordlhip continued, we had
found ourfelves deferted by our allies. With the firft:
intimation which his majefty’s minifters received of the
new- conftitution of the Italian republic, they had heard
of its acceptance by the courts of Vienna, Berlin, and
Peterfburgh. Under thefe circumftances, he would
fubmit to the houfe, whether it was incumbent on us to
continue the war on account of the Italian republic.
The celfion of Louifiana by Spain to France, was a-
nother ground of complaint ; that province had origi¬
nally been a French colony, when the Mifliflippi was
the boundary between it and Great Britain 5 it had been
ceded by France to Spain, in a private convention, be¬
tween the preliminaries and the definitive treaty of
1763 ; a proof that conventions of this nature, if not
right, were at leaft not new. The value of Louifiana
was at prefent nominal j as a naval ftation it was al¬
lowed to be infignificant *, and its vicinity to America
was calculated to diminilh, rather than augment the
attachment of that country to France : he therefore
left it to the houfe to judge whether Louifiana wmuld
have juftified the renewal of hoftilities. Concerning
the non-renewal of certain treaties and conventions,
his lordfhip obferved, that the principle on which trea¬
ties had ulually been renewed, appeared not to be un-
derftood. The treaty of Weftphalia formed a diftinft
sera in the hiftory of Europe j and in order to afeertain.
the relative fituations of the different powers, it had
been cuftomary to renew that treaty, together with any
particular conventions fubfequent to it. In the prefent
inftance, it w^as to be confidered, that formerly all pre¬
ceding treaties had been renewed by all other powers
of Europe. In the prefent w ar no European power
had done fo ; and confequently, if we renew ed former
treaties, we only fhould be bound whilft other nations
were free. By renewing former treaties, we ftrould have
been forced to fandtion all the recent encroachments
of France j and by fandlioning the treaty of Luneville
we fliould have been acceffary to the difmemberment
of the Germanic empire. With regard to commercial
treaties, it was impoflible to renew them, without re¬
newing ftipulations refpedting rights of neutrality, and
perfonal privileges, detrimental to our interefts. His
lordlhip reprefented the definitive treaty as coinciding
with the preliminary treaty which had previoufly re¬
ceived the fandlion of the houfe. In regard to the
permanence of the peace, he w7as willing to admit,
and to deplore, that, in the prefent ftate of the world,
any peace was infecure.j but the precarious tenure ou
which this blefling wTas to be held, was no reafon
B R I [ 7
Britain, for rejedfing it. France had renounced her revolu-
—y—; tionary principles, and refumed the old maxims of poli¬
tics and religion. After the preceding convullions, a
good government was hardly to be expected ; an amelio¬
rated government was however gradually forming from
the ruins of revolution. Had France remained under
the Bourbons, (he would have been equally our rival j
under all governments her ambition would have been
the fame. Finally, his lordihip obferved, that we had
emerged from a dangerous war with our refources and
credit unimpaired, and that it was improper to wade
them or the fpirit of the country. An exultation had
been manifelted on the ligning of the preliminaries,
which he Ihould have been concerned to witnefs on the
conclufion of any peace ; and no ftronger argument
could be adduced of the expediency of refpiring from
the war. He concluded with moving an addrefs to his
majefty, to teftify the fatisfaftion of the houfe, on the
conclufion of the definitive treaty.
Mr Dundas oppofed Mr Windham. He faid, that
we had now acquired the undoubted fovereignty of In¬
dia. In his judgment, however, the Cape and Cey¬
lon formed our two great bulwarks, and he never
would have confented to the furrender of the former.
He acknowledged that the ceffion of Malta was to him
a fubjeft of equal regret; and that to the relinquifh-
ment of either of thofe places he fhould have refufed
his-affent, had he continued in adminiftration : but he
would not fupport the addrefs moved by Mr Wind¬
ham, becaufe it contained an inventive againff the
peace.
The debate was adjourned, and continued on the
following day. Sir William Young contended, that
when a ftanding army was deemed effential to the pre-
fervation of peace, it was proper that the people fliould
be informed of the date of affairs which juftified fuch
a meafure. He contended, that France had an afcend-
ancy in Italy,. which fubje6led Malta to her power,
r\ hilft the Italian republic, inflead of being an indepen¬
dent date, was a French province. A new langue
was formed of the inhabitants of Malta, who were
chiefly compofed of goldfiners, and modly fpoke the
Arab dialed ; and thefe were to aflimilate with an an¬
cient body of venerable nobility. He predided, that
the nobles would refufe to incorporate with the new
langue, who would confequently place the ifland in
the hands of our foes. He reverted to the ceffion of
Louifiana ; and afcribed that, with other evils, to the
non-renewal of the treaty of Utrecht, which has flipu-
lated, that France fhould acquire no new poflftflions,
on the continent of America. He took a furvey of
the French power in the Wed Indies, and concluded
»vith faying, that what Rome had been, France would,
be.
Lord Cadlereagh remarked, that our grand objed
from the commencement to the clofe of the war, had*
been the edablifliment of general fecurity; that the
gradual extindion of jacobin principles, and the gra¬
dual redoration of order and tranquillity, had been gi¬
ven as fureties for the peace. With regard to the terri-
tonal acquifitions of France, he admitted, that they
might eventually become of infinite importance ; but
he contended, that they were not pregnant with im¬
mediate mifchief, and only could be the fources of dif-
11 1
tant danger.
B R i
w He reprobated the timidity which had
been felt and exprelled, as calculated only to deprefs
the ipirit of this nation, and to elevate that of our ri¬
val. His lordfhip lamented the diminution of our in¬
fluence on the continent; but fuggeded, that to regain
that influence, we mud give back to France her colo¬
nial pofl'edions. He maintained, that with the revival
of her commerce, and the cultivation of her colonies,
our intereds would increafe. He compared the imports
and exports of the two countries; and dated our im¬
ports to have increafed during the war, from 19 to 30
millions, and our exports, within the fame period, 'to
have augmented from 24 to 43 millions ; articles of
Britifh manufadture exported, to have rifen from 18
to 24 millions, and our tonnage from 1,600,000 to
2,100,000 j our mercantile feamen, to have increafed
from 118,000 to 143,000, although 120,000 failors
had been employed in the navy. On the other hand,
what were the commercial refources of France ? In
I777, lated period previous to the war at which
any regular account was obtainable, the French ex¬
ports were twelve and the French imports nine millions^
Prom the Welt Indies, their imports were about feven
millions and a half, their exports about two millions
and a half at the fame period j from their colonies lad
year, their imports did not exceed in value 61,cool,
their exports not more than 41,000!. Admitting, then,
that at the commencement of a commercial rivalfhip,
the exports of France Ihould amount to feven, her im¬
ports to eight millions ; whild our exports amounted
to 43, and our imports to 23 millions ; what had we
to fear from the conted ? As little reafon, obferved
his lordfhip, had we to dread any prohibition on our
manufactures by France or her allies. It could not be
the intered of a poor country to purchafe dear articles,
in preference to thofe that were cheaper j and allowing
that Prance could be abfurd enough to exclude our
manufactures from her own ports, could die extort
from the powers under her influence a fimilar prohibi¬
tion r His lordfliip here reverted to the year 1800,
when our exports to the continent of Europe amount¬
ed to though the prohibition againlt our
goods was more general than it had ever been. He
enumerated the countries independent on French in¬
fluence ; Denmark, Sweden,, Ruflia, Pruflia, Poland,
and Germany.. The only countries under the do¬
mination of France, were Holland, Spain, Portu^a],
and the. Italian dates. To Portugal, the-influence of
P ranee could., extend only during war 5 and fince Ve¬
nice was under the emperor, at one extremity-of Italy,
and Naples lay at the other, he faw little to apprehend
from any prohibition which France might feek to efla-
bhfh. In the Wed Indies, his loidfhip obferved, the
profpeCI was yet more fatisfaClory j the annual value
of Britifh produce fent to thofe ifiands, did not exceed
eight millions, an amount, which, when contraded with
the great aggregate of our exports, was of little im¬
portance j m the prefent date of her manufaftares _
however, France would be compelled to funply he--
colonies from the Britiflr market. ' With regard to St
Domingo, his lordfldp dated, that on a moderate cal¬
culation, about one half, or nearly 300,000 of the
blacks had periflied fince the commencement of dis¬
order in that ifland. Allowing this defedion, and edima.,
ting.
Brit
B R I [7:
Britain, ting each man at 60I. the fum of 18 millions would
be neceflary to provide for the ifland the ordinary
complement of black inhabitants. Was it probable,
that France ftiould poflefs the capital to make this pur-
chafe, without which, the ifland would be of little
value ? His lordlhip concluded with recommending a
vigorous eftabliflunent, adequate to the proteftion of
our rights, independence, and honour.
Mr Addington faid, that he defired not that the
treaty (hould be praifed. He had never regarded it
with fentiments of exultation *, never lavilhed on it
panegyric : he was content, that the honour of the
country was unfullied by the meafure he had adopted.
If he were afked, why, after the tranfadlion at Lyons,
no remonftrance had been made to France ? he muft
anfwer, that it was wrong to put queftions, which his
duty as minifter forbade him to refolve. This he would
fay, that, had the negotiation failed, it was the inten¬
tion of his majefty’s minifters, to have laid every do¬
cument concerning it before the houfe. He ac¬
knowledged, that the territorial acquifitions of France
could not be viewed without regret 5 but there were
events which we could not controul, and difpenfations
in which we muft acquiefce •, he ftiould rejoice to fee
the refources of this country economized by peace.
He trufted, that peace would be preferved ; or, fhould
the war be renewed, hateful as was that fuppofition, it
would be a fatisfaftion to every man in that houfe to
refledl, that nothing had been neglefted for the pre-
fervation of peace. He would even fay, that we were
purfuing the beft courfe for war, by hufbanding our
refources, at a period we had the liberty of doing fo j
or, what was better, of preventing a war, by being pre¬
pared to meet it.
Mr Sheridan treated the fubjedft with fome gaiety.
He faid, he fupported the peace, becaufe he was con¬
vinced that minifters could obtain no better j their
predeceffors had left them to chufe between an expen-
flve, bloody, fruitlefs war, and a hollow perilous peace.
He attacked the new oppofitionifts, who had been
fupporters of the former adminiftration, and demanded
for what did we go to war ? Why, to prevent French
aggrandifement. Have we done that ? No. Then
we are to refcue Holland: Is that accomplifhed ? No.
Brabant is the fine qua non : Is it gained ? No. Then
come fecurity and indemnity : Are they obtained : No.
The late minifter told us, that the example of a jacobin
government in Europe, founded on the ruins of a holy
altar, and the tomb of a martyred monarch, was a fpec-
tacle fo dreadful and infectious to chriftendom, that we
could never be fafe while it exifted, and could do no¬
thing ftiort of our laft effort for its deftruCtion. For
thele fine words, continued Mr Sheridan, which had
at laft given way to fecurity and indemnity, we had
laid out near 200,000 lives, and near 300 millions of
money, and had gained Ceylon and Trinidad. But
one grand confolation remained. Bonaparte was to be
the extirpator of jacobinifm ; the champion of jacobi-
nifm wTas to become a parricide ; the child of fin was
to deftroy his mother ; he had begged pardon of God
and man, pioufly reftored bifhops with the falaries of
curates, and penitently extorted of them a folemn oath
to turn fpies and informers in his favour. It had been
.faid, that France muft have colonies to be afraid of
2 ] B R 1
war j that is the way to make Bonaparte love peace. Britain.
He has had, to be fure, a rough military education ; u*—
but if you put him behind the counter a little, he will
mend exceedingly. When he was reading the treaty
he thought all the names of foreign places, Pondicher¬
ry, Chandernagore, Cochin, Martinico, all ceflions. No
fuch thing j they are fo many traps or holes to catch
this filly fellow in, and make a merchant of him. Mr
Sheridan faid, that at prefent in Britain, nobody knew
who was minifter, as the prefent minifters continued to
identify themfelves with the former. That wrhen the
ex-minifter quitted his office, almoft all the fubordinate
minifters kept their places. Of the late minifter, he
faid, that none more admired his fplendid talents than
he did. If ever man w7as formed to give luftre to his
country, he was that man. He had no low, little, mean,
petty vices; he had too much good fenfe, tafte, and
talent, to fet his mind upon ribbands, ftars, and titles $
he was not of a nature to be the tool and creature of
any court: but great as were his talents, he had mif-
applied them in the politics of this country, he had
augmented our national debt, and diminifhed our popu¬
lation. He had done more to abridge our privileges,
to ftrengthen the crown at the expence of the conftitu-
tion, than any minifter he could mention. Mr Sheri¬
dan concluded with moving, as an amendment to Lord
Hawkefbury’s addrefs, that it wTas the opinion of that
houfe, that the omiffion of various opportunities of ne¬
gotiating peace with advantage to this country, more
efpecially the rejeftion of the overtures made by the
firft conful of France in January 1800, appeared to that
houfe to have led to that ftate of affairs, which render¬
ed peace fo neceffary, as to juftify the painful facrifices
which his majefty had been advifed to make for the
attainment thereof. The addrefs propofed by Lord
Hawkeftmry was carried by a very great majority.
During this feflion of parliament, the moft important General
operation of finance, confifted of the repeal of the tax con<iU(a 0f
upon income, which gave great fatisfaftion. Indeed, adminiftra-
i* their whole conduft, adminiftration conduced them-d00,
felves with a degree of moderation and prudence,
which greatly conciliated towards them the minds of
the public. They defended on all occafions the for¬
mer miniftry, againft the attacks of the old oppofition ;
and in return, they were fupported by a confiderable
number of the members of that adminiftration, includ¬
ing Mr Pitt. At the fame time, they did not appear
unwilling to enter into political connexions with the
members of the old oppofition. Parliament was pro¬
rogued on the 28th of June, and diffolved on the fol¬
lowing day. The ele&ions which immediately fuc-
ceeded, exhibited the fingular fpedtacle of an admini¬
ftration, that avoided interfering in the choice of the
members of parliament. The members and friends,
however, of the old adminiftration, together with their
opponents, were abundantly a&ive.
The effedl of the change of miniftry had by thisj-g-JJj.*^
time been very fenfibly felt over the vrhole ifland. the change I
During the preceding ten years, the minds of men had, of miniftry. I
in a lefs or greater degree, been kept in a ftate of
conftant alarm from the fear of plots and confpiracies
againft the government ; and from the apprehenfion,
that a moft dangerous difaffedfted party was at all times
ready to burft forth into a&ion ; and that the Britifti
conftitution
Britain.
1125
lEffedts of
tlic peace
B R I [7
conftitutlon was only preferved in confequence of the
— fufpenfion of the habeas corpus aft and other legilla-
tive reitraints, aided by the extreme vigilance of ad-
minitlration, and of their friends, in repreffing difaffeft-
ed perfons. Hence fociety exifted under a fort of ge¬
neral apprehenfion and diftrult ; and perfons original¬
ly unfriendly to the war, fuft'ered in all departments of
bufinefs, and in every quarter of the country, a con-
fiderable degree of political perfecution. All this had
now palled away 5 the new minifters fuffered the pe¬
nal and reftraining laws quietly to expire, and the con-
ftitution to depend for lupport upon its own ftrength
and the ancient provilions of the law ; they gave them-
felves no trouble about the general fcntiments of
the people with regard to fpeculative fubjefts, and
feemed willing to conciliate the good will of all orders
of the date. The confequence was, that all the fears
and anxiety which formerly exifted about the fafety of
the conftitution, feemed to pafs away like a dream, and
an univerfal attachment to the inftitutions of the coun¬
try appeared to exift, without any jealoufy that danger
to their fafety was to be apprehended from any quar¬
ter ; and political animoftties, being no longer fed by
alarms excited by government, were, as if by a fort of
enchantment, appealed and forgotten.
With regard to the effefts of peace upon the Bri-
. tilh and French nations, they promifed at firft to be
extremely favourable to the general interefts of huma¬
nity. The French had fuccelsfully defended their own
independence, and in their turn had affailed thofe by
whom it had been menaced, with fuch a perfevering
energy as fecured to them a portion of relpeft from
the Britifh nation 5 while on the other hand, the mari¬
time triumphs of Britain had been fo fplendid during
the whole war, and the valour of her troops in Egypt
had been fo diftinguillied, as to fecure to this country a
high degree of conlideration in the eyes of the French.
T he people of the two countries accordingly feemed
eager to unite into habits of great intimacy with each
other. Very conftderable numbers of Frenchmen
came over into Britain 5 while at the fame time multi¬
tudes of perfons of all ranks haftened from Britain, to
vifit a country that had of late years excited in fo re¬
markable a degree the attention of all the nations of
•Europe, and been the fcene of fuch extraordinary
tranfaftions. Upon this tendency of the two nations,
thus reciprocally to abandon their mutual animofities, a
fyftem of commercial intercourfe might have been rear¬
ed, of a nature much more perfeft and fimple than that
created by Mr Pitt’s commercial treaty. There is no
reafon to believe, that any difpofition exifted on the
part of the Britilh government to Hand aloof from
France, or to avoid, for any political reafon, the ex-
tenfion of our commerce into that country. There can
be no doubt that fuch an intercourfe would have prov¬
ed favourable to b ranee in every point of view. It
would have enabled her people to derive confiderable
aid from the great capital of Britiftr merchants, which
would have been rapidly and liberally advanced to¬
wards promoting the culture of their wines and other
valuable produftions. Even in a political point of
view, France would have derived aggrandifement from
fuch a connexion. What flie wanted was a navy to
enable her to defend her colonies, or even contend
with any chance of fuccefs againft Britain in the event
Vol. IV. Part II.
13 ] B R I
of a future war. This fhe could only obtain bv means Britain,
of commerce, and commerce could in no w ay be bet- v——
ter encouraged than by engaging continually in trade
with the firft commercial nation upon earth.
But it was now to be demonftrated to mankind, that a Conduft of
man may be qualified to lead armies fuccefsfully to t^e *renck
battle, to overrun provinces, and to attain the envied menT.11*
title of a conqueror, who at the fame time pofleffes
only a very moderate portion of magnanimity, of felf-
command, or knowledge of the rules of found policy
or the beft interefts ot nations. The French govern¬
ment, inftead of feizing the opportunity of encouraging-
their people to become commercial, and thus gradual¬
ly acquire wealth, and form a maritime power by lay¬
ing open their ports, and holding out to Britain a com¬
mercial treaty upon the moft liberal principles, fhut
their own ports more clofely than during the moft vio
lent period of the w?ar. They vainly fancied, in this
wTay, that they would enable their own manufafturers
to rival thofe of Britain, while in faft they only ex¬
cluded their wines from the Britifti market 3 and by
thus lofing the only fure and ready mode of attrafting
riches into their country, they prevented the acqui-
fition by enterprizing individuals of a large capital
gained by trade, without which no manufaftures can
ever greatly profper. They idly thought they were in
this way limiting the trade of Britain, which having
all the reft of the world open to its efforts, could not
thus be injured, and thus in truth they only injured
themfelves.
With fimilar ill policy, or at leaft with a reftlefs
fpirit of ambition, the French government could not
abftain from purfuing aggrandifement by thofe efforts
of violence which are only tolerable in the midft of
war, but which in peace juftly excite the jealouly and ’
indignation of mankind.
One of the firft enterprifes of Bonaparte, in confe-French7ex-
quence of the peace, was to reduce under his power pedition
the ifland of St Domingo. That great and fertile aSain.fl: St
ifland had fuffered the moft fevere calamities in confe- DoiTun20*
quence of the revolution. Thefe had terminated in
the emancipation of the negroes from ftavery; and
they had formed themfelves into a regular and fuffi-
ciently orderly government, at the head of which was
one of their own race, Touffaint, a man of humanity,
and, it is faid, of confiderable talents. Reports were
circulated in Europe, that he wiftied to render St Do¬
mingo independent of France ; but of this there is no
proof: and it is probable that his chief offence Tonfift-
ed of the general eltimation and perfonal confequence
to which he had attained ; and that the defpotic Ipirit
of Bonaparte could endure no appearance of elevation
of charafter, or of independence, in any part of the
French territory. Nor was it unnatural, that under a
military government force ftiould have been employed
rn preference to any methods of conciliation. At the
end of the year 1801, an army of 25,000 men W'as fent
out to St Domingo 3 and as fingle ihips and fmall
fquadrons continued to fail during the winter, loaded
with troops, it is believed that nearly 40,000 men were
employed in what might be called the firft divifion of
the. expedition. We have very defeftive accounts of
their proceedings, but they appear, to have been ex¬
tremely difgraceful on the part of the French. The
negro chiefs having refufed unconditional fubmiflion,
4 ^ they
B R I [71
Britain, they were attacked, and having been defeated in fe-
l' tr**- veral battles, diiunion among themfelves took place,
and Touffaint was at laft induced to enter into a nego¬
tiation. The terms of the treaty were concealed ; but,
as he was flill at the head of a refpe&able force, it is
believed that the pofleffion not only of his perfonal
freedom, but the tmdhlurbed enjoyment of his proper¬
ty, was fecured to him, and his followers were pro-
xnifed a full indemnity. This took place in the be¬
ginning of May 1802.
The French general, Le Clerc, the brother-in-law
of the chief conful, no fooner perceived the negro
chief in his power, and the tranquillity of the colony
apparently re-eltablifhed, than he immediately accom-
plilhed one of the bafeft adds of treachery that ever
difgraced a government. The abdicated general was
accufed of a confpiracy, though it was evident there
was not time from his fubmiflion to his feizure even to
meditate, much lefs to organize, fuch a meafure. - On
the 12th of May, Touffaint, with his whole family,
was put on board a frigate, and, contrary to the mold
folemn treaty, (hipped off for France. There he
foon perifhed, in confequence of harlh ufage in prifon.
The negroes of St Domingo foon perceived themfelves
to be betrayed and deceived. An attempt was made
to reduce them back into the (fate of flavery after
they had now* enjoyed freedom for feveral year?, and
they were publicly fold as formerly. The chiefs who
had been prevailed with to defert Touffaint, and whofe
defertion had led to his furrender, now juftly fearing
that they were deftined to partake in the miferable
fate of their deluded colleague, betook themfelves to
flight. The whole illand revolted. The climate came
in aid of thefe avengers of tyranny and falfehood. The
miferable inftrument of the firft conful’s cruelty fell
himfelf the vidlim of the climate. After a feries of
horrors and atrocities, even worfe than thofe which
blacken the memory of Fvobefpierre, Marat, and Car¬
rier, and which will, to future ages, remain a lading
ftain on the French character ; the republic had to re¬
gret the lofs of 60,000 of her bed troops, in a vain at¬
tempt to fubdue a colony, which might, with temper
and humanity, have been conciliated.
Comluft of Eur0Pe the conduff of the French government
the French was not lefs arbitrary. The whole fortreffes of
in Europe. Piedmont were difmantled, and that country ultimate¬
ly annexed to France. The fame was done with re¬
gard to the duchy of Parma and Placentia. The
Swifs, in the mean time, whofe form of government
had been altered in imitation of that of France, widied
to redore the ancient conditutions of the cantons, under
which their ancedors had profpered during fo many
ages. Their prefent leaders, however, who had rifen
to power by the protection of France, {elicited the in¬
terference of Bonaparte in their favour. He accord¬
ingly fent a numerous army againd Switzerland, and
in fpite of the remondrances of the Britifh court,
placed the fovereignty in the hands of his own depend¬
ents or adherents.
After all their druggies for freedom, the French na-
ofEona ^on now ^bmitted to a confirmed military defpotifm.
parte avow-When Bonaparte fitd affumed the appellation of chief
ed. conful, it was under the declaration, that his office
would only endure, in terms of the conditution then
promulgated, for ten years. But this conditution was
1 ] B R I
now7 altered, and the affent of the people urns demand- Britain,
ed to a new conditution, by which Bonaparte was to v ■'
remain conful for life, and even to poffefs the power
of nominating his own fucceffor. Suffrages to this
meafure w7ere obtained to the number of 3,577,259.
The event w7as celebrated with the highed magnifi¬
cence in Paris j and addreffes of congratulation were
prefented from the different courts of the continent of
Europe, and even from the emperor of Germany. 1130
Thefe tranfactions could not fail to be noticed in Papfr waJ
Britain, and to be the fubjeCf cf remark in the public
newfpapers. In thefe the unprincipled ambition ofan(j the
Bonaparte, and the degraded chara&er and date ofEngldh
the French nation, became topics of frequent difeuf-newfpapers.
don. It appears that Bonaparte very early became
jealous upon this head. The Englifh had long bead¬
ed, in confequence of their political freedom, of their
fuperiority as a people over their endaved neighbours of
France *, and the fird conful, no doubt, dreaded led
the vanity of his fubjefts diould be wounded by re-
prefentations, coming from the free prefs of England,
of the date into which they had fallen. A great de¬
gree of irritation was thus produced in the French go¬
vernment againd England ; and the chief conful even
went fo far as not only to prohibit the importation of
Englidi newfpapers into France, but to demand from
our government, that the bed bulwark of Britidi free¬
dom diould be done aw7ay, by impofing redri£tions upon
the liberty of the prefs. He was w7eak enough,
through the medium of the French ofdcial journal, to
commence a conted of argument and of eloquence
againd the writers of Englidi newspapers. In fuch a
warfare he could not fail to be beaten ; becaufe they
had nothing elfe to do but to write, and becaufe the
obfeurity of their dtuation, as individuals, enabled
them to inflidl wounds without fear of reprifals. Such
wniters alfo had much to gain by fuch conted, as they
could wi(h for nothing more favourable to their em¬
ployment, that to be enabled, during a dull and mono¬
tonous period of peace, to render their lucubrations in-
tereding, and to amufe their readers, by engaging in a
paper w7ar with the great Bonaparte. Thefe circum-
dances, however, added to the redlefs ambition of this
perfonage, and his obvious want of difeernment of the
true intereds of France, or want of patience to purfue
them, left little reafon to hope that the peace fo re¬
cently concluded would be of long duration.
The new parliament affembled on the 16th of No-Meeting of
vember, Mr Abbot w7as chofen fpeaker of the boufe 0f Par*iament*
commons 5 and on the 2 2d of the fame month his ma-
jedy, in a fpeech from the throne, congratulated the
country on having experienced the bounty of divine
providence in the produce of an abundant harved.
He remarked, that the date of the manufa61ures,
commerce, and revenues of the united kingdom was
douridiing beyond example 5 and that the loyalty and
attachment w7hich w7ere manifeded to the king’s per-
fon and government, afforded the dronged indication
of the jud fenfe that was entertained of the numerous
bleffings enjoyed under the protection of our happy
conditution. “ In my intercourfe with foreign powers,
(continued his majedy), I have been aCluated by a fin-
cere difpofition for the maintenance of peace. It is
neverthelefs impodible for me to lofe fight of that
edablidied and wife fydem of policy by which the in¬
tereds
B R I
Biitain,
1132
Execution
for high
treafon.
”33
State of the
finances.
terefts of the other Hates are conne&ed with our own,
I cannot therefore be indifferent to any material
change in their relative condition and ftrength. My
conduct will be invariably regulated by a due confi-
deration of the a&ual fituation of Europe, and by a
watchful folicitude for the permanent welfare of my
people.
“ \ ou will, I am perfuaded, agree with me in think¬
ing, that it is incumbent on us to adopt thofe means
of fecurity, which are belt calculated to afford the
profpeft of preferving to my fubje&s the bleffings of
peace.” In both houies, the ufual addrefs was agreed
to unanimoufly and without debate.
About this time, Colonel Defpard, and fix perfons
of low rank, were executed for high treafon. He was
an Irifli gentleman, of a good family. He had long
been under clofe confinement, during the late admini-
ftration, upon fufpicion of entertaining criminal de-
figns againff government. His imagination while un¬
der feclufion from fociety, appeared to have become
inflamed nearly to madnefs. After his liberation, in
confequence of the habeas corpus aft being no longer
fufpended, he had affbciated with a number of mean
perfons, whom he had induced to imagine, that they
were capable of overturning the government, and al¬
tering the conffitution. They took an oath to this ef-
feft, and agreed to attack the king at the meeting of
parliament, to feize the tower and the bank, and to
incite a general infurreftion. Their criminal engage¬
ments with each other -were fully proved. Their
execution was attended with no particular confe-
quences.
In propofing the fupplies, on the loth of December,
Mr Addington made fome remarks, which are not un¬
worthy of attention in a hiftorical point of view'. He
faid, that the year 1792 had, in general, been the
moll profperous year of our finance. The permanent
taxes in that year amounted to 13,853,000!. In
the laft year, the permanent taxes produced nearly
double that fum; their produce amounting to no lefs
than 26,829,000!. He could now from experience
congratulate the houfe, and affure them, that the re¬
venue was conftantly and regularly on the increafe.
There was every reafon to look forward, with the
utmoft confidence, to the grow'ing profperity of our
commerce and manufaftures. The amounts of im¬
ports had been greatly fwelled, by the large impor¬
tation of grain. T hey amounted in that year to
1° the part of the prefent year wdiich
had expired, they amounted, without that aid, to
I5,640,o°o1. Our general exports, in 1801, amounted
t° 42 millions, d he exports of the prefent year, he
had reafon to believe, would fall little fhort of 50
millions, their real value being taken. The number
of veffels which entered into the port of London in
1801, was 3385 j in 1802, it was 4750. The ton¬
nage of thofe veffels was in 1801, 418,631; in 1802,
5745371” The number of men navigating in 1801, was
23,096 ; in 1802, 26,251. This was, he trufted, ful¬
ly fufficient to juftify the affertion which he had late¬
ly made, that the commerce and navigation of this
country nad not fuftered from the operation of the
tonnage duty. It was to be obferved, that wdiat we
gained by our traffic, others did not lofe; other powers
■5 1 b r r
had, therefore, no more reafon to look on our com- Britain,
mercial purfuits with jealoufy, than we had to look on
theirs with fear. In the latter refpeft, it was juflly
faid lafl night, by a noble friend near him (Lord
Hawkefbury) we had fairly got the Hart of them.
This pre-eminence he had no doubt that we Ihould re¬
tain, as long as wTe preferved our fuperiority in com¬
merce, credit, and capital. The great inffrument of
their confervation was the finking fund, which, as it
had fupported us under every difficulty, fo now he was
convinced it would uphold and maintain our prefent
profperity. When this great plan was propofed, in
1786, by his rioht honourable friend Mr Pitt, who was
now abfent, the public debt was 238 millions. The
fund, at that time, was no more than one tenth of the
intereft on the debt, but though the latter had fo
greatly increafed, the fund had advanced more in
proportion, as it now amounted to one third of the
intereft. ii.j
In the mean while, fome difficulties occurred in the Difficulties
execution of the treaty of Amiens. The Britilh mini-5'1 execut-
ftry had avoided engaging in a quarrel with Bona-*1^1^-
parte, on account of his continental ufurpation, be-Aliens,
caufe they found no potver willing to join with them
in refilling him ; but his relllefs ambition induced
him to endeavour to lay hold of the illand of Malta ;
and his impatient fpirit prevented his condufting the
plan with fuch flownefs as might enable him to avoid
fufpicion, and enfure fuccefs. That ifland was deltined,
by the treaty, to be intrufted to the order of St John.
Without waiting till the Britilh Ihould abandon it,
Bonaparte inllantly fet on foot negotiations with the
different countries to which the knights of the order
belonged, to procure the abolition of the order, the
confiication of its revenues, and the prohibition of the
future enrollment of knights, or their departure to
Malta. Having accomplilhed thefe objefts, he requir¬
ed the Britilh government to deliver up the illand to
a grand mailer, appointed, at his inlligation, by the
pope; or to the king of Naples, who was to receive
poffeffion, in the firll inllance, for behoof of the knights.
As, llriftly fpeaking, there was thus no longer any
order of Malta to defend the illand, and as the king
of Naples was at all times at the mercy of France ;
the evacuation of Malta by the Britilh troops, in the
prefent Hate of affairs, would have been equivalent to
transferring it to this lall power. The Britilh mini-
flry had fubmitted to the late continental acquifitions
of France, from want of means to oppofe them; but
they refolved to oppofe the feizure of an ifland, be-
caufe the fuperiority of the Britilh fleet enabled them
fuccefsfully to do fo. This determination appears to
have greatly perplexed the vehement and irritable
mind of Bonaparte. No fuccefsful refillance had hi¬
therto been made to any of his continental enterpriles;
and as the attempt now made, to refufe delivery of the
ifland of Malta to the king of Naples, and the nomi¬
nal grand mailer of the order of St John, could only
be jullified by accufing him of having afted fraudu¬
lently againll the fpint of the treaty ; fo an acquref-
cence on his part in the retention of the ifland,
contrary to the exprefs llipulations of the treaty of
Amiens, would have been equal to a confeffion of
guilt. In this fituation he found himfelf detefted in a
4X2 deceit,
B R I [71
Britain, deceit, which he was unwilling to acknowledge, while,
 ' at the lame time, he fuffered the additional mortifica¬
tion of having facrificed his reputation, without any
profit in return, becaufe the irreiillible power of the
Britilh navy rendered it impoffible for him to feize
Malta by force. While he remained under this di¬
lemma, a converfation occurred between him and the
Britiih amballador, Lord Whitworth. As the fortunes
of Bonaparte have been too extraordinary, not to ren¬
der him for ages a prominent objedf in hiftory, it may
be wmrth while, for the fake of throwing all pofiible
light upon his character and aefions, to record the
converfation alluded to, in the terms iv which it was
reported to the Britiih court. Lord Vv nitworth in a
letter of the 21ft of February, to Lord Hawkelhury,
fays:
t “ I received a note from M. Talleyrand, (minifler
convert C for foreign affairs) informing me, the firlf coniul defir-
fation with ed to converfe with me, and that I would come to him
Lord Whit- at the Thuilleries, at nine o’clock. He received me
worth. jn his cabinet, with tolerable cordiality 5 and after talk¬
ing on different fubjedfs, for a few minutes, he defired
me to fit down, as he himfelf did, on the other fide of
the table, and began. Fie told me, that he felt it ne-
ceffary, after what had paffed between me and M. de
Talleyrand, that he fhould in the moft clear and au¬
thentic manner make knowm his fentiments to me, in
order to their being communicated to his majefty, and
he conceived, this would be more effedtually done by
himfelf, than through any medium whatever. Fie laid,
that it was a matter of infinite difappointment to him,
that the treaty of Amiens, inftead of being followed
by conciliation and friendfhip, the natural effedls of
peace, had been produdtive only of continual and in-
creafing jealoufy and miflruft ; and that this miftruif
was now avowed in fuch a manner, as muft bring the
point to an iffue. lie now enumerated the feveral
provocations which he pretended to have received
from England. He placed in the firft line, our not
evacuating Malta and Alexandria, as we were bound
to do by treaty, in this, he laid, that no confidera-
tion on earth w’ould make him acquiefce, and of the
two, he had rather fee us in poifeffion of the Faux-
bourg St Antoine, than Malta. He then adverted to
the abufe thrown out againft him, in the Englilh pub¬
lic prints j but this, he faid, he did not fo much re¬
gard as that which appeared in French papers pub-
lifhed in London. This he confidered as much more
mifehievous, fince it meant to excite this country a-
gainfl him and his government. He complained of
the protection given to Georges, and others of his de-
feription, who, inftead of being lent t® Canada, as had
been repeatedly promifed, were permitted to remain
in England, handfomely penfioned, and were conftantly
committing all forts of crimes on the coafts of France,
as well as in the interior. In confirmation of this, he
told me, that two men had within thefe few days
been apprehended in Normandy, and w'ere now on
their way to Paris, who were hired affaftins, and em¬
ployed by the bifhop of Arras, by Georges and by
Dutheil, as would be fully proved in a court of juf-
ticc, and made known to the world. He acknow¬
ledged, that the irritation he felt againft England in-
creafed daily, becaufe every wind (I make ufe as much
6 ] B R I
as I can of his own ideas and expreftions) which blew
from England, brought nothing but enmity and ha¬
tred againft him.
“ He now went back to Egypt, and told me, that if
he had felt the fmalleft inclination to take poffeflion of
it by force, he might have done it a month ago, by
fending 25,000 men to Aboukir, who would have pof-
feffed themfelves of the whole country, in defiance of
the 4000 Britifti in Alexandria. That inftead of that
garrifon being a means of proteCling Egypt, it was
only furniftring him a pretence for invading it. This he
would not do, whatever might be his defire to have it
as a colony j becaufe he did not think it worth the rilk
of a war, in which he perhaps might be confidered as
the aggretTor, and by w7hich he ftiould lofe more
than he could gain, fince, fooner or later, Egypt would
belong to France, either by the falling to pieces of
the Turkifh empire, or by fome arrangement with
the Porte.
“ As a proof of his defire to maintain peace, he wifh-
ed to know what he had to gain by going to w ar with
England. A defeent was the only means of offence
he had, and that he was determined to attempt by put¬
ting himfelf at the head of the expedition. But how
could it be fuppofed, that after having gained the
height on which he flood, he wrould rilk his life and
reputation, in fuch a hazardous attempt, unlefs forced
to it by neceftity, when the chances were that he and
the greateft part of his expedition would go to the bot¬
tom of the fea. He talked much on this fubjedl, but
never affebled to diminilh the danger. He acknow7-
ledged, that there w’ere a hundred chances to one
againft him; but ftill he was determined to attempt
it, if war fhould be the confequence of the prefent
difeuflion; and fuch was the difpofition of the troops,
that army after army would be found for the enter-
prife.
“ Fie then expatiated much on the natural force of
the two countries. France with an army of 480,000
men, for to this amount it is, he faid, to be immedi¬
ately completed, all ready for the moft defperate en-
terprifes; and England with a fleet that made her mif-
trefs of the feas, and which he did not think he fhould
be able to equal in lefs than ten years. Two fuch
countries, by a proper underftanding, might govern the
world, but by their ftrifes might overturn it. He faid,
that if he had not felt the enmity of the Britifh go¬
vernment on every occafion fince the treaty of Amiens,
there would have been nothing that he would not have
done, to prove his defire to conciliate ; participation
in indemnities as w7ell as in influence on the continent,
treaties of commerce, in fhort, any thing that could
have given fatisfaftion, and have teftified his friend-
ftfip. Nothing had, however, been able to conquer
the hatred of the Britiih government, and, therefore,
it was now come to the point, whether we fhould have
peace or war? To preferve peace, the treaty of A-
miens muft be fulfilled ; the abufe in the public prints,
if not totally fuppreffed, at leaf! kept within bounds,
and confined to the Englifh papers j and the protec¬
tion fo openly given to his bittereft enemies, (alluding
to Georges, and perfons of that defeription,) muft be
withdrawn. If war, it was neceffary only to fay fo,
and to refufe to fulfil the treaty.”
Britain.
The
B R I [ 71/ ] B R I
1137
Transfe¬
rence of
Louiiiana.
Britain. The refult of this converfation, and of fome fufpi-
cious circumftances in the conduft of the French, was
that on the 8th of March, the following meffage w"ts
II3(J addrefled by the king to the houfe of commons. “His
^■'"S^l^majefty thinks it neceffary to acquaint the houfe of
danger of commons, that as very conliderable military prepara-
hoftilities. tions are carrying on in the ports of France and Hol¬
land, he has judged it expedient to adopt additional
meafures of precaution for the fecurity of his domi¬
nions. Though the preparations to which his majefty
refers, are avowedly direfted to colonial fervice, yet
as difcufFrons of great importance are now fubfifting
between his majefty and the French government, the
refult of which muft at prefent be uncertain, his ma¬
jefty is induced to make this communication to his
iaithful commons, in the full perfualion, that while
they partake of his majefty’s earneft and unvarying fo-
licitude for the continuance of peace, he may rely with
perfedl confidence on their public fpirit and liberality,
to enable his majefty to adopt fuch meafures as cir¬
cumftances may appear to require, for fupporting the
honour of his crown, and the effential interefts of his
people.” Upon the motion of Mr Addington, the
houfe voted an addrefs, agreeing unanimoiffly to fup-
port the crown in the meafures propofed. It fpeedily
appeared, that the preparations which had been allud¬
ed to in the king’s meffage were extremely trilling.
Bonaparte had obliged the Spaniards to cede to him
the fovereignty of Louiiiana, in North America, that
is to fay, the great country to the fouth-weft of the ri¬
ver Miflifiippi, which lies between the United States
and the Spanilh province of Mexico j and an arma¬
ment, with about 4000 troops, was now preparing to
leave the ports of Holland, to take poiTeftion of the
territory thus acquired. The government of the Uni¬
ted States oppofed this mealure 5 and the ftate of Ken¬
tucky fent notice to the prefident, that 10,000 volun-
teersTad enrolled themfelves, and were refoived, with
or without the aid of the union, to refill; the fettle-
ment of the French in their neighbourhood. Bona¬
parte, who probably had no ferious intention of effec¬
ting fuch a fettlement, fold for a fum of money to
the United States of North America, the country of
Louifiana ; a country inhabited by many independent
tribes of favages, and to which, upon the principles of
natural juftice, neither he, nor the Spaniards, nor the
Americans, had any right. But the inhabitants of
Europe, and even the tranfatlantic race of Europeans,
had now for fome ages been accuftomed to regard all
foreign countries as unoccupied property, which they
may feize and transfer to each other, without regard
to the natural inhabitants, whom they confider as
beings of a fubordinate race and charafler. Accord¬
ingly, this transference of Louifiana excited no fur-
prife in Europe.
In the meanwhile, as the king’s meffage to the houfe
of commons, already mentioned, demonftrated a de¬
termination on the part of the Britifh government to
prefer a new war, to fuffering Bonaparte to carry far¬
ther his ambitious projefls ; the mind of that perfon
feems to have been wrought up to a ftrange degree of
irritation. In his palace, he affefled to ufe all the
forms of the ancient French court. At the drawing¬
room, where he was waited upon by the whole ambaf-
fadors of Europe, and by a numerous affemblage of
perfons of high rank from all countries, he could not Britain,
preferve the forms of ordinary civility to the Britilh V'T
ambaffador; and Lord Whitworth, in a defpatch °f Bonaparte
the 14th of March, which was afterwards communi-infuits the
cated to parliament, gave the following account of the Eritifh anu-
behaviour of the firft conful, on one occafion, at the haffader.
court of the Thuilleries :—“ He accofted me, evident¬
ly under very confiderable agitation. He began, bv
alking me if I had any news from England ? I told
him I had received a letter from Lord Hawkeihury
two days ago. fie immediately laid, And fo you are
determined to go to war : No, I replied ) we are too
fenfible of the advantages of peace. We have had
wrar for 15 years already. As he feemed to wait for
an anlwer, I obferved only, we have had too much of
it. But you wifti to carry it on for 15 years longer,
and you force me to it. I told him, that it was very-
far from his majefty’s intentions. He then proceeded
to Count Marcow, and the chevalier Azara, who
were Handing together at a little diftance from me,
and faid to them, The Englilh wifti for war ; but if
they are the firft to draw the fword, I fliall be the lait
to (heath it : they have no regard for treaties : hence¬
forth they fhould cover them with black crape. In a
few minutes he came back to me, and refumed the
converfation, by fomething perfonally civil to me. He
began again, Why thefe armaments? Againft what
are thefe meafures of precaution ? I have not a fingle
Ihip of the line in the ports of France ; but if you
wilh to arm, I will arm alfo. If you wifti to fight, I
will fight alfo. You may perhaps deftroy, but you
will never intimidate France. We wilh neither the
one nor the other. It is our defire to live in good un-
derftanding with her. You muft regard treaties then.
Confufion to thofe who have no regard to treaties:
they will be refponfible for it to all Europe. He
was too much agitated to make it advifable for me to
prolong the converfation. I therefore made no an¬
lwer ; and he retired to his apartment repeating the
laft phrafe.
“ It is to be remarked, that all this palled loud
enough to be heard by 200 people, who were prefent 5
and I am perfuaded, that there was not a fingle perfon
who did not feel the impropriety of his condudft, and
the total want of dignity as well as of decency 011 the
occafion.”
In the mean time, the negotiations proceeded. Bo¬
naparte ftill infilled upon the literal fulfilment of the
treaty of Amiens. Fie appears to have flattered him-
felf, that the Britilh miniftry would not venture to re¬
new the war on account of Malta. Their pacific difi-
pofitions wTere well known : they had fuffered him to.
make great encroachments upon the continent, with¬
out engaging in hoftilities. They were underftood to
confift of men,, who were not the leaders of any party,
but had only held a fubordinate rank as fupporters of
Mr Pitt’s adminiftration ; and they had been loudly
accufed in Britain by the ex-minifters, and by many
of the old oppofition, of want of talents and want of
fpirit, on account of the apparent tamenefs with which
they had recently adled. Hence it feems likely, that
Bonaparte prefumed that they would ultimately give
way to his demands. But the good temper and for¬
bearance of adminiftration, had the effedl of roufing,
in a very great degree, the fpirit of the Britifti nation,,
and
B R I [ 7
, ^n^a'n* . aild of inducing a great proportion of the people to
wilh to engage in a war, againft a man whom they
now detefted as an odious ufurper. Thus encouraged,
IM9 adminiltration rofe in their demands of the price to be
Ultimatum Pa*J by France for the continuance of peace. On the
of the Bri- 12th of May, Lord Whitvyorth prefented the ultima-
tifh court. tura 0f tjle Britifh government, which was in thefe
terms :
“ t. The French government fliall engage to make
no oppofition to the ceffion of the ifland of Lampedofa
to his majefly, by the king of the two Sicilies.
“ 2. In confequence of the prelent ftate of the illand
of Lampedofa, his majefty ihall remain in pofleffion of
the illand of Malta, until fuch arrangements lliall be
made by him, as may enable his majefty to occupy
Lampedofa as a naval ftation ; after which period, the
illand of Malta Ihall be given up to the inhabitants,
and acknowledged as an independent ftate.
“ 3. The territories of the Batavian republic fliall
be evacuated by the French forces, within one month
after the conclufton of a convention founded on the
principles of this project.
“ 4. The king of Etruria, and the Italian and Li¬
gurian republics, ftrall be acknowledged by his ma¬
jefty.
“ 5. Switzerland ftrall be evacuated by the French
forces.
“ 6. A fuitable territorial provifton ftrall be affign-
ed to the king of Sardinia in Italy.
“ Secret article—-His majelty fliall not be required
by the French government to evacuate the ifland of
Malta, until after the expiration of ten years.
“ Articles 4. 5. 6. may be entirely omitted, ormuft
jr q all be inferted.”
War re- This propofal having been rejefled, war was an-
newed. ncrunced on the 16th of May, by a mefiage from the
king to the two houfes of parliament. On the 21ft of
May, a declaration, juftifying this meafure, was infert¬
ed in the London gazette. As the ftatements con¬
tained in it are fufficiently candid, and exhibit an au¬
thentic detail of the public a6is which occafioned this
1141 renewal of the war, we ftiall here infert a few of its
Brhifli moft important paragraphs. “ As foon as the treaty
juftification of Amiens was concluded, his majefty’s courts were
cf the war. 0pen to ^ peopie Qf France, for every purpofe of le¬
gal redrefs. All fequeftrations were taken off their
property ; all prohibitions on their trade, which had
been impofed during the war, were removed ; and
they were placed on the fame footing, with regard to
commerce and intercourfe, as the inhabitants of any
other ftate in amity with his majefty with which there
exifted no treaty of commerce.
“ To a fyftem of conduft, thus open, liberal, and
friendly, the proceedings of the French government
afforded the moft ftriking contrail. The prohibitions
which had been placed on the commerce of his maje¬
fty’s fubjefts during the war, have been enforced with
increafed ftriftnefs and feverity. Violence has been
offered in feveral inftances to their veffels and their
property ; and in no cafe has juftice been afforded to
thofe who may have been aggrieved in confequence of
fuch a£ts •, nor has any fatisfaclory anfwer been given
to the repeated reprefentations made by his majefty’s
minifters or ambaffadors at Paris. Under fuch circum-
ftances, when his majefty’s fubje&s were not fuffered
I
3 ] BRI
to enjoy the common advantages of peace within the Britain,
territories of the French republic, and the countries ^
dependent upon it, the French government had re-
courle to the extraordinary mealure of fending over to
this country a number of perfons, for the profeffed pur¬
pofe of refiding in the moft confiderable fea-port towns
of Gieat Britain and Ireland, in the chara6ter of com¬
mercial agents or confuls. Thefe perfons could have
no pretenfions to be acknowledged in that character j
as the right of being fo acknowledged, as well as
the privileges attached to fuch a fltuation, could only
be derived from a commercial treaty; and as no trea¬
ty of that defcription was in exiftence between his ma¬
jefty and the French republic.
There was confequently too much reafon to fuppofe,
that the real objett of their million was by no means
of a commercial nature ; and this fufpicion was con¬
firmed, not only by the circumftance that fome of
them were military men, but by the a£lual difcovery,
that feveral of them were furnilhed with inftrmftions to
obtain the foundings of the harbours, and to procure
military furveys of the places where it was intended
they Ihould refide. His majefty felt it to be his duty
to prevent their departure to their refpedlive places of
deftination, and reprefented to the French government
the neceftlty of withdrawing them 5 and it cannot be
denied, that the circumftances under which they were
fent, and the inftru£lions wFich were given to them,
ought to be confidered as decifive indications of the
difpofitions and intentions of the government by whom
they w-ere employed.
If the French government had really appeared to be
a&uated by a due attention to fuch a fyftem; if their dif¬
pofitions had proved to be effentially pacific, allow¬
ances would have been made for the fituation in w-hich
a new government mull be placed, after fo dreadful
and extenlive a convulfion, as had been produced by
the French revolution. But his majefty has unfortu¬
nately had too much reafon to obferve and to lament,
that the fyftem of violence, aggreflion, and aggran-
difement, which charaflerifed the proceedings of the
different governments of France during the w*ar, has
been continued with as little difguife fince its termina¬
tion. They have continued to keep a French army in
Holland, againft the will, and in defiance of the re-
monftrances, of the Batavian government, and in re¬
pugnance to the letter of their folemn treaties. They
have, in a period of peace, invaded the territory, and
violated the independence of the Swdfs nation, in de¬
fiance of the treaty of Luneville, which had ftipulated
the independence of their territory, and the right of
the inhabitants to choofe their own form of govern¬
ment. d hey have annexed to the dominions of France,
Piedmont, Parma, and Placentia, and the ifland of
Elba, without allotting any provifion to the king of
Sardinia, whom they have defpoiled of the moft valua¬
ble part of his territory, though they wTere bound by a
folemn engagement to the emperor of Ruflia to at¬
tend to his interefts, and to provide for his eftablifh-
ment. It may indeed with truth be aflerted, that the
period w'hich has elapfed fince the conclufion of the
definitive treaty, has been marked with one continued
feries of aggreflion, violence, and infult, on the part
of the French government.
With regard to Malta, the declaration proceeded to
ftate,
B R I
Britain, ftate, that when the French government demanded its
evacuation, feveral articles of the treaty of Amiens
refpefting it remained unexecuted. The tenth article
had ftipulated, that the independence of the iHand
fiiould be placed under the guarantee and proteflion of
Great Britain, France, Auftria, Ruffia, Spain, and
Pruffia. The emperor of Germany had acceded to the
guarantee, but only on condition of a like acceffion on
the part of the other powers fpecified in the article.
The emperor of Rufiia had refufed his acceflion, ex¬
cept on the condition that the Maltefe langue ftiould
be abrogated ; and the king of Pruflia had given no
anfwer whatever to the application which had been
made to him to accede to the arrangement. That the
fundamental principle upon which depended the exe¬
cution of the other parts of the article, had been de¬
feated by the changes which had taken place in the
conhitution of the order lince the conclufion of the
treaty of peace. It was to the order of St John of
Jerufalem, that his majefty was by the firft ftipulation
of the tenth article bound to reftore the ifland of Mal¬
ta. The order is defined to confilt of thofe langues
which wrnre in exiflence at the time of the conclufion
of the treaty. The three French langues having been
abolifhed, and a Maltefe langue added to the inftitu-
tion, the order confifted therefore at that time of the
following langues, viz. Arragon, Caftile, Germany, Ba¬
varia, and Ruffia. Since the conclufion of the defini¬
tive treaty, the langues of Arragon and Caftile have
been feparated from the order by Spain, and part of the
Italian langue had been abolifbed by the annexation of
Piedmont and Parma to France. There is ftrong rea-
fon to believe, that it has been in contemplation to
fequeftrate the property of the Bavarian langue, and
the intention has been avowed of keeping the Ruffian
langue within the dominions of the emperor.
In the declaration, the French were accufed of hav¬
ing inftigated or accomplifhed the whole of thofe
changes, and of thus having rendered it impoffible to
fulfil, that part of the treaty. It was alfo remarked,
that from a report publifhed by an accredited agent of
the French government, Colonel Sebaftiani, it appear¬
ed that France entertained views hoftile to the Turkiih
empire, the integrity of wdiich had been exprefsly fti¬
pulated, which rendered the retention of Malta more
neceffary. The behaviour of the firft conful to Lord
Whitworth at his audience was alfo noticed, together
with fome other offenfive occurrences •, and it was ob-
ferved that “ His majefty might add to this lift of indig¬
nities, the requifition which the French government
have repeatedly urged, that the laws and conftitution
of this country fhould be changed, relative to the liber¬
ty of the prefs. His majefty might likewife add the
calls which the French government have on feveral
occafiqns made to violate the laws of hofpitality, with
refpe$ to perfons who had found an afylum within his
dominions, and againft whofe conduft no charge what¬
ever has at any time been fubftantiated. It is impof¬
fible to refleft on thefe different proceedings, and the
courfe which the French government have thought
proper to adopt refpefting them, without the thorough
conviAion, that they are not the effeft of accident, but
that they form a part of a fyftem, which has been
adopted for the purpofe of degrading, vilifying, and in-
fulting his majefty and his government.”
B R i
Adminiflration were now placed in a very fingular
fituation. Mr Fox oppofed the war, and propofed that
an attempt fhould be made to prevail with the emper¬
or of Rufiia to mediate a peace ; upon the fuppofition
that, if his mediation was reje&ed by France, we might
be able to fecure an alliance with him. To this pro-
pofal adminiftration acceded 5 but although Mr Fox
oppofed the war, almoft the whole other members of
the old oppofition, including Mr Sheridan and Mr
Tierney, ftrongly approved of it. Mr Pitt and the
reft of the ex-miniftry did the fame. As Bonaparte had
threatened to attempt an invafion, the parties out of
power laid hold of this circumftance to excite alarm j
they had induftrioufly reprefented throughout the coun¬
try, the prefent minifters, as men of moderate capacity,
unfit to be intrufted with the defence of the empire ii/a
perilous crifis. Mr Pitt and his colleagues, in their
fpeeches in parliament, reprefented the nation as in dan¬
ger of being inftantly invaded by almoft innumerable
hofts of experienced troops, who could not be expe&ed
to delay more than a few clays to land upon our Ihores.
1 he members of the old oppofition held precifely the
fame language ; the views of both probably were in
fome degree to terrify the country, to call for their
fervices, as men of greater energy than the prefent rulers.
The militia, both ordinary and extraordinary, were cal¬
led out, and a new' body of troops was ordered to be
raifed by ballot, under the appellation of an army of
referve j at the fame time, the raifing of bodies of vo¬
lunteers throughout the ifland was reprefented as ab-
folutely neceffary, and they were accordingly formed.
An aft of parliament was alfo paffed, for calling out,
in cafe of adtual invafion, the whole male population
of the kingdom, in claffes according to their age, or
their fituation in life, as married or unmarried, or hav¬
ing children, &c. To fupport the expence of thefe
different armaments, and of the augmentation of the
navy, the income tax was reftored with certain modi¬
fications.
Thus adminiftration found their whole opponents,
unlike any former oppofition, ftriving with emulation
to do their bufinefs for them, and to ftrengthen go¬
vernment by new armaments. The confequence was,
that during the enfuing autumn, minifters feemed to be¬
come perplexed by the multiplicity of bufinefs put into
their hands, and to have entertained doubts about the
propriety of fome of the meafures in which they had
embarked. The plan of raifing fuch numerous bodies
of troops by ballot, while at the lame time, fubftitution
was permitted to thofe upon wdiom the ballot fell, be¬
came a moft unequal mode of raifing an army for the
defence of the ftate, as it fell upon perfons not accord¬
ing to their riches, but according to their age. It was
attended with this effedt, however, that as the bodies
of volunteers raifed by permiflion of government, en¬
joyed an exemption from certain ballots ; this operated,
along with the fpirit of the country, as a fufficient
premium to induce great multitudes of perfons to en¬
roll themfelves for the purpofe of acquiring the ufe of
military exercife. Minifters at times hefitated to re¬
ceive the numerous bodies of volunteers that offered
themfelves; but as they departed aftemards from this
fentiment, nearly 400,000 men were trained to the
ufe of arms, exclufive of the regular army, the militia,
and the army of referve.
[ 7’9 ]
Eritain.
The
B R 1
Britain. The ports of France, in the meanwhile, were clofely
v blockaded, and their foreign pofleffions wTere feized ;
while the only ftep of retaliation in their power to
exert, confifted of feizing the eledtorate of Hanover,
which they plundered unmercifully. Bonaparte offered
to give up Hanover as the price of Malta; but his offer
was refufed.
The moff inconvenient circumftance to Great Bri¬
tain, which was produced by the late political tranfac-
tions, confifted of the great embarrafl'ment occafioned
to perfons engaged in commerce, which was the caufe
of numerous bankruptcies.
Towards the clofe of the former war, trade had
found out for itfelf regular channels, and in particular,
the port of Hamburgh had become the great ftorehoufe
of Britilh merchandile, from which, as a neutral ftate,
it was diftributed among the countries engaged in the
war. The conclufion of a treaty of peace produced the
daily expedfation of a renewal of the intercourfe with
France, and therefore put a flop to the circuitous
-trade by Hamburgh. As nothing was fubftituted in
the ftead of the latter, a fufpenfion of operations in
fome manufadlures occurred. When thefe difficulties
were coming to a clofe, the renewal of the war pro¬
duced a new uncertainty about the channels in which
the European trade muft hereafter flow. The difficul¬
ty was increafed by the invafion of Hanover by the
French, and their excluding the Britiib from the na¬
vigation of the Elbe, wffio in their turn blockaded the
river with (hips of war, and thus excluded all the
world.
Parliament affembled on the 22d of November.
In the fpeech from the throne, hismajefty faid : “ Since
I laft met you in parliament, it has been my chief ob-
jedt to carry into effedl thofe meafures which your wif-
dom had adopted for the defence of the united king¬
dom, and for the vigorous profecution of the war. In
thefe preparations, I have been feconded by the volun¬
tary exertions of all ranks of my people, in a manner
that has, if poffible, ftrengthened their claims to my
confidence and affedtion. They have proved that the
menaces of the enemy have only ferved to roufe their
native and hereditary fpirit 5 and that all other confi-
derations are loft in a general difpofition to make thofe
efforts and facrifices, which the honour and the fafety
of the kingdom demand at this important and critical
conjundfure.
“ Though my attention has principally been diredled
to the great objedt of internal fecurity, no opportu¬
nity has been loft of making an impreffion on the fo¬
reign poffeffions of the enemy. The iflands of St
Lucia, Tobago, St Pierre, and Miquelon, and the
settlements of I3emerara and Effequibo, have furren-
dered to the Britifh arms. In the condudl of the ope¬
rations by which thefe valuable acquifitions have been
made, the utmoft promptitude and zeal have been dif-
played by the officers employed in thofe fervices, and
by my forces afting under their command by fea and
land. In Ireland, the leaders and leveral inferior agents
m the late traitorous confpiracy, have been brought to
juftice, and the public tranquillity has experienced no
further interruption. I indulge the hope that fuch of my
deluded fubjedls as have fwerved from their allegiance,
are now convinced of their error; and that having com-
B R I
pared the advantages they derived from the proteblion
of a free conftitution, with the condition of thofe coun¬
tries which are under the dominion of the French go¬
vernment, they will cordially and zealoufly concur in
refilling any attempt that may be made againft the fe¬
curity and independence of my united kingdom.”
I he ufual addrefs to the throne was unanimoufly
carried, though Mr Fox complained, that nothing had
been faid refpe&ing the ftate of our negotiations w'ith
Ruffia.
As the debates in parliament during the prefent
feffion w-ere by no means very interefting, and as the
war to which they alluded, is not brought to a termi¬
nation, we fliall avoid entering into a detail of them.
During the winter, the French government continued
to repeat with much confidence their threats of inva¬
fion, and the people of Great Britain remained in daily
expectation that a landing would be attempted. No¬
thing however of any importance was done. Bonaparte
travelled from Paris to the fea coaft, and back to Pa¬
ris, repeatedly. It was announced that a body of guides
was formed to conduft the invading army, when it
ffiould have landed in England ; and the w hole generals
and admirals, by whom the expedition w-as to be con¬
ducted, were faid to have gone to their refpeCtive polls.
Nothing aCtually occurred, however, excepting the fail¬
ing from one French port to another, under die cover
of land-batteries, of fmall parties of flat-bottomed boats.
Thefe at times evaded the vigilance of the Britilh crui-
fers, though they were frequently alfo captured, or
driven alliore, or funk.
We are thus under the neceffity of concluding the
prefent article with leaving Britain ftill engaged in a
W'ar with its ancient enemy. As this war has been re-
prefented by our moft confpicuous ftatelmen as of a
moft dangerous nature, and as having brought into
the moft ferious hazard our exiftence as an indepen¬
dant ftate, it may not here be improper to take fome
notice of a fubjeCt which feems to be very defeClively
underftood both in France and Britain; that is, the
relative ftrength of the two countries.
The French nation confifts of 25,000,000 of people,
and their newly-acquired territories of four or five
millions additional. They hold in a fort of vaffalage,
or dependence, all Europe to the fouth of the Rhine
and the Adige. On the other hand, the population
of Great Britain and Ireland amounts only to about
14,000,000, and, of thefe, a great part of the popula¬
tion of Ireland may, in the prefent times, in confe-
quence of their difaffeCHon, be juftly confidered as a
diminution from the ftrength of the empire, fo that the
effeClive population of Great Britain may perhaps be
accounted as equal only to one half of that of France.
The French are alfo confidered as poffeffing this ad¬
vantage in a military conteft, that being chiefly an
agricultural people, not depending for their fupport on
trade or manufactures, the fources of their ftrength
and riches are lefs injured by war than thofe of Great
Britain. But the chief fource of confidence on the
part of France in a quarrel with Great Britain refults
from the ftrength of their numerous armies, compofed
of veteran foldiers, conducted by the moft experienced
and celebrated generals of the prefent age.
The French government has of late affumed a proud
and
T 720 1
Britain.
Britain.
B R I [7
and menacing tone, as the ftronger and more warlike
^ party, and confidering themfelves as in no danger from
our hoftility, threatened to fubjugate the illand by invad¬
ing it with their numerous armies. By their threats
they hoped to accomplilh two objefts : id. To embarrafs
the Britilh government, and reduce the nation to great
difficulties in fupporting the ruinous expence attending
great military and marine eltabliffiments, intended
folely for defence j and, zdly, The French in this way
expect to acquire unlimited afcendency upon the conti¬
nent of Europe, by reprefenting themfelves as incom¬
parably more powerful than Britain, which they are
only prevented from reducing into Ilavery, by tht
cean which furrounds it. The fame confiderations pro¬
duce a confiderable effefl; in Britain : much defponden-
cy is occafioned by refle&ing on the expences neceffary
to our fafety againft the prefent power of France j and
much unhappinefs, from an apprehenfion that the vigi¬
lance of our navy may be evaded by their armies, which
we are apt to regard as almod irrefiftible, in confequence
of the fuccefs they ultimately enjoyed during the late
war.
It is apprehended, that a more mature confideration
of the fubjeft would difpel the apprehenfions of the
Britiffi nation, and convince them, that at this moment
they are very far from being inferior in ftrength to
France, or have any reafon to dread the refult of a
military conteft wdth that power in any form in wffiich
it can poffibly occur. It may be true, that France
poffelfes a population of 26 millions j but it mull be ob-
ferved, that it is only a very fmall proportion of that
population that can be employed in war j a fufficient
number mull remain at home to provide bread for the
whole, and, by their indullry, to defray the enormous
expence attending modern military operations, efpecial-
iy m offenlive war. But the fituation of the Britilh
nation is very different. The Britiffi iflands, no doubt,
contain a population lefs numerous than that of France
but the people of this country are not, like them, under
the neceffity of drawing their fubfiflence from the
foil of their own country. The Britiffi iflands only
form the metropolis of a vail empire in diftant regions.
In the eaft, an induftrious and civilized race of men
five times more numerous than the inhabitants of Bri¬
tain, upon one of the molt fertile portions of the globe,
are fubjeft to our dominion ; and whatever can be fpa-
red from the fruits of their induftry, is annually tranf-
ported to Europe, and expended upon the fubliftence,
the defence, and the luxuries of the Britilh nation!
In the weft, alfo, the induftry of a different race of men
is employed in producing the moft valuable objedls of
neceffity and luxury, and the profits of their “labour
centre in Great Britain. Hence it is, that the foil of
our European territory is not employed in producing
bread for the people, but in a great meafure in fup¬
porting the animals that form the magnificent equipa¬
ges of the rich, or in fupplying butchers meat for a
luxurious nation. Our country is in fome meafure con¬
verted, like ancient Italy in the time of the Romans
into gardens and pleafure grounds, while we procure
grain from foreign countries.
. Js in vain, therefore, that France poffeffes a fupe-
rior European population. In the ftate of things now
uefcribed, it is impoffible for her to fupport the fame
number of European foldiers that Britain may do.
Vgl. IV. Part II.
21 ] B R I
Every foldier France fends out, muft be maintained Britain,
and clothed by the induftry of Frenchmen, exerted ''
upon a European foil, of far inferior fertility to that
which is cherilhed by tropical rains, or the periodical
floods ol the Ganges. Whereas the Britilh foldier is
not fupported merely by Britifli induftry, but by the
induftry of the natives of Hindoftan, or of the labour-
ers of Jamaica. In this view, by curtailing in a moderate
degree her luxury, Britain might convert an immenfe
proportion of her population to military fervice, lo as
far to exceed any numbers, that during a length of
time I ranee could maintain in arms againft her 5 for
this Ample reafon, that almoft every Britifli fubjeA
may be faid to be fupported by the labour of eight
or ten perfons, in a more fertile country than that of
I ranee. In this refpedt, Britain refembles ancient
Sparta. The citizens of that ftate were free, but each
of them was a foldier, becaufe he was fupported by the
induttry of afubjugated race called HeloU. What thefe
laft were to the Spartans, the Hindoos in the Eaft,
and the Africans tranfported to the Weft India iflands,
now are to the Britiffi nation.
It is alfo to be remarked, that the induftry exerted
in Britain is of a more piofitable nature than that of
France, in as much as manufacturing and commercial
ftates always acquire greater riches than thofe em¬
ployed in agriculture alone. We are, therefore, bet¬
ter able to fupport the expence of a protracted war,
than the French can poflibly be. Nor is any injury
which they can do to our commerce an objeCt of feri-
ous alarm. By refufing to trade with us, they only
prevent themfelves from acquiring wealth. All Afia
and America are open to us, and no exertions of
political power have hitherto been found able to
exclude the Britifli manufactures from the continent of
Europe.
Even the engines of war, we poffefs in a fuperior
degree to France. In confequence of the expertnefs
of our artifts, all kinds of inftruments of deftruCtion
are here produced in greater abundance and with more
facility ; and our wealth has given us the command of
the means of bringing into the field an innumerable
cavalry, which could not fail inftantly to embarrafs an
invading enemy, and by cutting off every means of com¬
munication or fupply, ultimately to reduce them to
min, with little lofs or difficulty to ourfelves. We are,
indeed, accuftomed greatly to overrate the evils attend¬
ing invafion. It ought to be recolleCted, that our
wealth by no means confifts merely of what appears
upon the furface of the Britifti foil. It confifts in a
confiderable degree of our diftant poffeffions, which are
protected by our navy ; and all the damage that an
invading enemy could commit, hemmed in, as he
would be, by our cavalry, could not exceed a few mil¬
lions fterling, which would prove no caufe of embarraff-
ment to the finances of Britain.
With regard to the military reputation of the pre¬
fent French armies, it may be remarked, that it is only
of a recent date. In the year 1789, the French army
was only the fourth in Europe. If it is now the firft,
this circumftance proves, that military Ikill is no in-
acceihble attainment. Well educated men are far
more numerous in Great Britain than they ever were
in France ; and as their natural courage is not inferior,
there feems no reafon to doubt, that they might fpeedily
4 Y be
B R I
Britain, be enabled to excel their antagonifts in the art of war,
v 1 " a? much as they do in all other arts.
It feems, therefore, a falie idea, that in a conteft
with France, Britain owes her lafety merely to the
ocean. Were Britain fituated where Spain now is,
without any other alteration of circumllance, there
feems every reafon to believe, that the Britiih armies
would fpeedily appear fuperior to the French. By
riches drawn from diftant countries, more numerous
armies could at all times be maintained in the field,
and as thefe armies would contain a far fuperior num¬
ber of well educated and accomplifhed men, than
would appear againft them, they could not fail fpeedi¬
ly to acquire fuperior {kill, reputation, and fuccefs in
war.
As matters actually {land, with a relllefs military
government at the head of France, it is undoubtedly
neceflary for the Britifh nation to be upon its guard,
and to maintain itfelf in a ftate of conftant preparation
againlf that powTer. For this purpofe, bodies of men
voluntarily arming themfelves, ought not to be entire¬
ly relied on. The whole youth of the Britifir ifiands
ought, at a certain age, to be regularly trained to mili¬
tary difcipline. We fhould thus be in fome meafure
converted into a military people, qualified at all times
to protect, not merely our European iilands, but the
remote polfeffions of which we are the mailers. In
fuch a Hate, it might perhaps become a queftion with
prudent politicians, how far we ought not to confider
it as a neceffary ftipulation in any future treaty of peace,
that France {hould acquire no territory out of Europe.
Thus fhe would be prevented from obtaining a navy,
and thus our foreign poflfeflions would enable Britain
permanently to retain her relative ftrength, notwith-
ilanding the European conquefts of France.
New Britain, a large country of North America,
called alfo Terra Labrador, has Hudfon’s bay and
flrait on the north and welt, Canada and the river St
Lawrence on the fouth, and the Atlantic oceap on
the eaft. It is fubjeft to Great Britain, but yields only
{kins and furs. The following is the bell defcription
of this country that hath yet appeared. It was drawn
up by the commander of the Otter {loop, and commu-
PhiL Tranf. nicated to the Royal Society by the honourable Daines
Barrington in 1774.
“ There is no part of the Britilh dominions fo little
known as the immenfe country of Labrador. So few
have vifited the northern parts of this vaft country, that
almoft from the {traits of Belleifie until you come to
the entrance of Hudfon’s bay, for more than ten de¬
grees of latitude, no chart which can give any tole¬
rable idea of the coaft hath been hitherto formed.
The barrennefs of the country explains why it has been
fo feldom frequented. Here avarice has but little to
.feed on.
“ Perhaps, without an immoderate {hare of vanity,
I may venture to prefume, that, as far as I have been,
which’is to the latitude of 59. 10. the draught which
I have been able to form is by much the beft of any
that has hitherto been made.
“ Others have gone before me bleft with abilities
fuperior to mine, and to whom I hope to be thought
equal only in affiduity. But I had advantages of which
they were deftitute : with a fmall veffel, and having an
Indian with me, who knew every rock and fhoal upon
[ 722 1
b r r
vol. Ixiv
?• 372
the coaft, I was enabled to be accurate in my obfer- Britain,
vations ; and thefe are the reafons why I deem my own —y——
{ketch preferable to all others.
“ As this country is one of the moft barren in the
whole world, fo its fea coaft is the moft remarkable.
Bordered by innumerable iilands, and many of them be¬
ing a confiderable diftance from the main land, a fhip
of burden w7ould fail a great way along the coaft with¬
out being able to form any notion of its true fitua-
tion.
“ Hence it is that all the charts of it have been fo
extremely erroneous •, and hence arofe thofe opinions
that fome of the inlets extended a vaft: diftance into
the country, if not quite into the fea of Hudfon’s
bay.
“ Davis’s inlet, which has been fo much talked of,
is not 20 leagues from the entrance of it to its extre¬
mity.
“ The navigation here is extremely hazardous. To¬
wards the land, the fea is covered with large bodies and
broken pieces of ice 5 and the farther you go north*
ward, the greater is the quantity you meet with.
“ Some of thofe maffes, which the feamen call iflands
of ice, are of a prodigious magnitude ; and they are ge¬
nerally luppofed to fwim two-thirds under wTater. You
will frequently fee them more than 100 feet above the
furface j and to {hips in a ftorm, or in thick weather,
nothing can be more terrible.
“ Thofe prodigious pieces of ice come from the
north, and are fuppofed to be formed by the freezing
of catara&s upon the lands about Eaft Greenland and
the pole. As foon as the feverity of the winter begins
to abate, their immenfe weight breaks them from the
{bore, and they are driven to the fouthward. To the
miferable inhabitants of Labrador, their appearance
upon the coaft ferves as a token of the approach of
fummer.
“ This vaft tra& of land is extremely barren, and
altogether incapable of cultivation. The furface is eve¬
rywhere uneven and covered with large ftones, fome
of which are of amazing dimenfions. There are few
fprings } yet throughout the country there are prodi¬
gious chains of lakes or ponds, which are produced bj
the rains and the melting of the fnow. Thefe ponds
abound in trout, but they are very fmall.
“ There is no fuch thing as level land. It is a coun¬
try formed of frightful mountains, and unfruitful val¬
leys. The mountains are almoft devoid of every fort
of herbage. A blighted fhrub and little mofs is fome*
times to be feen upon them, but in general the bare
rock is all you behold. The valleys are full of crooked
low trees, fuch as the different pines, fpruce, birch,
and a fpecies of cedar. Up fome of the deep bays, and
not far from the water, it is faid, however, there are a
few Hicks of no inconfiderable fize. In a word, the
whole country is nothing more than a prodigious heap
of barren rocks.
“ The climate is extremely rigorous. There is but
little appearance of fummer before the middle of Julyj
and in September the approach of winter is very evi¬
dent. It has been remarked, that the winters wdthin
thefe few years have been lefs fevere than they have
been known heretofore. The caufe of fuch an altera¬
tion it would be difficult to difeover.
“ AH along the coaft; there are many rivers that
empty
B R I [ 723 ] B R I
Britain empty themfelves into the Tea, yet there are but few of
^ . il any confideration : and you mult not imagine that the
1i--1 an_'j largeft are any thing like what is generally underftood
by a river. Cuftom has taught us to give them this
appellation •, but the greatelt part of them are nothing
more than broad brooks or rivulets. As they are only
drains from the ponds, in dry weather they are every¬
where fordable j for running upon a folid rock, they
become broad without having a bed of any depth be¬
low the furface of the banks.
“ The fuperficial appearance of this country is ex¬
tremely unfavourable. What may be hidden in its
bowels, we cannot pretend to fuggeft : probably it may
produce fome copper ; the rocks in many places being
impregnated with an ore of that refemblance. Some¬
thing of a horny fubftance, which is extremely tranfpa-
rent, and which will fcale out into a multitude of fmall
fheets, is often found amidft the Hones ; there are both
black and white of this fort, but the black is the moft
rare. It has been tried in fire, but feems to be nowife
affe&ed by heat.
“ The fpecies of wood here are not very various:
excepting a few Ihrubs which have as yet received no
name from the Europeans, the principal produce of the
country are the different forts of fpruce and pine. Of
thefe, even in the more fouthern parts, there is not
abundance ; as you advance northwards they gradually
diminilh; and by the time you arrive at the 60th degree
of latitude, the eye is not delighted with any fort of
herbage. Here the wretched refidents build their mi-
ferable habitations with the bones of whales. If ever
they cheer their aching limbs with a fire, they gather
a few fticks from the fea-lhore, which have probably
been wafiied from Norway or Lapland. Here a vail
quantity of fnow remains upon the land throughout
the year.
“ Although the winter here is fo exceffively rigid,
in fummer the heat is fometimes difagreeable ; and in
that feafon the weather is very moderate, and remark¬
ably ferene. It is but feldom foggy, fpeaking compa¬
ratively between this and Newfoundland j nor are you
fo frequently liable to thofe deftruftive gales of wind
which vifit many other parts of the globe.
“ It is in general high land, and fometimes you
meet with mountains of an ailoniffiing height; you are
alfo frequently prefented with profpefls that are really
awful, and extremely romantic.
“ The inhabitants of New Britain are called EJki-
?naux.” See Greenland and Hudson"1 s Bay.
BRITANNICUS, fon of the emperor Claudius by
Meffalina, was excluded from the empire after his fa¬
ther had married Agrippina •, who put her fon Nero
on the throne, and caufed Britannicus to be poifoned
A. D. 55.
Britannicus, or Britannico, John, an eminent
Italian fcholar of the 15th century, was born in the
Brefcian territory, of a family originally from Britain.
He publiflied notes on Perfius, Juvenal, Terence, Sta¬
tius, and Ovid, wdth annotations on Pliny’s Natural
Hifiory, which laft were publilhed after his death. He
died in 15x0.
BRITE, or Bri Ght, in Hujhandry. Wheat, bar¬
ley, or any other grain, is faid to brite, wdien it grows
over ripe and fhatters.
BRITTANY, or Bretagne, a confiderable pro¬
vince of France, which is 150 miles in length and Eiittlenefs,
112 in breadth. It is a peninfula, furrounded on all, Button. t
fides by the ocean except on the eaft, where it joins1"*"""*"*
to Anjou, Maine, Normandy, and Poitou. It is di¬
vided into the upper and lower j and therein are large
forefts. It carries on a great trade, by reafon of the
many harbours on its coafts. It was united to the
crown of France in 1532. Rennes is the capital
town. According to the new divifion of France, Brit¬
tany is divided into feveral departments.
BRITTLENESS, that quality of bodies on ac¬
count of which they are denominated brittle, or which
fubjefts them to be eafily broken by preffure or per-
cuffion.
Brittle bodies are extremely hard a very fmall per-
cufiion exerts a force on them equivalent to the great-
eft preffure, and thus may eafily break them. This
effeft is particularly remarkable in glafs fuddenly cool¬
ed, the brittlenefs of which is thereby much increafed.
Tin, though in itfelf tough, gives a brittlenefs to all
the other metals when mixed therewith. The brittle¬
nefs of glafs has been laid to arife from the heteroge¬
neity of the parts whereof it is compofed, as fait and
fand can never bind fufficiently together : but this can¬
not be the cafe 5 for the pure calces of metals, or any
other fimple fubftances when vitrified, become brittle
alfo. In timbers, brittlenefs feems to be connected
with durability *, the more brittle any fort of wmod
is, the more durable it is found. Thus oak is of
very long duration j while beech and birch, as being
tough, prefently rot, and are of little fervice in build¬
ing.
BRITTON, Thomas, the famous mufical fmall-
coal man, was born at Higham Ferrers in Northamp-
tonftiire. He ferved his time in London, where he fet
up in a liable, next door to the little gate of St }ohn
of Jerufalem, on Clerkenwell-green, which he converted
into a, houle. Here getting acquainted with Dr Ga-
renciers, his near neighbour, he became an excellent
chemift, conllrufting a moveable laboratory which was
much admired by all who faw it. His Ikill in mufic w as
nowife inferior to that in chemiftry, either in the
theory or praftice ; he had for many years a well fre¬
quented mufical club, meeting at his own little cell j
and was as well refpe61ed as known by perfons of the
firft quality ; being, above all, a valuable man in his mo¬
ral character. In Ward’s account of clubs, we are told
that “ Britton’s w>as firft begun, or at leaft confirmed,
by Sir Roger L’Eftrange, a very mufical gentleman ;
and that the attachment of Sir Roger and other inge¬
nious gentlemen, lovers of the mufes, to Britton, arofe
from the profound regard he had in general to all man¬
ner of literature. It is obfervable, that this meeting
was the firft of the kind, and the undoubted parent of
fome of the moft celebrated concerts in London. Ward,
who was his contemporary, fays, that at the firft infti-
tution of it, his concert was performed in his own
houfe, which is thus deferibed. “ On the ground floor
was a repofitory for fmall coal : over that was the con-
cert room, which w^as very long and narrow ; and had
a ceiling fo low, that a tall man could but juft ftand
upright in it. I he flairs to this room w’ere on the out-
fide of the houfe, and could fear * be afeended without
crawling. The houfe itfelf wTas very Q.ld and low
built, and in every refpe6l fo mean as to be a fit ha-
4 Y 2 bitation
B R l [ 724 ] B R O
Britton bitation only for a very poor man.” But this man-
Brives !a ^on’ defpicable as it was, attradled to it as polite an
Galiard* au(hence as ever the opera did. At thofe concerts
—y—ii,,.- Dr Pepufch, Mr Handel, Mr Bannifter, Mr Plenty
Needier, and other capital mailers, were performers.
At the firll inllitution of this club, it is certain Brit¬
ton would receive no gratuity whatever from his guefts,
and was offended whenever any was offered him. Ac¬
cording to fome, howrever, he departed from this ;
and the rules were, Britton found the inllruments, the
fubfcription w7as xos. a-year, and they had coffee at a
penny a dilh. The Angularity of his charafter, the
courfe of his ftudies, and the colledlions he made, in¬
duced fufpicions that Britton was not the man he
feemed to be. Among other groundlefs conjectures,
his mufical affembly was thought by fome to be only
a cover for feditious meetings ; by others for magical
purpofes : and Britton himfelf was taken for an atheift,
a prefbyterian, a Jefuit, &c. The circumftances of
this man’s death are not lefs remarkable than thofe of
his life. There lived at that time one Samuel Honey-
man, a blackfmith by trade, who became very famous
for a faculty which he poffeffed of fpeaking as if his
voice proceeded from fomc diftant part of the houfe
where he flood : in flrort, he was one of thofe men
* See Fif/i-called Ventn/oqui*, i. e. thofe that fpeak from their
tnloquifm. bellies. One Robe, an acquaintance of Britton’s, wras
foolifh enough to introduce this man, unknown, to
Britton, for the foie purpofe of terrifying him j and
he fucceeded in it. Honeyman, without moving his
lips, or feeming to fpeak, announced, as from afar off,
the death of Britton within a few hours ; with an inti¬
mation that the only way to avert his doom wras for
him to fall on his knees immediately and fay the Lord’s
prayer: the poor man did as he was bid, .went home
and took to his bed, and in a few days died, leaving
his friend Mr Robe to enjoy the fruits of his mirth.
This happened in September 1714. Britton left be¬
hind him a large collection of books, mulic, and mufi¬
cal inftruments. Of the former Sir Hans Sloane was
a confiderable purchafer. His collection of mufic,
moftly pricked by himfelf, and very neatly, fold for near
look In the Britiflr Mufeum there is a painting of
him taken from the life. A mezzotinto print was ta¬
ken from this picture, for which Mr Hughes (author
of the fiege of Damafcus, and a frequent performer at
Britton’s concerts) wrote the following lines :
Tho’ mean thy rank, yet in thy humble cell
Did gentle peace and arts unpurchas’d dw'ell $
Well pleas’d, Apollo thither led his train,
And mufic warbled in her fweeteft ftrain.
Cyllenius fo, as fables tell, and ]ove,
Came willing guefls to poor Philemon’s grove.
Let ufelefs pomp behold, and blulh to find
So low a ftation, fuch a lib’ral mind.
BRIVA isar;e, in Ancient Geography, a town of
Gallia Belgica, on the river Ifara or Oyfe j now Pont-
oyfe.
BRIVATES, in Ancient Geography, a port of Gal¬
lia Celtica •, now Brejl, in Brittany.
BRIVES-la-gallard, a town of France, in lower
Limofin, now the dc irtment of Correze. It flands in
a fruitful plain, oppofite to an ifland formed by the
jriver Correze, over which there are two handfome
bridges. Silk and cotton manufaClures are eftablifiied Brixeilum
here. It is 220 miles fouth by well of Paris. E. Long. I'
I.45. N. Lat. 45. 15. Broadcaft
BRIXELLUM, in Ancient Geography, a town of
Gallia Cifpadana j remarkable for being the place
where Otho killed himfelf after the battle of Bedri-
acum : now Berfello or Brefello, in the territory of
Rhegio.
BRIXEN, The Bish opric of, is feated in Tirol,
in Germany, near the frontiers of Friuli and Carinthia,
towards the eaft. The bifiiop has a vote and feat in
the diet of the empire, and furnilhes his contingent
wdien any tax is laid on Tirol. The principal places
are Brixen, Sertzingen, Breuneck, and Leintz.
Brixen, the capital of the bifliopric of the fame
name, and where the bifiiop commonly refides, is feat¬
ed on the river Eifache, at fome diftance from the
mountain Brenner. It is furrounded wdth mountains,
where there are plenty of vineyards, which yield good
red wine. It is a populous town ; and the houfes are
wrell built with piazzas, and are painted on the outfide.
The public buildings are very handfome, and there are
feveral fpacious fquares. It is much frequented, on
account of the mineral waters that are near it. E. Long.
IX. 50. N. Lat. 46. 35.
BRIXIA, in Ancient Geography, a town of the Ce-
nomani in the Rhegio Tranlpadana : now Brefcia, ca¬
pital of the Brefciano.
BRIZA, quaking-grass. See Botany Index.
Brize, in Hujbandry, denotes ground that has lain
long untilled.
Brize Vents, ftrelters ufed by gardeners who have
not walls on the north fide, to keep cold winds from
damaging their beds of melons. They are inclofure?
about fix or feven feet high, and an inch or more
thick ; made of ftraw, fupported by flakes fixed into
the ground, and props acrofs on both infide and out¬
fide j and faftened together wdth willow-twigs, or iron
wire.
BROACH, Brocha, (from the French broche), de¬
notes an awl or bodkin ; alfo a large packing-needle.
A fpit, in fome parts of England, is called a broach ;
and from this w7ord comes to pierce or broach a bar¬
rel. In Scotland, broach, broche, or brotche, is the
name of an utenfil which the Highlanders ufed, like
the fibula of the Romans, to fallen their vefl. It is
ufually made of filver, of a round figure, wdth a tongue
eroding its diameter, to fallen the folds of the gar¬
ment j fometimes with two tongues, one on each fide
of a crofs-bar in the middle. There are preferved, in
feveral families, ancient brotches of very elegant work-
manfliip, and richly ornamented. Some of them are
inferibed wdth names, to w'hich particular virtues ufed
to be attributed *, others are furniffied with receptacles
for relicks, fuppofed to preferve from harm. So that
thefe brotches feem to have been worn not only for ufe
but as amulets. One or two of this fort are figured and
deferibed by Mr Pennant, Tour in Scotl. i. 90. iii. 14.
edit. 3d.
BROADCAST, as oppofed to the drill-hufbandry,
denotes the method of cultivating corn, turnips, pulfe,
clover, the foreign graffes, and moft other field plants,
that are not tranfplanted, by fowdng them wdth the
hand $ in which method they are fcattered over the
ground at large, and thence faid to be fown in broad-
calL
Broad-
Piece,
Brocade.
B R ° [7.
caft. This is called the old hujbandry, to diftinguilh
it from the drill, horfc-hoeing, or new huibandry. See
, Agriculture Index.
BuoAD-Picce, a denomination given to certain gold
pieces broader than a guinea j particularly Carolufes and
Jacobufes.
Broad Side, in the Tea-language, a difcharge of all
the guns on one Tide of a (hip at the Tame time. A
broad fide is a kind of volley of cannonade, and ought
never to be given at a diftance from the enemy above
mufket-fhot at point-blank.
BROCADE, or Brocado, a {luff of gold, filver,
or filk, railed and enriched with flowers, foliages, and
other ornaments, according to the fancy of the mer¬
chants or manufacturers.
Formerly t^ie word fignified only a {luff, wove all of
gold, both in \he warp and in the woof, or all of filver,
or of both miyed together ; thence it paffed to thofe
fluffs in which there was filk mixed, to raife and ter¬
minate the gold or filver dowers: but at prefent all
Huffs, even thofe of filk alone, whether they be gro-
grams of Tours or of Naples, Tatins, and even taffe-
ties or luftrings, if they be but adorned and worked
with Tome dowers or other figures, are called brocades.
In manufacturing brocades, the datted gilt wire is
fpun on threads of yellow filk approaching as near as
may be to the colour of gold itfelf. The wire, wind¬
ing off from a bobbin, twills about the thread as it
Tpins round ; and, by means of curious machinery, too
complex to be defcribed here, a number of threads are
thus twilled at once by the turning of one wheel. The
principal art confifts in To regulating the motion, that
the feveral circumvolutions of the datted wire on each
fide may juft touch one another, and form, as it were,
one continued covering. It is Taid, that at Milan there
is made a fort of datted wore gilt only on one fide,
which is wound upon the thread To that only the gilt
fide appears ; and that the preparation of this wore is
kept a Tecret, and has been attempted in other places
with little fuccefs. There is alio a gilt copper wire,
made in the fame manner as the gilt filver : Savary ob-
ferves, that this kind of wire called falfe gold is pre¬
pared chiedy at Nuremberg j and that the ordinances
of France require it to be fpun, for its diftinftion from
the gilt filver, on daxen or hempen threads. One of
our writers takes notice, that the Chinefe, inftead of
flatted gilt wore, ufe flips of gilt paper, which they
both interweave in their fluffs and twift upon filk
threads : this praClice he inconfiderately propofes as a
hint to the Britifti weaver. But, whatever be the pre¬
tended beauty of fluffs of this kind of manufacture, it
is obvious that they mull w'ant durability. The Chi-
nefe themfelves, according to Du Halde’s account,
fenfible of this imperfeCtion, fcarcely ufe them any
otherwife than in tapeftries, and fuch other ornaments
as are not intended to be much worn, or expofed to
moiflure.
Lewis's The Venetians have carried on a large trade to the
Levant in a kind of brocade called dotnafquete, which,
though it has only about half the quantity of gold or
filver as that made among us, looks far more beautiful.
The flatted wire is neither wound clofe together on the
filk threads, nor the threads fluck clofe in the wea¬
ving ; yet by paffmg the fluff betwixt rolls, the difpo-
fition and management of which is kept a fecret, the
]
13 R O
tiffue or flower is made to appear one entire brilliant Brocade,
plate of gold or filver. The French miniftry, ever vi- —v—“
gilant for the advancement of arts and commerce,
judged this manufaClure important enough to deferve
their attention ; and accordingly, for contriving the
machinery, they engaged the ingenious M. Vaucanfon,
known throughout Europe for his curious pieces of
mechanifm, who, in the memoirs of the academy for
the year 1757, lately printed, gives an account of his
fuccefs, and of the eftablilhment of fuch a manufadlure
at Lyons.
The lower roll is made of wood, 32 inches in length
and 14 in diameter ; the upper one of copper, 36 inches
long and 8 in diameter : this laft is hollow, and open
at one end, for introducing iron heaters. For making
the rolls cylindrical, he has a particular kind of lathe,
wherein the cutting tool, which the moll dexterous
hand could not guide in a ftraight line through fuch a
length as 36 inches, is made to Hide, by means of a
fcrew, on two large fteel-rulers, perfedlly ftraight, and
capable of being moved at pleafure, nearer, and always
exaflly parallel, to the axis of the roll.
He firlt difpoled the rolls nearly as in the common
flatting mill. In this difpofition, ten men were fcarcely
fufficient for turning them with force enough to duly
extend the gilding; and the collars, in which the axes
of the rolls turned at each end, wore or gulled fo fall,
that the preffure continually diminilhed, infomuch that
a piece of fluff of ten ells had the gilding fenfibly lefs
extended on the laft part than on the firft. He endea¬
voured to obviate this inconvenience by fcrewing the
rolls clofer and clofer in proportion as the fluff paffed
through, or as the wearing of the collars occafioned
more play between them ; but this method produced an
imperfedtion in the fluff, every turn of the fcrew
making a fenfible bar acrofs it. To leflen the attrition,
each end of the axis, inftead of a collar, was made to
-turn between three iron cylinders called friBion wheels:
but even this did not anfwer fully, for now another
fource of unequal preffure was difcovered. The wood¬
en roll, being compreflible, had its diameter fenfibly
diminilhed: it likewife loft its roundnefs, fo that the
preffure varied in different points of its revolution. On
trying different kinds both' of European and Indian
woods, all the hard ones fplit, the foft ones warped
without fplitting, and of more- than 20 rolls, there was
not one which continued round for 24 hours even with¬
out being worked in the machine.
Thefe failures put him upon contriving another me¬
thod of prefling the rolls together, fo that the force
ftiould always accommodate itfelf to whatever inequa¬
lities might happen. The axis of the copper roll be¬
ing made to turn between frittion wheels as before,
that of the wooden one is preffed upwards by a lever
at each end furniftied with a half collar for receiving
the end of the axis. Each lever has the end of its
fliort arm fupported on the frame of the machine, and
the Jong arm is drawn upwards by an iron rod com¬
municating with the end of the ftiort arm of another
lever placed horizontally : to the long arm of this le¬
ver is hung a weight, and the levers are fo propor¬
tioned, that a weight of 30 pounds preffes the rolls to¬
gether with a force equivalent to 17,536 pounds, which
was found to be the proper force for the fufficient ex-
teufion of the gilding. By this contrivance four men
can
B R O
^Brocade, can turn tlie rolls with more eafe than ten can turn
thofe which are kept together by fcrews; and the
fame weight afting uniformly in every part, the pref-
fure continues always equal, though the wooden roll
fhould even become oval, and though the fluff be of
unequal thicknefs.
A piece of cloth, of about two ells, is fewed to the
beginning and end of the fluff, to keep it out to its
•width when it enters and parts from the rolls, which
could not be done by the hands for fear of burning or
bruifing them ; as it would take too mtich time to few
thefe cloths to every fmall piece of an ell or two, a
number of thefe is fewed together. The fluff is rolled
upon a cylinder, which is placed behind the machine,
and its axis prelted down by fprings to keep the fluff
tight as it comes off. Four iron bars, made red hot,
are introduced into the copper roll, which in half an
hour acquires the proper degree of heat, or nearly
iuch a one as is ufed for the ironing of linen : the
wooden roll is then laid in its place, and the machine
let to work. If more than 30 ells are to be paffed at
once, the wooden roll muft be changed for another,
for it will not bear a long continuance of the heat
without danger of fplitting : and therefore the manu-
fadlurer Ihould be provided with feveral of thefe rolls,
that when one is removed, another may be ready to
fupply its room : as foon as taken off from the ma¬
chine, it Ihould be wrapt in a cloth and laid in a moift
place.
The principal inconvenience attending the ufe of
this machine, is, that the heat neceffary for extending
the gilding, though it improves the brightnefs of
white and yellow filks, is injurious to fome colours, as
crimfon and green. A double preffure will not fup¬
ply the place of heat; and the only method of pre¬
senting this injury, or rendering it as light as poflible,
appeared to be, to pafs the fluff through with great
celerity.
Method of cleaning Brocadf when fullied. For this
purpofe neither alkalies nor foap muft be ufed •, be-
caufe the former, while they clean the gold, corrode
the filk, and change or difcharge its colour; and the
latter alfo alters the fhade, and even the fpecies, of cer¬
tain colours. But fpirit of wine may be ufed without
any danger of its injuring either the colour or quality
of the fubjeft ; and in many cafes proves as effeftual
for reftoring the luftre of the gold as the moft corro-
five detergents. A rich brocade flowered with a va¬
riety of colours, after being difagreeably tarniflied, had
the luftre of the gold perfectly reftored by waffling it
with a foft brufh dipt in warm fpirit of wine, and fome
of the colours of the filk which were likewife foiled
became at the lame time remarkably bright and lively.
Spirit of wine feems to be the only material adapted
to this intention, and probably the boafted fecret of
certain artifts is no other than this fpirit difguifed. Dr
£<>«««•« */Lewis fays he does not know of any other that is of
Arts, p. 39. fufhcient a&ivity to difcharge the foul matter, without
being hurtful to the filk. As to powders, however
fine, and however cautioully ufed, they fcratch and
wear the gold, which here is only fuperficial, and of
extreme tenuity.
Bs.ocAHF.-Shell, the Englifti name of a fpecies of
Limax.
[ 726 ]
B R O
Broke.
BROCA! EL, or Brocadel, a kind of coarfe bro- Erocatel
cade ; chiefly ufed for tapeftry.
BROCCOLI, a kind of cabbage cultivated for the ,
ufe of the table. See Brassica.
BROCHE, or Broach. See Broach.
BROCK, among fportfmen, a term ufed to denote
a badger A hart, too, of the third year, is called a
brock, or brocket; and a hind of the fame year, is cal¬
led a brocket's fjler.
BROD, a town of Hungary, in the county of Pof-
fega in Sclavonia, feated on the river Save. It was
once more confiderable than at prefent; and is memo¬
rable for a viftory obtained over the Turks in 1668.
E. Long. 18. 36. N. Lat. 45. 20.
BRODEAU, John, in Latin Brodceus, a great
critic, on whom Lipfius, Scaliger, Grotius, and all
the learned, have bellowed great encomiums, -was de-
fcended from a noble family in France, and born at
Tours in 1500. He was liberally educated, and pla¬
ced under Alciat to ftudy the civil law ; but foon for-
faking that, he gave himfelf up wholly to languages
and the belles lettres. He travelled into Italy, where
he became acquainted with Sadolet, Bembus, and
other famous wits : and here (fays Thuanus) he ap¬
plied himfelf to the ftudy of mathematics, philofophy,
and the facred languages, in which he made no fmall
proficiency. Then, returning to his own country, he
Jed a retired, but not an idle, life, as his many learn¬
ed lucubrations abundantly teftify. He was a man
free from all ambition and vain glory, and fuffered his
works to be publilhed rather under the fandftion and
authority of others than under his own. His chief
works are, 1. A commentary on the Anthologia. 2.
Ten books of mifcellanies. 3. Notes on Oppian, Eu¬
ripides, &c. He died in 1563, aged 63.
BRODERA, or Brodra, a town of Afia, in the
empire of the Great Mogul. It Hands in a large fandy
plain, on the little river Waffet; and is fortified, after
the old way, with pretty good walls and towers. It
is inhabited by Banians and Callico-weavers. The
country about it produces plenty of gum-lac and indi¬
go. E. Long. 72. 30. N. Lat. 22. 10.
BROGLING tor eels ; the fame with Snig-
L1NG.
BROGLIO, a town of Piedmont in Italy, and ca¬
pital of a county of the fame name, fituated near the
frontiers of Provence, in E. Long. 6. 42. N. Lat.
44. 12.
BROKE, Sir Robert, lord chief juftice of the
common pleas, was the fon of Thomas Broke, Efq. of
Claverly in Shropftiire, and educated at Oxford ; from
udience he removed to the middle temple, and foon
became a very eminent lawyer. In the year 1542, he
was chofen fummer reader, and double reader in 1550.
In 1552, he was made ferjeant at law; and the year
following (firft of Queen Mary), lord chief juftice of
the common pleas; about which time he received the
honour of knighthood. Stow fays he was recorder of
London and Ipeaker of the houfe of commons; which
is confirmed by a manufcript in the Afhmolean library.
He died and was buried at Glaverly in Shropih.ire, the
place of his nativity, in 1558. Wood gives him the
charafler of a great lawyer and an upright judge. His
works are, 1. An abridgment containing an abftraiR
of
B R ° [ *
Broken of the year-books till the time of Queen Mary. 2. Cer-
Brokers. ^ CafeS adjudZed in the reigo of Henry VIII. Ed-
—' wartl VI. and Queen Mary. 3. Reading on the fta-
tute of limitations, 32 Hen. VIII. c. 2.
BROKEN wind, among farriers. See Farriery
Index.
BROKER. The origin of the word is contefted 5
fome derive it from the French brozer, “ to grind j1’
others from brocarder, “ to cavil, or triggle j” others
deduce broker from a trader broken, and that from the
Saxon broc, “ misfortune,” which is often the true
reafon of a man’s breaking. In which view, a broker
is a broken trader by misfortune j and it is faid none
but fuch were formerly admitted to that employment.
Brokers are of three kinds j exchange-brokers,
ttock-brokers, and pawn-brokers.
Exchange Brokers, are a fort of negotiators, who
contrive, make, and conclude bargains between mer¬
chants and tradefmen, in matters of money or mer-
chandife, for which they have a fee or premium.
Thefe, in old Englilh law-books, are called broggers,
and in Scotland, Lroccani, i. e. accoiding to Skene,
mediators or intercefiors in any contrail, &c.
They make it their bufinefs to know the alteration
of tne courfe of exchange, to inform merchants how
it goes, and to notify to thole who have money to re¬
ceive or pay beyond fea, who are proper perifons for
negotiating the exchange with ; and when the matter
is accomplifhed, that is, when the money is paid, they
have for brokage 2s. per tool. Rerling. Thefe, by
the ftatute of 8 and y William III. are to be licenfed
in London by the lord-mayor, who gives them an
oath, and takes bond for the faithful execution of
their offices. If any perlon ffiall aft as a broker without
being thus licenfed and admitted, he ffiall forfeit the
fum of 500I. ; and perfons employing him, ft. j and
brokers are to regifter contrafts, &c. under the like
penalty : alio brokers ffiall not deal for themfelves, on
pain of forfeiting 200I. They are to carry about with
them a lilver medal, having the king’s arms and the
arms of the city, and pay 40s. a-year to the chamber
of the city.
In France, till the middle of the 17th century, their
exchange-brokers were called courtiers de change ; but
by an arret of council in 1639, the name was changed
for that more creditable one of agent de change, banque,
etfinance; and in the^beginning of the 18th century’
to render the office Hill more honourable, the title of
king's counfellors was added.
At Grand Cairo, and feveral places of the Levant
the Arabs, who do the office of exchange-brokers, are
called conjuts ; the manner of whofe negotiating with
the European merchants has fomething in it fo very
particular, that we have referred it to a dillinft article.
See Consul.
The exchange brokers at Amfterdam, called make/-
tiers, are of two kinds j the one, like the Engliffi, cal¬
ledbecaufe of the oath they take before
the burgomaftersj but the others negotiate without
any commiffion, and are called walking-brokers. The
firft are in number 395 ; whereof 375 are Chriftians,
and 20 Jews : the others are near double that number •
fo that in Am Herd am there are near 1000 exchange-
brokers.— The difference between the two confifts in
this: The books and perfons of the former are allowed
727 ] B R O
as evidence in the courts of juftice j whereas, in cafe of
difpute, the latter are difowned, and their bargains dif-
annulled.
1 he fee of the fworn exchange-brokers of Amfter¬
dam is fixed by two regulations, of 1613 and 1623,
with regard to matters of exchange, to 18 Ibis for ico
livies de gros, or 6cc florins j i. e. three fols for ico
ftorins j payable, half by the drawer and half by the
perlon who pays the money. But cuftom has made
conliderable alterations herein.
1 ne Jews, Armenians, and Banians, are the chief
brokers throughout moft parts of the Levant and the
Indies. In Perfia all affairs are tranfafted by a fort
of brokers whom they call de/a/, i. e, great talkers.
Their manner in making their markets is very Angular :
after the brokers have launched out into long, and
ufually impertinent difcourfes, coming towards a con-
clufion, they only converfe with their Angers, The
buyer and feller’s broker each take the other by the
right hand, which they cover with their coat or a
handkerchief: the finger ftretched out ftands for fix j
bent for five ; the tip of the finger for one ; the whole
hand for ico j and the hand clinched for 1000. They
will exprefs even pounds, {hillings, and pence, by their
hands. During all this myftic commerce, the two
brokers appear as cold and compofed as if there were
nothing palling between them,
1 he French diftinguilh two kinds of brokers j one
for the fervice of merchants, the other of manufaftu-
reis, artificers, and workmen. The bufinefs of the for¬
mer is to facilitate the fale of goods in the wholefale
and mercantile way ; that of the other, to procure the
goods wanted for manufafturers, artificers, &c. or to
fell their goods when made. At Paris there is fcarce
a company of tradefmen, or even mechanics, but have
their brokers, who are ufually taken out of their body*
and make it their foie bufinefs to negotiate in the par¬
ticular kinds of goods to which fuch company is by
ftatutes reftrained. There are brokers for drapery,
brokers for grocery, brokers for mercery, &c. There
are even brokers for tanners, curriers, cutlers, and the
like.
Stock-Brokers, are thofe who are employed to buy
and iell lhares in the joint flock of a company or cor¬
poration, and alfo in the public funds. As the prac¬
tice of ftock-jobbing has been carried to fuch an ex¬
cels as became not only ruinous to a great number of
private families, but even affefted, or at leaft might
foon affeft, the public credit of the nation, the legif-
lature thought fit to put a flop to it, or at leaft to
bring it within certain bounds, and under fome regu¬
lation. 1 ne negotiations, &c. of thefe brokers are
regulated by flat. 6. Geo. I. cap. 18. and 7 and 10 Geo.
II. cap. 8; which, among other things, enafted, that
contrafts in the nature of wagers, &c. incur a penalty
pt 500I. and by the fale of flock, of which the feller
is not poffeffed, a forfeit of look and that brokers
keep a book, in which all contrafts, with their dates,
and the names of the parties concerned, ffiall be enter¬
ed, on pain of ^ol.
Pawn-BROKERs, perfons who keep ffiops, and lend^
money upon pledges to neceffitous perfons, and moft:
commonly at an exorbitant intereft. They are more
properly ftyled pawn-takers, or tally-men ; fometimes
gripers, ox friperers, Ihefe are meant in 1 Jac. I. cap..
xxi»
Brokers.
B R O
[ 7
xxi. feel. 5. where it is declared, that the fale of goods
wrongfully taken to any broker, or pawn-broker, in
London, Weftminfter, Southwark, or within two miles
of London, does not alter the property. And (feft. 7.)
if a broker, having received fuch goods, fhall not, up¬
on requeft of the owner, difeover them, how and when
he came by them, and to whom they are conveyed, he
fhall forfeit the double value thereof, to be recovered
by aftion of debt, &c.
In the cities of Italy, there are companies eftablifh-
ed by authority for the letting out money on pawns,
called mounts of piety \ a title little becoming fuch infti-
tutions. In fome parts of Italy, they have alfo mounts
of piety of another kind, wherein they only receive
ready money, and return it again with intereft, at a
certain fum per annum. At Bologna, they have feveral
fuch mounts, which are diftinguifhed into frank and
perpetual: the intereft of the former is only four per
cent j that of the latter, feven.
Brokers are alfo thofe who fell old houfehold fur¬
niture, and wearing apparel, &c.
BROME, Alexander, a poet and attorney in the
lord mayor’s court in the reign of Charles II. was the
author of the greateft part of thofe fongs and epigrams
which were publifhed in favour of the royalifts, and
againfl the rump, as well in Oliver Cromw-ell’s time as
during the rebellion. Thefe, together with his Epiftles
and Epigrams tranilated from different authors, were
all printed in one volume 8vo after the reftoration. He
alfo publifhed a verfron of Horace, by himfelf and
others, which is very far from being a bad one. He
left behind him a comedy entitled Tihe Cunning Lovers:
and the wmrld is indebted to him for two volumes of
Richard Brome’s plays in o£tavo ; many of which, but
for his care in preferving and publifhing them, would
in all probability have been entirely loft. He died in
1666.
Brome, Richard, a dramatic writer who lived in
the reign of King Charles I. and was contemporary
with Decker, Ford, Shirley, &c. His extraftion was
mean, he having been originally no better than a meni¬
al fervant to the celebrated Ben Johnfon. He wrote
himfelf, however, into high reputation, as is teftified
not only by various commendatory verfes written by
his contemporaries and prefixed to many of his plays,
but alfo by fome lines which his quondam mafter ad-
dreffed to him on account of his comedy called The
Northern Lafs. Brome, in imitation of his mafter, laid
it down as his firft great point, to apply clofely to the
ftudy of men and manners. His genius wras entirely
turned to comedy ; and therefore his proper province
was obfervation more than reading. His plots are all
his own, and are far from being ill condufted ; and his
chara&ers, wdiich for the moft part are ftrongly mark¬
ed, were the offspring of his own judgment and ex¬
perience, and his clofe attention to the foibles of the
human heart. In a word, his plays in general are good
ones 5 met with great applaufe when firft afted 5 and as
Langbain informs us, were thought by the players
worthy to be revived, to their own profit and the au¬
thor’s honour, in that critical age which he himfelf
lived in. Nay, we have had a proof, even in our own
time, of the merit of one of his comedies, wdiich with a
.very little alteration has lately been revived, and with
great fuccefs, viz. The Jovial Creiv, wrhich for no lets
28 ] B R o
than three feafons running brought crowded audiences Eromefia,
to the theatre-royal in Covent Garden at all the fre- “v—
quent repetitions of its performance. The comedies
which the author left behind him are 15 in number}
ten of which are colledled together, as above-men¬
tioned, in two volumes octavo. He joined alfo with
Thomas Heywocd in a play called The Lancafhire
Witches.
BROMELIA, the pine apple : for the claftifica-
tion fee BotanY-/Wi?x. In the natural method it
ranks under the 10th order, Coronaries.
As the pine apple, on account of its highly flavour¬
ed fruit, is a defirable objeft to thofe who can afford the
expence of raifing it, wTe fliall here enter fomewhat in¬
to the detail of the moft approved method of cultiva¬
tion.—The plants are propagated by planting the
crowns which grow7 on the fruit, or the fuckers wrhich
are produced either from the fides of the plants or un¬
der the fruit: both which are found to be equally
good } although by fome perfons the crown is thought
preferable to the fuckers, as fuppofing it will produce
fruit fooner than the fuckers, which is certainly a
miftake. The fuckers and crowns muft be laid to dry
in a w7arm place for four or five days, or more (ac¬
cording to the moifture of the part which adhered to
the old plant or fruit) } for if they are immediately
planted, they w7ill rot. The certain rule of judging
when they are fit to plant, is by obferving if the bot¬
tom is healed over and become hard} for if the fuckers
are drawn off carefully from the old plants, they
W'ill have a hard flein over the lower part, fo need not
lie fo long as the crowms of thofe whofe bottoms are
moift. But w’henever a crown is taken from the fruit,
or the fuckers from old plants, they {hould be imme¬
diately diverted of their bottom-leaves, fo high as to
allow depth for their planting } fo that they may be
thoroughly dry and healed in every part, left when
they receive heat and moifture they {hould perifh, which
often happens when this method is not obferved. If
thefe fuckers or crowns are taken off late in the au¬
tumn, or during the winter, or early in the fpring,
they (hould be laid in a dry place in the ftove for a
fortnight or three w7eeks before they are planted ; but
in the fummer feafon, they will be fit for planting in a
W'eek at fartheft.
Thefe ftiould be planted in a rich good kitchen-
garden mould, not too heavy fo as to detain the moi¬
fture too long, nor over light and fandy } but where
this is wanting, you {hould procure fome frefti earth
from a good pafture, which {hould be mixed with a-
bout a third part of rotten neats dung, or the dung
of an old melon or cucumber bed which is w7ell con-
fumed. Thefe {hould be mixed fix or eight months
before they are ufed, but if it be a year it w7ill be the
better} and {hould be often turned, that their parts
may be the better united, as alfo the clods well broken.
This earth {hould not be fereened very fine} for if you
only clear it of the great ftones, it will be better for
the plants than w7hen it is made too fine. You fhould
always avoid mixing any fand with the earth, unlefs
it be extremely ftiff, and then it will be neceffary to
have it mixed at leaft fix months or a year before it is
ufed ; and it muft be frequently turned, that the fand
may be incorporated in the earth fo as to divide its
parts: but you {hould not put more than a fixth part
q£
B R O [ 729 ] R R O
Biornelia. of fand j for too much fand is very injurious to thefe
v " plants. In the fummer feafon, thefe plants mull be
frequently watered ; but you Ihould not give them large
quantities at a time : you mull alfo be very careful
that the moifture is not detained in the pots by the
holes being flopped, for that will foon deftroy them.
It the feafon is warm, they Ihould be watered twice a-
week ; but in a cool feafon, once a-week will be often
enough : and during the fummer feafon you fhould
once a-week water them gently all over their leaves;
which will walk the filth from off them, and thereby
greatly promote the growth of the plants.
There are feme perfons who frequently drift thefe
plants from pot to pot. But this is by no means to
be praffifed by thofe who propofe to have large well-
flavoured fruit : for, unlefs the pots be filled wuth the
roots, by the time the plants begin to (how their
fruit, they commonly produce fmall fruit, which have
generally large crowns on them ; therefore the plants
will not require to be new potted oftener than twice
in a feafon. The firrt time (Irould be about the end
of April, when the (uckers and crowns of the former
year’s fruit ('which rerjiained all the winter in thofe
pots in which they were firft planted) fhould be drifted
into larger pots j i. e. thofe which were in halfpenny
or three farthing pots, drould be put into penny or at
mod; three-halfpenny pots, according to the fize of
the plants; for you mud be very careful not to over¬
pot them, nothing being more prejudicial to thefe
plants. The fecond time for drifting of them is in
the beginning of Augud j when you drould drift thofe
which are of a proper fize for fruiting the following
fpring into twopenny pots, which are full large enough
for any of thefe plants. At each of thefe times of
■drifting the plants, the bark-bed drould be dirred up,
and fome new bark added, to raife the bed up to the
height it was at fird made : and when the pots are
plunged again into the bark-bed, the plants drould be
watered gently all over their leaves, to wadr off the
filth, and to fettle the earth to the roots of the plants.
If the bark-bed be well dirred, and a quantity of good
-freih bark added to the bed, at this latter drifting, it
will be of great fervice to the plants 5 for they may
t'emain in the fame tan until the beginning of Novem¬
ber, or fome time later, according to the mildnefs of
the feafon, and will require but little fire before that
time. During the wunter, they will not require to
be watered oftener than once a-week, according as
you find the earth in the pots to dry : nor diould
you give them too much at each time •, for it is much
■better to give them a little water often, than to over-
W’ater them.
You mud obferve never to drift thofe plants which
(how their fruit into other pots ; for if they are re-
hroved after the fruit appears, it will dop the growth,
and thereby caufe the fruit to be fmaller, and retard
its ripening, fo that many times it will be Oftober or
November before the fruit is ripe : therefore you
drould be very careful to keep the plants in a vigorous
growing date from the fird appearance of the fruit,
becaufe upon this depends the goodnefs and the fize of
the fruit ; for if they receive a check after this, the
fruit is generally fmall and ill-taded.—When you have
cut off the fruit from the plant whofe kind you are
defirous to propagate, you fliould trim the leaves, and
Vol. IV. Part II.
plunge the pots again into a moderate hot-bed, obfer^ Biomella.
ving to refredr them frequently with water, which will   
caufe them to put out fuckers in plenty ; fo that a
perfon may be foon fupplied with plants enough of
any of the kinds, wdio will but obferve to keep the
plants in health.
The mod dangerous thing that can happen to thefe
plants is their being attacked by fmall white infers,
which appear at fird like a white mildew, but foon af¬
ter have the appearance of lice : thefe attack both root
and leaves at the fame time j and if they are not foon
dedroyed, will fpread over a whole dove in a diort
time, and in a few weeks entirely dop the growth of
the plants by fucking out the nutritious juice, fo that
the leaves will appear yellow and fickly, and have ge¬
nerally a great number of yellow tranfparent fpots all
over them. Thefe infeeds, after they are fully grown,
appear like bugs, adhering fo clofely to the leaves as
not to be eafily waflied off, and feem to have no local
motion. They were originally brought from America
upon the plants which were imported from thence j and
are probably the fame infeeds which have dedroyed the
fugar-canes of late in fome of the Leeward ifiands, for
upon fome fugar-canes which were fent Mr Miller from
Barbadoes he obferved great numbers of thefe infeeds.
Since they have been in England, they have fpread
greatly in fuch doves where there has not been more
than ordinary care taken to dedroy them. They have
alfo attacked the orange-trees in many gardens near
London, and have done them incredible damage j but
they do not endure the cold of our climate in win¬
ter, fo that they are never found on fuch plants as
live in the open air. The only method yet difeovered
for dedroying thefe infedls, is by frequently wafhing
the leaves, branches, and dems, of fuch plants as they
attack, with water in which there has been a drong
infufion of tobacco dalks. But this method cannot be
praftifed on the ananas plants, becaufe the infeeds will
faden themfelves fo low between the leaves, that it is
impodible to come at them with a fponge to wadi them
off; fo that if all thofe which appear to fight are
cleared off, they will foon be fucceeded by a frelh fup-
ply from below, and the roots will be alfo equally in-
feded at the fame time. Therefore, whenever thefe in¬
fers appear on the plants, the fafed method will be to
take the plants out of the pots, and clear the earth
from the roots 5 then prepare a large tub, which diould
be filled with water in which there has been a drong
infufion of tobacco dalks; into this tub you diould put
the plants, placing fome dicks crofs the tub to keep
them immerfed in water. In this water they diould
remain 24 hours; then take them out, and with a
fponge wadi off all the infefts from the leaves and
roots, and dip the plants into a tub of fair water, wadi-
ing them therein, which is the mod effedlual way to
clear them from the infers. After which, you diould
pot them in fredi earth; and, having dirred up the
bark-bed, and added fome new tan to give a fredi heat
to the bed, the pots diould be plunged again, obfer-
ving to water them all over the leaves, and this diould
be repeated once a-week during the fummer feafon ;
for thefe infedls always multiply much fader where
the plants are kept dry, than w7here they are fome-
times fprinkled over with wrater, and kept in a grow¬
ing date. As thefe infefts are frequently brought
4 Z over
B R O [ 730 ] B R O
Bromelia. over from America on the ananas plants which come
U—£rom thence thofe perfons who procure their plants
from thence iho'uld look carefully over them when they
receive them, to fee they have none of thefe infefts
on them j for if they have, they will foon be propa¬
gated over all the plants in the ftove where they are
placed ; therefore, whenever they are obferved, the
plants ftiould be foaked (as before dire&ed) before they
are planted into pots.
Such are the dire&ions generally given with regard
to the culture of the pine-apple in this country. Of
late however, fome very confiderable improvements
have been made in that article. The leaves of the oak
have been fubftituted to the more expenfive bark ; and
by treating the pines with them, they are found to
thrive as well, and to produce as good fruit, as in the
other method. Of the proper way of managing thefe
leaves for the rearing of exotic plants, an account
is given under the article 0.iK-Leaves. But the moll
confiderable improvement is that mentioned in the
67th volume of the Philofophical Tranfaftions, where
a method is (hown by William Baftard, Efq. of De-
vonlhire, of raifing thefe fruits in water. His account
of this method is as follows.
“ Before I enter into the particulars of raifing pine¬
apples in water, it will be neceffary to tell you that my
hot-houfe is covered with the belt crown-glafs, which
I apprehend gives more heat than the common fort
of green glafs generally ufed for hot-houfes. In the
front part of the houfe, and indeed anywhere in the
loweft parts of it, the pine-apple plants will not thrive
well in water. The way in which I treat them is as
follows. I place a ftielf near the higheft part of the
back wall, fo that the pine-plants may ftand without
abfolutely touching the glafs, but as near it as can be $
on this (helf I place pans full of water, about feven or
eight inches deep ; and in thefe pans I put the pine¬
apple plants, growing in the fame pots of earth as they
are generally planted in to be plunged into the bark-
bed in the common way j that is, I put the pot of
earth, with the pine-plant in it, in the pan-full of wa¬
ter, and as the water decreafes I conftantly fill up the
pan. I place either plants in fruit, or young plants
as foon as they are well rooted, in thefe pans of wa¬
ter, and find they thrive equally well: the fruit rear¬
ed this way is always much larger, as well as better
flavoured, than when ripened in the bark-bed. I have
more than once put only the plants themfelves with¬
out any earth, I mean after they had roots, into thefe
pans of water, with only water fufficient to keep the
roots always covered, and found them flourifli beyond
expectation. In my houfe, the (helf I mention is
fupported by irons from the top, and there is an inter¬
vening fpace of about 10 inches between the back wall
and the {helf. A neighbour of mine has placed a
leaden ciftern upon the top of the back flue (in which,
as it is in contaft with the flue, the water is always
warm when there is a fire in the houfe), and finds his
fruit excellent and large. My {helf does not touch the
back flue, but is about a foot above it 5 and confe-
quently the water is only warmed by the air in the
houfe. Both thefe methods do well. The wTay I ac¬
count for this fuccefs is, that the warm air always
afcending to the part where this Ihelf is placed, as be¬
ing the higheft part of the houfe, keeps it much hot¬
ter than in any other part. The temperature at that Bromley
place is, I believe, feldom lefs than what is indicated ^
by the 73d degree of Fahrenheit’s thermometer, and . ro" iae'
when the fun {hines it is often at above 100 : the wa¬
ter the plants grow 1^ feems to enable them to bear
the greateft heat, if fufficient air be allowed ; and I
often fee the roots of the plants growing out of the
holes in the bottom of the pot of earth, and {hooting
vigoroufly in the water.
“ My hot-houfe (the dimenfions of which it may
be proper to know) is 60 feet long and n feet wide,
the flues included *, fix feet high in the front, and 11
feet at the back of the infide of the houfe. It is warm¬
ed by two fires. A leaden trough or ciftern on the
top of the back flue is preferable to my ffielf, as in it
the pine-plants grow much falter in the winter, the
water being always warmed by the flue : of this I
have feen the great benefit thefe laft two months in
my neighbourhood. It is not foreign to this purpofe
to mention, that as a perfon was moving a large pine-
plant from the hot-bed in my houfe laft fummer, which
plant was juft ffiowing fruit, by fome accident he broke
off the plant juft above the earth in which it grew,
and there was no root whatever left to it: by way of
experiment I took the plant, and fixed it upright in
a pan of water (without any earth whatever) on the
flielf ‘y it there foon threw out roots, and bore a pine¬
apple that weighed upwards of two pounds.”
BROMLEY, a town of Kent in England, fituated
on the river Ravenfburn, in E. Long. o. 5. N. Lat.
51- 23*
BROMSGROVE, a town of Worcefterffiire in
England, feated on the river Salwarp. It is a pretty
good town, well inhabited by clothiers j and the mar¬
ket is large for corn, cattle, and all forts of provifions.
W. Long. 2. 5. N. Lat. 52. 26.
BROMUS, broom-grass. See Botany Index.
BROMYARD, a town of Herefordffiire in England,
feated on a riling ground, and containing about 200
houfes. W. Long. 2. 46. N. Lat. 52. 20.
BRON, a town of Italy, in the duchy of Milan,
where the imperialifts gained an advantage over the
French in 1703. E. Long. 10. o. N. Lat. 44. 50.
BRONCHIA, in Anatomy, the ramifications of the
trachea. See Anatomy Index.
BRONCHOCELE, a tumor rifing in the anterior
part of the neck. See Medicine Index.
BRONCHOTOMY, in Surgery, an incifion made
in the afpera arteiia, or wind-pipe, which is neceffary
in many cafes, and efpecially in a violent quinfey, to
prevent fuffocation from the great inflammation or tu¬
mor of the parts. It is alfo called laryngotomy and
tracheotomy. See Surgery Index.
BRONKHORST, John Van, an eminent painter
who flouriffied about the middle of the laft century.
He was born at Utrecht: and after having ftudied un¬
der feveral mailers, entered the fchool of Cornelius
Poelemburg, whofe ftyle of painting he imitated with
great fuccefs. He painted both hiftory and land-
fcapes ; and his pi&ures, which are very highly finiffi-
ed, are held in great eftimation. He amufed himfelf
wfith the point j and fome landfcapes from Poelemburg,
together with other fubje&s from his own compofitions,
are attributed to him.
BRONTHE, or Thunder-stones, in Natural Hi-
Jlory,
B R O
Bronze.
Brontium Jlory. Thefe were fuppofed, accordiner to the opinion of
" many philofophers, to have only an imaginary exiftence.
_r But of late years the attention of naturalifts has been
much direfted to ftones that have fallen from the
clouds. The fadt feems to be fufficiently eftablilhed j
but whether the ftones are formed in the atmofphere
during the thunder ftorm which generally accompanies
their fall, are eje&ed fropa a volcano, or projedled, as
fome fuppofe, from the moon, there is great difference
of opinion.
BRONTIUM, in Grecian antiquity, a place un¬
derneath the floor of the theatres, in which were kept
brazen veffels full of ftones and other materials, with
which they imitated the noife of thunder.
BRONTOLOGY, denotes the dodlrine of thunder,
or an explanation of its caufes, phenomena, &c. toge¬
ther with the prelages drawn from it. See Electri¬
city and Thunder.
BRONZE, a compound of copper and tin, to which
fometimes other metallic fubftances, particularly zinc,
are added. This metal is brittle, hard, and fonorous.
It is employed for various ufes, as for making of bells,
cannons and ftatues j and the proportions of the com¬
ponent metals are varied to fuit the feveral purpofes to
which it is applied. This compound, like fome others,
is fpecifically heavier than either of the metals taken
feparately. A metallic mafs, compofed of four fifths
of copper and one-fifth part of tin, weighs in water
7tV grains more than the fame quantities of thefe two
metals would together weigh in water if not allayed.
T. his proves, that in the union of copper and tin there
is a penetration of parts, the one metal entering into
the pores of the other; and this is further confirmed by
an obfervation of Mr Tillet, member of the royal aca¬
demy of Iciences. In his memoir concerning the duc¬
tility of metals, he takes notice, that when the mixture
of copper and tin is made in the proportions above-
mentioned, the colour of the copper is entirely annulled
and covered by that of the tin, although the quanti¬
ty of the firft be four times greater; and this Angu¬
lar effedl cannot be underftood without admitting a to¬
tal change in the fize and difpofition of the pores of the
compound metal.
Tin being lefs fubjett to ruft than copper, bronze is
alfo found to be lefs liable to be covered with verdi-
greafe than pure copper is; and this is one reafon why
it is ufed for cannons, ftatues, and works expofed to
the air and weather. The greater fufibility of bronze
than copper is alfo an advantageous property, and much
facilitates the calling of large works. The operation
for calling bronze is fufficiently Ample. For this pur-
pofe a brick furnace is ufed, nearly of the lhape of an
oven for baking bread. T. he floor of this furnace is
concave, and confifts of a compofition of fand and clay.
Jn this hollow floor the metals to be fufed are put. 
The furnace has three openings. The firft is a lateral
mouth, at which enters the flame of the wood placed
in a fecond furnace, on one fide of the firft: the fecond
opening is a chimney placed on a fide oppofite to the
mouth, by means of which the flame is drawn over the
rnetal. The third is a hole which is opened and fhut at
pleafure; through which the inner part of the furnace
may be occafionally infpecfed, that the ftate of the metal
may be obferved. When the metal is in the ftate re¬
quired, a fourth opening is then unclofed, communi-
[ 73* 1
B r o
Brooke.
eating with the hollow floor, and through which the Bronze
melted metal flows by channels into the moulds pre¬
pared to receive it. ,
Bronze, alfo denotes a colour prepared by the
colourmen of Paris, wherewith to imitate bronze.—
There are two forts, the red bronze, and the yellow
or golden. The latter is made folely of copper-duft,
the find! and brighteft that can be got : the former is
made of the fame, with the addition of a little quan¬
tity of red ochre well pulverized. They are both ap¬
plied with varnifti. To prevent their turning greenilh,
the work muft be dried over a chafing-difti as foon as
bronzed.
BRONZES, a name given by antiquarians to figures
either of men or beafts, to urns, and in general to
every piece of fculpture which the ancients made of
that metal. We likewife give the name of bronzes to
ftatues or bufts call of bronze, whether thefe pieces be
copies of antiques or original fubje&s.—Among me-
dallifts, all copper medals bear the name of bronze.
BRONZING, the art or ad of imitating bronze,
which is done by means of copper dull or leaf, faftened
on the outfide, as gold leaves are in gilding.
BROOD, the young of fifh, fowls, &c.
BROODING, the ad of a hen in hatching her
eggs. See Hatching.
BROOK, a little river or fmall current of water.—
A brook is diftinguifhed from a river, infomuch as a
river flows at all times, whereas a brook flows at fome
particular feafons only.
Brook Lime. See Veronica, Botany Index.
BROOKE, Mrs, daughter of a clergyman of the
name of Moore, was a lady as remarkable for her vir¬
tues and fuavity of manners as for her great literary
accomplifliments. Her firft performance, which intro¬
duce her to the notice and confequent efteem of the
public, was Julia Mandeville; a work concerning which
there were various opinions, but which every body read
with eagernefs. It has been often wiffied that ffie had
made the cataftrophe lefs melancholy ; and we believe
that Ihe afterwards was of the fame opinion, but flte
though it beneath her charader to alter it. She foon
afterwards went to Canada with her hufband, who was
chaplain to the garrifon at Quebec ; and here (he faw
and loved thofe romantic charaders and feenes which
gave birth to Emily Montague, a work moft defervedly
in univerfal efteem, which has paffed through feveral
editions, and which is now not eafily met with. On
her return to England, accident introduced her, and
congenial fentiments attraded her, to Mrs Yates ; and
an intimacy was formed, which terminated only with the
life of that lady. Mrs Brooke, in confequence of this
connexion, formed an acquaintance with Mr Garrick,
and wrote fome pieces for the ftage. She had, how¬
ever, great reafon to be diffatisfied with his behaviour
as a manager ; and (he made 7he Excurjion, a novel
which ffie wrote at this time, the vehicle by which ffie
exhibited to the public her complaints and anger againft
the king of Drury. Her anger, we believe, was juft,
but the retribution was too fevere. She herfelf af¬
terwards thought fo, for ffie lamented and retraded it.
Her firft dramatic performance was the tragedy of
Virginia, 1*156. Her next effort in that line was,
The Siege of Synope, a tragedy, introduced by Mr Har¬
ris, and written principally with a view of placing Mrs
4 Z 2 Yates
/■
B R O [ 732 ] B R O
Eroom Yates in a confpicuous character. This did not alto-
Broome get-her but ^ did not become popular j it wanted
energy, and it had not much originality ; there was
little to dilapprove, but there was nothing to admire.
Her next and moft popular production was Rq/tna,
which, in a mold liberal manner, die prefented to Mr
Harris. Few modern pieces have been equally fuc-
cefsful. Her laid mufical piece, entitled Marian,
which was introduced by Shield, continued for feme
time to be occafionally exhibited. Mrs Brooke was
alfo the tranflator of various books from the French.
She was eldeemed by Dr Johnfon, valued by Mifs
Seward, and her company courted by all the firld
charaCders of her time. She died in January 1789,
two days after her hufband. Her hulhand enjoyed the
reCdory of Colney in Norfolk, to which he had been
preferred after his arrival from America.
BROOM. See Genista, Botany Index.
Butcher's Broom. See Ruscus, Botany Index.
Spanijh Broom. See Spartium, Botany Index.
Broom alfo denotes a well-known houlehold befom
or implement wherewith to fweep away diit, dull, and
the like. We fay, a birch-broom, a hair-broom, a rujh-
broom, a heath-broom. The primitive kind of brooms,
from whence the denomination is given to all the reld,
was made of the genifta or wild broom growing on
commons.
BkooM-jlower gives the denomination to an order of
knights inftituted by St Louis of France, on occafion
of his marriage. The motto was, Exa/tat bundles, and
the collar of the order made up of broom flowers and
hulks, enamelled and intermixed wuth Jleur de-lys of
gold, fet in open lozenges, enamelled white, chained
together 5 and at it hung a crofs florence of gold. This
anfwers to what the French call Ordre de la Genejle,
from the name of a fpecies of broom fo called ; diffe¬
rent from the common broom, as being lower, the ftalk
fmaller, and leaf narrow 5 the flower is yellow', and
bears a long hulk. Some alfo fpeak of another order
of the Genejfe or Broom eftablilhed by Charles Martel,
or rather Charles VI.
Broom-GuII, in Natural Hijlory, a name given by
authors to a remarkable fpecies of galls found on the
genijla vulgaris or common broom. This is occafion-
ed, like all other galls, by the punfture and eating
of an infect; and, when opened, is found to con¬
tain a fmall oblong worm, of a red colour, but w'hofe
lize requires the ufe of a glafs in order to fee it diltinft-
ly.
BRooM-Rape. See Orobanche, Botany Index.
BROOME, William, the coadjutor of Pope in
tranllating the Odyfley, was born in Chelhire, as is
faid, of very mean parents. He was educated upon the
foundation at Eaton, and was captain of the fchool a
whole year, without any vacancy, by which he might
have obtained a fcholarlhip at King’s college. Being
by this delay, fuch as is faid to have happened very
rarely, fuperannuated, he was fent to St John’s col¬
lege by the contribution of his friends, where he ob¬
tained a fmall exhibition. At this college he lived for
fome time in the fame chamber with the well-known
Ford, by whom Dr Johnfon heard him deferibed as a
contrafled fcholar and a mere verfifier, unacquainted
with life, and unlkilful in converfation. His addic¬
tion to metre was then fuch, that his companions fami- Broome.
Early called him Poet. When he had opportunities of
mingling with mankind, he cleared himfelf, as Ford
likewife owned, from great part of his fcholaftic ruft.
He appeared early in the world as a tranflator of the
Iliads into profe, in conjunftion with Ozell and Oldif-
worth. How their feveral parts were diftributed is
not known. This is the tranflation of which Ozell
boafted as fuperior, in Toland’s opinion, to that of
Pope : It has long fince vanilhed (Dr Johnfon o!>
ferves), and is nowin no danger from the critics. He
was introduced to Mr Pope, who was then vifiting Sir
John Cotton at Madingley, near Cambridge •, and
gained fo much of his efteem, that he was employed to
make extra&s from Euftathius for the notes to the
tranftation of the Iliad ; and in the volumes of poetry
publilhed by Lintot, commonly called Pope's Mifcel-
lanies, many of his early pieces were inferted.
Pope and Broome were to be yet more clofely con-
ne&ed. When the fuccefs of the Iliad gave encou¬
ragement to a verfion of the Odyfley, Pope, weary of
the toil, called Fenton and Broome to his afliftance j
and taking only half the work upon himfelf, divided
the other half between his partners, giving four books
to Fenton and eight to Broome. Fenton’s books are
enumerated in Dr Johnfon’s life of him. To the lot
of Broome fell the fecond, fixth, eighth, eleventh,,
twelfth, fixteenth, eighteenth, and twenty-third, to¬
gether with the burden of writing all the notes. The
price at which Pope purchafed this afliftance was 300I.
paid to Fenton and 500I. to Broome, with as many
copies as he wanted for his friends, which amounted
to tool. more. The payment made to Fenton is
known only by hearfay j Broome’s is very diftinftly
told by Pope in the notes to the Dunciad. It is evi¬
dent, that, according to Pope’s own eftimate, Broome
was unkindly treated. If four books could merit 300L
eight, and all the notes, equivalent at leaft to four, had
certainly a right to more than 6col. Broome proba¬
bly confidered himfelf as injured, and there was for
fome time more than coldnefs between him and his
employer. He always fpoke of Pope as too much a
lover of money, and Pope purfued him with avowed
hoftility ; for he not only named him difrefpedftfully in
the Dunciad, but quoted him more than once in the
Bathos, as a proficient in the art of finking : and in his
enumeration of the different kinds of poets diftinguilhed
for the profound, he reckons Broome among “ the par¬
rots who repeat another’s words in fuch a hoarfe odd
tone as makes them feem their own.” It has been faid
that they were afterwards reconciled ; but their peace
was probably without friendftiip. He afterwards pub¬
lilhed a Milcellany of Poems, and never rofe to very
high dignity in the church. He was fome time refior
ol Sturfton in Suffolk, where he married a wealthy wi*
dow 5 and afterwards, when the king vifited Cambridge
1728, became doiftor of laws. He w'as in 1733 prefent¬
ed by the crowm to the reftory of Pulham in Norfolk,,
which he held with Oakley Magna in Suffolk, givei>
him by the lord Cornw'allis, to whom he w'as chaplain,
and w'ho added the vicarage of Eye in Suffolk 5 he
then refigned Pulham, and retained the other two.
Towards the clofe of his life he grew again poetical,
and amufed himfelf with tranflating Odes of Anacreon.
which
B R O
[ 733 ] B R O
Brooming which he publKhed in the Gentleman’s Magazine un-
II der the name of Chejler. He died at Bath in 1745,
Brother. was buried in the abbey church.
BROOMING, or Breaming of a Shif>, the waft¬
ing and burning off all the filth fte has contra£ted on
her fides with weeds, ftraw, broom, or the like, when
fte is on the careen, or on the ground. See Careen¬
ing.
BROSSARD, Sebastian de, an eminent. French
mufician. In the former part of his life he had been
prebendary and chapel-mafter of the cathedral church
of Strafturg j but afterwards became grand-chaplain,
and alfo maitre de chapelle in the cathedral of Meaux.
There is extant of his a work entitled Prodromus muji-
calis. He was author alfo of a very ufeful book, en¬
titled DiEtionaire de mufque, printed at Amfterdam,
in folio, 1703', and afterwards at the fame place in
o£tavo, without a date. At the end of this book is a
catalogue of authors ancient and modern, to the amount
of 900, who have written on mufic ; divided into claf-
fes, wherein are interfperfed many curious obfervations
of the author relating to the hiftory of mufic. By Mr
Boivin’s Catalogue general des livres de mufique for the
year 1729, it appears that Broffard was the author of
two fets of motets, as alfo of nine Leqons de Tenebres
therein mentioned. It feems that thefe feveral publi¬
cations were at a time when the author was far advan¬
ced in years*, for Walther takes notice, that in the
Mercure Galante, he is mentioned as an abbe and com-
ponift, fo early as the year 1678.
BROTHEL-houses, lewd places, being the com¬
mon habitations of prollitutes. King Henry VIII. by
proclamation, in the 37th year of his teign, fuppreffed
all the ftews or brothel-houfes which had long continued
on the bank-fide in Southwark, contrary to the law of
God and of the land*. A brothelman was a loofe
305* idle fellow j and a femme bordelier, or brothelier, a com¬
mon whore. And borelman is a contraction for bro¬
thelman. See BAwnr-Houfe.
BROTHER, Prater, a term of relation between
two male children, fprung from the fame father, or mo¬
ther, or both. Scaliger and Voffius derive frater from
<p§#T>i£, for which properly fighifies a perfon
who draws water in the fame well} in Greek,
lignifying well, and tp^car^ux., a company of people,
who have a right to draw water out of the fame well.
The word, it is faid, came originally from the city
Argos, where there were only a few wells diftributed
in certain quarters of the city, to which thofe of the
fame neighbourhood alone repaired.
By the civil law, brothers and fillers Hand in the fe-
cond degree of confanguinity ; by the canon law, they
are in the firft degree.—By the Mofaic law, the bro¬
ther of a man who died without iffue was obliged to
marry the widow of the deceafed. Deuter. xxv. 7.
The ancients applied the term brother indifferently
to almoft all who Hood related in the collateral line, as
uncles and nephews, coufin-germans, &c.—This we
learn not only from a great many paffages in the Old
Teftament, but alfo from profane authors : Cicero, in
his Philippics, fays, “ Antonia was both wife and filler
of Mark Antony; becaufe fte was daughter of his
brother C. Antonius.” And as to coufins, Tullus
HolliliuSj, inDionylius Halicarnaffeus, calls the Hora-
tii and Curiatii, brothers j becaufe they were filters Brother,
children. u—y——
The language of the Jewrs, Biftop Pearfon obferves,
included in the name of brethren not only the Itrift re¬
lation of fraternity, but alfo the larger of confanguini¬
ty. We are brethren, fays Abraham to Lot, Gen,
xiii. 8. whereas Lot was only his nephew'.—So Jacob
told Rachel that he was her father’s brother, Gen.
xxix. 12. where he was only her father’s nephew*.—
This conlideration has been urged with good advan¬
tage againll the Antidicomarianites, who, from the
mention made of the brethren of Jefus, John ii. 12.
Matth. xii. 46. have impugned the perpetual virginity
of the mother of Chrill.
Among us, it is cullomary for kings to give the
title brother to each other *, the unClion in coronation
being elleemed to create a kind of brotherhood. Nor
is the cullom modern : Menander mentions a letter of
Cofroes king of Perfia to the emperor Juflinian, be¬
ginning thus-: Cofroes, king of kings, &c- to the em¬
peror Jullinian my brother.—Kings now* alfo give the
fame appellation to the ele£lors of the empire ; and
the like w'as given by the king of France to the late
king of Sardinia, while only duke of Savoy.
In the civil law, brothers, fratres, in the plural,
fometimes comprehends fillers : as Lucius et Litia, fra¬
tres ; tres fratres, Litius, Mcevius, et Seia.
Fofer-BROTHERS, thofe who fucked the fame nurfe.
The French call them fratres du lait, or brothers by
milk } which is moll properly ufed in refpedl of a per¬
fon who fucked a nurfe at the fame time with the nurfe’s
own child.
BROTHERS-German, Fratres Germani. See German.
Brother was alfo ufed, in middle-age writers, for
a comes, or governor of a province.
Brother is applied, in a lefs proper fenfe, to de¬
note a perfon of the fame profelfion. In which fenfe,
judges, biftops, priells, &c. call each other brothers.
Brother is alfo a cullomary term for priells of the
fame perluafion to addrefs one another by : but it is •'
more particularly ufed to denote the relation between
monks of the fame convent} as, Brother Zachary : in
Englift, we more ufually fay, Friar Zachary, from the
French word, ^ren?, brother.—Preachers alfo call their
hearers, my brethren, or my dear brethren. This ap¬
pellation is borrowed from the primitive Chriltians,
who all called each other brothers. But it is now.
principally ufed for fuch of the religious as are not
priells } thofe in orders are generally honoured wuth
the title of father, whereas the reft are only limply
brothers.
Brother is alfo an appellation more peculiarly
given to certain orders of religious.: Thus, the
Brothers of St Alexis, An the lew countries, W'ere
an order of perfons who attended on thofe who lay
dying, and took care of the burial of the dead. See
alfo Brethren of Charity, of Death, &c.
Poor Brothers, in the charity-houfe, a denomina¬
tion give to decayed gentlemen, to the number of Bo,.
who are fubfilled with diet, clothing, and lodging, on
the eflabliftment. The poor brothers are to be gen¬
tlemen by defeent, come to poverty, or decayed mer¬
chants, foldiers, or officers of the king’s houfehold.
The conditions of admiffion are, that they have no
eftate
B R O
Brothers
I!
Broughton
eftate for life worth 200I. nor coming in, <vits et modis,
24I. per annum; and that they be 50 years old, unlefs
they have been maimed in the public fervice ; in
which cafe, the age of 40 fufRces. They wear a li¬
very-gown within doors.
Brothers of Arms, an appellation given thofe who
contraft a kind of fraternity in war, obliging them-
felves to the mutual fervice and affillance of each other.
In the military orders, the knights are alfo called bro¬
thers.—In the order of Malta, there is a particular
clafs, who are called ferving brothers; confifting of
fuch as cannot give proof of their nobilitv. In Latin
they are denominated fratres clientes.
Brothers of the rofycrofs. See Rosycrucians.
BROUAGE, a maritime town of Saintonge in
France. It confifts of five or fix ftreets which termi¬
nate in a great fquare. It is famous for its falt-works,
which are the fine!! in the kingdom. W. Long. 1. o.
N. Lat. 45. 50.
BROURSHAVEN, a port-town of the United
Provinces, in the ifiand of Schonen in Zealand, feated
on the north fide of the illand, in a bay of the fea, in
E. Long. 3. 35. N. Lat. 51. 50.
BROUGH, a town in Weltmorland in England,
feated under Stanmore-hill. W. Long. 2. 50. N. Lat.
54. 40. It w'as formerly a place of great note, being
a Roman fortrefs; but is now fo much decayed, that
it is little better than a village.
BROUGHTON, Thomas, a learned divine, and
one of the original writers of the Biographia Britan-
nica, was born at London, July 5. 1704, in the parifh
of St Andrew', Holborn ; of w’hich pariih his father
was mmifter. At an early age he was fent to Eton
fchool, w'here he foon diftinguifhed hpaa/elf by the
acutenefs of his genius, and the fludibufnefs of his
difpofition. Being fuperannuated on this foundation,
he removed about 1722 to the univerfity of Cam¬
bridge ; and, for the lake of fcholarllup, entered him-
felf of Gonvelle and Caius college. Here two of the
principal objefts of his attention were, the acquifition
of the knowledge of the modern languages, and the
fludy of the mathematics, under the famous profeflbr
Sanderfon. May 28. 1727, Mr Broughton, after
taking the degree of bachelor of arts, was admit¬
ted to deacon’s orders. In the fucceeding year, Sep¬
tember 22d, he was ordained prieft, and proceeded
to the degree of M. A, At this time he removed
from the univerfity, to the curacy of Offley, in Hert-
fordlhire. In I739f was inftituted to the re<5!ory
of Stepington, otherwife Stibington, in the county of
Huntingdon, on the prefentation of John duke of
Bedford, and was appointed one of that nobleman’s
chaplains. Soon after he w'as chofen reader to the
Temple, by which means he became known to Bifhop
Sherlock, then mailer of it, and who conceived fohigh
an opinion of our author’s merit, that, in 1744, this
eminent, prelate prefented Mr Broughton to the va¬
luable vicarage of Bedminfter, near Briftol, together
with the chapels of St Mary Redcliff, St Thomas, and
Abbot’s Leigh, annexed. Some thort time after, he
was collated, by the fame patron, to the prebend of
Bedminller and Redcliff, in the cathedral of Saliibury.
Upon receiving this preferment, he removed from Lon¬
don to Briftol, where he married the daughter of
Thomas Harris, clerk of that city, by whom he had
1
I 734 1
B R O
feven children, fix of whom furvived him. He refided BrougHor,
on his living till his death, which happened Decern- Broukhu-
bcr 21. 1774, in the 71ft year of his age. He was,. fillS‘
interred in the church of St Mary Redcliff.
from the time of Mr Broughton’s quitting the
univerfity, till he was confiderably advanced in life, he
was.engaged in a variety of publications, of which a
lift is given in the Biographia Britannica, 2d edition.
Some little time before his death, he compofed “ A
Ihoit view of the principles upon which Chriftian
churches require, of their refpe&ive clergy, fubfcrip-
tion to eftablifhed articles of religion but this work
never appeared in print. He poffeffed, likewife, no
inconfiderable talent for poetry, as is evident from
many little fugitive pieces in manufcript, found among
his papers ; and particularly from two unfiniftied tra¬
gedies, both written at the age of 17. When he was at
Eton fchool, Mr Broughton was of the fame year with
Dr Ew'er, late bilhop of Bangor; Dr Sumner, late
provoft of King’s college, Cambridge ; and Dr Sleech,
late provoft of Eton : and during his refidence in Lon¬
don, he enjoyed the efteem and friendlhip of moft of
the literary men of his time. He was a great lover of
mufic, particularly the ancient; which introduced him
to the knowledge and acquaintance of Mr Handel;
whom he furniftied with the words for many of his
compofitions. In his public charafler, Mr Broughton
was diftinguilhed by an aftive zeal for the Chriflian
caufe, joined wdth a moderation of mind. In private
life, he was devoted to the interefts and happinefs of
his family ; and was of a mild, cheerful, and liberal
temper. This difpofition, which is not always united
with eminent literary abilities, attended him to his
grave. In 1778^ a pofthumous “volume of fermons,
on feleft fubjedls,” was publiftied by his fon, the Rev.
Thomas Broughton, M. A. of Wadham college, Ox¬
ford, and vicar of Tiverton, near Bath.
BROUKHUSIUS, Jonus, or John Broekhui-
ZEN, a diftinguiftied fcholar in Holland, was born No¬
vember 20. 1649, at Amfterdam, where his father was
a clerk in the admiralty. He learned the Latin tongue
under Hadrian Junius, and made a prodigious progrefs
in polite literature ; but, his father dying when he
was very young, he wTas taken from literary purfuits,
and placed with an apothecary at Amfterdam, with
whom he lived fome years. Not liking this, he went
into the army, where his behaviour raifed him to the
rank of lieutenant-captain; and, in 1674, was fent
with his regiment to America in the fleet under Admi¬
ral de Ruyter, but returned to Holland the fame year.
In 1678, he was fent to the garrifon at Utrecht,
where he contra£fed a friendfhip with the celebrated
Greevius ; and here, though a perfon of an excellent
temper, he had the misfortune to be fo deeply engaged
in a duel, that, accordisg to the laws of Holland, his
life was forfeited : but Graevius wrote immediately to
Nicholas Heinfius, who obtained his pardon from the
ftadtbolder. Not long after, he became a captain of
one of the companies then at Amfterdam ; w'hich poll
placed him in an eafy fituation, and gave him leifure
to purfue his ftudies. His company being difbanded
in 1697, a penfion wras granted him; upon which he
retired to a country-houfe near Amfterdam, where he
faw but little company, and fpent his time among books,
He died December 15. 1797.
As
B R O t 735 J B R O
Brouncker As a claflical editor, he is diflinguifhed by his la-
11 hours upon Tibullus and Propertius j the latter was
. Erown- .publifhed in 1702, the former in 1708. He was an
excellent Latin po~et himfelf: a volume of his poems
was publilhed at Utrecht, 1684, in i2mo } but a very
noble edition of them was given by Van Hoogftraeton
at Amfterdam, 1711, in 4to. His “ Dutch poems,,
were alfo publilhed at Amfterdam, 1712, in 8vo, by
the fame perfon, who prefixed his life, extracted from
Peter Burman’s funeral oration upon him. Brouk-
hufius was alfo an editor of Sannazarius’s and Palea-
rius’s Latin works. With regard to his Latin poems,
the authors of the “ Journal de Trevoux” have de¬
livered themfelves thus (and what they have faid may
be applied to the bulk of modern Latin poems) :
His verfes are written in good enough Latin ; but
they want fire. We find in them a great many paf-
fages borrowed from Tibulliis and Propertius, but not
their genius. The author was a poet by art, not by
nature.”
BROUNCKER, or Brounker, William, lord
vifcount of Caftle-Lyons, in Ireland, and the firft pre-
fident of the Royal Society, was the ion of Sir William
Brounker, knt. and born about the year 1620. He
was diftinguilhed by his knowledge of the mathematics,
and by the confiderable polls of honour and profit he
enjoyed after the reftoration ; for he had at the fame
time the office of chancelloi to the queen, and the keep¬
ing of her great feal, that of one of the commiffioneirs
of the navy, and mailer of St Catharine’s hofpital near
the Tower of London. He wrote, 1. Experiments
of the recoiling of guns. 2. An algebraical paper
upon the fquaring of the hyperbola $ and feveral let¬
ters to Dr Uffier, archbilhop of Armagh. He died in
1684.
BROUWER, Adrian, a famous Dutch painter
born either at Oudenard or Haerlem, in 1608, of poor
parentage. He became the difciple of Francis Hals,
under whom he proved an inimitable artift. His fub-
je£ls were taken from low life, always copied from na¬
ture *, as droll converfations, drunken brawls, boors at
cards, or furgeons dreffing the wounded. Brouwer
was apprehended at Antwerp as a fpy ; where being
difcovered by Rubens, he procured his liberty, took
him home, clothed him, and endeavoured to acquaint
the public with his merit ; but the levity of his tem¬
per made him quit his benefactor : and he died not
long after, in 1640, deftroyed by a diffolute courfe of
life.
BROW, or Eye Brow, a hairy arch extended o-
ver the orbit of each eye. See Anatomy Index.
Buoir-Pq/l, among builders, denotes a beam which
goes acrofs a building.
BRow-Antler, among fportfmen, that branch of a
deer’s horn next the tail.
BROWALLIA, See Botany Index.
BROWN, Robert, a fchifmatic divine, the foun¬
der of the Brownifts, a numerous fe6l of diffenters in
reign of Queen Elizabeth. He was the fon of Mr
Anthony Brown of Tolthorp in Rutlandlhire j whofe
father obtained the lingular privilege of wearing his
cap in the king’s prefence, by a charter of Henry
VIII. Robert was educated at Cambridge, in Corpus
Chrifti, or, according to Collier, in Bennet college,
and was afterwards a fchoolmafter in Southwark. A-
bout the year 1580, he began to promulgate his prin- Brown,
ciples of diffenlion from the eftablilhed church $ and
the following year preached at Norwich, where he foon
accumulated a numerous congregation. He was vio¬
lent in his abufe of the church of England ; pretended
to divine infpiration, and that he alone was the fure
guide to heaven. This new fe& daily increafing, Dr
Freake bilhop of Norwich, with other ecclefiailical
commiffioners, called our apoftle before them. He
was infolent to the court, and they committed him to
the cuftody of the ffieriff’s officer : but he was releafed
at the interceffion of lord treafurer Burleigh, to whom
it feems he was related. Brown now left the king¬
dom j and with permiffion of the Hates, fettled at
Middleburg in Zealand; where he formed a church
after his own plan, and preached without moleftation;
but here perfecution, the Jine qua non of fanaticifm,
was wanting. In 1585, we find him again in Eng--
land : for in that year he was cited to appear before
Archbilhop Whitgift; and feeming to comply with the
eftablilhed church, was, by Lord Burleigh, fent home
to his father : but relapfing into his former obftinacy,
his aged parent was obliged to turn him out of his
houfe. He now wandered about for fome time, and
in the courfe of his miffion endured great hardlhips.
At laft he fixed at Northampton j where, labouring
with too much indifcretion to increafe his fedl, he was
cited by the bilhop of Peterborough, and, refufing to
appear, was finally excommunicated for contempt.
The folemnity of this cenfure, we are told, immediate¬
ly effefled his reformation. He moved for abfolution,
which he obtained, and from that time became a duti¬
ful member of the church of England. This happen¬
ed about the year 1590 ; and, in a fhort time after,
Brown was preferred to a reflory in Northamptonlhire,,
where he kept a curate to do his duty, and where he
might probably have died in peace : but having fome
difpute with the conftable of his pariffi, he proceed¬
ed to blows ; and was afterwards fo infolent to the
juftice, that he committed him to Northampton jail,
where he died in 1630, aged 80. Thus ended the life
of the famous Robert Brown*, the greateft part of which
was a feries of oppofition and perfecution. He boafted
on his death-bed, that he had been confined in no lefs
than 32 different prifons. He wrote “ A treatife of
reformation without tarrying for any, and of the wick-
ednefs of thofe teachers which will not reform them¬
felves and their charge, becaufe they will tarry till the
magiftrate command and compel them, by me Robert
Brown $” and two others, making together a thin quar¬
to *, publilhed at Middleburg, 1582.
BROWN, Ulysses Maximilian, a celebrated ge¬
neral of the 18th century, was fon of Ulyffes, baron
Brown and Camus, colonel of a regiment of cuiraffiers
in the emperor’s fervice, and defcended from one of the
moll ancient and noble families in Ireland. He was
born at Bafil in 1705 j and having finilhed his firft ftu-
dies at Limeric in Ireland, was, in 1715, fent for into
Hungary, by Count George Brown, his uncle, mem¬
ber of the aulic council of war, and colonel of a regi¬
ment of infantry. He was prefent at the famous
battle of Belgrade, in 1717. Next year he followed his
uncle into Italy, who made him continue his lludies,
in the Clementine college at Rome, till the year 1721,
when he was fent to Prague in order to learn the ci-
B R O [ 736 ] B R O
Brown, vil law. At the end of the year 1723, he became cap-
.1,,—tajn jn uncie»s regiment j and in 1725, lieutenant-
colonel : in 1730, he went into Corfica with a batta¬
lion of his regiment; and contributed greatly to the
taking of Callanfara, where he received a confiderable
wound in his thigh. In 1732, the emperor made him
chamberlain : He wras railed to the rank of colonel
in 1734 ; and diltinguilhed himfelf fo much in the war
of Italy, efpecially at the battles of Parma and Guaf-
talla, and in burning in the prefence of the French ar¬
my the bridge which the marlhal de Noailles had
caufed to be thrown over the Adige, that he was made
general in 1736. The following year he favoured the
retreat of the army, after the -unhappy battle of Ban-
juluca in Bofnia, by an excellent manoeuvre, and faved
ell the baggage. His admirable condudl upon this oc-
cafion was rewarded by his obtaining a fecond regi¬
ment of infantry, vacant by the death of Count Francis
de Wallis.
At his return to Vienna, in 1739, the emperor
Charles VI. raifed him to the rank of general-field-
mailhal-lieutenant, and made him counfellor in the
aulic council of wTar. After the death of that prince,
the king of Pruflia entering Silefia, Count Brown, with
a fmall body of troops, difputed the country with him
inch by inch. He fignalized himfelf on feveral other
cccafions : and, in 1743, t^le queen of Hungary made
him a privy-counfellor, at her coronation in Bohemia.
He at length pafied into Bavaria, where he commanded
the van-guard of the Auftrian army 5 feized Decken-
dorf, with a great quantity of baggage 5 and obliged
the French to abandon the banks of the Danube, which
the Auftrian army pafled in full fecurity. The fame
year, viz. in 1743, the queen of Hungary fent him
to Worms, in quality of her plenipotentiary to the
king of Britain ; where ihe put the laft hand to the
treaty of alliance between the courts of Vienna, Lon¬
don, and Turin. In 1744, he followed Prince Lob-
kowitz into Italy ; took the city of Veletri, on the
4th of Auguft, in fpite of the fuperior numbers of the
enemy j entered their camp, overthrew feveral regi¬
ments, and took many prifoners. The following year
he wras recalled into Bavaria, where he took the town
of Wilfhofen by affault, and received a dangerous {hot
in the thigh. The fame year he was made general of
the artillery •, and in January 1746, marched for Italy,
at the head of a body of 18,000 men. He then drove
the Spaniards out of the Milanefe 5 and having joined
the forces under Prince de Lichtenftein, commanded the
left wing of the Auftrian army at the battle of Pla¬
centia on the 15th of June 1746, and defeated the
right wing of the-enemy’s forces commanded by Mar-
ihal de Maillebois. After this victory, he commanded
in chief the army againft the Genoefe ; feized the pafs
of Boietta or Bochetta, though defended by above
4000 men •, and took the city of Genoa. Count Brown
at length joined the king of Sardinia’s troops j and
took, in conjunftion with him, Mont-Alban, and the
county of Nice. On the 30th of November he paffed
the Var, in fpite of the French troops •, entered Pro-
vence j took the ifles of St Margaret and St Honorat ;
and thought to have rendered himfelf mafter of a much
greater part of Provence, when the revolution which
happened in Genoa, and Marfhal de Belleifle’s advance-
in g with his army, obliged him to make that fine re-
2
treat which procured him the admiration and efteem of Brown,
all perfons fkilled in war. He employed the reft of the u—-y—.
year 1747 in defending the ftates of the houfe of
Auftria in Italy 5 and after the peace in 1748, he was
fent to Nice to regulate there, in conjunftion with the
duke of Belleifie and the marquis de la Minas, the dif¬
ferences that had arifen with refpeft to the execution
of fome of the articles of the definitive treaty of Aix
la Chapelle.
The emprefs queen, to reward thefe fignal fervices,
efpecially his glorious campaigns in Italy in 1749,
made him governor of Tranfylvania, where he ren¬
dered himfelf generally admired for his probity and
difintereftednefs. In 1752, he obtained the govern¬
ment of the city of Prague, with the chief command
of the troops in that kingdom 5 in 1753, the king of
Poland, elector of Saxony, honoured him with the
collar of the order of the white eagle j and the next
year he was declared field-marlhal.
The king of Pruflia entering Saxony in 1756, and
attacking Bohemia, Count Brown marched againft
him 5 and repulfed that prince at the battle of Lobo-
fitz, on the ift of Odlober, though he had only
27,000 men, and the king of Pruflia had at leaft
40,000. Seven days after this battle, he undertook
the famous march into Saxony, to deliver the Saxon
troops (hut up between Pirna and Konigftein ; an ac¬
tion worthy of the greateft captains, ancient or mo¬
dern. He at length obliged the Pruflians to retire
from Bohemia 5 for which he was rewarded, by being
made a knight of the golden fleece. Soon after, Count
Brown haftily.aflembled an army in Bohemia, to op-
pofe the king of Pruflia, who had again penetrated
into that kingdom at the head of all his forces 5 and
on the 6th of May fought the famous battle of Prague j
in which, while he was employed in giving his orders
for maintaining the advantages he had gained over the
Pruflians, he was fo dangeroufly wounded, that he
was obliged to be carried to Prague, where he died of
his wounds, on the 26th of June 1757, at 52 years
of age. There is -reafon to believe, that, had he not
been wounded, he 'would have gained the vidftory, as
he had broken the Pruflians, and the brave Count
Schwerin, one of their greateft generals, was flain.
Brown, Sir Thomas, an eminent phyfician and ce¬
lebrated writer, was born at London, Odlober 19th
1605. Having ftudied at Winchefter college, and af¬
terwards at Oxford, he travelled through France and
Italy j and returning by the way of Holland, took his
degree of dodlor of phyfic at Leyden. In 1636, he
fettled at Norwich ; and the year following, was in¬
corporated as dodlor of phyfic at Oxford. His Religio
Medici made a great noife ; and being tranflated into
Latin, inftantly fpread throughout Europe, and gain¬
ed him a prodigious reputation : it tvas then tranflated
into almoft every language in Europe. This book
has been heavily cenfured by fome, as tending to infi¬
delity, and even atheifm ; while others, with much
more reafon, have applauded the piety, as well as the
parts and- learning, of the author. The reverend Mr
Granger obferves, that among other peculiarities in
this book, he fpeaks of the ultimate a£t of love as a
folly beneath a philofopher ; and fays, that he could
be content that we might procreate, like trees, with¬
out conjundlion ; but, after the writing of it, he de-
fc ended
B R O [ 737 j B R O
Brown, fcended from his philofophic dignity, and married an
Y~~' agreeable woman. It was faid, that his reafon for
marrying was, becaufe he could difcover no better
method of procreation. His Treatife on Vulgar Er¬
rors was read with equal avidity ; he alfo publifhed
Hydriotaphia, or a Difcourfe of Sepulchral Urns lately
found in Norfolk. His reputation in his profeflion
was equal to his fame for learning in other refpedls 5
and therefore the college of phyficians were pleafed to
take him into their number as an honorary member j
and King Charles II. coming to Norwich in his pro-
grefs, in 1671, was pleafed to knight him, with lin¬
gular marks of favour and refpeft. He died on his
birthday, in 1682, leaving feveral manufcripts behind
him, which were publifhed under the title of The pojl-
humous works of the learned Sir Thomas Brown, Knt.
M. D.
Brown, Edward, the fon of the former, phyfician
to King Charles II. and prefident of the royal college
at London. He was born in the year 1642 ; and ftu-
died at Cambridge, and afterwards at Merton college,
Oxford. He then travelled ; and at his return pub-
lilhed a brief account of fome travels in Hungary,
Servia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Theffaly, Auftria, Sty-
ria, Carinthia, Carniola, Friuli, &c. : he alfo pub-
lilhed an account of feveral travels through great part
of Germany j and joined his name to thofe of many
other eminent men, in a tranllation of Plutarch’s lives.
He was acquainted with Hebrew, was a critic in
Greek, and no man of his age wrote better Latin.
High Dutch, Italian, French, See. he fpoke and
wrote with as much eafe as his mother-tongue. King
Charles faid of him, that “ he was as learned as any
of the college, and as well bred as any at court.” He
died Auguft 27th 1708.
Brown, William, an Englifh poet of the 17th cen¬
tury, was defeended from a good family, and born at
Taviftock in Devonlhire in the year 1590. After he
had pafled through the grammar fchool, he was fent
to Exeter college in the univerfity of Oxford, in the
beginning of the reign of James I. and became tutor
to Robert Dormer, who was afterwards earl of Car¬
narvon, and killed at Newbury battle, September 20.
1643. ■^■e ftyled in the public regifter of the uni-
verlity, “ a man well drilled in all kinds of polite lite¬
rature and ufeful arts 5” vir omni hamana literatura et
bonarum artium cognitione inflruElus. After he had
left the college with his pupil, he was taken into the
family of William earl of Pembroke, who had a great
refpeft for him j and he made his fortune fo well, that
he purchafed an eilate. His poetical w-orks procured
him a very great reputation. They are as follow : 1.
Britannia’s paftorals. The firft part was publifhed at
London, 1613, in folio ; and udiered into the world
writh feveral copies of verfes made by his ingenious
and learned friends John Selden, Michael Drayton,
Chriftopher Cook, &c. The fecond part was printed
at London in 1616, and recommended by various co¬
pies of verfes written by John Glanville, who after¬
wards became eminent in the profeflion of the law,
and others. Thefe two parts w^ere reprinted in two
vols. 8vo. 1625. 2. The fhepherd’s pipe, in feveo
eclogues j London, 1614, in 8vo. 3. An elegy on
the never-enough bewailed death of Prince Henry, el¬
ded fon of King James I. Mr Wood tells us, that it
Vol. IV. Part II.
is probable our author wmote feveral other poems
which he had not feen. It is uncertain when he
died.
Brown, Thomas, “ of facetious memory,” as he is
ftyled by Addifon, was the fon of a farmer in Shrop-
fliire 5 and'entered in Chrift-church college, Oxford,
where he foon diflinguilhed himfelf by his uncommon
attainments in literature. But the irregularities of his
life not fuffering him to continue long there, he, in-
ftead of returning to his father, went to London to
feek his fortune : his companions, however, being
more delighted with his humour than ready to relieve
his neceflities, he had recourfe to the ufual refuge of
half-ftarved wits, fcribbling for bread •, and publilhed
a great variety of poems, letters, dialogues, &c. full
of humour and erudition, but often indelicate. Though
a good-natured man, he had one pernicious quality,
which was, rather to lofe his friend than his joke.
Towards the latter end of Tom Brown’s life, we
are informed by Mr Jacob, that he w’as in favour with
the earl of Dorfet, who invited him to dinner on a
Chriftmas day, with Mr Dryden and iome other gen¬
tlemen celebrated for their ingenuity, (as his lordfliip’s
cuftom was) ; when Mr Browm to his agreeable fur-
prife ’found a bank note of 50I. under his plate, and
Mr Dryden at the fame time was prefented with ano¬
ther of look Mr Brown died in the year 1704 j and
was interred in the cloyfter of Weftminfler abbey,
near the remains of Mrs Behn, with whom he rvas in¬
timate in his lifetime. His works have been printed
both in 8vo and i2mo, making 4 vols.
Brown, Dr John, a clergyman of the church of
England, and an ingenious wuiter, was born at Roth-
bury in Northumberland in November I7I5* ■^,s ^a“
ther John Brown, was a native of Scotland ; of the
Browns of Colftown near Haddington j and at the
time of his fon’s birth was curate to Dr ri omlinfon
re£tor of Rothbury. He was afterwards collated to
the vicarage of \Vigton in Cumberland to which
place he carried his fon, who received the firfl: part of
his education there. Thence he was removed in 1732
to the univerfity of Cambridge, and entered of St
John’s college, under the tuition of Dr Tunftall.
After taking the degree of bachelor of arts with
great reputation (being among the lift of wranglers,
and his name at the head of the lift), he returned to
Wigton, and received both deacon’s and prieft’s or¬
ders from Sir George Fleming bifhop of Carlifle.
Here he was appointed by the dean and chapter a mi¬
nor canon and lefturer of the cathedral church. lor
fome years he lived here in obfeurity j and nothing
farther is known concerning him, than that in 1739
he w'ent to Cambridge to take his degree of mafter of
arts. In 1745 he diftinguilhed himfelf as a volunteer
in the king’s fervice, and behaved with great intrepi¬
dity at the fiege of Carlifle. After the defeat of the
rebels, wLen feveral of them were tried at the • aflizes
held at Carlifle in the fummer of 1746, he preached at
the cathedral church of that city tw o excellent difeour-
fes, on the mutual connexion between religious truth
and civil freedom ; and between fuperftition, tyranny,
irreligion, and licentioufnefs.
Mr Brown’s attachment to the royal caufe and to
the Whig party procured him the friendfhip of Dr Of-
baldefton, who was the only perfon that continued to
5 A ^
Brown.
13 R o [ 738 ] B R o
Brown, be lus^ fnend through life j the peculiarities of Mr This work roufed the fenfibility of the Engliih nation, Brown,
They at-
Brown’s temper, or fome other caufe, having produced
quarrels with every one elfe, When Dr Oibaldefton
was advanced to the fee of Carlifle, he appointed Mr
Brown to be one of his chaplains.
It was probably in the early part of his life, and
during his refidence at Carlifle, that Mr Brown wrote
his poem entitled Honour, infcribed to the lord vifcount
Lonfdale. Our author’s next poetical production was
his EJJ'ay on Satire ; and which was of confiderable ad¬
vantage to him both in point of fame and fortune. It
was addrefled to Dr Warburton •, to whom it was fo
acceptable, that he took Mr Brown into his friend-
Ihip, and introduced him to Ralph Allen, Efq. of
Prior Park, near Bath, who behaved to him with
great generofity, and at whole houfe he refided for
lome time.
In 1751 Mr Brown publiflied his “ Eflays on the
Chara&eriftics of Lord Shaftefbury, &c.” dedicated
to Ralph Allen, Efq. This was received with a high
degree of applaufe, though feveral perfons attempted
to anfwer it. In 1754 our author was promoted by
the earl of Hardwicke to the living of Great Horke-
fley in Effex.
In 17 55, our author took the degree of doftor of
divinity at Cambridge. This year he publilhed his
tragedy of Barbaroffa ; which, under the management
of Mr Garrick, was atted with confiderable applaufe ;
but when it came to be publiflied, it was expofed to a
variety of ftriftures and cenfures. This tragedy intro¬
duced our author to the acquaintance of that eminent
a&or j by whofe favour he had a fecond tragedy,
named Athelflan, reprefented at Drury-Lane play-
houfe. This was alfo well received by the public 5
but did not become fo popular as Barbarofla, nor did
it preferve fo long the pofleflion of the ftage.
In 1757 appeared his famous “ Eftimate of the
Manners and Principles of the Times.” The recep¬
tion which this work met with from the public was
very flattering to his vanity ; no fewer than feven edi¬
tions of it having been printed in little more than a
year. The chief defign of this performance was to
Ihow, that a vain, luxurious, and felfifli effeminacy
in the higher ranks of life marked the chara&er of the
age } and to point out the effedls and fources of this
effeminacy. Several antagonifts appeared, fome of
whom were neither deftitute of learning nor ingenuity j
though Dr Brown himfelf afferted that Mr Wallace, a
clergyman of Edinburgh, was the only candid and de¬
cent adverfary that appeared againft him. The tefti-
mony given by M. de Voltaire to the effeft which the
Eftimate had on the conduft of the nation, is very ho¬
nourable to Dr Brown. “ When Marfhal Richelieu,
in 1756, (fays that celebrated writer), laid flege to
Port Mahon, the capital of Minorca, the Britifh fent
out Admiral Byng with a ftrong naval force, to drive
the French fleet off the ifland, and raife the fiege. At
this time there appeared a book, entitled An EJiimate
of the Manners of the Times ; of which there was no
lefs than five editions printed off in London in the
fpace of three months. In this treatife the author
proves that the Enghfh nation was entirely degenerat¬
ed 5—that it was near its ruin ;—that its inhabitants
were no longer fo robufl: and hardy as in former
times ;—and that its foldiers had loft their courage.—
and produced the following confequences.
tacked, almoft at one and the lame time, all the fea
coafts of France, and her poffeflions in Afia, Africa,
and America.” In 17585 our author publiflied the fe¬
cond volume of his Eftimate of the Manners and Prin¬
ciples of the Times ; containing additional remarks on
the ruling manners and principles, and on the public
effe&s of thofe manners and principles. The defign of
this volume was, to retraft fuch miftakes as he thought
he had committed ; to prove fuch points as were af¬
firmed and not proved ; to illuftrate thofe particulars
which were hinted, but not explained ; to reply to fuch
capital objections as had been made to his general fy-
ftem by preceding writers on the fame fubjeCt 5 and to
difplay the confequences which might be fairly dedu¬
ced from his principles, and through a defigned brevity
were omitted in the firft volume. But it unfortunately
happened that the doCtor’s felf-opinion, which gave fo
much offence in his firft volume, broke out in the fe¬
cond with ftill greater violence. The confequence of
this was, that he expofed himfelf to general cenfure
and diflike ; and the prejudices againft him occafioned
the real excellencies of the work to be very much over¬
looked. The periodical critics, whom he had gone
needlefsly out of his way to abufe, treated him with
uncommon feverity ; and fuch a multitude of antago¬
nifts rofe againft him, fo many objeClions were urged
upon him, by friends as well as enemies, that he feems
to have been deeply impreffed, and to have retired for
a while into the country. From the country it was
that he wrote, in a feries of letters to a noble friend,
“ An Explanatory Defence of the Eftimate .of the
Manners and Principles of the Times j being an ap¬
pendix to that work, occafioned by the clamours late¬
ly raifed againft it among certain ranks of men.”
But while Dr Brown thus diftinguiftied himfelf as a
political writer, he was advanced to no higher dignity
in the church : nay, on fome difguft, it is fuppofed, he
refigned his living in Effex : however, in recompenfe,
Dr Ofbaldefton, procured him the reflory of St Ni¬
cholas in Newcaftle on Tyne. Lie would probably
have received further favours from this prelate, had not
the latter died foon after his promotion to the fee of
London.
In 1760 our author publiflied an Additional Dia¬
logue of the Dead, between Pericles and Ariftides }
being a fequel to a dialogue of Lord Lyttleton’s be¬
tween Pericles and Cofmo. One defign of this addi¬
tional dialogue was to vindicate the meafures of Mr
Pitt, againft whofe adminiftration Lord Lyttleton had
been fuppofed to have thrown out fome hints. Our
author’s next publication, in 1763, was “ The cure
of Saul,” a facred ode ; which was followed in the
fame year by “ A Differtation on the Rife, Union,
and Power, the Progreflions, Separations, and Corrup¬
tions of Poetry and Mufic.” This is one of the
moft pleafing of Dr Brown’s performances, and a-
bounds with a variety of critical difcuflions. A num¬
ber of ftridtures on this piece were publilhed ; and the
doftor defended himfelf in a treatife entitled “ Re¬
marks on fome Obfervations on Dr Brown’s Differta-
tions on Poetry and Mufic.” In 17640^ author pub¬
lilhed, in oftavo, “ The Hiftory of the Rife and Pro-
grefs of Poetry through its feveral Species j” which is
no
B R O [ 739 1 B R O
Brown. n0 wore than the fubftance given in the diflertation
' above mentioned. The fame year Dr Brown publifhed
a volume of fermons, dedicated to his patron Dr Of-
baldefton bhhop of London ; but moft, if not all, of
thefe, had been feparately publilhed, excepting the firft
three, which were on the fubjedl of education. In
the beginning of the year 1765, the doflor again re¬
turned to politics, and publilhed “ Thoughts on Civil
Liberty, Licentioufnefs, and Fa&ion.” At the con-
clulion of this work the author prefcrlbed a code of
education, upon which Dr Prieftley made remarks at
the end of his “ Eflfay on the Courfe of a liberal Edu¬
cation for civil and active Life.” The fame year he
publilhed a fermon “ On the Female Character and
Education,” preached on the 16th of May 1765, be¬
fore the guardians of the afylum for deferted female
orphans. His laft publication was in 1766, “ A Let¬
ter to the Rev. Dr Lowth, occalioned by his late Let¬
ter to the Right Rev. Author of the Divine Lega¬
tion of Mofes.” This was occafioned by Dr Lowth’s
having clearly, though indiretlly, pointed at Dr Brown
as one of the extravagant adulators and defenders of
Bilhop Warburton. Befides thefe works, Dr Brown
publilhed a poem on Liberty, and two or three ano¬
nymous pamphlets. At the end of feveral of his later
writings, he advertifed his delign of publilhing “ Chri-
ftian Principles of Legiflation,” but was prevented
from executing it by his death $ though the work ap¬
pears to have been completed.
We come now to the concluding events of our au¬
thor’s life j concerning which the following is the moll;
authentic intelligence that can be procured. Whilft
Dr Dumarefq relided in Ruffia in the year 1765, to
which he had been invited in the preceding year to
give his advice and aflidance for the eftablilhment and
regulation of feveral fchools which her imperial maje-
fhy intended to ere£l, he received a letter from a lady
of diftinguilhed charadtev in England, recommending
to him Dr Brown as a proper correfpondent on this
occafion. Dr Dumarefq then wrote a letter to Dr
Brown, telling him the occalion of his application, and
the difficulties that occurred. He had imagined that
nothing more would be wanted of him than what con¬
cerned claffical learning, and a general foundation for
the fciences; as that had been the common introduc¬
tion to every kind of ufeful knowledge in the weltern
parts of Europe. But on his arrival he found that a
much more extenfive fcheme was required j and fuch
as extended not only to learning properly fo called,
but alfo to matters military and naval, civil and com¬
mercial. But having dated his difficulties in executing
this plan to Dr Brown, the latter propofed a fcheme
ftill more extenfive ; and which was no lefs than a ge¬
neral plan of civilization, throughout the whole Ruf¬
fian empire. In this plan, however, though it ffiowed
very enlarged ideas and great flrength of mind, there
were feveral defefts which rendered it, as Dr Brown
himfelf was afterwards convinced, impradlicable. He
had laid greater flrefs upon the fupport, energy, and
efficacy of abfolute power in princes w'hen exerted in a
good caufe, than experience would warrant; and he
was ready to imagine that the bulk of the Ruffian na¬
tion, juft emerging out of barbarifm, was like a tabula
rafa, upon -which any charafters might be written.
At laft the doflor’s letter was laid before the emprefs,
who was fo pleafed with it that fhe immediately invxt- Brcnvn.
ed him to Ruffia. He accepted the invitation, and ' *—~
procured his majefty’s leave to go: locol. were or¬
dered for his expence, and he actually received 200I.
But when he was on the point of fetting out, an at¬
tack of the gout and rheumatifm, to which he had
been all his lifetime fubjetft, fo impaired his health,
that his friends difluaded, and at laft fucceeded in pre¬
venting him from going. The money was returned
excepting 97I. 6s. which had been expended in necef-
faries for the intended journey. But though he thus
declined the journey, a long letter which he after-
w’ards wrote to the emprefs, and which does honour
to his abilities, fliows that he had not abandoned his
intention of being ferviceable. The affair, however,
taking in all its circumftances, did no doubt greatly
agitate his mind ; and his being obliged at length to
give up the journey, muft have been no fmall difap-
pointment to a man of his fanguine expectations. This
difappointment concurring with the general ftate of
his health, and perhaps the recolleCtion of lome other
failures that had happened, was followed by a dejeClion
of fpirits; in confequence of which he put an end to
his life on the 23d of September 1766, in the 51ft year
of his age. On the morning of that day his fervant
came into his bed-chamber, and alked him what fort
of a night he had had ? to which he replied, “ A pret¬
ty good one.” The fervant having quitted the bed-
fide for a few minutes, heard a noife in the dodor’s
throat, which he imagined to be owing to fome cb-
ftruClion occafioned by phlegm. Going to affift his
mafter, he found him fpeechlefs, and bleeding profufe-
ly, having cut the jugular vein with a razor ; and this
he had done fo effeClually, that death fpeedily enfued.
Such w-as the unhappy end of this ingenious writer $
but the manner of it, wffien fome previous circum¬
ftances of his life are underftood, will caft no ftain on
his charafter. He had a tendency to infanity in his
conftitution 5 and, from his early life, had been fubjeCt
at times to fome diforder in his brain, at lead; to me¬
lancholy in its excefs. Mrs Gilpin of Carlifle, foon
after Dr Brown’s deceafe, wnote in the following terms,
in a letter to a friend. “ His diftemper was a frenzy,
to which he had by fits been long fubjeCt j to my owm
knowdedge above 30 years. Had it not been for Mr
Farifh frequently, and once for myfelf, the fame event
would have happened to him long ago. It w^as no
premeditated purpofe in him \ for he abhorred the
thought of felf-mui der j and in bitternefs of foul ex-
preffed his fears to me, that one time or another fome
ready mifchief might prefent itfelf to him, at a time
wffien he was wholly deprived of his reafon.”
Brown, Simon, a difienting minifter, whofe un¬
common talents and fingular misfortunes entitle him
juftly to a place in this work, was born at Shepton
Mallet in Somerfetfhire, 1680. Grounded and excel-
ling in grammatical learning, he early became qualified
for the miniftry, and aClually began to preach before
he was twenty. He was firft called to be a paftor at
Portfmouth, and afterwards removed to the Old Jewry,
where he was admired and efteemed for a number of
years. But the death of his wife and only fon, which
happened in 1723, affeCled him fo as to deprive him of
his reafon ; and he became from that time loft to him¬
felf, to his family, and to the world : his congregation
4
B R O [ 740 j B R 0
Brown, at the Old Jewry, in expeftation of his recovery, de-
layed for fome time to fill his poll j yet at length all
hopes were over, and Mr Samuel Chandler was appoint¬
ed to fucceed him in 1725. This double misfortune
affected him at firft in a manner little different from
diftraflion, but afterwards funk him into a fettled me¬
lancholy. He quitted the duties of his fun&ion, and
would not be perfuaded to join in any aft of worfhip,
public or private. Being urged by his friends for a
reafon of this extraordinary change, at which they ex-
preffed the utmofl grief and aflonilhment, he told them,
after much importunity, that “ he had fallen under the
fenfible difpleafure of God, who had caufed his rational
foul gradually to perifh, and left him only an animal
life in common with brutes : that, though he retained
the human fhape, and the faculty of fpeaking in a
manner that appeared to others rational, he had all the
while no more notion of what he faid than a parrot;
that it was therefore profane in him to pray, and in¬
congruous to be prefent at the prayers of others
and, very confidently with this, he confidered himielf
no longer as a moral agent, or fubjeft of either reward
or punifhment. In this way of thinking and talking
he unalterably and obdinately perfifted to the end of
his life ; though he afterwards fuffered, and even re-
quefted prayers to be made for him. Some time after
his feceffion from the Old Jewry, he retired to Shepton
Mallet, his native place ; and though in this retirement
he was perpetually contending that his powers of rea¬
fon and imagination w;ere gone, yet he wras as condant-
ly exerting both with much aftivity and vigour. He
amufed himfelf fometimes with trandating parts of the
ancient Greek and Latin poets into Englifh verfe : he
compofed little pieces for the ufe of children ; An Brown,
Englifir Grammar and Spelling Book , An Abdraft of "—“v—■
the Scripture-Hidory, and A Colleftion of Fables,
both in metre ; and with much learning he brought
together into a dmrt compafs all the Themata of the
Greek and Latin tongues, and alfo compiled a Dic¬
tionary to each of thofe w-orks, in order to render the
learning of both thefe languages more eafy and com¬
pendious. Of thefe performances none have been made
public. But what fhowed the drength and vigour ot
his underdanding, while he was daily bemoaning the
lofs of it, w'ere two works compoled during the two
lad years of his life, in defence of Chridianity, againft
Wooldon and Tindal. He wmote an anfwer to Wool-
don’s fifth Difcourfe on the Miracles of our Saviour,
entitled, A fit rebuke for a ludicrous Infidel, with a
preface concerning the profecution of fuch writers by
the civil power. The preface contains a vigorous plea
for liberty, and is drongly againd profecutions in mat¬
ters of religion ; and in the Anfwer, Wooldon is as
well managed as he was by any of his refuters, and
more in his own way too. His book againd Tindal
was called, A Defence of the Religion of Nature and
the Chridian Revelation, againd the defeftive account
of the one and the exceptions againd the other, in a
book entitled, Chridianity as old as the Creation
and it is allowed to be as good a one as that contro-
verfy produced. He intended to dedicate it to Queen
Caroline; but as the unhappy date of his mind ap¬
peared in the dedication, fome of his friends very wife¬
ly fuppreffed it, as fure to defeat the ufe and intent of
his work. The copy however was preferved, and is
fubjoined in the note (a), as much too great a curi-
ofity
(a) Madam, Of all the extraordinary things that have been rendered to your royal hands fince your firff
happv arrival in Britain, it may be boldly faid, what nowT befpeaks your majedy’s acceptance is the chief. Not
in itfelf indeed : it is a tritle unworthy your exalted rank, and what will hardly prove an entertaining amufe-
ment to one of your majedy’s deep penetration, exaft iudgment, and fine tade; but on account of the au¬
thor, who is the fird being of the kind, and yet without a name. He w?as once a man, and of fome little
name ; but of no worth, as his prefent unparalleled cafe makes but too manifed : for, by the immediate hand
of an avenging God, his very thinking fubdance has for more than feven years been continually wading aw7ay,
till it is wholly peridied out of him, if it be not utterly come to nothing. None, no, not the lead remem¬
brance of its very ruins remains; not the dradow of an idea is left; nor any fenfe, fo much as one fingle one
perfeft or imperfeft, whole or diminifhed, ever did appear to a mind within him, or was perceived by it. Such
a prefent from fuch a thing, however worthlefs in itfelf, may not be wholly unacceptable to your majedy, the
author being fuch as hidory cannot parallel; and if the faft, which is real, and no fiftion or wrong conceit, obtains
credit, it mud be recorded as the mod memorable, and indeed adonidring, even in the reign of George II.
that a traft, compofed by fuch a thing, was prefented to the illudrious Caroline ; his royal confort needs not
be added ; fame, if I am not mifinformed, will tell that with plealure to all fucceeding times. He has been
informed, that your majedy’s piety is as genuine and eminent as your excellent qualities are great and confpi-
cuous. This can indeed be truly known to the great Searcher of hearts only. He alone, w’ho can look into
them, can difcern if they are fincere, and the main intention correfponds W'ith the appearance ; and your ma¬
jedy cannot take it amifs if fuch an author hints, that his fecret approbation is of infinitely greater value than
the commendation of men, who may be eafily midaken, and are too apt to datter their iuperiors. But, if he
has been told the truth, fuch a cafe as his will certainly drike your majedy with adonifhment ; and may raife
that commiferation in your royal bread, which he has in vain endeavoured to excite in thofe of his friends :
who, by the mod unreafonable and ill-founded conceit in the world, have imagined, that a thinking being
could for feven years together live a dranger to its owm powers, exercifes, operations, and date ; and to what
the great God has been doing in it and to it. If your majedy, in your mod retired addrefs to the King of
kings, fhould think of fo lingular a cafe, you may perhaps make it your devout requed, that the reign of
your beloved fovereign and confort may be renowmed to all poderity by the recovery of a foul now in the ut-
mod ruin, the redoration of one utterly lod, at prefent amongd men. And diould this cafe affeft your royal
bread, you will recommend it to the piety and prayers of all the truly devout who have the honour to be
knowa
B R O [ 741 ] B R O
wn. o'ity to be Pappreflfed. The above pieces were publifh-
ed by Mr, afterwards Dr W. Harris, who, in an adver-
tifement to the reader, recommends the atRi&ed cafe
of the author, under a deep and peculiar melancholy,
to the compaflion and prayers of all his friends, and
every ferious Chriftian. Mr Brown furvived the pub¬
lication of this laft wmrk a very lliort time. A com¬
plication of diftempers, contracted by his fedentary
life (for he could not be prevailed on to refrefh himfelf
with air and exercife), brought on a mortification,
which put a period to his labours and forrows about
the latter end of 1732. He was unqueftionably a man
of uncommon abilities and learning : his management
©fWoolfton fhow’ed him to have alfo vivacity and wit:
tmd, notwithftanding that ftrange conceit which pof-
feffed him, it is remarkable that he never appeared
feeble or abfurd, except when the objeCt of his frenzy
was before him. Beiides the turn pieces above men¬
tioned, and before he was ill, he had publifhed fome
lingle Sermons, together with a ColleClion of Hymns
and Spiritual Songs, He left feveral daughters.
Brown, Ifoac Hawkins, an ingenious Englifh
poet, was born at Burton upon Trent, in Staffordfhire,
Jan. 21. 1705 6*, of which place his father was the
minifter. He received his grammatical inflitution firit
at Lichfield, then at Weftminfter; whence, at fixteen
years of age, he was removed to Trinity college, Cam¬
bridge, of which his father had been fellow7. He re¬
mained there till he had taken a mafler of arts degree j
and about 1727 fettled himfelf in Lincoln’s Inn, where
he feems to have devoted more of his time to the
Mufes than to the law. Soon after his arrival there,
be w7rote a poem on Dejign and Beauty, w'hich he ad-
dreffed to Mr Highmore the painter, for whom he had
a great friendfhip. Several other poetical pieces were
written here, and particularly his Pipe of Tobacco,
This is in imitation of Cibber, Ambrofe Phillips,
Thomfon, Young, Pope, and Swift, who w7ere then all
living ; and is reckoned one of the moft pleafing and
popular of his performances. In 1743 4, he married
the daughter of Dr Trimnell, archdeacon of Leicefter,
He w7as chofen twice to ferve in parliament, firlf in
1744, and afterwards in 1748: both times for the bo¬
rough of Wenlock in Shroplhire, near which place he
poffefTed a confiderable eflate, which came from his ma¬
ternal grandfather, Ifaac Hawkins, Efq. In 1754,
be publifhed what has been deemed his capital work,
De Animi humortalitate, in two books ; in which be¬
iides a moft judicious choice of matter and arrange¬
ment, he is thought to have fhown himfelf not a fervile
but happy imitator of Lucretius and Virgil. The uni-
verfal applaufe and popularity of this poem produced
feveral Englifti tranflations of it in a very Ihort time j
the beft of wEich is that by Soame Jenyns, Efq. print¬
ed in his Mifcel/anies. Mr Brown intended to have
added a third part, but wTent no farther than to leave a
fragment. This excellent perfon died, after a linger- Brown,
ing illnefs, in 1760, aged 55. In 1768, the prefent'-“—v—■
Hawkins Browm, Efq 5 obliged the public with an ele¬
gant edition of his father’s poems, in large oftavo 5 to
which is prefixed a print of the author, from a painting
of Mr Highmore, engraved by Ravenet.
Brown, Sir William, a noted phyfician and mul¬
tifarious writer, was fettled originally at Lynn in Nor¬
folk, where he publifhed a tranflation of Dr Gregory’s
Elements of Catoptrics and Dioptrics ; to which he
added, 1. A method for finding the Foci of all Spe¬
cula, as w7ell as Lenles univerfally 5 as alfo magnifying
or lefiening a given object by a given Speculum or
Lens, in any afligned Proportion. 2. A Solution of
thofe Problems which Dr Gregory has left undemon-
ftrated. 3. A particular Account of Microfcopes and
Telefcopes, from Mr Huygens ; with the difeoveries
made by Catoptrics and Dioptrics. Having acquired
a competence by his profeffion, he removed to Queen’s
Square, Ormond Street, London, where he refided till
his death. By his lady, who died in 1763, he had one
daughter, grandmother to the prefent Sir Martin
Brown Folkes, bart. A great number of lively efiays,
both in profe and verfe, the production of his pen, were
printed and circulated among his friends. The adlive
part taken by Sir William Brown in the conteft with
the licentiates, 1 768, occafioned his being introduced
by Mr Foote in his Devil upon Two Sticks. Upon
Foote’s exa£l reprefentation of him with his identical
wdg and coat, tall figure, and glafs ftiffly applied to
his eye, he fent him a card complimenting him on
having fo happily reprefented him 5 but as he had for¬
gotten his muff, he had fent him his ow7n. This good-na¬
tured method of refenting difarmed Foote. He ufed
to frequent the annual ball at the ladies boarding-
fchool, Queen Square, merely as a neighbour, a good-
natured man, and fond of the company of.fprightly
young folks. A dignitary of the church being there
one day to fee his daughter dance, and finding this
upright figure ftationed there, told him he believed he
was Hermippus redivivus, who lived anhelitu puellarum.
When he lived at Lynn, a pamphlet was written againft:
him : he nailed it up againft his houfe door. At the
age of 80, on St Luke’s day, 1771, he came to Bat-
fon’s coffee houfe in his laced coat and band, and frin¬
ged white gloves, to ftiew himfelf to Mr Crofby, then
lord mayor. A gentleman prefent obferving that he
looked very well, he replied, he had neither wife nor
debts. He died in 1774, at the age of 82 ; and by his
will he left two prize medals to be annually contended
for by the Cambridge poets.
Brown, 'John, M. D. the founder of a modern theory
of phyfic, was born about the year 1735 or 1736, in the-
parifti of Buncle, in Berwickfhire, Scotland. His pa¬
rents being in an inferior rank of life, while he -was
very young, he was put as an apprentice to a weaver,
the
knowm to your majeftv : many fuch doubtlefs there are, though courts are not ufually the places where the
devout refort, or where devotion reigns. And it is not improbable, that multitudes of the pious throughout
the land may take a cale to heart, that under your majefty’s patronage comes thus recommended. Could fuch
a favour as this reftoration be obtained from heaven by the prayers of your m.ijefty, with what tranfport of
gratitude would the recovered being throw7 himfelf at your majefty’s feet, and adoring the divine power and
grace, profefs himfelf, Madam, your majefty’s moft obliged and dutiful fervant, Simon Brown.
B R O
Brown, the drudgery of which having either difliked, or dif-
covering abilities which would by cultivation raife him
to a more confpicuous flation, his deftination was
changed, and he was placed at the grammar fchool of
Dunfe. Here he foon diftinguifhed himfelf, and gave
abundant proofs, by his ardour and fuccefs in the ftudies
which occupied his attention, that he was worthy of
being encouraged in literary purfuits. His parents
belonged to that body of diflenters, in Scotland called
Seceders. Flattered with the rapid and fuccefsful pro-
grefs which their fon had begun to make in the acqui-
lition of the Latin language, they deilined him to the
minifterial office among their own fe£t. With this
view his education was for fome time dire&ed. But
an accident, it is laid, made him at once renounce this
plan and the fe£l, the tenets of which, as will appear
from this circumftance, are extremely rigid. So early
as his 13th year, while at the grammar fchool, he was
prevailed upon, though not without fliowing confider-
able reluftance, to attend a meeting of fynod, one of
the church courts of Scotland, which was held in the
church of Dunfe. This, in the eftimation of the party
to which he belonged, was a tranfgreffion which could
not be paired over without notice. Young Brown was
called upon to appear before the church court, and he
muft either fubmit to ecclefiailical cenfure, or fuffer
a fentence of expulfion. Too proud or indignant to
yield to the one, or to wait for the other, he antici¬
pated or prevented the effedls of both, by declaring
that he was no longer a member of the feft, and joining
himlelf to the eftabliffied church. From this time, it
would appear, his religious ardour was much abated,
and his rigid principles were greatly relaxed.
After this period, Brown was for fome time enga¬
ged as a private tutor in a gentleman’s family in the
country j and here, and as an affiftant in the grammar
fchool of Dunfe, he remained till about his 2oth year,
when he went to Edinburgh, and having paffed through
the previous neceffary fludies in the claffes of philofo-
phy, entered himfelf as a fludent of divinity in the uni-
verfity. His claffical knowledge was now of real ad¬
vantage to him ; for while he refided in Edinburgh,
purfuing the plan of his ftudies, he was able to fupport
himfelf by private teaching. In this fituation he con¬
tinued for fome time, after which he refumed his for¬
mer labours as affiftant in the grammar fchool of Dunfe
for a year, returned to Edinburgh about the year 1759,
when he finally renounced the ftudy of theology, and
commenced that of phyfic.
During his medical ftudies, he fupported himfelf
by his own exertions. He was employed in giving
private inftrudtions to ftudents who wiffied to acquire
the habit of expreffing themfelves with facility and
corre&nefs in the Latin language, and thus to be pre¬
pared for the examinations which are conduced in that
language, for medical degrees in the univerfity. For
this employment, as well as for tranflating inaugural
diflertations into the fame language, the previous ftu¬
dies and acquirements of Brown peculiarly fitted him.
Thus occupied, he foon recommended himfelf to the
notice of feveral of the profeffors, and particularly to
that of Dr Cullen, whofe patronage and friendlhip he
obtained in an eminent degree. The dodlor not only em¬
ployed him as a private tutor in his own family, but
was extremely afiiduous in recommending him to others.
B r o
This fituation afforded him an excellent opportunity
of improving in medical ftudies by the converfation of
the celebrated profeffor, and by the permiffion which
wras granted him of delivering lectures or illuftrations
of the dodlor’s public lectures to private pupils. In
this way Mr Brown began to have full employment,
and profperity feemed to fmile upon him. It was
about this time that he married the daughter of a re-
fpe&able tradefman in Edinburgh, and opened a houfe
for boarding ftudents. His houfe was foon filled with
boarders, who were attrafted by the hope of great bene¬
fit from his inftruftions and converfation. But here,
it foon appeared, that he was unfit for the management
of fuch concerns. By want of economy or mifconduft
his affairs were foon greatly embarraffed, and at laft ter¬
minated in total bankruptcy. Soured and irritated by this
misfortune, and ftill more fo, it is probable, by being
difappointed of one of the medical chairs in the univer¬
fity, which he fuppofed had been occafioned by the in¬
terference of Dr Cullen, he quarrelled with his friend
and patron, and from that moment fet himfelf up as a
keen opponent of his doftrines. His application to be
admitted a member of the philofophical fociety was
about the fame time rejefted ; and this, which he ima¬
gined arofe from the fame influence, tended not a little
to foment the quarrel.
This feems to have been the origin of the celebrated
theory which divided the medical world, which excited
fo much intereft in thofe who efpoufed or oppofed it, and
infpired fuch a degree of enthufiafm in the debates and
waitings, efpecially of the pupils of the feminary which
gave it birth, that it not unfrequently burft forth with
all the violence of religious frenzy. This indeed is lit¬
tle to be wondered at, when we confider that half educat¬
ed young men, as is the cafe with the great proportion
of medical ftudents, unaccuftomed to patient invefti-
gation, and fond of novelty, are the moft apt to em¬
brace fuch fpeculations, as could be fupported and
defended by ingenious and fubtle reafonings, rather
than by accurate and extenfive obfervation ; and think
themfelves regarded by their friends and admirers as
diftinguiflied philofophers, in proportion to their abili¬
ty in ftarting objedtions to received opinions, and over-
throw’ing eftablilhed dodlrines. At the fame time, it
is but juftice to obferve, that thofe who adhered to his
opinions, were alfo often treated wdth fufpicion and
fimilar violence. This oppofition of fentiment and
ftrugglc of opinions had ■ a natural tendency to unite
more clofely thofe wffio were on the fame fide, and this
probably in the end was the caufe of poor Brown’s fu¬
ture misfortunes. Befides, on account of the convivial
talents which he pofieffed, his company was earneftly
courted by the gay and the diffipated, and this led him
to frequent meetings and clubs in taverns, where the
didfates of prudence and the rules of temperance were
rarely obferved. Indulging the fame fpirit, he was
principally concerned in the inftitution of a lodge of
free mafons, in wffiich the bufinefs was condudled in the
Latin language. His views in promoting this inftitu¬
tion, were it is faid, to attradl ftudents to attend his
ledlures, or to become profelytes to his dodfrines.
It wras about the year 1780, that the firft edition of
his Klementa Medicine appeared. This work is a com¬
pendium of his opinions, which he continued for feve¬
ral years to illuftrate by a courfe of public ledlures.
And
[ 74^ 1
Brown.
Brown.
B R O f 743 ] B R O
And as he now propofed to profecute the profeflion of
medicine by private pra&ice and public inftrudlion, it
was found neceffary to have a medical degree, as a
teftimony to the world of his qualifications. Having
oppofed and quarrelled with all the profeffors in the uni-
verfity of Edinburgh, there was little hope of his fuc-
ceeding there ; and therefore, in confequence of an ap¬
plication to the univerfity of St Andrews, he was ad¬
mitted to medical honours.
But the terms in which Dr Brown lived with his
medical brethren, and the unfbrtunate habits which
were daily gathering ftrength, precluded him from all
rational hopes of fuccefs, either as a private pradli-
tioner or a public teacher. He therefore turned his
thoughts to London, and removed to that metropolis in
the year 1786. Previous to 1788, he had delivered
one courfe of le&ures ; for in Oftober of this year, he
was cut off by a fit of apoplexy, on the day after he
had delivered his introdu&ory ledture to a fecond
courfe. He died in the 53d year of his age.
Dr Brown poffeffed great vigour of mind, and feems
to have been capable of confiderable application. His ta¬
lents, had they been diredled to more pradlical and more
ufeful objedls, would have probably raifed him to more
eminent diftindlion, and rendered him a more valuable
member of fociety. The ftyle of his Klementa is harfh
and unpolifhed. His meaning is often dark and am¬
biguous. But perhaps this want of perfpicuity is as
much owing to the fubjedfs wdiich he treated, the prin¬
ciples of which are far from being fettled, as to the ob-
fcurity of his expreffion. He attempted an unbeaten
path ; it is not wonderful that he was often bewildered
and loft.
To the fketch wdiich we have now given of the life
of Dr Brown, it wull be expedted, by fome of our
readers, that we add fome account of the leading features
of his theory. The following extradled from the ob-
fervations prefixed to an edition of the Elements of Me¬
dicine, publifhed by Dr Beddoes, will perhaps be as
correft and fatisfadlory as any thing we can give.
“ The varied ftrudlure of organized beings, it is
the bufinefs of anatomy to explain. Confcioufnefs,
aflifted by common obfervation, will diftinguiftr ani¬
mated from inanimate bodies with precifion more than
fufficient for all the ends of medicine. The caufe of
gravitation has been left unexplored by all prudent
philofophers ; and Brown, avoiding all ufelefs difqui-
fttion concerning the caufe of vitality, confines him-
felf to the phenomena which this great moving princi¬
ple in nature may be obferved to produce. His moft
general propofitions are eafy of comprehenfion.
“ 1. To every animated being is allotted a certain
portion only of the quality or principle on which the
phenomena of life depend. This principle is denomi¬
nated excitability.
“ 2. The excitability varies in different animals, and
in the fame animal at different times. As it is more
jntenfe, the animal is more vivacious or more fufcepti-
ble of the aftion of exciting powers.
“ 3. Exciting powders may be referred to two claffes.
I. External; as heat, food, wine, poifons, contagions,
the blood, fecreted fluids, and air. 2. Internal; as the
fun&ions of the body itfelf, mufcular exertion, think¬
ing, emotion and paflion.
“ 4. Life is a forced ftate; if the exciting powers Brown,
are withdrawn, death enfues as certainly as when the ' '-‘l
excitability is gone.
“ 5. The excitement may be too great, too fmall, or
in juft meafure.
“ 6. By too great excitement, weaknefs is induced,
becaufe the excitability becomes defedtive ; this is indi-
reft debility: when the exciting powers or ftimulants
are withheld, w^eaknefs is induced ; and this is direEl
debility. Here the excitability is in excefs.
“ 7. Every power that adls on the living frame is
ftimulant, or produces excitement by expending excita¬
bility. Thus, although a perfon, accuftomed to ani¬
mal food, may grow weak if he lives upon vegetables,
ftill the vegetable diet can only be confidered as pro¬
ducing an effeft, the fame in kind with animals, though
inferior in degree. Whatever powers, therefore, we
imagine, and however they vary from fuch as are habi¬
tually applied to produce due excitement, they can only
weaken the fyftem by uiging it into too much motion,
or fuffering it to fink into languor.
“ 8. Excitability is feated in the medullary portion
of the nerves, and in the mufcles. As foon as it is
anywhere affedled, it is immediately affedled every¬
where ; nor is the excitement ever increafed in a part,
while it is generally diminilhed in the fyftem; in other
words, different parts can never be in oppofite ftates
of excitement.
“ I have already fpoken of an illuftration, drawrn up
by Mr Chriftie from a familiar operation, to facilitate
the conception of Browm’s fundamental pofitions. I
introduce it here as more likely to anfwer its purpofe
than if feparately placed at the end of my preliminary
obfervations. ‘ Suppofe a fire to be made in a grate,
filled wdth a kind of fuel not very combuftible, and
which could only be kept burning by means of a ma¬
chine containing feveral tubes, placed before it, and
conftantly pouring ftreams of air into it. Suppofe alfo
a pipe to be fixed in the back of the chimney, through
which a conftant fupply of frefti fuel wras gradually let
down into the grate, to repair the wafte occafioned by
the flame, kept up by the air machine.
‘ The grate will reprefent the human frame ; the
fuel in it, the matter of life—the excitability of Dr
Brown, and the fenforial power of Dr Darwdn ; the
tube behind, fupplying frefti fuel, will denote the power
of all living fyftems, conftantly to regenerate or repro¬
duce excitability ; w hile the air machine, of feveral tubes,
denotes the various ftimuli applied to the excitability
of the body; and the flame drawn forth in confequence
of that application reprefents life, the produft of the
exciting powders afting upon the excitability.
‘ As Dr Brown has defined life to be a forcedJlate,
it is fitly reprefented by a flame forcibly drawn forth
from fuel little difpofed to combuftion, by the conftant
application of ftreams of air poured into it from the
different tubes of a machine. If fome of thefe tubes
are fuppofed to convey pure or dephlogifticated air,
they will denote the higheft clafs of exciting powers,
opium, mufk, camphor, fpirits, wine, tobacco, &c. the
diffufible ftimuli of Dr Browm, which bring forth for a
time a greater quantity of life than ufual, as the blow¬
ing in of pure air into a fire will temporarily draw forth
an uncommon quantity of flame. If others of the tubes
be
B R O [ 744 J B R O
• be fuppofed to convey common or atmofpheric air, they
will reprefent the ordinary exciting powers or ftimuli,
applied to the human frame, fuch as heat, light, air,
food, drink, &c. while fuch as convey impure and in¬
flammable air may be ufed to denote wdiat have for¬
merly been termed fedative powers, fuch as poifons,
contagious miafmata, foul air, &c.
‘ The reader will now probably be at no lofs to un-
derftand the feeming paradox of the Brunonian fyftemj
that food, drink, and all the powers applied to the bo¬
dy, though they fupport life, yet confume it; for he
will fee, that the application of thefe powers, though
it brings forth life, yet at the fame time it waftes the
excitability or matter of life, juft as the air blown into
the fire brings forth more flame, but waftes the fuel or
matter of fire. This is conformable to the common
faying, “ the more a fpark is blown, the brighter it
burns, and the fooner it is fpent.” A Roman poet
has given us, without intending it, an excellent illuftra-
tion of the Brunonian fyftem, when he fays,
“ Balnea, vina, Venus, confumunt corpora nojlra ;
“ Sed vitam faciunt balnea, vina, Venus.
“ Wine, warmth, and love, our vigour drain j
“ Yet wine, warmth, love, our life fuftain.”
Or to tranflate it more literally,
« Baths, women, wine, exhauft our frame $
“ But life itfelf is drawn from them.”
‘ Equally eafy will it be to illuftrate the two kinds
of debility, termed direfi and indireB, w'hich, according
to Brown, are the caufe of all difeafes. If the quan¬
tity of ftimulus, or exciting power, is proportioned to
the quantity of excitability, that is, if no more excite¬
ment is drawn forth than is equal to the quantity of
excitability produced, the human frame will be in a
ftate of health ; juft as the fire will be in a vigorous
ftate when no more air is blown in than is fufficient to
confume the frefh fupply of fuel conftantly poured down
by the tube behind. If a fufficient quantity of ftimulus
is not applied, or air not blown in, the excitability in
the man, and the fuel in the fire, will accumulate, pro¬
ducing direift debility; for the man will become w?eak,
and the fire low. Carried to a certain degree, they will
occafion death to the firft, and extinttion to the laft.
If, again, an over proportion of ftimulus be applied, or
too much air blown in, the excitability will foon be
wafted, and the matter of fuel almoft fpent. Hence
will arife indireft -debility, producing the fame weak-
nefs in the man, and lownefs in the fire, as before, and
equally terminating, when carried to a certain degree,
in death and extin&ion.
‘ As all the difeafes of the body, according to Dr
Brown, are occafioned by diredt or indirect debility,
in confequence of too much or too little ftimuli, fo all the
defedls of the fire muft arife from diredt or indirect low¬
nefs, in confequence of too much or too little air blowm
into it. As Brown taught that one debility was never
to be cured by another, but both by the more judicious
application of ftimuli, fo will be found the cafe in treat¬
ing the defedts of the fire. If the fire has become low,
or the man weak, by the w'ant of the needful quantity
pf ftimulus, more muft be applied, but very gently at
j-xrft, and increafed by degrees, left a ftrong ftimulus ap¬
plied to the accumulated excitability Ihould produce
death j as in the cafe of a limb benumbed with cold
(that is, weakened by the accumulation of its excitabi¬
lity in confequence of the abftradtion of the ufual fti-
mulus of heat), and fuddenly held to the fire, which
w7e know' from experience is in danger of mortification j
or as in the cafe of the fire becoming very low by the
accumulation of the matter of fuel, when the feeble
flame, aflailed by a fudden and ftrong blaft of air, would
be overpowrered and put out, inftead of being nourilhed
and increafed. Again, if the man or the fire have been
rendered indiredlly w’eak, by the application of too
much ftimulus, we are not fuddenly to withdraw the
whole, or even a great quantity of the exciting powers
or air, for then the weakened life and diminifhed flame
might fink entirely •, but we are by little and little to
diminilh the overplus of ftimulus, fo as to enable the
excitability, or matter of fuel, gradually to recover its
proper proportion. Thus a man who has injured his
conftitution by the abufe of fpirituous liquors is not
fuddenly to be reduced to water alone, as is the prac¬
tice of fome phyficians, but he is to be treated as the
judicious Dr Pitcairn of Edinburgh is faid to have
treated a Highland chieftain, who applied to him for
advice in this fituation. The doctor gave him no me¬
dicines, and only exafted a promife of him, that he
would every day put as much wax into the wooden
queich, out of which he drank his whilky, as would re¬
ceive the impreffion of his arms. The wax thus gra¬
dually accumulating, diminifhed daily the quantity of
the whifky, till the whole queich was filled with wax $
and the chieftain was thus gradually, and without in¬
jury to his conftitution, cured of the habit of drinking
fpirits.
‘ Thefe analogies might be purfued farther; but my
objeft is folely to furnifh fome general ideas, to prepare
the reader for entering more eafily into the Brunonian
theory, which I think he will be enabled to do after
perufing what I have faid. The great excellence of that
theory, as applied, not only to the pra&ice of phyfic,
but to the general conduft of the health, is, that it im-
preffes on the mind a fenfe of the impropriety and dan¬
ger of going from one extreme to another. The hu¬
man frame is capable of enduring great varieties, if
time be given it to accommodate itfelf to different ftates.
All the mifchief is done in the tranfition from one ftate
to another. In a ftate of low excitement we are not
rafhiy to induce a ftate of high excitement, nor when
elevated to the latter, are we fuddenly to defcend to
the former, but ftep by ftep, and as one who from the top
of a high tower defcends to the ground. From hafty
and violent changes, the human frame always fuffers ;
its particles are torn afunder, its organs injured, the vi¬
tal principle impaired, and difeafe, often death, is the
inevitable confequence.
‘ I have only to add, that though in this illuftration
of the Brunonian fyftem (written feveral years ago), I
have fpoken of a tube conftantly pouring in frefh fuel,
becaufe I could not otherwife convey to the reader a
familiar idea of the power poffeffed by all Hying fyftems,
to renew their excitability when exhaufted; yet it may
be proper to inform the ftudent, that Dr Brown fup¬
pofed every living fyftem to have received at the begin¬
ning its determinate portion of excitability ; and, there¬
fore, although he fpoke of the exhauftion, augmenta¬
tion,
B R O
"Brown
II
Brownifts
tion, and even renewal of excitability, I do not think
it was his intention to induce his pupils to think of it
_ as a kind of fluid fubftance exifling in the animal, and
fubjeft to the law by which fuch fubffances are govern¬
ed. According to him, excitability was an unknown
fomewhat, fubje£t to peculiar laws of its own, and whofe
different ftates we were obliged to defcribe (though
inaccurately) by terms borrowed from the qualities of
material fubftances.’
“ f he Brunonian fyftem has frequently been char¬
ged with promoting intemperance. The objeftion is
ferious ; but the view already given of its principles
fliews it to be groundlefs. No writer had infilled fo
much upon the dependence of life on external caufes,
or fo ftrongly ftated the inevitable confequences of ex-
cefs. And there are no means of promoting morality
upon which we can rely, except the knowledge of the
true relations between man and other beings or bodies,
for by this knowledge we are dire&ly led to limn what
is hurtful, and purfue what is falutary : and in what
elfe does moral condufr, as far it regards the indivi¬
dual, confilt? It may be faid that the author’s life dif-
proves the juftnefs of this reprefentation: his life, how¬
ever, only (hews the fuperior power of other caufes,
and of bad habits in particular j and I am ready to ac¬
knowledge the little efficacy of inftru£tion when bad
habits are formed. Its great ufe conlills in preventing
their formation 5 for which reafon popular inftrudlion
in medicine would contribute more to the happinefs
of the human fpecies, than the complete knowledge
of every thiag which is attempted to be taught in
education, as it is conduced at prefent. But though
the principles of the fyftem in queftion did not cor-
reift the propenfities of its inventor, it does not fol¬
low that they tend to produce the fame propenfities in
ethers.”
Brown, among dyers, painters, &c, a dulky colour
inclining towards rednefs. Of this colour there are
various ffiades or degrees, diftinguilhed by different
appellations 5 for inftance, Spaniffi-brown, a fad-brown,
a tawney-brown, the London brown, a clove-browm.
Sec.
Spaniffi-brown is a dark dull red, of a horfe-flefti
colour. It is an earth ; and is of great ufe among
painters, being generally ufed as the firft and priming
colour that they lay upon any kind of timber-work in
houfe-painting. That which is of the deepeft colour,
and freeft from ftones, is the beft. Though this is of
a dirty brown colour, yet it is much ufud, not to co¬
lour any garment, unlefs it be an old man’s gown ;
but to ffiadow vermilion, or to lay upon any dark
ground behind a pi&ure, or to lhadow' yellow berries
in the darkeft places, when you want lake, &c. It is
beft and brighteft when burnt in the fire till it be red-
hot ; although, if you would colour any hare, horfe,
dog, or the like, it ftiould not be burnt : but, for o-
ther ufes, it is beft when it is burnt; as for colouring
wood, polls, bodies of trees, or any thing elfe of wood,
or any dark ground of a pifrure.
BROWNIA. See Botany Index,
BROWNISTS, a religious fe£t, which fprung out
of the Puritans, towards the dole of the 16th cen¬
tury. Their leader, Robert Brown, wrote divers books
in their behalf, was a man of good parts, and fome
learning. He was born of a good family in Rutland-
Vol. IV. Part II.
[ 745 ]
B R O
fhire, and related to the lord-treafurer Burleigh. He Bvownifts.
had been educated at Cambridge ; but firft publilhed  
his notions, and began to inveigh openly agamll the
difeipline and ceremonies of the church, at Norwich,
in the year 1580; from which time he underwent di¬
vers profecutions from the bilhops 5 infomuch that he
boafted he had been committed to no lefs than 32 pri-
fons, in fome of which he could not fee his hand at
noon-day. At length, with his congregation, he left
the kingdom, and fettled at Middleburgh in Zealand ;
where they obtained leave of the ftates to worfliip
God in their own way, and form a church according
to their own model; which they had not long done,
before this handful of men, juft delivered from the fe¬
ver ities of the bilhops, began to differ among them-
felyes, and crumble into fo many parties, that Brown
their pallor grew weary of his office ; and, returning
to England in 1589, renounced his principles of fepa-
ration, and wras preferred to the reftory of a church
in Northamptonfliire, and died, after leading a very
idle and diffolute life, in 1630.
The revolt of Brown was attended with the diffo-
lution of the church at Middleburgh j but the feeds
of Brownifm, which he had fown in England, were
fo far from being deftroyed, that Sir Walter Raleigh,
in a fpeech in 1592, computes no lefs than 20,000
followers of it. The occafion of their feparation wras
not any fault they found with the faith, but only with
the diicipline and form of government of the other
churches in England. They equally charged corrup¬
tion on the Epifcopal form, and on that of the Prefby-
terians, by confiftories, claffes, and fynods : nor wmuld
they join with any other reformed church, becaufe
they were not affured of the fanflity and regeneration
of the members that compofed it; on account of the
toleration of finners, with whom they maintained it
an impiety to communicate. They condemned the
folemn celebration of marriages in the church ; main¬
taining, . that matrimony being a political contraft,
the confirmation thereof ought to come from the civil
magiftrate. They would not allow any children to be
baptized of fuch as were not members of the church,
or of fuch as did not take fufficient care of thofe bap¬
tized before. They rejected all forms of prayer ; and
held that the Lord’s prayer was not to recited as a
prayer, being only given for a rule or model whereon
all our prayers are to be formed. The form of church-
government which they eftablifhed w'as democratical.
When a church wras to be gathered, fuch as defired to
be members of it made a confeffion of it, and figned
a covenant, by which they obliged themfelves to walk
together in the order of the gofpel. The whole pow'er
of admitting and excluding members, with the de-
cifion of all controverfies, was lodged in the brother¬
hood. 'I he church-officers were chofen from among
themfelves, for preaching the word, and taking care
of the poor, and feparated to their feveral offices by
falling, prayer, and impofition of hands of fome of
the brethren. But they did not allow the priefthood
to be any diftinft order, or to give any indelible cha-
rafler. As the vote of the brotherhood made a man
a minifter, and gave him authority to preach the word
and adminifter the facraments among them, fo the
fame pow7er could difeharge him from his office, and
reduce him to a mere layman .again. And as they
5 B maintained
B R O [ 746 ] B R O
Browtufts, maintained the bounds of a church to be no greater
Brownngg. t]ian wlla[ could meet together in one place and join
in one communion, fo the power of thefe officers was
prefcribed within the fame limits. The miniller or
paftor of one church could not adminifter the Lord’s
lupper to another, nor baptize the children of any but
thofe of his own fociety. Any lay-brother was allow¬
ed the liberty of prophefying, or of giving a word of
exhortation to the people j and it was ulual for fome
of them, after fermon, to alk queftions, and reafon
upon the doctrines that had been preached. In a
word, every church on the Brownifts model is a body
corporate, having full power to do every thing which
the good of the fociety requires, without being ac¬
countable to any claffis, fynod, convocation, or other
juiifdidlion whatever. Molt of their difcipline has been
adopted by the Independents, a party which afterwards
arofe from among the Brownifts. The laws were exe¬
cuted with great feverity on the Brownifts; their books
were prohibited by Queen Elizabeth, and their perfons
imprifoned, and many of them were hanged. The
ecclefiaftical commiffion and the ftar-chamber, in fine,
diftreffed them to fuch a degree, that they refolved to
quit their country. Accordingly, many families re¬
tired and fettled at Amfterdam, where they formed a
church, and chofe Mr Johnfon their paftor ; and after
him Mr Ainfworth, author of the learned commentary
on the Pentateuch. Their chuch fiourifhed near too
years. See Independents.
BROWNRIGG, William, M. D. F. R. S. was a
native of Cumberland, and born about the year 1^12.
Of the early part of the life of this philofopher we
have had no opportunity of obtaining information.
Being deftined for the medical profeffion, after the
previous ftudies in his own country, he repaired to
Leyden to finiffi his education. This univerfity was
then in its higheft fplendour ; Albinus in anatomy,
Euler in mathematics, and the chair of medicine and
chemiftry was occupied by the all-accomplifhed Boer-
haave. Having made at Leyden a long and happy re-
fidence, and taken his degree, he returned to his native
country, and, in Whitehaven, married a lady of lingu¬
lar good fenfe, and pofleffing an addrefs fo verfatile
and iuperior as never failed to charm in whatever circle
it was exerted. He was author of an inaugural dif-
fertation De Praxi medico ineunda, 4to, Lugd. Bat.
1737; a treatife “ On the Art of making Com¬
mon Sait,” printed at London, in 1748, in 8vo ; which
procured for him the addition of F. R. S.; a book now
long out of print, but not out of recolleftion. He al-
fo publiffied “ An Enquiry concerning the mineral
elaftic Spirit contained in the water of Spa in Germany ;
and, laftly, a treatife, publiffied in 1771, “ On the
Means of preventing the Communication of Peftilential
Contagion.” A trip to the Spas of Germany fuggef-
ted to him the idea of analyzing the properties of the
Pyrmont fprings, and of fome others, and a&ually led
him to that train of difquifition, which terminated in
the de-elementizing one of our elements, and fixing its
invifible fluid form in a palpable and vifible fubftance.
That Dr Brownrigg was the legitimate father of thefe
difcoveries was not only known at the time to his in¬
timate and domeftic circle, but alfo to the then prefi-
dent of the Royal Society, Sir John Pringle ; who,
tvhen called upon to beftow upon Dr Prieftley the gold
medal for his paper of “ Difcoveries of the Nature and Brown0^5,
Properties of Air,” thus obferved ; “ And it is no dif- Browny.
paragement to the learned Dr Prieftley, that the vein V-—
of thefe difcoveries was hit upon, and its courfe fuccefs-
fully followed up, fome years ago, by my very learned,
very penetrating, very induftrious, but modeft, friend.
Dr Brownrigg.” To habits of too much diffidence,
and to his Icrupulofity of tafte, the world has to attri¬
bute the fewnefs of his publications, and the difficul¬
ties which always impeded his road to the prefs. The
writer of this article has grounds for faying, that a ge¬
neral hiftory of the county of Cumberland was one of
the dodtor’s literary projedts, and that he had made fe-
veral arrangements fubfervient to fuch an undertaking,
particularly in the department of natural hiftory.
As a medical practitioner, his works were more nume¬
rous, and, if not equally celebrated, they were of a
character more endearing within the fphere of their
utility. His fyftem of treating difeafe formed an epoch
in the annals of medical pradtice. The poor and the
rich had everywhere fomewhat for which they thank¬
ed him ; and health feemed only one of the bleffings
which he had to difpenfe. By thefe means the dodtor
pafied into the fummit of profeffional honour without
rival or competitor, without controverfy or detradlion,
but not without applications and requefts from fellow
ftudents and followers from diftant parts, from acade¬
mies, focieties, and univerfities, foreign and domeftic,
entreating permiffion to enrol his name among their
refpedlive communities. In his younger days, though
the claffics of Greece, Rome, and Britain, were prefent
to his fancy and enlivened and enriched his converfa-
tion, yet the Sacred Scriptures were the topics of his
delight, and the objedts of his veneration : and as his
quotations of Virgil and Milton bore teftimony to the
elegance of his tafte, and the fervour of his genius; fo,
wffien Job and Ifaiah were brought forward, he ftiewed
what his imagination would afpire at, in the ranges of
fublimity. In the ordinary occurrence of good things,
he never failed to give God the praife ; and in the
more folemn difpenlations, he clofed his obfervations or
repreffed his feelings, by a purpofe of refignation to
God’s will. To his feat at Ormethwaite, near Kef-
wick, he had retired about 20 years before his death,
withdrawing himfelf as much from the practice «f phyfic
as his numerous connexions, his high charadter, and his
friendly difpofition would permit ; and purpofing to di¬
vide his time and his tafte between the romantic feenery
of this delicious fpot, and his refearches in natural philo-
fophy. In this retirement he died at the venerable age
of 88, lamented by the poor, to whom he was always a
beneficent friend, and regretted by all. (Month. Mag.)
BROWNY, the name of a ferviceable kind of iprite,
wffio, according to a fuperftitious notion formerly pre¬
valent in the Hebrides and Highlands of Scotland (as
well as among the country people in England, where
he had the name of Robin Goodfellow'), was wont to
clean the houfes, helped to churn, thraffied the corn,
and would belabour all that pretended to make a jeft
of him. He was reprefented as ftout and blooming,
had fine long flowing hair, and went about with a
wand in his hand. He was the very counterpart of
Milton’s Lubber Fiend, who
Tells how the drudging goblin fwet,
To earn his cream-bowl duly fet,
When
B R U
jBrowfe, When in one night, ere glimpfe of morn,
Bruce. His (hadowy flail hath threafh’d the corn
That ten day-lab’rers could not end ;
'I'hen lies him down the Lubber Fiend,
And ftretch’d along the chimney’s length,
Balks at the fire his hairy ftrength.
BROWSE, the tops of the branches of trees, where¬
on beafts feed. This is fometimes alfo called brouce
and bruttle ; probably from the French brout, which
fignifies the fame thing.
Browse more properly denotes the food which deer
find in young copfes, continually fprouting anew.
BRUCE, Robert, fon of the earl of Garrick, be¬
ing competitor with Baliol for the crown of Scotland,
loft it by the arbitration of Edward I. of England,
for generoully refufing to hold the crown of Scotland
as depending on him, which his anceftors had left him
independent. But Baliol having afterward broke his
agreement with Edward, Bruce wras eafily perfuaded
by that king to fide writh him againft Baliol, upon
promife that he would fettle him on the throne. Ha¬
ving contributed much to the breaking of Baliol’s
party, he demanded the accomplilhment of King Ed¬
ward’s promife, who is faid to have given him this an-
fwer : “ What ! have I nothing elfe to do but to con¬
quer kingdoms for you ?” However, he recovered his
crown, defeated the Englilh in feveral battles, raifed
the glory of the Scots, and extended their dominions.
See Hi/lory of Scotland.
BRUCE, James, F. R. S. the celebrated traveller,
was born at Kinnaird-houfe in the county of Stirling,
Scotland, in the year 1729. The Bruces of Kinnaird
are a very ancient family. They were defcended
from a younger fon of Robert de Bruce, and have
been in pofleflion of that eftate for three centuries, con-
ne&ed during this period with fome of the moft diftin-
gnifhed houfes of the kingdom.
Mr Bruce was inftruffed in grammatical learning
at the fchool of Harrow on the Hill in Middlefex,
where he acquired a confiderable lhare of claflical
knowledge. Returning to Scotland, he applied to the
ftudy of the laws of his country ; but foon contrafling
a diflike to his fituation, he determined to pufh his
fortune in the Eall Indies, and for that purpofe went
to London. Being difappointed in his views of pro-
ruring an appointment in the company’s fervice, he
engaged in trade, and entered into partnerfhip with a
wine merchant in London of the name of Allen, whofe
daughter he married. That lady falling into a bad
Hate of health, Mr Bruce took her abroad, in hopes
that travelling would be attended with beneficial
effefls, but in thefe he was difappointed, as Ihe died
within a year after her marriage. He was induced, in
order to difpel his grief, to continue his travels, during
which his father dying (at Edinburgh 4th May 1758)
the inheritance of his anceftors devolved upon him,
and he returned to Britain. Some of his fubfequent
tranfaflions (hall now be related in his own words :
“ Every one will remember that period, fo glorious
to Britain, the latter end of the miniftry of the late
earl of Chatham. I was then returned from a tour
through the greateft part of Europe, particularly
through the whole of Spain and Portugal, between whom
there was then the appearance of an approaching war.
“ I was about to retire to a fmall patrimony I had
[ 747 1 B R U
received from my anceftors, in order to embrace a life Bruce,
of ftudy and retleflion, nothing more aflive appearing '1" '
within my power, when chance threw me unexpected¬
ly into a very fliort and very defultory converfation
with Lord Chatham.
“ It was a few days after this, that Mr Wood, then
under fecretary of ftate, my zealous and fincere friend,
informed me that Lord Chatham intended to employ me
upon a particular fervice •, that, however, I might go
down for a few weeks to my own country to fettle my
affairs, but, by all means, to be ready upon a call. No¬
thing could be more flattering to me than fuch an offer,
when fo young; to be thought worthy by Lord Cha¬
tham of any employment, was doubly a preference.
No time was loft on my fide ; but juft after receiving
orders to return to London, his lordffiip had gone to
Bath, and refigned his office.
“ This difappointment, which w^as the more fenfible
to me that it was the firft I had met with in public
life, was promifed to be made up to me by Lord Egre-
mont and Mr George Grenville. The former had been
long my friend ; but unhappily he was then far gone
in a lethargic indifpofition, which threatened, and did
very foon put a period to his exiftence. With Lord
Egremont’s death my expedlations vanifhed. Further
particulars are unneceffary 5 but I hope that, at leaft in
part, they remain in that breaft where they naturally
ought to be, and where I ffiall ever think, not to be
long forgotten is to be rewarded.
“ Seven or eight months were pafled in ah expenfive
and fruitlefs attendance in London, when Lord Halifax
was pleafed, not only to propofe, but to plan for me,
a journey of confiderable importance, and which was to
take up feveral years. His lordffiip faid, that nothing
could be more ignoble than, at fuch a time of life, at
the height of my reading, health, and activity, I (hould,
as it were, turn peafant, and voluntarily bury myfelf in
obfcurity and idlenefsj that though w!ar was now draw¬
ing fall to an end, full as honourable a competition re*
mained among men of fpirit, which fliould acquit them-
felves beft in the dangerous line of ufeful adventure and
difcovery.
“ He obferved, that the coaft of Barbary, which
might be faid to be juft at our door, was yet but par¬
tially explored by Dr Shaw, who had only illuftrated
(very judicioufly indeed) the geographical labours of
Sanfon j that neither Dr Shaw nor Sanfon had been*
or pretended to be, capable of giving the public any
detail of the large and magnificent remains of ruined
atchite&ure, which they both vouch to have feen in
great quantities, and of exquifite elegance and perfec¬
tion, all over the country. Such had not been their
ftudy, yet fuch w’as really the tafte that was required
in the prefent times. He wifhed, therefore, that I
ihould be the firft, in the reign juft now beginning, to
let an example of making large additions to the royal
colleflion j and he pledged himfelf to be my fupport
and patron, and to make good to me, upon this addi¬
tional merit, the promifes which had been held forth to
me by former minifters for other fervices.
“ The difcovery of the fource of the Nile was alfo a
fubjedl of thefe converfations, but it was always men¬
tioned to me with a kind of diffidence, as if to be ex¬
pelled from a more experienced traveller. Whether
this was but another way of exciting me to the at*
5 B 2 tempt
r
Emce.
-B R U [ 748
__ ternpt I fliall not fay 5 but my heart, in that inftant,
did me jutiice to fuggefi, that this too was either to
be achieved by me, or to remain as it had done for
thefe lad 2000 years, a defiance to all travellers, and
an opprobrium to geography.
“ Fortune feemed to enter into this fcheme. At
the very inftant, Mr Afpinwall, very cruelly and igno-
minioufly treated by the dey of Algiers, had refigned
his confullhip, and Mr Ford, a merchant, formerly the
dey’s acquaintance, was named in his place. Mr Ford
was appointed, and, dying a fewT days after, the conful-
fhip became vacant. Lor-d Halifax preffed me to ac¬
cept of this, as containing all forts of conveniences for
making the propofed expedition.
“ This favourable event finally determined me. I
had all my life applied unweariedly, perhaps with more
love than talent, to drawing, the praftice of mathema¬
tics, and efpecially that part neceffary to aftronomy.
The tranfit of Venus was at hand. It was certainly
known that it would be vifible once at Algiers, and
there was great reafon to expecl it might be twice. I
had furni(lied mylelf with a large apparatus of inftru-
ments, the completed of their kind, for the obfervation.
In the choice of thele, I had been allifted by my friend
Admiral Campbell, and Mr Ruflel, fecretary to the
Turkey company : every other neceflary had been
provided in proportion. It wTas a pleafure now to
know that it was not from a rock or a wood, but from
my own houfe at Algiers, I could deliberately take
meafures to place myfelf in the lift of men of fcience
of all nations, wTho were then preparing for the fame
fcientific purpofc.
“ Thus prepared, I fet out for Italy, through France;
and though it was in time of war, and fome ftrong ob-
jeflions had been made to particular paflports, folicited
by our government from the French fecretary of ftate,
Monfieur de Choifeul moft obligingly wraved all fuch
exceptions with regard to me, and moft politely allu¬
red me, in a letter accompanying my paffport, that
thofe difficulties did not in any ftiape regard me, but
that I was perfectly at liberty to pafs through or re¬
main in France, with thofe that accompanied me, with¬
out limiting their number, as ftrort or as long a time as
Ihould be agreeable to me.
“ On my arrival at Rome, I received orders to pro¬
ceed to Naples, there to await his majefty’s further
commands. Sir Charles Saunders, then with a fleet
before Cadiz, had orders to vifit Malta before he re¬
turned to England. It w^as faid that the grand mafter
of that order had behaved fo improperly to Mr Fler-
vey (afterwards Lord Briitol) in the beginning of the
war, and fo partially and unjuftly between the two na¬
tions in the courfe of it, than an explanation on our
part was become neceflaryl The grand mafter no foon-
er heard of my arrival at Naples, than guefling the
errand, he fent off Chevalier Mazzini to London, where
he at once made his peace and his compliments to his
majefty upon his acceffion to the throne.
“ Nothing remained now but to take poffeffion of
my confulftup. I .returned, without lofs of time, to
Rome, and from thence to Leghorn, where having em¬
barked on board the Montreal man of war, I proceeded
to Algiers.
“ After a year fpent at Algiers, conftant converfa-
tion with the natives while abroad, and with my manu-
] b r u
leripts within doors, had qualified me to appear in any
part of tlie continent without the help of an interpreter. *
Ludolf had affured his readers, that the knowledge of
any oriental language would foon enable them to ac¬
quire the Lthiopic 5 and 1 needed only the fame num¬
ber of books to have made my knowledge of that lan-
guage go hand in hand with my attainments in the A-
rabic. My immediate projeft of fetting out on my
journey to the inland parts of Africa, had made me
double my diligence ; night and day there was no re¬
laxation from thele ftudies, although the acquiring any
fingle language had never been with me either an ob-
je£I of time or difficulty.”
At Algiers Mr Bruce was detained longer than he
expedled, in confequence of a difpute with the dey
concerning Mediterranean paffes. This being adjuft-
ed, he proceeded to Mahon, and from Mahon to Car¬
thage. He next vifited Tunis and Tripoli, and tra¬
velled over the interior parts of thefe ftates. At Ben¬
gali, a fmall town on the Mediterranean, he fuffered
fliipwreck, and with extreme difficulty laved his life,
though with the lofs of all his baggage. He after¬
wards failed to the iiles of Rhodes and Cyprus, and
proceeding to Alia Minor, travelled through a conft-
derable part of Syria and Paleftine, vifiting Haffia,
Latikea, Aleppo, and Tripoli, near which laft city he
was again in imminent danger of perifhing in a river.
The ruins of Palmyra and Baalbec were next carefully
furveyed and fketched by him ; and his drawings of
thefe places are depofited in the king’s library at Kewj
“ the moft magnificent prefent, in that line,” to ufe
his own words, “ ever made by a fubjed to his fc-
vereign.”
It is much to be regretted, that Mr Bruce publilhed
no particular account of thele various journeys j from
the nature of the places vifited, and the abilities of the
man, much curious and ufeful information might have
been expeded. Some manufcript accounts of differ¬
ent parts of them are faid to have been left by him,
but whether in fuch a ftate as to be fit for publication
is very uncertain.
In thefe various travels fome years were paffed j
and Mr Bruce now prepared for the grand expedition,
the accomplilhment of which had ever been neareft
his heart, the difcovery of the fources of the Nile. In
the profecution of that dangerous objed, he left Sidon
on the 15th of June 1768, and arrived at Alexandria
on the 20th of that month. He proceeded from thence
to Cairo, w here he continued to the 1 2th of Decem¬
ber following, when he embarked on the Nile, and
failed up that river as far as Syene, vifiting in the
courfe of his voyage the ruins of 7'hebes. Leaving
Kenne on the Nile, 16th February 1769, he croffed
the defert of the Thebaid to Coffeir on the Red fea,
and arrived at Jidda on the 3d of May. In Arabia Fe¬
lix he remained, not without making feveral excurfions,
till the 3d of September, when he failed from Loheia,
and arrived on the 19th at Mafuah, where he was de¬
tained near twro months by the treachery and avarice
of the naybe of that place. It was not till the 15th
of November that he was allowed to quit Arkeeko,
near Mafuah ; and he arrived on the 15th of February
I77°ft Gondar, the capital of Abyffimia, where he
ingratiated himfelf with the moft confiderable perlbns
of both fexes belonging to the court. Several months
wers
Bruce,
B R 1/ [ 749 ] B R U
Bruce, were employed in attendance on the king; and in an
—'v unfuccefsful expedition round the lake of Dambea.
Towards the end of 0£lober, Mr Bruce fet out for the
fources of the Nile, at which long defired fpot he ar-
rived on the 14th of November, and his feelings on
the accomplifhment of his wilhes cannot better be ex-
preffed than in his own words:
“ It is eafrer to guefs than to defcribe the fituation
of my mind at that moment j Handing in that fpot
which had baffled the genius, induftry, and inquiry, of
ancients and moderns for the courfe of near 3000 years.
Kings had attempted this difcovery at the head of ar¬
mies j and each expedition was diftinguifhed from the
laft only by the difference of the numbers which had
periffled, and agreed alone in the difappointment which
had uniformly, and without exception, followed them
all. Fame, riches, and honour, had been held out for
a feries of ages to every individual of thofe myriads
thofe princes commanded, without having produced one
man capable of gratifying the curiofity of his fovereign,
or wiping off this ftain upon the enterprife and abilities
of mankind, or adding this defideratum for the encou¬
ragement of geography. Though a mere private Bri¬
ton, I triumphed here in my own mind over kings and
their armies •, and every comparifon was leading nearer
and nearer to the prefumption, when the place itfelf
where I flood, the objeff of my vain glory, fuggefted
what depreffed my Ihort-lived triumphs. I was but a
few minutes arrived at the fource of the Nile, through
numberlefs dangers and fufferings, the leaf! of which
w’ould have overwhelmed me, but for the continual
goodnefs and proteffion of providence j I was, how¬
ever, but then half through my journey, and all thofe
dangers which I had already paffed awaited me again
on my return. I found a defpondency gaining ground
faff upon me, and blafting the crown of laurels I had
too rafhly wmven for myfelf.”
When he returned to reft the night of that difcoverv,
repofe was iought for in vain. “ Melancholy retleftions
upon my prefent ftate, the doubtfulnefs of my return in
fafety, were I permitted to make the attempt, and the
fears that even this would be refufed, according to the
rule obferved in Abyfflnia with all travellers who have
once entered the kingdom ; the confcioufnefs of the
pain that I was then occaftoning to many worthy indi¬
viduals, expedling daily that information concerning
my fituation which it was not in my power to give
them ; fome other thoughts perhaps, ftill nearer the
heart than thofe, crowded upon my mind, and forbade
all approach of lleep.
“ I was, at that very moment, in poffefflon of what
had for many years been the principal objecff of my
ambition and willies ; indifference, which, from the
ufual infirmity of human nature, follows, at leaft for a
time, complete enjoyment, had taken place of it. The
marfh, and the fountains, upon comparifon with the rife
of many of our rivers, became now a trilling objeft in
my fight. I remembered that magnificent fcene in my
own native country, where the Tweed, Clyde, and An¬
nan, rife in one hill ; three rivers I now thought not
inferior to the Nile in beauty, preferable to it in the
cultivation of thofe countries through which they flow 5
fuperior, vaftly fuperior to it in the virtues and qualities
of the inhabitants, and in the beauty of its flocks,
crowding its paftures in peace, without fear of violence-
2
from man or beaft. I had feen the rife of the Rhine Erucc.
and Rhone, and the more magnificent fources of the
Saone ; I began, in my forrow, to treat the inquiry
about the fource of the Nile as a violent effort of a dif-
tempered fancy,
‘ What’s Hecuba to him, or he to Hecuba,
‘ That he ffiould weep for her r’
Grief and defpondency now rolling upon me like a tor¬
rent, relaxed, not refrefhed, by unquiet and imperfecf
lleep, I ffarted from my bed in the utmoft agony ; I
went to the door of my tent. Every thing w’as Hill 5 the
Nile, at whofe head I flood, was not capable either to
promote or to interrupt my llumbers, but the coolnefs
and ferenity of the night braced my nerves, and chafed
aw^ay thofe phantoms that while in bed had opprefled
and tormented me.
“ It was true, that numerous dangers, hardfhips, and.
forrows, had befet me through this half of my excur-
fion ; but it w7as ffill as true, that another Guide, more
powerful than my own courage, health, or underftand-
ing, if any of them can be called man’s own, had uni¬
formly protected me in all that tedious half. I found
my confidence not abated, that ftill the fame Guide was
able to conduct me to my wifhed-for home. I imme¬
diately refumed my former fortitude, confidered the
Nile as indeed no more than rifing from fprings as all
other rivers do, but widely differing in this, that it was
the palm for 3000 years held out to all the nations o£
the world as a detur dignijjlrtio^ which in my cool hours
I had thought w7as worth the attempting at the rifk of
my life, which I had long either refolved to lofe, or lay
this difcovery a trophy in which I could have no com¬
petitor, for the honour of my country, at the feet of
my lovereign, whofe fervant I was.”
I he objeft of Mr Bruce’s willies being now grati¬
fied, he bent his thoughts on his return to his native
country. He arrived at Gondar 19th November 17705
but found, after repeated folicitations, that it was by
no means an eafy talk to obtain permiffion to quit
Abyffinia. A civil war in the mean time breaking out,,
feveral engagements took place between the king’s
forces and the troops of the rebels, particularly three
aftions at a place called Serbraxos on the 19th, 20th,
and 23d of May 1771. In each of them Mr Bruce aded
a confiderable part, and for his valiant condud in the fe-.
cond received, as a reward from the king, a chain of
gold, of 184 links, each link weighing 3 A- dwts. or
iomewhat more that z^-lbs. troy in all. At Gondar,
after thefe engagements, he again preferred the moft
earneft entreaties to be allowed .to return home, entrea¬
ties^ which were long refilled; but his health at laft
giving way, from the anxiety of his mind, the king
confented to his departure, on condition of his enga-
ging by oath to return to him in the event of his re¬
covery, with as many ot nis kindred as he could engage
to accompany him.
After a refidence of nearly two years in that wretch-,
ed country, MrBruce.ieft Gondar on the 16th of De-.
cember 177E taking the dangerous way of the defert
of Nubia, in place of the more eafy road of Mafuab^
by which he entered Abyffinia. He was induced to.
take this route, from his knowledge and former expe¬
rience of the cruel and favage temper of the naybe of
Mafuah, Arriving at Teawa the 21ft March 1772,
m.
B R U [ 750 ] B R U
bruee. Mr Bruce had the misfortune to find the fhekh Fidele
0f Atbara, the counterpart of the naybe of Mafuah,
in every bad quality \ by his intrepidity and prudence,
however, and by making good ufe of his foreknow¬
ledge of an eclipfe of the moon, which happened on
the 17th of April, he was permitted to depart next
day, and he arrived at Sennaar on the 29th of the
fame month.
Mr Bruce was detained upwards of four months at
that miferable and inhofpitable place j the inhabitants of
which he defcribes in thefe expreflive words : “ War
and treafon feem to be the only employment of thefe
horrid people, whom heaven has feparated by almoft
impaffable deferts from the reft of mankind, confining
them to an accurfed fpot, feemingly to give them an
earneft in time of the only other worfe which he has
referved to them for an eternal hereafter.” This delay
was occafioned by the villany of thofe who had under¬
taken to fupply him with money j but at laft, by dif-
pofing of 178 links of his gold chain, the well-earned
trophy of Serbraxos, he was enabled to make prepara¬
tion for his dangerous journey through the delerts of
Nubia.
He left Sennaar on the 5th of September, and ar¬
rived on the 3d of O&ober at Chendi, which he quit¬
ted on the 20th, and travelled through the defert of
Gooz, to which village he came on the 26th of O6I0-
ber. On the 9th of November he left Gooz, and en¬
tered upon the moft dreadful and dangerous part of his
journey j the perils attending which he has related with
a power of pencil not unworthy of the greateft mafters.
All his camels having periftied, Mr Bruce was under the
neceflxty of abandoning his baggage in the defert, and
with the greateft difficulty reached AlTouan upon the
Nile on the 29th of November.
After fome days reft, having procured frefh camels,
he returned into the defert, and recovered his baggage,
among which is particularly to be remarked a quadrant
(of three feet radius) fupplied by Louis XV. from the
military academy at Marfeilles; by means of which
noble inftrument, now depofited in the mufeum at Kin-
naird, Mr Bruce was enabled with precifion and accu¬
racy to fix the relative fituations of the feveral remote
. places he vifited.
On the 10th of January 1773, a^ter more ^olir
years abfence, he arrived at Cairo, where, by his manly
and generous behaviour, he fo won the heart of Maho¬
met Bey, that he obtained a firman, permitting the
commanders of Englilh veffels belonging to Bombay
and Bengal to bring their fhips and merchandife to
Suez, a place far preferable in all refpe&s to Jidda, to
which they were formerly confined. Of this permif-
lion, which no European nation could ever before
acquire, many Englifh veffels have fince availed them-
felves ; and it has proved peculiarly ufeful both in pub¬
lic and private difpatches. Such was the worthy con-
clufion of his memorable journey through the defert •, a
journey which, after many hardfhips and dangers, ter¬
minated in obtaining this great national benefit.
At Cairo Mr Bruce’s earthly career had nearly been
concluded by a diforder in his leg, occafioned by a
worm in the flelh. This accident kept him five weeks
in extreme agony, and his health was not re-efta-
blilhed till a twelvemonth afterwards, at the baths of
3Porrctta in Italy. On his return to Europe, Mr Bruce
J
was received with all the admiration due to fo exalted a
character. After palling fome confiderable time in
Trance, particularly at Montbard, with his friend the
comte de Buffon, by whom he was received with much
hofpitality, and is mentioned with great applaufe, he at
laft revifited his native country, from which he had been
upwards of twelve years ablent.
It was now expected that he would take the earlieft
opportunity of giving to the w’orld a narrative of his
travels, in which the public curiofity could not but be
deeply inter efted. But feveral circumftances contribu¬
ted to delay the publication 5 and what thefe were will
be bell related in his owm w'ords :
“ My friends at home gave me up for dead *, and as
my death muft have happened in circumftances difficult
to have been proved, my property became as it w^ere a
hccreditas jacens, without an owner, abandoned in com¬
mon to thofe whofe original title extended no further
than temporary poffeffion.
“ A number of law-luits were the inevitable confe-
quences of this upon my return. To thefe difagreeable
avocations, wdiich took up much time, were added others
ftill more unfortunate. The relentlefs ague, caught at
Bengazi, maintained its ground, at times, for a fpace of
more than 16 years, though every remedy had been
ufed, but in vain ; and what was worft of all, a linger¬
ing diftemper had ferioufly threatened the life of a moft
near relation (his fecond wife), which, after nine years
conftant alarm, where every duty bound me to atten¬
tion and attendance, conduced her at laft, in vejy
early life, to her grave.”
Amidft the anxiety and the diftrefs thus occafioned,
Mr Bruce was by no means negle<ftful of his private af¬
fairs. He confiderably improved his landed property,
inclofing and cultivating the wafte grounds ; and he
highly embellilhed his paternal feat, making many ad¬
ditions to the houfe, one in particular of a noble mu¬
feum, filled with the moft precious ftores of oriental
literature, large collections of drawings made, and cu¬
rious articles obtained, during his far-extended pere¬
grinations.
The termination of fome law-fuits, and of other bufi-
nefs, which had occupied much of his time, having at
length afforded leifure to Mr Bruce to put his mate¬
rials in order, his greatly defired and long expeCted
work made its appearance in 1790? in hve large quarto
volumes, embelliffied with plates and charts. It is un-
neceffary to enter into any critic or analyfis of this ce¬
lebrated -work. It is univerfally allowed to be replete
with curious and ufeful information ; and to abound in
narratives wffiich at once excite our admiration and in-
tereft our feelings. The very Angular and extraordinary
pifture which it gives of Abyffinian manners, ftartled
the belief of fome but thefe manners, though ftrange
in the fight of an European, are little more than might
be expeCted in fuch a barbarous country.
A more ferious objection to the truth of Mr Bruce’s
narrative was ftarted by an anonymous critic, in an E-
dinburgh newfpaper, foon after the publication, from the
account of two aftronomical phenomena, which it is af-
ferted could not pojjtbly have happened, as Mr Bruce af-
ferts. The firft of thele is the appearance of the new
moon at Furffiout, during Mr Bruce’s flay in that place,
which he mentions to have beemrirom 25th Dec. 1768
to the 7th of Jan. 1769 ? and on a particular day in that
interval
B R U [ '
interval afferts, that the new moon was feen by a fakir,
' and was found by the ephemerides to be three days
old ; whereas it is certain that the moon changed on
the 8th of January iy6g. The other phenomenon ap¬
pears equally impoffible. At Teawa Mr Bruce fays
he terrified the Ihekh by foretelling that an eclipfe
of the moon was to take place at four o’clock after¬
noon of the 17th of April 1772; that accordingly,
foon after that hour, he faw the eclipfe was begun ; and
when the fiiadow wTas half over, told the fiiekh that in
a little time the moon would be totally darkened.
Now, by calculation, it is certain, that at Teawa this
eclipfe mull have begun at 36 minutes paft four, and
the moon haye been totally covered at 33 minutes pall
five ; while the fun fet there a few minutes paft fix, be¬
fore wdiich time the moon, then in oppofition, could
not have rifen : fo that as the moon rofe totally eclip-
fed, Mr Bruce could not fee the flradow half over the
dilk, nor point it out to the ftrekh. To thefe objedions,
which appear unfurmountable, Mr Bruce made no re¬
ply, though in converfation he faid he would do it in
the fecond edition of his book.
The language of the work is in general hardi and un-
polilhed, though fometimes animated. Too great a
difplay of vanity runs through the whole, and the ap¬
parent facility with which the traveller gained the moft
familiar accels to the courts, and even to the harams of
the fovereigns of the countries through which he paffed,
is apt to create in readers fome doubts of the accuracy
of the narration. Yet there appears upon the w-hole
luch an air of manly veracity, and circumftances are
mentioned with a minutenefs lo unlike deceit, that thefe
doubts are overcome by the general impreflion of truth,
which the whole detail irrefiftibly fattens upon the
mind. This firft impreflion being almoft wholly dif-
pofed of within a fliort time, Mr Bruce had ftipu-
lated for a fecond edition, which w^as preparing for the
prefs, when death removed the author from this tran-
fitory ftage.
That event happened on the 26th of April 1794.
In the evening of tnat day, when fome company w:ere
departing, Mr Bruce attended them down flairs ; on
the fteps his foot flipped, and he fell down headlong.
He wars taken up Ipeechlefs, and remained in a ftate of
infenfibility for^ eight or nine hours, when he expired,
on the 27th of April 1794, in the 65th year of his
age.
He married, for his fecond wfife, at Carronhall, 20th
May 1776, Mary, eldett daughter of Thomas Dundas
of Fingafk. Mrs Bruce died, after a long and linger¬
ing indilpofition, dunng which fhe was attended wdth
the moll afieblionate affiduity by herhufband, in 1784,
having had iffue two fons and one daughter.
There never, perhaps, exifted a man better qualified
for the hazardous enterprife he undertook, than Mr
Bruce. His perfon was of the largeft fize, his height
exceeding fix feet, and the bulk as well as the ftrength
of his body was proportionally great. He excelled in
all corporeal accompliihments, being a hardy, pra&ifed,
and indefatigable fwimmer, trained to exercife and fa¬
tigue of every kind,, and his long refidence among the
Arabs.had given him a more than ordinary facility in
managing the horfe. In the ufe of fire arms he was fo
unerring, that in innumerable inftances he never failed
to hit the mark j and his dexterity in handling the
51 1 b r u
fpenr and lance on liorfeback was alio uncommonly
great. He was matter pf moft languages, underftand- il
mg the Greek perfeftly ; and was lo. well {killed in, B'ugcs'
oriental literature, that he reviled the New Teftament V
in the Ethiopic, ^Samaritan, Heorew, and Syriac,
making many ufeful notes and remarks on difficult
pafiages. He had applied from early youth to mathe¬
matics, drawing, and aftronomy : and had acquired
lome knowledge of phyfic and furgery. His memory
was aftoniffimgly retentive, his judgment found and
vigorous. He was dexterous in negotiation, a mafter
of public bufinels, animated with the warmeft zeal
for the glory of his king and country, a pbyfician in
the camp or city, a loldier and horfeman in the field,
while, at the fame time, his breaft was a ftranger to’
fear, though he took every precaution to avoid dan-
gei. Such, at leaft, is 61s own reprefentation of his
character, and though an impartial judge would pro¬
bably make confiderable abatement for the natural bias
of a. man drawing his own portrait, yet it cannot be
denied, that in perfonal accomplilhments, Mr Bruce
equalled, it not exceeded, moft of his co-temporaries j
was uncommonly diftinguiffied for vigour of under-
ftanding, as well as great literary attainments ; and in
adive perfevering intrepidity may be claffed with the
moft eminent character in any age or country.
Thus acccmplifhed, Mr Bruce could not but be
eminently fitted for an attempt fo full of difficulty and
danger as the difeovery of the fources of the Nile : no
one who perufes his account of the expedition, can
fail to pay an unfeigned tribute of admiration to his
intrepidity, manlinefs, and uncommon dexterity in ex¬
tricating himlelf out of fituations the moft dangerous
and alarming, in the courfe of his long and hazardous
journey. Not to mention his conduft during his refi¬
dence in Abyflinia, his behaviour at Maluah, Teaw’a,
and Sennaar, evinces the uncommon vigour of his
mind ; but it was chiefly during his pafiage through
the Nubian delert that his fortitude, courage, and pru¬
dence appeared to the greateft advantage. Of his
learning and fagacity, his delineation of the courfe of
Solomon s fleet from rarflnfti to Ophir, his account of
the caufe ot the inundations of the Nile, and his compre-
henfive view of the Abyflinian hiftory, afford ample-
proofs. He expreffes throughout all his works a deep
and lively fenfe o{ the care of a fuperintending Provi¬
dence, without whole influence, he was convinced of
the futility of all human ability and forefight to pre-
ferve from danger. He appears to have been a feri-
ous believer of the truth of Chriftianity ; and his il-
luftrations of fome parts of the facred writings are ori¬
ginal and valuable. [Edin. Mag.)
BRUCHSAL, a town of Germany, in the palati¬
nate of the Rhine, and biftiopric of Spires, fituated on
the river Satz, in E. Long. 8. 30. N. Lat. 49. ir.
BRUCHUS. See Entomology Index.
BRUEGHEL. See Breughel.
. BRUGES, a city of the Auftrian Netherlands, ca¬
pital of the territory of Bruges, with a biffiop’s fee.
It is feated in a plain eight miles from the fea j and
has a great number of canals, made for the benefit of
trade, one of which leads to Ghent, another to Offend,
another^ to Sluys, to Newport, to Furnes, to Ypres,
and to Dunkirk, which you may reach in a day in the
fummer time.. All the waters about Bruges are with¬
out
B R U t 752 ] B R U
ETuges, out any current 5 but they may be changed in half an
' v hour’s time, by opening the fluices, and letting the
water run into the fea. There are feveral bridges a-
bout the city, and that which wras built in 1739 of
of freeftone is very ftately.
Bruges was in a very flourilhing condition upwards
of 200 years ago, and every nation had a conful here¬
in for the maintenance of their rights and privileges ;
but lince the enlargement of Amfterdam and Antwerp,
the trade is diminifhed, and its inhabitants are not nu¬
merous enough for fo large a place. However, there
are many rich merchants, and a chamber for trade.
There are feveral fine churches ; in the firft rank of
which is the cathedral, whofe rich ornaments and trea-
fure deferve notice. The fined fquare in the city is the
great market, in which Hand the halls, with public
galleries, and a large court in the middle, and on one
of its fides a high fteeple fupported only with four
pillars. It is full of bells, wuth the mod harmonious
chimes in all the country. On the fide of the great
fquare there is a drutdure which ferves for a public ma¬
gazine to lay cloth in. It is built on a canal, and fup¬
ported by pillars in fuch a manner, that fmall veffels
can pafs under it, to crofs the city from the canal of
Odend to that of Ghent.
The fquare where the Wednefday’s market is kept
is very fine j for it contains feveral wTalks between two
rows of trees, and a new guard-houfe in the middle.
The Burg is a large fquare, in which is the town-
houfe, built in-the “Gothic manner, and adorned with
a variety of figures of the ancient counts and counteffes
of Flanders. In the fame 'fquare there are feveral
other public buildings. The church dedicated to the
Virgin Mary is very fine, with a high deeple, which
ferves as a fea-mark for the drips that come to Odend ;
on the infide are two tombs of copper gilt, of an ex¬
traordinary magnificence. Befides the cathedral and
two collegiate churches, there are five paridr churches,
fourteen chapels, and twelve convents for men and wo¬
men. There are a great many alms-houfes and hofpi-
tals, one of which is called the fchool of BogarJs,
where there are about t8o boys, fome which are
brought up to learning, others to trades, according to
their genius. Their habit is cloth, and half of them
wear blue and half red, with a black bonnet. There
is alfo a fchool for poor girls, to the number of 1 20,
clothed with red or blue. In fhort, there is no place
in the Low Countries where they take more care of
widows and orphans.
It is remarkable that the knights of the golden
deece were indituted in this city in 1430, when the
marriage of Philip the Good was celebrated with Eli¬
zabeth princefs of Portugal. The parts about the ci¬
ty, which belong to it, are called Franc of Bruges^
and contain 37 villages, and enjoy perfett liberty, ac¬
cording to the tenor of their freedom. The fortifica¬
tions of Bruges are but trifling, infomuch that in the
time of war they always yield to the dronged party.
It is eight miles ead of Odend, 24 north-ead of Ghent,
and 46 wed of Antwerp. E. Long. 3. 5. N. Lat.
5l- ,T-
Bruges, John of, (real name, "John van Kick), a ce¬
lebrated Flemifh painter, and the fird who difcovered
the method of painting in oil, flouridred in the 15th
.century. He found in the courfe of his chemical ex¬
periments (to which fcience he alfo applied himfelf), EruiR
that, by grinding colours with linfeed or nut-oil, he 11
could form them into a folid body which would refid ^run*
the water, and not need the varnidi ufed in painting 'r~“
in water colours or in frefco. He prefented the fird
pifture painted in this manner to Alphonfus I. king of
Naples, who was much pleafed with it.
BRUIN, John de, profeffbr of natural philofophy
and mathematics at Utrecht, was born at Gorcuin in
1620. He had uncommon Ikill in diffeidina- animals,
and was a great lover of experiments. He made alfo
obfervations in adronomy. He publifhed differtations
De vi altrice ; De corporum gravitate et levitate ; De
cognitione Dei naturali; De iucis caufa et origine, &c.
He had a difpute with Ifaac Vodius, to whom he
wrote a letter printed at Amderdam in 1663 5 where¬
in he criticifes Vodius’s book De natura et proprietate
lucis ; and drenuoudy maintains the hypothefis of Def-
cartes. He died in 1675, after been profedbr
23 years : and his funeral oration was pronounced four
days after by M. Grmvis.
BRUISE, in Surgery, the fame with Contusion.
BRUMALES plants, in Botany (from bruma,
winter) ; plants which dower in our wfinter 5 fuch are
plants from fouthern tropical regions, which retain in
fome meafure their former habits, and obferve the fame
period of dowering, the dimmer in thofe regions being
at the fame time of the year with our winter.
BRUMALIA, in Roman antiquity, fedivals of
Bacchus celebrated twice a-year 5 the fird on the 12th
of the kalends of March, and the other on the 18th of
the kalends of November. They wrere indituted by
P„omulus, who during thefe feads ufed to entertain the
fenate. Among other heathen fedivals which the pri¬
mitive Chridians were much inclined to obferve, Ter-
tullian mentions the brumse or brumalia.
BRUMOY, Peter, a learned Jefuit,born at R.ouen
in 1668, didinguilhed himfelf in his youth by his ta¬
lents for the belles lettres *, and during his whole life
was beloved for his probity, his virtue, and the good-
nefs of his heart. He wrote many works, the mod
confiderable of which is his Theatre of the Greeks.
He died at Paris in 1742. /
BRUN, Anthony le, an ambaflador of Spain,
famous for his fkill in negotiating, was of an ancient
and noble family, and born at Dole in the year 1600.
He was attorney-general in the parliament of Dole ;
during which time he had a hand in all the date nego¬
tiations which concerned the provinces. He was fent
afterwards by Philip IV. to the diet of Ratidion, and
from thence to the court of the emperor Ferdinand III.
He was one of the plenipotentiaries of his Catholic ma-
jedy, at the conferences of Munder held in 1643 ;
where, though all the other plenipotentiaries took place
of him, yet it is faid that he far exceeded them all in
capacity. The king of Spain w'as particularly behol¬
den to him for the peace which the Dutch made at
Munder, exclufively of France 5 and the intriguing
turn wThich he (hewed upon this occafion made him
dreaded ever after by French ambafladors. He w’as a
man of letters as well as of politics ; and therefore em¬
ployed his pen as well as tongue in the fervice of his
mader. He died at the Hague, during his embafly,
in the year 1654.
BituN, Charles le, was defeended of a family of di-
dindliou
B R U [753
ftin&ion in Scotland, and born in the year 1619. His
father was a ftatuary by profeflion. He difcovered, it
is faid, fuch an early inclination for painting, that at
three years of age he ufed to take coals, and defign
on the health and Tides of the chimney, only by the
light of the fire ; and at 12 he drew the pifture of his
uncle fo well, that it ftill pafles for a fine piece. His
father being employed in the gardens at Sequier, and
having brought his Ton along with him, the chancellor
of that name took a liking to him, and placed him with
Simon \ouet, an eminent painter. He was afterwards
fent to Fountainbleau, to take off Tome of Raphael’s
pieces. He fent him next to Italy, and fupported him
there for fix years. Le Brun, in his return, met with
the celebrated Pouflin, by whofe converfation he great¬
ly improved himfelf in his art, and contraiffed a friend-
ffiip with him which lafled as long as their lives. A
painting of St Stephen, which he finilhed in 1651,
raifed his reputation to the higheft pitch. Soon after
this, the king, upon the reprefentation of M. Colbert,
made him his firft painter, and conferred on him the
order of St Michael. His majefty employed two hours
every day to fee him work while he w’as painting the
family of Darius at Fountainbleau. About the year
1662, he began his five large pieces of the hiftory of
Alexander the Great, in which he is faid to have fet
the aftions of that famous conqueror in a more glori¬
ous light than Quintus Curtius has done in his hifto¬
ry. He- procured feveral advantages for the royal aca¬
demy of painting and fculpture at Paris, and formed
the plan of another for the ftudents of his own nation
at Rome. There w7as fcarcely any thing done for the
advancement of the fine arts in which he w^as not con-
fulted. It was through the intereft of M. Colbert that
the king gave him the diredion of all his works, par¬
ticularly of his royal manufadory at the Gobelins,
"here he had a handfome houfe wuth a genteel falary
aftigned to him. He wras alfo made diredor and chan¬
cellor of the royal academy, and fliowed the greateft
zeal to encourage the fine arts in France. He w'as en¬
dowed with a vaft inventive genius, which extended
itfelf to arts of every kind. He was well acquainted
with the manners and hiftory of ail nations. Befides
his extraordinary talents, his manners were fo polithed
and his addrefs fo pleafing, that he attraded the re¬
gard and affedion of the whole court of France, where,
by the places and penfions conferred on him by the
king’s liberality, he made a very confiderable figure.
Le Brun was the author of two treatifes ; one on phy-
ftognomy, and the other on the different charaders of
the paflions. He died at Paris in 1690.
The talent of this painter, except for landfcapes, was
univerfal. He w’as not indeed admired for his colour-
ing, or for his {kill in the dillribution of his lights and
fhadows ; but for a good gufto of defign, an excellent
choice, of attitudes, an agreeable management of his
draperies, a beautiful and juft expreflion, and a ftrid
obfervance of decorum. In fine, his compofitions de¬
mand the attention and admiration of the niceft judges.
The pieces that gained him greateft reputation w-ere,
befides what we have already mentioned, thofe which
he finifhed at Fontainbleau, the great ftaircafe at Ver-
failles, but efpecially the grand gallery there, which
was the laft of his works, and is faid to have taken him
up 14 years.
Vol. IV. Part II.
j B R U
BRUNDISIUM, or Brundusium, in Ancient Emndifumi
Geography, a towm of Calabria, with the beft harbour H ,
in.Italy. It w’as a very ancient town, and belonged it'jrun^vlc!y
originally to the Salentines •, but w^as taken by the Ro- V
mans about 256 years before Chrift. Now Brindi/i;
which fee.
BRUNIA. See Botany Index.
BRUNO, Jordano, an atheiftical writer, was born
at Nola in the kingdom of Naples *, and about the year
1582. began to call in queftion fome of the tenets of the
Romifti church, which occafioned his retiring to Ge¬
neva : but after two years flay there, he expreffed his
averfion to Calvinifm in fuch a manner that he wras ex¬
pelled the city. After having ftaid fome time at
Lyons, 1 houloufe, and Paris, he came to London,
and continued two years in the houfe of Mr Caftleneau
the French ambaffador. Fie was very well received
by Queen Elizabeth, and the politer part of the court.
Flis principal friends were Sir Philip Sidney and Sir
lulk Greville. With thefe and fome others of their
club, Bruno held affemblies j but as they treated of
fubjedts of a very delicate nature, which could not
fuit the tafte or capacity of every body, they kept the
door alwTays (hut, and none but lelecf perfons were ad¬
mitted into their company. At Sir Philip’s requeft,
he. compofed. his Spaccio della Bcjlia ’Triumphante,
which was printed in 8vo, 1584, and dedicated to that
gentleman. 1 his work, w’hich is remarkable for no¬
thing but its impiety, we are told in one of the Spedfa-
tors, (N° 389), fold at an auction in London for 30I.
From England he went to Wittemberg, and from
thence to Prague, where he printed fome tradfs, in
which he.openly avowed his atheiftical principles.
After vifiting.fome other towns in Germany, he made
a tour to Venice. Here he was apprehended by or¬
der of the inquifition ; tried j condemned ; and refu-
fing to retradt, was burnt at the flake, February 9th
1600.
BRUNSBUTTLE, a fea-port town of Germany,
in the circle of Longer Saxony, and duchy of Holftein,
feated at the mouth of the river Elbe, in E. Long. 8.
42. N. Lat. 44. 30. It is fubjedt to Denmark.
BRUNS!ELSIA. See Botany Index.
BRUNSWICK, a city of Germany, in the circle
of Lower Saxony, and capital of the duchy of the fame
name. It is compofed of five towns, viz. the Old
Town, the New’ Town, the Hagen or Burg, the Old
Wieck, and the Sack, which makes it a large place,
but the houfes are almort all built of wmod. There
are feveral churches, one of which is an ancient Go¬
thic building, but the appearance of its antiquity is al-
m.oft abforbed by the repairs it has undergone. Brunf-
wick is a fortified place, and would require a numerous
army to befiege, and not a few men to defend it. It is
of a fquare form, divided in the middle by the river
Ocker. It is about two miles in circumference, and
is. ftrongly fortified. On the ramparts is a mortar
piece of brafs, ten feet fix inches long, and nine feet
two inches in circumference, weighing 1800 quintals,
and has 93 quintals of iron in its carriages. It will
carry a ball of 730 pounds weight to the diftance of
33>ooo paces, and throw a bomb of a thoufand weight .5
but it requires 32 pounds of powder for a charge.
This city is the refidence of the prince w’hom wre ftyle
the duke of Brunfwick-lVolfenbutt/e. The inhabitants
5 C of
Brunfvvick
b r y
of the city and parts adjacent carry on a
trade with Bohemia. Brunfwick-mum is well known
in England j a fmall fort of which is the common
drink of the inhabitants of the city. The religion
here is the Lutheran, and they obferve it very ftri&ly.
The peafants are fober and laborious, but clownifli and
heavy ; however, as they are robuft and ftrong, they
make good foldiers. The eleftor of Hanover is ftyled
fluke of Brunfwick, though he has no property in, nor
dominion over this city, which belongs to the duke of
Brunfwick-Wolfenbuttle. The number of inhabitants
is about 24,000 ; and the whole income of the duke is
eftimated at 130,000!. The academy of Bruniwick,
Dr Moore informs us, has been new-modelled, and
the plan of education improved, by the attention, and
under the patronage of the hereditary prince. Stu¬
dents now refort to this academy from many parts of
Germany ; and there are generally fome young gentle¬
men from Britain who are fent to be educated here.
Such of them as are intended for a military life, will
not find fo many advantages united at any other place
on the continent as at the academy of Brunfwick.
They will here be under the proteftion of a family
partial to the Britifh nation 5—every branch of fcience
is taught by mailers of known abilities ;—the young
fludents will fee garrifon duty regularly performed, and
may by the intereft of the prince obtain liberty to at¬
tend the reviews of the Pruffian troops at Magdeburg
and Berlin. They will have few temptations to ex¬
pence, in a town w’here they can fee no examples of
extravagance ;—have few opportunities of diffipation,
and none of grofs debauchery.
The fortifications at Brunfwick wmre of great utility
laft war, and on one occafion they faved the town from
being pillaged, and afforded Prince Frederick, wLo is
now in the Pruffian fervice, an opportunity of perform¬
ing an action, which it is imagined gave him more joy
than twenty victories. This happened in the year
1761, foon after the battle of Kirch-Denkern, when
Duke Ferdinand prote61ed Hanover, not by conduc¬
ing his army into that country, and defending it di-
reCly, as the enemy feemed to expeC, and probably
wilhed ; but by diverfion, attacking with ftrong de-
tachments, commanded by the hereditary prince, their
magazines in Heffe, and thus drawing their attention
from Hanover to that quarter. While the duke lay
encamped at Willhemftall, watching the motions of
Broglio’s army, the marechal being greatly fuperior
in numbers, fent a body of 20,000 men, under Prince
Xavier of Saxony, who took poffeflion of Wolfenbut-
tle, and ioon after inverted Brunfwick. Prince Fer¬
dinand, anxious to fave his native city, ventured to de¬
tach 5000 of his army, fmall as it ivas, under his ne-
pnew Frederick, affifted by General Buckner, with
orders to harafs the enemy, and endeavour to raife the
ftege. The young prince while on his march, feiit a
foldier with a letter to the governor which was wrap¬
ped round a bullet, and which the foldier was to fwral-
low’ in cafe of his being taken by the enemy.—He had
the good fortune to get fafe into the town. The let¬
ter appnied the commander of the garrifon of the
prince s approach, and particularifed the night and
hour when he expeCed to be at a certain place near
the town, requiring him to favour his entrance.
In the middle of the night appointed, the prince fell
[ 754 1 , B1 R U
confiderable fuddenly on the enemy’s cavalry, who, unfufpicious ofBmnfwkk.
his approach, were encamped carelefsly within a mile v"
of the town. They were immediately difperfed, and
fpread fuch an alarm among the infantry, that they
alfo letreated with confiderable lofs. Early in the
morning the young prince entered Brunfwick, amidft
the acclamations of his fellow-citizens, whom he had
relieved from the horrors of a fiege. The hereditary
prince having deftroyed the French magazines in Heffe,
had been recalled by his uncle, and ordered to at¬
tempt the relief of Brunfwick. While he was advan¬
cing with all poflible fpeed, and had got within a few
leagues of the town, he received the newTs of the fiege
being raifed. On his arrival at his father’s palace, he
found his brother Frederick at table, entertaining the
French officers, who had been taken prifoners the pre¬
ceding night.
Brunswick, the duchy of, is a county of Germany,
bounded on the north by the duchy of Lunenburg ; on
the weft, by the circle of Weftphalia, from which it
is feparated by the river Wefer 5 on the fouth by Heffe,
and the little territory of Piechfield 5 and on the eaft
by Thuringia, with the principalities of Anhalt and
Halberftadt, and the duchy of Magdeburg. The ri¬
vers are, the Wefer, the Ocker, and the Lyne •, and
it is fertile both in corn and paftures. It is divided
into three principalities, Wolfenbuttle, Grubenhagen,
and Calenberg, which alfo comprehends the duchy of
Gottingen. The principality of Wolfenbuttle has its
own dukes ; but the other two belong to the eledlor
of Hanover. The territories of the houfe of Brunf¬
wick are more extenfive 5 the principal of which are
the duchies of Brunfwick and Lunenburg, with the
county of Danneburg, which is annexed thereto. The
reft are Blankenburg, Dieport, and Hoye, befides two
or three fmaller diftrifts.
Brunswick, the family of. The illuftrious and an¬
cient houfe of Brunfwick ow es its origin to Azo IV.
of the family of Efte, fon of Hugo III. marquis of Fer¬
rara in Italy. Azo, who died in 1055, left by his
wife Cunegonde, daughter and heirefs to Guelf III.
duke of Bavaria, a fon who was Guelf IV. great¬
grandfather to Henry the Lion. His fon, Guelf V.
furnamed the Valiant, was created duke of Bavaria by
the emperor Henry II. His fon, Guelf VI. married
Matilda, the richeft heirefs in Europe ; but having no
iffue, his brother Henry the Black fucceeded to his
dominions. He died in 1x25, having married Wulf-
hild daughter of Magnus, laft duke of Saxony, of the
Bulling family, by whom he had Henry the Proud,
who fucceeded to Bavaria in 1137 j and he having
married a daughter of the emperor Lotharius, his fa¬
ther-in-law granted him inveftiture of Saxony, and
meant him for his fucceffor in the empire ; but this
laft he w’as difappointed of. Dying in 1139, both
Saxony and Bavaria devolved on his fon Henry V.
furnamed the Lion. He married Maude, eldeft daugh¬
ter of King Henry II. of England, and is ahvays look¬
ed upon as the founder of the Brunfwick family : it is
therefore extremely remarkable, that his prefent ma-
jefty ftrould be defeended from one of our w’orthieft
monarchs, in whom wTere united the royal Anglo-Sax¬
on and Norman blood. The dominions peffeffed by
Henry the Lyon were the moft extenfive of any prince
of his time} but having refufed to affift the emperor
Frederick,
B R U [ <
Brunt- Frederick Barbaroffa in a war againft Pope Alexander
Brufchius. t^US tirew t':le ernPeror’s refentment on him j and
to—-y-—being already jealous of his power and abilities, all his
former fervices were forgotten ; and in the diet of
Wurtzburgin 1179 or 1180, he was profcribed. The
duchy of Bavaria w’as given to Otho Count Wittle-
patcn, from whom is defcended the prefent electoral
family of Bavaria ; the duchy of Saxony to Bernard
Afcanius, founder of the houfe of Anhalt; and all his
other territories difpofed of to different perfons. On
this^ he retired to England 5 and by his father’s inter-
cellion, Brunfwick and Lunenburg were reftored to
nim. flis wife Maude died in 1189, and he in 1x95.
Ife left three fons j but the two oldelf not leaving any
male lilue, YV illiam, the third fon, carried on the line
of the family : and his fon Otho wTas created duke of
.Brunfwick and Lunenburg in 1235', by the emperor
Ferdinand II. From him all the fucceeding dukes of
this family have defcended j and no family can boaft
or a line of princes who have more diftinguilhed them-
felves, both by their political abilities and martial a-
chievements ; and they are allied to all the principal
families in Europe. I he houfe of Brunfwick has di¬
vided into feveral branches. The prefent duke of
Brunfwick-Wolfenbuttle is fprung from the eldell;
the duke of Brunfwick-Zell was from the fecond ; and
from this laft fprung the elector of Hanover.
BRUNTISLAND, a parliament town of Fifefliire
m Scotland, fituated on the frith of Forth, eight miles
north of Edinburgh, in W. Long. 3. 5. N. Lat 56. 1 2.
It has the belt harbour on the coalt, which is formed
by a rocxy ifle eked out with piers, for there are none
on this fide the country entirely natural. This is dry
at low w ater. The church is fquare, with a Iteeple
nfing in the centre. The old caltle, built by the Du-
’ commanded both town and harbour. The place
has a natural ftrength, which, with the conveniency
of a port oppofite to the capital, made it, during the
troubles of 1560, a moll defirable pod. The French,
allies of the queen regent, fortified it ftrongly. In
>715, it was lurprifed and poflelfed by the rebels, who
here formed the bold defign of pafling over a body of
troops to the oppofite Ihore 5 which was in part exe¬
cuted under the command of Brigadier Macintolh
notwithdanding all the efforts of the men of war to
prevent it.
BRUSCHIUS, Caspar, a Latin hidorian and
poet, was born at Egra in Bohemia, in 1518. He
was devoted to books from his childhood, and efpeci-
nlly to poetry, in wdrich he gained fo much reputation,
that he attained to the poetical crown, to the dignity
ol poet laureat, and of count palatine. He wrote with
prodigious facility 5 and his verfes are extremely dow-
mg, eafy, and natural. He publilhed Latin poems on
a great variety of fubjefts j the hidory of the bilhops
and bidioprics of Germany ; hidory of German mona¬
steries ; and a great number of other works, of wdiich
a catalogue is given in Gefner’s Bibliotheque. Bruf¬
chius was far from being rich, or rather he was very
poor; fubfilling almod entirely by the benefadions of
his poetical patrons, and by prefents from the abbots
and abbeffes whole monaderies he deferibed. The li-
oeralities of fome abbots, while he was wuth Oporin at
Lafil, enabled him to buy a new fuit of clothes; but
when he found tint appearing well dreffed in the
rs 1 B R TJ
dreets procured him many marks of refpecl from the Brufli
vulgar, he tore his new finery to pieces, “ as Haves il.
that had ufurped their mailer’s honours.” Brufchius BruirelSj
feems to have been too great a philofopher for the age 'r~“‘
he lived in, or indeed for any age. He was murdered
in the fored of Scalingenbach, between Rottemberg
on the Tauber and Winlheim : and it was believed
that this affadination was concerted and carried into
execution by fome gentlemen againlt whom Brufchius
„wTas about to write fomething.
BRUSH, an affemblage of hairs and hogs bridles
fadened in the holes of a wooden handle or board,
pierced for that purpofe, ferving to cleanfe divers bo¬
dies by rubbing therewith. The manner of making
brulhes is by folding the hair or bridle in two ; and
bringing it by means of a packthread, which is enga¬
ged in. the fold, through the holes writh which the
wood is pierced ail over, being afterwards fadened
therein with glue. When the holes are thus filled,
the ends of the hair are cut to make the furface even.
Shearmen's Brush, is made of wild boars bridles ;
and ferves to lay the wrool or nap of cloth, after diear-
ing it for the lad time.
Brush, among painters, a larger and coarfer kind
oi a pencil made of hogs .bridles wherewith to lay the
colours on their large pieces. The Chinefe painters
brudi confids of the dalk of a plant ; whofe fibres be¬
ing fretted at both ends, and tied again, ferve for a
brudi.
Wer^-Brushes, are ufed by filverfmiths and gilders,
for ferubbing filver, copper, or brafs pieces, in order to
the gilding of them. There is a method of dyeing or
colouring leather, peiformed by only rubbing the co¬
lour on the Ikin with a brulh. This the French lea¬
ther-gilders call broujfure ; being the lowed of all the
lorts of dye allowed by their datutes.
Brush of a Fox, among fportfmen, fignifies his drag
or tail, the tip or end of which is called the chaf)e.
Brush is alfo ufed in fpeaking of a fmall thicket or
coppice. In this fenfe the word is formed from the
middle-age Latin brufeia, brufeius, which fignifies the
fame.
BRusH-JVooddenotes fmall {lender -wood or fpray. See
Browse.
Lrush, in FJeBr'icity, denotes the luminous appear¬
ance, of the ele&ric matter iffuing in a parcel of di-
verging rays from a point. Beccaria aferibes this ap¬
pearance to the force with which the ele&ric fluid, go¬
ing out of a point, divides the contiguous air, and
paffes through it to that which is more remote.
BRUSHING. Among jockies, a brufhing gallop
denotes a brifk one : a horfe fhould have his bruftiing
gallop in a morning before watering.
BRUSSELS, the capital of Brabant in the An¬
drian Netherlands, and generally the feat of the An¬
drian governor, is fituated on the fraall river Senne,
which runs through it. It is a rich and handfome city;
and among the public dru&ures, the ducal palace where
the governor refides, the town-houfe, and the arfenal,
are mod iuperb. No city in Europe, except Naples
and Genoa, makes a finer appearance at a didance :
but, like them, when in the town, it is all up and down
hill. It is encompaffed with a double brick wall, and
has feven gates ; but being feven miles in compafs, is
too large to hold out a long fiege. In Bruflelsate feven
5 C 2 gne
B R U [ 756 ] B
fine fquares or market places; that of the great mar- be dlftinguifhed from man.
R U
f See Si¬
mla.
ket is one of the moft beautiful in the world. The
town-houfe takes up one quarter of it; and has a very
high fleeple, on the top of which is a brazen ftatue of
St Michael, 15 feet high. In one of the apartments,
which is handlbmely adorned, the ftates of Brabant
meet. In three other rooms there is the hillory of the
refignation of Charles V. wrought in tapeflry 5 which
is lo well done, that it may be miftaken for painting.
In the other parts of the fquare are the halls of the
different trades. There are here feveral palaces of the
nobility 5 that of Orange now belongs to the king of
Pruffia. The opera-houfe is built after the Italian
manner, with rows of boxes, in which are chimneys.
One is covered over with looking-glafs, fo that they
can fit by the fire, drink a bottle, and fee what is do¬
ing. There are 20 public fountains, adorned with ffa-
tues, at the corners of the moft public ftreets; and in the
middle of the town-houfe is one with Neptune, the tri¬
tons, and the horfes fpouting out water from their no-
ftrils. The hofpitals are well endowed, fome of which
are for the maintenance of ftrangers for three days.
There is alfo a foundling hofpital, and one for penitent
courtezans. Among the churches, that of St Gudula
is very magnificent. It Hands on the top of a hill, near
the gate of Louvain, and is furrounded with iron bal-
luftrades. It is an old Gothic ftruflure, with two large
iteeples at the eaft end, and is finely adorned within.
The Jefuits have a fine church as well as a library.
There are feveral monafteries and nunneries, two of
which laid are Englilh. The nunnery, called the Be-
guinage is like a little town, being furrounded by a wall
and ditch, and has little ftreets, where each nun has an
apartment. Six or feven hundred girls are educated
here.
In 1695, Bruffels was bombarded by Marlhal Ville-
roy, who demolifhed four thoufand houfes, the lladt-
houfe, and feveral churches. In 1708, it was befieged
again by the ele&or of Bavaria; but the duke of Marl¬
borough foon came to its affiftance, and obliged him
to raife the fiege with precipitation. Marlhal Saxe,
the F rench general, took it in 1746 -, but it w7as re-
flored by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. It is much
fallen from its former fplendor ; and all the trade which
is carried on there is in lace, camblets, and tapeftry,
which are made in great perfeftion. E. Long. 4. 8.
N. Lat. 50. 51.
Brussels, the quarter or diftried of, is one of the
four parts of tdie duchy of Brabant. This quarter is
bounded on the eaft by that of Louvain ; on the north
by that of Antwerp ; on the weft by Flanders ; and
on the fouth by Hainault. Bruffcls is the capital city
of this quarter and all Brabant.
BRU I'E, a general name for all animals except
mankind.
Among brutes, the monkey kind bear the neareft re-
femblance to man, both in the external lhape and in¬
ternal ftrufdure, but more in the former than in the lat¬
ter. In the monkey kind, the higheft and the neareft
approach to the likenefs of man is the oran outang,
or Homo Syhejfns f.—The ftrufdure and economy of
brutes make the objedds of what is called Comparative
Anatomy. See Anatomy Index.
Philofophers have been much puzzled about the ef-
fential charadderiftics of brutes, by which they may
Some define a brute to Brute
be an ammal not njiblc, or a living creature incapable of ''
laughter ; others call them mute animals. The peripa¬
tetics allowed them a fenfitive power, but denied them
a rational one. 1 he Platonifts allowed them reafon and
underftanding, though in a degree lefs pure and refined
than that of men. Laddantius allows every thing to
brutes which men have, except a fenfe of religion ; and
even this has been aferibed to them by fome fceptics.
Defcartes maintained, that brutes are mere inanimate
machines, abfolutely deftitute not only of reafon but
of all thought and perception, and that all their ac¬
tions are only confequences of the exquifite mecha-
nifm of their bodies. This fyftem, however, is much
older than Defcartes ; it was borrowed by him from
Gomez Pereira, a Spanifh phyfician, who employed 30
years in compofing a treatife which he entitled Anto-
niana Margarita, from the Chriftian names of his fa¬
ther and mother. It w7as publifired in 1554: but his
opinion had not the honour of gaining partizans, or
even of being refuted •, fo that it died with him. Even
Pereira feems not to have been the inventor of this no¬
tion ; fomething like it having been held by fome of
the ancients, as we find from Plutarch and St Auguftin.
Others, who rejedted the Cartefian hypothefis, have
maintained that brutes are endowed with a foul effen-
tially inferior to that of men ; and to this foul fome
have allowed immortality, others not. And, laftly,
in a treatife publifhed by one Bougeant a Jefuit, en¬
titled, A philofophical amufemeni on the language of
heq/ls, he affirms that they are animated by evil fpirits
or devils.
The opinion of Defcartes was probably invented, or
at leaft adopted by him, to defeat two great objec¬
tions : one againft the immortality of the fouls of
brutes, if they were allowed to have any 3 the other
againft the goodnefs of God, in fuffering creatures
who had never finned, to be fubjedled to fo many
miferies. The arguments in favour of it may be Hated
as follow : 1. It is certain, that a number of human
adlions are merely mechanical ; becaufe they are done
imperceptibly to the agent, and without any direction
from the will) which are to be aferibed to the impref-
fion of objects and the primordial difpofition of the
machine, wherein the influence of the foul has no
fiiare ; of which number are all habits of the body ac¬
quired from the reiteration of certain aftions. In all
fuch circumftances, human beings are no better than
automata. 2. There are fome natural movements fo
involuntary, that we cannot reftrain them •, for ex¬
ample, that admirable mechanifm ever on the watch
to preferve an equilibrium, when we ftoop, bend, or
incline our bodies in any way, and when we walk up¬
on a narrow plank. 3. The natural liking for, and
antipathy againft, certain objefts, wffiich in children
precede the pow’er of knowing and diferiminating
them, and which fometimes in grown perfons triumph
over all the efforts of reafon ; are all phenomena to be
accounted for from the w'onderful mechanifm of the
body, and are fo many cogent proofs of that irrefift-
ible influence which objefls have on the human frame.
4. Every one knows how much our paffions depend
on the degree of motion into wffiich the blood is put,
and the reciprocal impreffions caufed by the animal-
fpirits between the heait and bxain, that are fo clofely
, connected
B R U [ 7
Brute, connected by their nerves 5 and if fuch effeifts raav be
produced by fuch Ample mechanical means as the
mere increafe of motion in the blood, without any di¬
rection of the will, we are not to wonder at the ac¬
tions of brutes being the effects only of a refined
mechanifm, without thought or perception. 5. A far¬
ther proof will arife from a confideration of the many
wonderful effeCts which even the ingenuity of men has
contrived to bring about by mechanical means ; the
androide, for inltance, of Mr Kempell, which plays
at chefs. Now, it is not to be queltioned, but that
the mechanifm of the body of the meaneft animal in¬
finitely furpaffes that of Mr Kempell’s machine ; and
what can be the confequence of this, but that the ac¬
tions of that animal mull be proportionably more fur-
prifing than thofe of the wooden chefs-player ? See
An droid es and Automaton.
The above is a Ihort abllraCl of all the arguments
that are brought in favour of the Cartelian fyftem :
but they are evidently very far from being conclufive.
They are deficient, in the firll place, becaufe, though
we allow them in the utmoll extent the Cartefians
themfelves can defire, they prove only the polfibility
of brutes being inanimate, and that the porver of God
actually could produce fuch and fuch aftions from in¬
animate machines j but that he adually hath done fo,
they have not the leal! tendency to prove. In the fe-
cond place, the Cartefian argument is infufficient, be¬
caufe it hath no limits, and knows not where to Hop j
as, by the fame method of arguing, every man might
prove his neighbour to be an inanimate machine : for
though every individual be confcious of his own
thoughts, he is not fo of thofe of his neighbours 5 and
it no more exceeds the power of God to caufe an in¬
animate machine perform the aflions of a man than
thofe of a beaft. Neither are the two objections which
the hypothefis is calculated to anfwer, to be at all ad¬
mitted as arguments in its favour. They are, 1. That
if we allow brutes to have fouls, they mull be imma¬
terial, and confequently immortal : and, 2. It feems a
contradiction to the goodnefs of God to think that he
fliould fubjeCt innocent creatures to fuch a multitude of
evils as we fee the brute creation endure in this world.
1 he firft of thefe is productive of no bad confequen-
ces to us, though it Ihould be granted : and if it is
fuppofed that the brute creatures are really immortal,
the fecond objection vanilhes; becaufe, in the enjoy¬
ment of endleis felicity, all temporary afflictions, how
fevere foever, mult be fwallowed up as though they had
never been.
As to a pofitive proof on the other fide, viz. that
. brutes are really endowed with fenfation and confci-
oufnefs, there is undoubtedly the fame evidence for
the fenfibility of brutes that there is for that of man¬
kind. We fee brutes avoid pain as much as we do;
and we likewife fee them feek for pleafure and exprefs
their happinefs in the enjoyment of certain things by
figns not at all equivocal. Therefore, though we
grant the poffibility of all this being the efifeCI of mere
mechanilm ; yet, as we are confcious that in ourfelves
fimilar effeCts are produced by a fentient principle, we
have all the reafon in the world to conclude that in
brutes they are likewife derived from a principle of
feufation ; efpecially feeing we know of no kind of
mechanifm in any other part of nature that produces
57 ] B r u
any thing like the efiefts juft mentioned ; and until
we fee that a mechanifm of this kind does take place
in iome part of nature, we have no right to fuppofe it
in any. As to thofe aftions of the human body in
which it feems to move fpontaneoully, like an auto¬
maton, without the direCIion of the mind or will, it
is almoft fuperfluous to obferve, that they were not
performed in this manner originally, but required very
great exertions of the will and intelleCIual faculty be¬
fore the body could be brought to perform them eafi-
ly 5 that from this nothing can be inferred. Add to
this, that divine revelation lets forth to us in many
places the brute creation as objeCls of mercy ; which
could not be done without the higheft abfurdity, if
they were not really capable of feeling pleafure' and
pain as wTell as wTe.
The molt rational oppofers of the Cartefian fcheme
maintain, that brutes are endowed with a principle of
fenlation as well as we} though of an inferior nature
to ours. Great difputes, however, have arifen on
this lubjeft 5 fome maintaining, that the foul of brutes
is merely fenfitive, and that they are altogether defti-
tute of refle&ion and underftanding ; others, that they
not only reafon, but make a better ufe of it than men
do. I hat the brutes are endowed only with fenfa¬
tion, and totally deftitute of all power of reftedlion,
or even reafoning, is what can by no means be main¬
tained on good grounds : neither can it be afferted
that they aft entirely from inftindl, or a blind propen-
fity to certain things, without knowing why or where¬
fore. In numberlefs inftances, needlefs to be men¬
tioned here, but which will readily occur to every
reader, it is evident, that education will get the bet¬
ter of many of the natural inftinas of brutes j which
could never be the cafe w'ere they abfolutely incapable
of reafoning. On the other hand, it is equally cer¬
tain,^ that they are by no means capable of educa¬
tion in the fame degree that men are ; neither are the
rational exertions of beafts at all to be compared even
with thole of the meaneft favages. One remarkable
inftance of this is in the ufe of the element of fire.
The moll favage nations have known how to make
this element fubfervient to their purpofes; or if fome
have been found who have been entirely ignorant of
its exiftence, they have quickly learned its ufes on
feeing it made ufe of by others : but though many of
the brute creatures are delighted with warmth, and
have opportunities every day of feeing how fire is fup-
plied with fuel,.and by that means’prelerved, it never
was known that one of them attempted to preferve a
fire by this means. This fhows a. ftrange defeft of
rationality, unaccountable upon any other fuppofition
than that the foul or fentient principle of brutes is fome
how or other inferior in its nature to that of man ; but
ftill it is a fentient principle,. capable of perceptions
as quick, and in many inftances much more fo than
our own.
Father Bougeant fupports his opinion of the fpirits
of brute creatures being devils in the following man¬
ner : Having proved at large that beafts naturally have
underftanding, “Reafon (lays he) naturally inclines
us to believe that beafts have a fpiritual foul ; and the
only thing that, oppofes this fentiment is, the confe-
quences that might be inferred from it. If brutes have
a foulj that foul muft be either matter or fpirit j it mull
^ be-
Brute.
B R U t 758 ] B R U
°n® °f tlie Jwo’ and yet y°u dare affirm neither. Having mentioned the prejudices againft this hvpo-
You dare not fay it is matter, becaufe you muft then thefis, fuch particularly as the pleafure which people
necenarily fuppofe matter to be capable of thinking j of fenfe and religion take in beads and birds efne-
nor will you lay that it is fpmt, this opinion bringing daily all forts of domeftic animals ; he proceeds’ “ Do
vvith it confequences contrary to the principles of reli- we love beads for their own fakes ? No As they are
gion ; and this, among others, that man would differ altogether drangers to human fociety, they can have
from beads only by the degrees of plus and minus j no other appointment but that of being ufeful and
which would dernohdi the very foundation of all reli- amufing. And what care we whether it be a devil or
gion. Therefore, if I can elude all thefe confequences ; any other creature that amufes us ? The thought of
it I can adign to beads a fpiritual foul, without dri- it, far from diocking, pleafes me mightily. I with
king at the dodrines of religion •, it is evident, that my gratitude admire the goodnefs of the Creator who
fydem, being moreover the mod agreeable to reafon, gave me fo many little’devils to ferve and amufe me
is the only warrantable hypothefis. Now I diall, and If I am told that thefe poor devils are doomed to fuf-
can do it, with the greated eafe imaginable. I even fer eternal tortures, I admire God’s decrees, but I
have means, by the fame method, to explain many have no manner of (hare in that dreadful fentence • I
very obfcure padages in the Holy Scripture, and to leave the execution of it to the fovereign judge; and
refolve fome very great difficulties which are not well notwithdanding this, I live with my little devils as I
confuted. This we diall unfold in a more particular do with a multitude of people, of whom religion in-
manner. . forms me that a great number diall be damned. But
“ Religion teaches us, that the devils, from the the cure of a prejudice is not to be eifeaed in a mo-
very moment they had finned, were reprobate, and ment : it is done by time and refieftion : give me leave
that they were doomed to burn for ever in hell j but then lightly to touch upon this difficulty, in order to
the church has not yet determined whether they do obferve a very important thing to you.
a finally endure the torments to which they are con- “ Perfuaded as we are that beads have intelligence
demned. It may then be thought that they do not have we not all of us a thoufand times pitied them for
. et fuder them, and that the execution ot the verdift the excedive evils which the majority of them are ex-
brought againd them is referved for the day of the fi- pofed to, and in reality differ ? How unhappy is the
nal judgment.—Nowr what I pretend to infer from condition of horfes ! we are apt to fay upon feeing a
hence is, that, till doomfday comes, God, in order horfe whom an unmerciful carman is murdering with
not to differ fo many.legions of reprobate fpirits to be blows. How miferable is the dog whom they are break-
ol no ufe, has didributed them through the feveral ing for hunting ! How difmal is the fate of beads
(paces of the world,, to ferve the defigns of his Provi- living in woods ! they are perpetually expofed to the
dence, and make his omnipotence to appear. Some, injuries of the weather; always feized with apprehen-
continuing in their natural date, bufy themfelves in fions of becoming the prey of hunters, or of fome
tempting men, in deducing and tormenting them; wilder animal; for ever obliged, after long fatigue, to
either immediately,, as Job’s devil, and thofe that lay look out for fome poor infipid food ; often differing
hold of human bodies; or by the minidry of forcerers cruel hunger ; and fubjeft, moreover, to illnefs and
or phantoms. Thefe wicked fpirits are thofe whom death ! If men are fubjefl to a multitude of miferies
the feripture calls the powers of darhnefs or the poxv- that overwhelm them, religion acquaints us with the
ers of the air. God, with the others, makes millions reafon of it ; viz. the being born finners. But what
of beads of all kinds, which ferve for the ufes of men, crimes can beads have committed by birth to be fub-
which fill the univerfe, and caufe the wifdom and om- jeft to evils fo very cruel ? What are we, then, to
nipotence or the Creator to be admired. By that think of the horrible exceffes of miferies undergone
means I can eafily conceive, on the one hand, how the by beads ? miferies, indeed, far greater than thofe en-
devils can tempt us; and on the other, how beads dured by men. This is, in any other fydem, an in-
can think, know, have fentiments, and a fpiritual comprehenfible mydery ; whereas nothing is more eafy
foul, without any way driking at the do&rines of re- to be conceived from the fydem I propofe. The rebel-
ligion. I am no longer furprifed to fee them have lious fpirits deferve a punidiment dill more rigorous, and
iorecad, memory, and judgment. I diould rather have happy it is for them that their punidiment is deferred,
occafion to wonder at their having no more, fince their In a word, God’s goodnefs is vindicated, man himfelf
loul very likely is more perfedl than ours. But I is judified : for what right can we have, without ne-
difeover. the reafon of this; it is becaufe, in beads as ceffity, and often in the way of mere diverfion, to
well as in ourfelves, the operations of the mind are de- take away the life of millions of beads if God had
pendent on the material organs of the machine to not authorifed us fo to do ? And beads being as fen-
which it is united ; and. thofe organs being groffer and fible as ourfelves of pain and death, how could a juft
Ids per fed than in us, it follows, that the knowledge, and merciful God have given man that privilege, if
ihe thoughts, and the other fpiritual operations of the they w^ere not fo many guilty vidims of the divine ven-
beafts, mud ot courfe be lefs perfed than ours ; And geance ?
if thefe.proud fpirits. know their own difmal date, what “But hear dill fomething more convincing, and
a humiliation mud it be to them, thus to lee them- of greater confequence : beads, by nature, are ex-
lelves reduced to the condition of beads ! But, whe- tremely vicious. We know' wHl that they never fin,
ther they know it or not, fo lhameful a degradation is becaufe they are not free ; but this is the only condi-
ihll, with regard to them, the primary effed. of the tion wanting to make them finners. The voracious
divine vengeance I juft mentioned : it is an anticipated birds and beads of prey are cruel. Many infeds of
'ie^“ we and the fame fpccies devour one another. Cats
are
Brute.
Urate.
B R U [ 759 1 B R U
are perfidious and ungrateful; monkeys are mifchie-
vous j and dogs envious. All beads in general are
jealous and revengeful to excefs ; not to mention many
other vices we obferve in them : and at the fame time
that they are by nature fo very vicious, they have, fay
we, neither the liberty nor any helps to refill the bias
that hurries them into fo many bad actions. They are,
according to the fchools, neceflitated to do evil, to dif-
concert the general order, to commit whatever is moll
contrary to the notion we have of natural juftice and
to the principles of virtue. What monfters are thefe
in a world originally created for order and juftice to
reign in ? This is, in good'part, what formerly per-
fuaded the Manicheans, that there were of neceftxty two
orders of things, one good, and the other bad ; and
that the beads were not the work of the good principle:
a monftrous error ! But how then fhall we believe that
beafts came out of the hands of their Creator with qua¬
lities fo very ftrange ! If man is fo very wicked and
corrupt, it is becaufe he has himfelf through fin per¬
verted the happy nature that God had given him at his
creation. Of two things, then, we mull fay one : ei¬
ther that God has taken delight in making beafts fo
vicious as they are, and of giving us in them models
of what is moft ftiameful in the w'orld j or that they
have, like man, original fin, which has perverted their
primitive nature.
“ The firft of thefe propofitions finds very difficult
accefs to the mind, and is an exprefs contradi£lion to
the holy feriptures ; which fay, that whatever came
out of God’s hands, at the time of the creation of the
world, was good, yea very good. What good can
there be in a monkey’s being fo very mifehievous, a
dog fo full of envy, a cat fo malicious ? But then
many authors have pretended, that beafts, before man’s
fall, were different from what they are nowj and that it
was in order to puniffi man that they became fo wficked.
But this opinion is a mere fuppofition of which there is
not the leaft footftep in holy Scripture. It is a piti¬
ful fubterfuge to elude a real difficulty : this at moft
might be faid of the beafts with whom man has a fort
of correfpondence *, but not at all of the birds, fifties,
and infers, which have no manner of relation to him.
We muft then have recourfe to the fecond propofition,
That the nature of beafts has, like that of man, been
corrupted by fome original fin : Another hypothefis,
void of foundation, and equally inconfiftent with rea-
fon and religion, in all the fyftems which have been
hitherto efpoufed concerning the fouls of beafts. What
party are we to take ? Why, admit of my fyftem, and
all is explained. The fouls of beafts are refraftory
fpirits which have made themfelves guilty towards
God. The fin in beafts is no original fin 5 it is a per-
fonal crime, which has corrupted and perverted their
nature in its whole fubftance *, hence all the vices and
corruption we obferve in them, though they can be no
longer criminal, becaufe God, by irrevocably reproba¬
ting them, has at the fame time diverted them of their
liberty.”
Thefe quotations contain the ftrength of Father Bou-
geant’s hypothefis, which alfo hath had its followers $
but the reply to it is obvious. Beafts, though remark¬
ably mifehievous, are not completely fo ; they are in
many inftances capable of gratitude and love, which
devils cannot poffibly be. The very fame paffions that
are in the brutes exift in the human nature and if Brute.
wre choofe to argue from the exiftence of thofe paffions,y—J
and the afcendency they have over mankind at fome
times, we may fay with as great juftice, that the fouls
of men are devils, as that the fouls of brutes are. All
that can be reafonably inferred from the greater pre¬
valency of the malignant paffions among the brutes
than among men, is, that the former have lefs ration¬
ality than men : and accordingly it is found, that among
favages, who exercife their reafon lefs than other men,
every fpecies of barbarity is praftifed, without being
deemed a crime.
On the prefent fubjeft there is a very ingenious
treatife in German, publifhed by the late Profeffo^
Bergman, under the title (as tranflated) of “ Refearches
defigned to ffiow what the Brute animals certainly
tfre no/, and alfo what they probably are.”—That
they are no/ machines, he proves with more detail
than feemed neceffary for refuting a hypothefis which
W’ould equally tend to make ns all machines. It
is certain, that the half-reafoning elephant cannot be
deemed a machine, by us, from any other confidera-
tion, than that he goes upon four feet, while we go
upon two } and he might as well take us for mere ma¬
chines becaufe we go upon two feet, while he goes up¬
on four.
But if animals are not mere machines, what are
they ? Manifeftly fenfitive beings, with an immate¬
rial principle; and thinking or reafoning beings, to a
certain degree. In certain claffes of animals this ap¬
pears evident to our author, who feems to have ob-
ferved with great fagacity and attention their various
operations and proceedings, their ways and means, &c.
He thinks it impoffible to deduce this variety of aftion,
in any animals (if we except thofe of the loweft claffes
in the gradation of intelligence), from a general and
uniform inftinft. For they accommodate their ope¬
rations to times and circumftances. They combine j
they choofe the favourable moment; they avail them¬
felves of the occafion, and feem to receive inftruftion
by experience. Many of their operations announce
reflexion : the bird repairs a (battered neft, inftead of
conftrudling inftindtively a new one : the hen, who
has been robbed of her eggs, changes her place in or¬
der to lay the remainder wfith more fecurity : the cat
difeovers both care and artifice in concealing her kit¬
tens. Again, it is evident, that, on many occafions,
animals know their faults and miftakes, and correct
them; they fometimes contrive the moft ingenious me¬
thods of obtaining their ends, and when one method
fails have recourfe to another j and they have, without
doubt, a kind of language for the mutual communica¬
tion of their ideas. How is all this to be accounted
for (fays our author), unlefs we fuppofe them endow¬
ed with the powers of perceiving, thinking, remem¬
bering, comparing, and judging ? They have thefe
powers, indeed, in a degree inferior to that in which
they are poffeffed by the human fpecies, and form
claffes below them in the graduated fcale of intelli¬
gent beings. But (fill it fetms to our author unrea-
fonable to exclude them from the place which the prin¬
ciples of found philofophy, and fadls afeertained by
conftant obfervation, affign to them in the great and
diverfified fphere of life, fenfation, and intelligence;—
he does not, however, confider them as beings whofe
j aflions
B R U [ 760 ] B R XJ
"Erute. a6llons are dlrefted to moral ends, nor confequently as
^ "" — v 11 " accountable and proper fubjefts for reward or punijh-
ment in a future world.
That brute animals poffefs refleftion and fentiment,
and are fufceptible of the kindly as well as the irafcible
paflions, independently of fexual attachment and na¬
tural affection, is evident from the numerous inftances
of affeftion and gratitude daily obfervable in different
animals, particularly the dog. Of thofe and other fen-
timents, fuch as pride, and even a fenfe of glory, the
elephant exhibits proofs equally furprifing and indubi¬
table, as the reader may fee under the article Ele-
phas.
White sNa- As to the natural afFeflion of brutes, fays an inge-
'isfal^ n'ous writeri il the more I reflefl on it, the more I am
dome. aftonifhed at its effedls. Nor is the violence of this
affeftion more wonderful than the flrortnefs of its du¬
ration. Thus every hen is in her turn the virago of the
yard, in proportion to the helplelfnefs of her brood •,
and will dy in the face of a dog or a fow in defence of
thofe chickens which in a few weeks die will drive
before her with relentlefs cruelty. This affeftion
fublimes the paflions, quickens the invention, and
lharpens the fagacity of the brute creation. Thus a
hen, juft become a mother, is no longer that placid
bird fhe ufed to be, but with feathers Handing on end,
wings hovering, and clocking note, (lie runs about like
one polfelfed. Dams will throw themfelves in the rvay
of the greateft danger in order to avert it from their
progeny. Thus a partridge will tumble along before
a fportfman, in order to draw away the dogs from her
helplefs covey. In the time of nidification the molt
feeble birds will aflault the moft rapacious. All the
hirundines of a village are up in arms at the fight of
a hawk, whom they will perfecute till he leaves that
diftrift. A very exaft obferver has often remarked,
that a pair of ravens neftling in the rock of Gibraltar
would fuffer no vulture or eagle to reft near their fta-
tion, but would drive them from the hill with ama¬
zing fury: even the blue thrufh at the feafon of breed¬
ing would dart out from the clefts of the rocks to chafe
away the keftril or the fparrow-hawk, If you ftand
near the neft of a bird that has young, fhe will not be
induced to betray them by an inadvertent fondnefs,
but wall wait about at a diftance with meat in her
mouth for an hour together. The flycatcher builds
every year in the vines that grow on the walls of my
houfe. A pair of thefe little birds had one year inad¬
vertently placed their neft on a naked bough, perhaps
in a fhady time, not being aware of the inconvenience
that followed } but a hot funny feafon coming on be¬
fore the brood was half fledged, the refledlion of the
wTall became infupportable, and muft inevitably have
deftroyed the tender young, had not affeftion fuggeft-
ed an expedient, and prompted the parent-birds to
hover over the neft all the hotter hours, while with
wings expanded and mouths gaping for breath they
fereened off the heat from their fuffering offspring. A
farther inftance I once faw of notable fagacity in a
willow-wren, which had built in a bank in my fields.
This bird, a friend and rnyfelf had obferved as (he fat
in her neft; but were particularly careful not to difturb
her, though we faw flie eyed us with fome degree of
jealoufy. Some days after, as we paffed that way, w^e
■were defirous of remarking how this brood went on ;
but no neft could be found, till I happened to take up Brute,
a large bundle of long green mofs as it were carelefsly v—
thrown over the neft, in order to dodge the eye of any
impertinent intruder.”
A wonderful fpirit of fociality in the brute creation,
independent of fexual attachment, has been frequently
remarked. Many horfes, though quiet with company,
will not flay one minute in a field by themfelves : the
ftrongeft fences cannot reftrain them. A horfe has been
known to leap out at a liable window through which
dung was thrown after company ; and yet in other
refpedls is remarkably quiet. Oxen and cows will not
fatten by themfelves; but will neglect the fineft pa-
fture that is not recommended by fociety. It would
be needlefs to inftance in flieep, which conirantly flock
together. But this propenfity feems not to be confi¬
ned to animals of the fame fpecies. In the work laft
quoted, we axe told of “ a doe ftill alive, that was
brought up from a little fawn with a dairy of cows;
with them it goes a-field, and with them it returns to
the yard. The dogs of the houfe take no notice of
this deer, being ufed to her ; but if ftrange dogs come
by, a chafe enfues; while the mailer fmiles to fee his
favourite fecurely leading her purfuers over hedge, or
gate, or ftyle, till flie returns to the cows, who with
fierce lowings and menacing horns drive the affailants
quite out of the pafture.”
Even great difparity of kind and fize does not al¬
ways pi'event focial advances and mutual fellow’lhip.
Of this the following remarkable inftance is given in
the fame wmrk : “ A very intelligent and obfervant
perfon has affured me, that in the former part of his
life, keeping but one horfe, he happened alfo on a time
to havf but one folitary hen. Thefe turn incongruous
animals fpent much of their time together in a lonely
orchard, -where they faw no creature but each other.
By degrees an apparent regard began to take place be¬
tween thefe twm fequeftered individuals. The fowl
would approach the quadruped wuth notes of compla¬
cency rubbing herfelf gently again!! his legs; while
the horfe would look down with fatisfaftion, and move
with the greateft caution and circumfpe&ion, left he
Ihould trample on his diminutive companion. Thus by
mutual good offices each feemed to confole the vacant
hours of the other ; fo that Milton, when he puts the
followdng fentiment in the mouth of Adam, feems to
be fomewhat miftaken :
Much lefs can bird with beaft, or filh -with fowl,
So well converfe, nor with the ox the ape.
In the Gentleman’s Magazine for March 1788 we
have the following anecdotes of a raven, commurucated
by a correfpondent who does not fign his name, but
who fays it is at the fervice of the doubtful. The ra¬
ven alluded to “lives, or did live three years fince, at
the Red Lion at Hungerford; his name, 1 think, is Rafe.
You muft know then, that coining into that inn, my
chaife run over or bruifed the leg of my Newfoundland
dog; and while we were examining the injury done to
-the dog’s foot, Rafe was evidently a concerned fpecia-
tor; for the minute the dog was tied up under the
manger with my horfe, Rafe not only vifited but
fetched him bones, and attended upon him with parti¬
cular and repeated marks,of kindnefs. The bird’s no¬
tice of the dog was fo marked, that I obferved it to the
hoftler;
B R U [ 761 1 B R U
hoftler j for I had not heard a word before of the hi-
ftory of this benevolent creature. John then told me,
that he had been bred from his pin-feather in intimacy
with a dog •, that the affedfion between them was mu¬
tual ; and that all the neighbourhood had often been
witneffes of the innumerable adls of kindnefs they had
conferred upon each other. Rafe’s poor dog, after a
while, unfortunately broke his leg; and during the long
time he was confined, Rafe waited upon him conftant-
ly, carried him his provifions daily, and never fcarce
left him alone! One night by accident the hoftler had
Ihut the liable door, and Rafe was deprived of the com¬
pany of his friend the whole night ; but the holller
found in the morning the bottom of the door fo pecked
away, that had it not been opened, Rafe would in an¬
other hour have made his own entrance-port. I then
inquired of my landlady (a fenfible woman), and heard
what I have related confirmed by her, with leveral other
lingular traits of the kindneffes this bird {hows to all
dogs in general, but particularly to maimed or wounded
ones. I hope, and believe, however, the bird is Hill li¬
ving 5 and the traveller will find I have not over-rated
this wonderful bird’s merit.”
To thefe inftances of attachment between incon¬
gruous animals from a fpirit of fociality or the feelings
of fympathy, may be added the following inllance of
fondnefs from a different motive, recounted by Mr
White, in the work already fo frequently quoted. “ My
friend had a little helplefs leveret brought to him,
which the fervants fed with milk in a fpoon; and a-
bout the fame time his cat kittened, and the young
were difpatched and buried. The hare was foon loft,
and fuppofed to be gone the way of mod foundlings,
or to be killed by fome dog or cat. However, in
about a fortnight, as the mailer was fitting in his gar¬
den in the dulk of the evening, he obferved his cat,
with tail ereft, trotting towards him, and calling
with little Ihort inward notes of complacency, fuch
as they ufe towards their kittens, and fomething
gambling after, which proved to be the leveret w'hich
the cat had fupported with her milk, and continued
to fupport with great affection. Thus was a grami¬
nivorous animal nurtured by a carnivorous and preda¬
ceous one !
“ Why fo cruel and fanguinary a beaft as a cat, of
the ferocious genus of Feiis, the murium leo, as Linnaeus
calls it, ftiould be affe&ed with any tendernefs towards
an animal which is its natural prey, is not fo eafy to
determine. This ftrange affeflion probably was occa-
iioned by that d fiderium, thofe tender maternal feel¬
ings, wdiich the lofs of her kittens had awTakened in her
breaft j and by the complacency and eafe fire derived
to herfelf from the procuring her teats to be drawn,
which were too much diftended with milk, till from
habit lire became as much delighted with this foundling
as if it had been her real offspring.
“ This incident is no bad folution of that ftrange
circumftance which grave hiftorians as well as the
poets affert, of expofed children being fometimes nur¬
tured by female wild beafts that probably had loft their
young. For it is not one whit more marvellous that
Romulus and Remus, in their infant Hate, Ihould be
nurfed by a Ihe-wolf, than that a poor little fucking
leveret Ihould be follered and cherilhed by a bloody
grimalkin.
Vol. IV. Part If.
   Viridi feet am Mavortis in antro Brute.
ProcubuiJJ'e lupam: geminos huic ubera circum ' ’ * "
Ludere pendentes pueros, et lambere matrem
Impavidos : illam tereti cervice rejiexam
Mulcere alternos, et corpora jingere lingual
But befides the different qualities enumerated, be-
fides refleftion and fagacity often in an allonilhing de¬
gree, and befides the fentiments and adlions prompted
by focial or natural attachments, certain brutes feem
on many occafions infpired with a fuperior faculty, a
kind of prefentiment or fecond fight as it were, with
regard to events and defigns altogether unforefeen by
the rational beings whom they concern. Of the facul¬
ty alluded to, various inftances will probably confill
with the knowledge or the recolleflion of moll of our
readers: We lhall therefore only recite the following
on account of its unqueltionable authenticity. At the
feat of the late earl of Lichfield, three miles from Blen¬
heim, there is a portrait in the dining-room of Sir
Henry Lee, by Johnllon, wfith that of a malliff-dog
which faved his life. It feems a fervant had formed the
defign of affaflinating his mailer and robbing the houfe j
but the night he had fixed on, the dog, which had ne¬
ver been much noticed by Sir Henry, for the firft time
followed him up Hairs, got under his bed, and could
not be got from thence by either mailer or man : in
the dead of night, the fame fervant entered the room
to execute his horrid defign j but was inllantly feized
by the dog, and being fecured confeffed his intentions.
There are ten quaint lines in one corner of the pidlure,
which conclude thus:
But in my dog, whereof I made no llore,
I find more love than thofe I trufted more.
Upon what hypothefis can we account for a degree
of forefight and penetration fuch as this ? Or will it
be fuggelled, as a lolution of the difficulty, that a dog
may poffibly become capable in great meafure of un-
derftanding human difeourfe, and of reafoning and
adling accordingly ; and that, in the prefent inltance,
the villain had either uttered his defign in foliloquy,
or imparted it to an accomplice, in the hearing of the
animal ?
It has been much difputed whether the brutes have
any language whereby they can exprefs their minds to
each other j or whether all the noife they make confifts
only of cries inarticulate, and unintelligible even to
themfelves. We are, however, too little acquainted
with the intelledlual faculties of thefe creatures to be
able to determine this point. Certain it is, that their
paffions, when excited, are generally produtlive of fome
peculiar cry ; but whether this be defigned as an ex-
preffion of the paffion to others, or only a mechanical
motion of the mufcles of the larynx occafioned by the
paffion, is what we have no means of knowing. We
may indeed, from analogy, conclude, with great rea-
fon, that fome of the cries of bealls are really expref-
fions of their fentiments j but whether one beaft: is ca¬
pable of forming a defign, and communicating that de¬
fign by any kind of language to others, is what we
fubmit to the judgment of the reader, after giving the
following inftance which among others is brought as
a proof of it by Father Bougeant. “ A fparrow finding
a nell that a martin had juft built, Handing very con-
5 D veniently
Bmtuii
il
Brutus.
B R IT [
veniently for him, poffeffed himfelf of it. The mar¬
tin, feeing the ufurper in her houfe, called for help to
, expel him. A thoufand martins came full fpeed, and
attacked the fparrow j but the latter being covered on
every fide, and prefenting only his large beak at the
entrance of the nelf, was invulnerable, and made the
boldelt of them who duril: approach him repent of
their temerity. After a quarter of an hour’s combat,
all the martins difappeared. The fparrow thought he
had got the better, and the fpeffators judged that the
martins had abandoned their undertaking. Not in the
leaft. Immediately they returned to the charge j and
each of them having procured a little of that tempered
earth with which they make their nefis, they all at
once fell upon the fparrow, and inclofed him in the
neft to perilh there, though they could not drive him
thence. Can it be imagined that the martins could
have been able to hatch and concert this defign all of
R U
Camber had Wales, and Brutus
II
Bryant.
them together, without fpeaking to each other, or
without fome medium of communication equivalent to
language ?”
BRUTTII, in Anae7it Geography, one of the two
pemnfulas of Italy, the ancient Calabria being the
other; firetching to the fouth towards Sicily; bound¬
ed by the fea on every fide except by the iflhmus,
between the river Laus and the Thurii, where it is
terminated by Lucania ; inhabited by the Bruttii, for
whofe country the ancient Romans had no peculiar
name, calling both the people and the country in-
difcriminately Bruttii. This and a part of Lucania,
was the ancient Italia, (Stephanus). It was called
which in Greek fignifies pitch, from the great
quantity of it produced there, (Bochart). It is di¬
vided into two coarts by the Apennine ; that on the
Tufcan and that on the Ionian fea. Now called
Calabria Ultra. Different from the ancient Cala¬
bria or Meffapia, to the eaft on the Adriatic or Io¬
nian fea, and which formed the other peninfula or heel
<>t the leg, now called Calabria Citra, the Bruttii
forming the foot.
BRUTTQN, a town of Somerfetfiiire, in England.
It is fituated on the river Brew ; and is a good place
and well inhabited. It is adorned with a very beau¬
tiful church j has a free fchool, founded by Ed¬
ward I; and the alms houfe or hofpital is fo good,
that it has the appearance of a college. They have
a woollen manufactory of cloth and ferges, and they
are likewife noted for their malt. W. Long. 2. 30.
N. Lat. 51. 15.
BRUTUS, or Brute, according to the old explo¬
ded hiftory of this country by Geoffrey of Monmouth,
was the firft king of Britain. He is faid to have been
the Ion of Sylvius, and he of Alcanius the fon of
vEneas, and born in Italy: killing his father by chance,
he fled into Greece, where he took King Pa'drofus
prifoner, who kept the Trojans in llavery,' whom he
releafed on condition of providing flops, &c. for the
Trojans to forfake the land. Being advifed by the
oracle to fail weft beyond Gaul, he after fome adven¬
tures, landed at Totnefs in Devonlhire. Albion was
then inhabited by a remnant of giants, whom Brutus
defiroyed ; and called the ifland after his own name
Bt 'itain. He built a city called New Troy, fince Lon¬
don 5 and having reigned here 24 years, at his death
parcelled the ifland among his three fons: Locrine had
762 ] B
the middle, called Loegria j
AlbanaCl Scotland.
Brutus, Lucius Junius, the avenger of the rape
of Lucretia, and founder of the Roman republic,
flourilhed 500 years before Chrift. See. (Hi/lory of)
Rome.
Brutus, Marcus, the paflionate lover of his coun¬
try, and chief confpirator againft Ctefar, flew himfelf
on lofing the battle of Philippi, 42 years before Chrifi.
See (Hi/lory of) Rome.
Brutus, fohn Michael, a man of learning, and a
polite writer, in the 16th century. He was a native
of Venice j and, having ftudied at Padua, fpent great
part of his life in travelling, and became hiftorio-
grapher to his imperial majefty. He wrote. 1. A
hiftory of Hungary. 2. A hiitory of Florence. 3.
Notes on Horace, Caefar, Cicero, &c. ; and other
works. He was living in the year 1590.
Brutus, Stephen Junius, the difguifed author of a
political work,. entitled Vmdicia contra tyrannos. See
Languet.
BRUT ERE, John de x,a, a celebrated French au¬
thor, -was born at Dourdan in the year 1664. He
wrote chara&ers, defcribing the manners of his age, in
imitation ol Theophraftus j which characters were not
always imaginary or general, but defcriptive, as -was
well known, of perfons of confiderable rank. In the
year 1693, he was by an order of the king chofen a
member of the French Academy; and died in the year
1696.—“ The characters of Bruyere (fays Voltaire),
may juftly be ranked among the extraordinary produc¬
tions of this age. Antiquity furniihes no examples of
fuch a work. A ftyle rapid, concife, and nervous ; ex-
preflion animated and pidturefque ; an ufe of language
altogether new, without offending againft its eftablifti-
ed rules, ftruck the public at firft ; and the allufions,
which are crowded in almoft every page, completed
its fuccefs. When La Bruyere Ihowed his work in
manufcript to Malefieux, this laft told him, that the
book would have many readers, and its author many
enemies. It fomeuEat funk in the opinion of men,
when that wEole generation whofe follies it attacked
were paffed away ; yet as it contains many things ap¬
plicable to all times and places, it is more than pro¬
bable that it will never be forgotten.”
BRUYIERS, a towm of Lorrain in Vofque, with
a provoftflfip. E. Long. 6. 45. N. Lat. 48. 15.
BRYANS bridge, a town of Ireland, in the coun¬
ty of Clare and province of Connaught, feated on the
river Shannon, eight miles north of Limerick. W. Long.
8. 30. N. Lat. 32. 31.
BRYANT, Sir Francis, a foldier, ftatefman, and
a poet of no inconfiderable fame in his time, was born
of a genteel family, educated at Oxford, and afterwards
fpent fome time in travelling abroad. In the year 1522,
the 14th of Henry VIII. he attended in a military ca¬
pacity the earl of Surrey in his expedition to the coalt
of Brittany ; and commanded the troops in the attack
of the town of Morlaix, which he took and burnt. For
this fervice he was knighted on the fpot by the earl.
In 1528, he was in Spain ; but on wEat fervice is
doubtful. In 1529, he was fent ambaffador to France ;
and the year following, to Rome, on account of the
king’s divorce. He had alfo been there in 1522, in the
fame capacity, when Cardinal Wolfey’s eleftien to the
holy
Biye
B R
holy fee was in agitation,
is privy chamber to King Henry VIIL and to his fuc-
ceffbr Edward VI. in the beginning of whole reign he
marched with the protector againft the Scots 5 and af¬
ter the battle of Muflelburgh, in which he commanded
the light horfe, was made banneret. In 1548, he was
appointed chief governor of Ireland, where he married
the countefs of Ormond. He died foon after, and wras
buried at Waterford. He wrrote, x. Songs and Sonnets;
feme of which were printed with thofe of the earl-of
Surrey and Sir Thomas Wyatt. Lond. 1565. 2. Let¬
ters written from Rome concerning the king’s divorce j
manuferint. 3. Various letters of ftate ; which Ant.
Wood fays he had feen. 4. A difpraife of the life of a
courtier, &c. Lond. 1548, 8vo. from the French of
Alaygri, who tranflated it from the Caftilian language,
in which it was originally written by Guevara.
BRYE, John T heodore de, an excellent engra¬
ver, was a native of Liege ; but he refided chiefly at
Eranckfort, where he carried on a confiderable com¬
merce in prints. It does not appear when he was born,
nor to what mailer he owed his iuftruclions in the art
of defigning and engraving. He wmrked almoft en¬
tirely with the graver, and feldom called in the aflill:-
ance of the point. He acquired a neat free flyle of
engraving, excellently w'ell adapted to fmall fubjcdls,
in which many figures were to be reprefented ; as
funeral parades, procejjions, and the like, which he exe¬
cuted in a charming manner. He alfo drew very cor-
reflly. His heads in general are fpirited and expref-
five, and the other extremity of his figures well mark¬
ed. His back-grounds, though ffequently very flight,
are touched with a mafterly hand. He died, as his fons
inform us in the third part of Boiflard’s colleflion of
portraits, on March 27th, 1598 ; the two firfl parts of
which colle&ion were engraved by himfelf, aflifted by
his fons, who afterwards continued it.
BRYENNIUS, Manuel, a Greek wwiter on mufic,
is fuppofed to have flourifhed under the elder Paleolo-
gus, viz. about the year of Chrifl 11 20. He wrote
three books on Harmonics ; the firfl: whereof is a kind
of commentary on Euclid, as the fecond and third are
on Ptolemy. He profdfes to have ftudied perfpicuity
for the fake of young men. Meibomius had given the
public expectations of a tranflation of this work : but
not living to complete it. Dr Wallis undertook it;
and it now makes a part of the third volume of his
works, publfflied at Oxford in three volumes folio,
1699.
Bryennius, Nicephorus, a prince difiinguiflied by
his courage, probity, and learning, was born at Ore-
ftia in Macedonia ; wLere his father by rebellion pro¬
voked the emperor to fend his general Alexis Comne-
nus againft him, who ordered his eyes to be pulled
out; but being charmed with his fon Bryennius, he
married him to Anne Comnenus his daughter, fo fa¬
mous by her waitings. When Alexis came to the
throne, he gave Bryennius the title of Ccefar; but
would not declare him his fuccelfor, though folicited
to it by the emprefs Irene ; and was therefore fucceed-
*d by his fon John Comnenus, to whom Bryennius be¬
haved with the utmoft fidelity. Being fent, about the
year 1137, to befiege Antioch, he fell fick ; and, re¬
turning, died at Ccnftantinople. This prince wrote
Y [ 763 1 BUB
He was gentleman of the the Hi/lory of Alexis Comnenas, tvhich he compoied at Brygmus
the requeft of his mother-in-law the emprefs Irene.
BRYGMUS, among phyficians, a grating noife
made by the gnafliing of the teeth.
BRYONIA, brYony. See Botany Index.
Black Bryont. See Tam us, Botany Index.
BRYUM. See Botany Index.
BUA, an ifland of the gulf of Venice, on the coaft
of Dalmatia, near the town of Trau ; called like wife
the Partndge-ifand, becaufe frequented by thofe birds.
It is called Bubus by Pliny. In the times of the de¬
cay of the empire it was called Boas ; and feveral illu-
ftrious men that fell under difgrace at court were b'a-
niflred to this ifland ; among whom were Florentius,
mafter of the offices of the emperor Julian, Immentius
de Valenti, and the heretic Jovinian. The emperors
of Conftantinople either were not much acquainted
■with this pretended Siberia, or were willing to treat the
banifhed with great clemency. It is certain that the
climate of this ifland is exceedingly mild ; the air per¬
fectly good ; the oil, grapes, and fruit excellent ; and
the fea around it abounds in fifh, and the port is large
and fecure. Neither is it fo fmall that a man has not
room to walk and ride about as much as he pleafes t
for it is ten miles in length, and about 27 in circuit;
nor can it be faid to be rugged, though rather high and
mountainous.
BUANES, a town of France, in Gafcony, and in
the diocefe of Aire, feated on the river Bahus, in E.
Long. o. 5. N. Lat. 43. 47.
BUARCOS, a town of Portugal, in the province of
Beira. W. Long. 8. 5. N. Lat. 40. 3.
BUBALIS, in Zoology, the trivial name of the buf¬
falo, a fpecies of the bos. See Bos.
BUB ASTIS, in the Egyptian Mythology, one of
the names of Ifis or the moon. The Egyptians be¬
llowed different names on the fun, either to charac¬
terize his effefls or his relations with refpefl to the
earth ; they followed the fame method refpefting the
moon. Chteremon, a facred writer of Egypt, leaves no
doubt on this fubjedil. “ Every thing which is pub-
lifhed of Ofiris and Ifis, all the facerdotal fables, allude
only to the phafes of the moon, and the courfe of the
fun.” Bubaftis was one of the principal attributes of
Ifis. Theology having perfonified her, formed of her
a divinity, in whofe honour a city of that name was
built, as deferibed by Herodotus, and where the people
colleifled from all parts of Egypt, at a certain period
of the year. A cat wTas the fymbol of this deity. The
priefts fed it with facred food ; and when it died, they
embalmed its body, and carried it in pomp to the
tomb prepared for it. The ancients have explained
this worlhip varioufly. The Greeks pretend that when
Typhon declared war againft the gods, Apollo tranf-
formed himfelf into a vulture, Mercury into an ibis,
and Bubaftis into a cat, and that the veneration of the
people for the latter animal took rife from that fable ;
but they aferibe their own ideas to the Egyptians, who
thought very differently. However that may be, the
cat was greatly honoured in Egypt, and a Roman fol-
dier having imprudently killed one, was immediately
put to death by the populace.
Bubaftis, in the language of the priefts, was deemed
the daughter of Ifis, and even reprefented her in cer-
5 D 2 tain
Bubaftis.
BUB
Bu.in.fha tain circmuflances. It is for this reafon that the
Bubble. Greek-S> who honoured the moon by the name of Diana,
bellowed it alio on this Egyptian divinity. Bubaftis,
fays Herodotus, is called Diana by the Greeks. The
Egyptians attributed to her the virtue of affilling preg¬
nant women. I he Greeks and Latins, difciples of
the Egyptians, afcribed the fame power to Diana 5 and
Horace does not think it unworthy of his pen to ad-
drefs the following ftrophe to her :
Montium cujios nemorumque, Virgo,
laborantes utero pucllas
Ter vocata and is, adirnifque letho.
Diva Hr if or mis.
I he philofopher will feek for the origin of this an¬
cient worfhip in the laws impoled by nature on wo¬
men, and which in fome meafure follow the lunar re¬
volutions. Ehe natural philofophers and the poets
buried it under allegories unintelligible to the people.
A perfect refemblance, however, does not exift be¬
tween the two deities we have been fpeaking of. The
Greeks conftituted Diana goddets of the chafe and of
the forefts ; an attribute the Egyptians did not ac¬
knowledge in Bubaftis. The former added, that ihe
was the daughter of Jupiter and Latona, and Bubaftis
was produced by Ofiris and Ins.
A barbarous cuftom was introduced at the feftivals
celebrated in honour of Bubaftis, called by the Greeks
slfo Ihthyia or Lucina, to mark her prefiding over
childbed. The Egyptians adored her under this name
in the city of Ilithyia, lituated near Latopolis.
It remains to refolve a queftion which naturally
arifes heie: How could Bubaftis be called the daughter
of Ifis, fince Ihe alfo was a fymbol of the moon ? The
Egyptian theology eaftly explains thefe apparent con-
tradiftions. Ills was the general appellation of the
moon, Bubaftis a particular attribute. The fun, in
conjunaion with the ftar of the night, formed the
celeftial marriage of Ofiris and Ifis) the crefcent
which appears three days after was allegorically called
their daughter. It is in this fenfe that the Hebrews
called this fame phenomenon, the birth of the moon, and
that Horace fays,
Ccelo fupinas fi tuleris manus,
Nafcente land rujlica Phidyle, &c. &c.
'I hefe obfervations inform us, why in the city of
.Ilithyia, where Bubaftis was adored, the third day of
the lunar month was confecrated by a particular wor-
ihip. In fa£t, it is three days after the conjumftion
that the moon, difengaged from the rays of the fun, ap¬
pears as a crefcent, and is vifible to us. The Egyp¬
tians celebrated therefore a folemnity in honour of Bu¬
baftis, which in their tongue fignified nezv moon. The
crefcent with which her head was crowned, exprefies
palpably the intention of the pnefts in creating this
fymbolical divinity.
BUBBLE, in Philofophy, a final 1 drop or veficle of
any fluid filled with air ; and formed either on its fur-
face by an addition of more oi the fluid, as in raining,
&c. 5 or in its fubftance, by an inteftine motion of its
component particles. Bubbles are dilatable or com-
preflible, i. e. they take up more or lefs room as the in¬
cluded air is more or lefs heated, or more or lefs pref-
1 764 1
BUB
led from without ; and are round, becaufe the included
air acls equally from within all around.
Bubble, in commerce, a cant term given to a kind
of projecl for railing money on imaginary grounds,
much praaifed in France and England in the years
1719, 1720, and 1721.
I he pretence of thofe fchemes was the railing a ca¬
pital for retrieving, fetting on foot, or carrying on,
fome promifing and ufeful branch of trade, manufac¬
ture, machinery, or the like. To this end propofals
were made out, fhowing the advantages to be derived
from the undertaking, and inviting perfons to be en¬
gaged in it. The fum neceflary to manage the affair,
together with the profits expected from it, were divid¬
ed into lhares or fubfcriptions, to be purchafed by any
difpofed to adventure therein.
Bubbles, by which the public have been tricked, are
of two kinds, viz. 1. Thole which we may properly
enough term trading-bubbles; and, 2. Stock or fund
bubbles. The former have been of various kinds ; and
the latter at different times, as in 1719 and 1720.
BUBO, in Ornithology, the trivial name of a fpecies
of ftrix. See Strix, Ornithology Index.
Bubo, or Buboe, in Surgery, a tumour which arifes
with inflammation, only in certain or particular parts
to which they are proper, as in the arm-pits and in the
groins. See Medicine Index.
BUBON, MACEDONIAN PARSLEY. See BOTANY
Index.
BUBONOCELE, or hernia inguinalis, in Sur¬
gery, a tumour in the inguen, formed by a prolapfus of
the intellines, omentum, or both, through the pro-
cefles of the peritoneum and rings of the abdominal
mufcles. See Surgery Index.
BUBONIUM, in Botany, a fynonyme of the
Inula.
BUG, George, a learned Englilh antiquarian, flou-
rilhed in the beginning of the 17th century. In the
reign of King James 1. he was made one of the gentle¬
men of his majefty’s privy-chamber, and knighted : he
was alfo conftituted mailer of the revels. What he
mollly diftinguilhed himfelf by was his writing, 1. The
hillory of the reign of Richard III. ; in which he takes
great pains to wipe oft' the bloody llains that have
blotted his chara&er, and reprefents the perfon and
aiftions of that prince in a much lefs odious light than
other hiftorians have done. He alfo wrote, 2. A Trea-
tife of the Art of Revels ; and, 3. a work entitled The
Third Univerfitie of England.
BUCANEER, one who dries and fmokes flefti or
filh after the manner of the Indians. The name was
particularly given to the firft French fettlers on the
illand of St Domingo, wbofe foie employment confifted
in hunting bulls or wnld boars, in order to fell their
hides and flefti. The name has alio been applied to
thofe famous piratical adventurers, chiefly Englilh and
Trench, who joined together to make depredations on
the Spaniards of America. Of both thefe we fhall give
an account.
L The Bucaneers of St Domingo. The Spaniards
had not been long in the poffeluon of the Weft Indies.,
and the continent of America, when other nations,
efpecially the Englilh and French, began to follow them
there. But though the Spaniards were unable to peo¬
ple
Bubble
II
Bucaneer,
BUG
[
:er. pie fuch extenfive countries themfelves, they were re-
““ folved that no others Ihould do it for them ; and there-
foie made a moll cruel war on all thole of any other
nation who attempted to fettle in any of the Antilles
or Caribbee iflands. The French, however, were at
laft lucky enough to acquire fome footing in the iiland
of St Chriftopher’s ; but by the time they began to
fubfide into a regular form of government, the Spa¬
niards found means to diflodge them. Upon this the
wretched fugitives, conlidering at how great a diftance
they were from their mother-country, and how near
to the illand of Hifpaniola or St Domingo, the northern
parts of which were then uninhabited and full of fwine
and black cattle, immediately refolved to take poffelTion
of that country, in conjunction with feveral other ad¬
venturers of their own and the Englilh nation j efpe-
cially as the Dutch, who now began to appear in thefe
feas, promifed to fupply them plentifully with all kinds
of neceflaries they might require, in exchange for the
hides and tallow they Ihould procure by hunting.
Thefe new fettlers obtained the name of bucaneers,
from their cultom of bucanning their beef and pork in
order to keep it for fale, or for their own confumption,
the method of which will be prefently defer!bed. But
lome of them foon grew tired of this new way of life
and took to planting 5 while many more chofe to turn
pirates, trufting to find among thofe who remained on
ihore a quick fale for all the plunder they could make
at fea. This new body of adventurers were called free¬
booters, from their making free prey or booty of what¬
ever came in their way.
The colony now began to thrive at a great rate, by
the cheap and eafy manner in which the freebooters
acquired the greateit riches, and the profufion with
v\lnch they dillributed them among their old compani¬
ons^ the bucancers and planters for the mereft trifies.
This brought numbers of fettlers from Old France in
quality or indented fervants, though they toiled rather
like Haves during the three years for which they gene¬
rally bound themfelves. One of thefe men prefuming
to reprefent to his mailer, who always fixed upon a Sun¬
day for fending him with Ikins to the port, that God
had forbidden fuch a pra&ice, when he had declared,
“ Six days fiialt thou labour, and on the feventh day
ihalt thou reft “ And I (replied the brutal buca-
neer) fay to thee, Six days ihalt thou kill bulls, and
ft rip them of their {kins, and on the feventh day {halt
thou carry their hides to the fea-ihore.” This com¬
mand w-as followed by blows, which fometimes en¬
force obedience, fometimes difobedience, to the law's
of God.
Thus the colony confifted of four claifes: bucaneers;
freebooters ; planters ; and indented fervants, who ge¬
nerally remained with the bucaneers or planters. And
thefe four orders compofed what they now began to
call the body of adventurers. Thefe people lived to¬
gether in a perfebl harmony under a kind of demo¬
cracy : every freeman had a defpotic authority over his
own family ; and every captain was a fovereign in his
own (hip, though liable to be difearded at the diferetion
of the crew.
The planters fettled chiefly in the little ifland of
Tortuga on the northern coaft of Hifpaniola : but it
was not long before fome of them going to the great
ifland to hunt with the bucaneers, the reft were furpri-
7% ] 'BUG
fed by the Spaniards ; and all, even thofe who had fur- Bucaneei
rendered at diferetion in hopes of mercy, were put to l jl" v""' ■
the fword or hanged.
I he next care of the Spaniards was to rid the great
ifland of the bucaneers j and for this reafon they affem-
bled a body of 500 lance-men, who, by their feldom
going fewer than 50 in a company, obtained the name
oi the Fifties irom their enemies, whole manners and
cuftoms we {hall now enter upon.
The bucaneers lived in little huts built on fome fpots
of cleared ground, juft large enough to dry their {kins
on, and contain their bucanning houfes. Thefe fpots
they called Boucans, and the huts they dw'elt \r\Jjoupasy
a word which they borrowed from the Spaniards, and
the Spaniards from the natives. Though thefe ajoupas
lay open on all fides, they w’ere very agreeable to the
hardy inhabitants, in a climate where wind and air are
k>. very defirable things. As the bucaneers had neither
wife nor child, they affociated by pairs, and mutually
rendered each other all the lervices a mailer could rea-
fonably expeft from a fervant, living together in fo per-
fea a community, that the furvivor always fucceeded
his deceafed partner. 1 his kind of union or fellowfhip
they called s'emateloter [infailoring], and each other
matelot, [lailor], whence is derived the cuftom of gi¬
ving, at leaft in fome parts of the French Antilles, the
name matelot age [lailorage}, to any kind of fociety
formed by private perfons for their mutual advantage.
They behaved to each other w'ith the greateft juftice
and opennefs of heart : it would have been a crime to
keep any thing under jock and key 5 but, on the other
hand, the leaft pilfering was unpardonable, and pu-
mftied with expulfion from the community. And in¬
deed there could be no great temptation to fteal, when
it was reckoned a point of honour, never to rtfufe a
neighbour what he wanted ; and where there was fo
little property, it was impoflible there ftiould be many
difputes. If any happened, the common friends of
the parties at variance interpofed, and foon put an end
to the difterence.
As to laws, the bucaneers acknowledged none but
an odd jumble of conventionsmade between themfelves,
which, however, they regarded as the fovereign rule!
rI hey filenced all obje&ions by coolly anfwering, that it
was not the cuftom of the coaft ; and grounded their
right of aifting in this manner, on their baptifm under
the tropic,, which freed them, in their opinion, from
all obligations antecedent to that marine ceremony..
The governor of Tortuga, when that illand was again
fettled, though appointed by the French court, had
very little authority over them y they contented them¬
felves with rendering him from time to time fome flight
homage. rI hey had in a manner entirely fliaken off.
the yoke of religion, and thought they did a great
deal m not wholly forgetting the God of their fathers
We are jurpnfed to meet with nations, among whom,
it is a difficult matter to difeover any trace of a reli¬
gious worfhip : and yet it is certain, that had the bu¬
caneers of St Domingo been perpetuated on the fame
footing they fubfifted at the time we are fpeaking of, the
third or fourth generation of them would have had as
little religion as the Caffres and Hottentots of Africa,
or the Topinambous and Cannibals of America.
, They even laid afide their furnames, and aflumed
ruck-names, or martial names, moft of which have con¬
tinued-
BUG [ 7^6 ] BUG
Eucaneer. tinued in their families to this day. Many, however,
on their marrying, which feldom happened till they
turned planters, took care to have their real furnames
inferted in the marriage-contraft ; and this practice
gave occafion to a proverb, Hill current in the French
Antilles, a man is not to be known till he takes a wife.
Their drels confided of a filthy greafy fhirt, dyed with
the blood of the animals they killed j a pair of trowfers
dill more nafty : a thong of leather by way of belt, to
which they hung a cafe containing fome Dutch knives,
and a kind of very fhort fabre called Manchette ; a hat
without any brim, except a little flap on the front to
take hold of it by ; and fhoes of hogfkin all of a piece.
Their guns were four feet and a half in the barrel, and
of a bore to carry balls of an ounce. Every man had
his contraft fervants, more or fewer according to his
abilities; befides a pack of 20 or 30 dogs, among which
there was always a couple of beagles. Their chief
employment at firft was ox-hunting 5 and, if at any
time they chafed a wild hog, it was rather for paftime,
or to make provifion for a feaft, than for any other ad¬
vantage. But in procefs of time, fome of them be¬
took themfelves entirely to hunting of hogs, whole flefh
they bucanned in the following manner : Firft, they cut
the tlefli into long pieces, an inch and an half thick,
and fprinkled them with fait, which they rubbed off
after 24 hours. Then they dried thefe pieces in ftoves
over the fire made of the fkin and bones of the beaft,
till they grew as hard as a board, and aiYumed a deep
brown colonr. Pork prepared in this manner will keep
in cafks a twelvemonth and longer ; and when fteeped
but a little while in lukewarm water, becomes plump
and rofy, and yields moreover a moft grateful fmell, ei¬
ther broiled or boiled, or otherwife dreffed, enough to
tempt the moft languid appetite and pleafe the moft
delicate palate. Thofe who hunt the wild boar, have
of late been called fimply hunters.
In hunting, they fet out at day-break, preceded by
the beagles, and followed by their fervants with the reft
of the dogs j and as they made it a point never to balk
their beagles, they were often led by them over the
moft frightful precipices, and through places which any
other mortal would have deemed abfolutely impafiable.
As foon as the beagles had roufed the game, the reft of
the dogs ftruck up and furrounded the beaft, flopping
it, and keeping a conftant barking till the bucaneer
could get near enough to fhoot it 5 in doing this, he
commonly aimed at the pit of the breaft 5 when the
beaft fell, he hamftrung it, to prevent its rifing again.
But it has foraetimes happened that the creature, not
■wounded enough to tumble to the ground, has run fu-
rioufly at his purfuer, and ripped him open. But, in
general, the bucaneer feldom milled his aim j and when
he did, was nimble enough to get up the tree behind
w'hich he had the precaution to place himfelf. What
is more ; fome of them have been feen to bvertake the
heart in chafe, and hamftring it without any further
ceremony.
As foon as the prey was half Ikinned, the mafter cut
out a large bone, and fucked the marrow for breakfaft.
The reft he left to his fervants, one of whom alxvays re¬
mained behind to finifh the fkinning, and bring the Ikin
with a choice piece of meat for the huntfmen’s dinner.
They then continued the chafe till they had killed as
.many hearts as there were heads in the company. The
1
mafter was the laft to return to the boucan, loaded Eucaneer,
like the reft with a Ikin and a piece of meat. Flere
the bucaneers found their tables ready : for every one
had his feparate table 5 which was the firft thing, any
way fit for the purpofe, that came in their way, a ftone,
the trunk of a tree, and the like. No table-cloth, no
napkin, no bread or wine, graced their board; not
even potatoes or bananas, unlefs they found them ready
to their ha”ds. When this did not happen, the fat and
lean of the game, taken alternately, ferved to fupply
the place. A little pimento, and the fqueeze of an
orange, their only lauce ; contentment, peace of mind,
a good appetite, and abundance of mirth, made every
thing agreeable. Thus they lived and fpent their
time, till they had completed the number of hides for
which they had agreed with the merchants ; which
done, they carried them to Tortuga, or fome port of
the great iiland.
As the bucaneers ufed much exercife, and fed only
on flelh meat, they generally enjoyed a good ftate of
health. They were indeed lubje£t to fevers, but either
fuch as lafted only a day, and left no fenfible impref-
fion the da^ follow ing ; or little fiowr fevers, which did
not hinder them from adtion, and wTere of courfe fo
little regarded, that it was ufual with the patient, when
afked how7 he did, to anfw7er, “ Very w’ell, nothing
ails me but the fever.” It was impofiible, however,
they ftiould not fuft’er confiderably by fuch fatigues un¬
der a climate to the heat of which few of them had
been early enough inured. Hence the moft confider-
ate among them, after they had got money enough for
that purpofe, turned planters. The reft foon fpent the
fruits of their labour in taverns and tippling-houfes ;
and many had fo habituated themfelves to this kind of
life, as to become incapable of any other. Nay, there
have been inftances of young men, who having early-
embarked through neceffity in this painful and danger¬
ous profeffion, perfifted in it afterwards, merely through
a principle of libertinifm, rather than return to France
and take pofleflion of the moft plentiful fortunes.
Such w7ere the bucaneers of St Domingo, and fuch
their fituation, w’hen the Spaniards undertook to extir¬
pate them. And at firft they met with great fuccefs ;
for as the bucaneers hunted feparately, every one at¬
tended by his fervants, they w7ere eafily furprifed.
Hence the Spaniards killed numbers, and took many
more, whom they condemned to a moft cruel flavery.
But whenever the bucaneers had time to put themfelves
into a ft ate of defence, they fought like lions, to avoid
falling into the hands of a nation from whom they
were fure to receive no quarter; and by this means they
often efcaped : nay, there are many inftances of fingle
men fighting their w ay through numbers. Thefe dan¬
gers, however, and the fuccefs of the Spaniards in dif-
covering their boucans, where they ufed to furprife and
cut the throats of them and their fervant.s in their fleep,
engaged them to cohabit in greater numbers, and even
to aft offenfively, in hopes that by fo doing they
might at laft induce the Spaniards to let them live in
peace. But the fury with which they behaved when¬
ever they met any Spaniards, fetved only to make their
enemies more intent on their deftruftion ; and afliftance
coming to both parties, the whole iiland was turned in¬
to a fiaughter-houfe, and fo much blood fpilt on both
fides, that many places, on account of the carnage of
which
BUG
Bucancer.
oavary's
Dia of
Cam.
which they had been the theatres, were entitled, of the
majfacre ; fuch as the hill of the mafiacre ; the plain of
the majfacre ; the valley of the majfacre ; which names
they retain to this day.
At length the Spaniards grew tired of this way of
proceeding, and had recourfe to their old method of
furprife, which, againft enemies of more courage than
vigilance, was like to fucceed better. This put the bu-
[ 767 ]
bug
which is called nwntegua, is alio fold for about eight Bucaneer,
pieces of eight per pot. There is a great trade, and a '' v"—J
great confumption of each of thefe merchandifes in the
French fettlements of the ifland of St Domingo, and
in thofe of Tortuga : befides which, they ufed to fend
great quantities of them to the Antilles, and even into
the continent of French America. There is alfo a great
_ “ _ . n' r 1 • , r”'.  ** for the fupport of the crews of the drips
cancels under a necellity of never hunting but m large that come from France for trading, or which the pri.
jjaities and fixing their toucans in the little iflands on vateers of Tortuga fit out for cruifing againft the Spa-
the coalx, where they retired everv evenmo-. ThJ« ov. niards. ° 6 F
I ne Spaniards, who have large fettlements in the
iiiand of St Domingo, have alfo their bucaneers there,
whom they call matadores or monteros. Their chafe
has fomething noble, which favours of the Spaniflr
Pride : the huntfman being on horfeback, ufes the lance
to llrnce the bull, thinking it beneath his courage to
fhoot him at a diftance. When the fervants, who are
on foot, have difeovered the bead, and with their dogs
have driven it into feme favannah or meadow, in which
the mailer waits for them on horfeback, armed with
two lances, that matadore goes and hamftrings it with
the firfl: lance, the head of which is made like a crefcent
or half-moon, and extremely diarp, and kills it after¬
wards with the other lance, w;hich is a common one-
This chafe is very agreeable } the huntfman making
commonly, in order to attack the bull, the fame turns
and the fame ceremonies which are pra&ifed in thofe
fedivals fo famous in Spain, wherein the greated lords
expofe themfelves fometimes to the viewr of the people,
to make them admire their dexterity and intrepidity in
attacking thofe furious animals : but then it is a very
dangerous chafe 5 thofe bulls, in their fury, often run¬
ning dire&ly againd: the huntfman, who may think
himfelf very happy if he comes off only with the lofs
of his horfe, and it he himfelf is not mortally wounded.
The Spaniards drefs their hides like the French, who
have learned it from them 5 and thefe hides being car¬
ried to the Havannah, a famous harbour in the idand
of Cuba, are part of the trade of that celebrated town.
The dota and the galleons fcarce ever fail touching
there, on their return from Vera Cruz and Porto Bello,
and load there thofe hides which they carry into Spain,
where they are fold for Plavannah hides, the mod:
edeemed of any that are brought from America into
Europe.
II. Bucaneers, the Pirates, Before the Englidi hadRay„ai'i
made any fettlement at Jamaica, and the French at St Hi/t. of tl^
Domingo, fome pirates of both nations, who have fince Indies.
been fo much didinguilhed by the name of Bucaneers,
had driven the Spaniards out of the fmall idand of
Tortuga ; and, fortifying themfelves there, had with an
amazing intrepidity made excurdons againd the com¬
mon enemy. They formed themfelves into fmall com¬
panies, confiding of 50, loo, or 150 men each. A
boat, of a greater or fmaller fize, was their only arma¬
ment. Here they were expofed night and day to all the
inclemencies of the weather, having fcarce room enough
to lie down. A love ofablolute independence, the great-
ed blefling to thole who are not proprietors of land,
rendered them averfe from thofe mutual redraints which
the members of fociety impofe upon themfelves for
the common gbod ; fome of them chofe to fing, while
others were defirous of going to deep. As the autho¬
rity they had conferred on their captain was confined
to
the coaft, where they retired every evening. This ex
pedient fucceeded ; and the boucans, by being more
fixed, foon acquired the air and confidency of little
towns.
When the bucaneers had once fixed themfelves, as
related, each boucan ordered fcouts every morning to
the higheft part of the idand, in order to reconnoitre
the coad, and lee if any Spaniih parties were abroad.
If no enemy appeared, they appointed a place and
hour of rendezvous in the evening, and were never ab-
lent if not killed or prifoners. When therefore any one
of the company was miffing, it was not lawful for the
reft to hunt again till they had got intelligence of him
if taken, or avenged his death if killed.
Things continued in this fituation for a long time,
till the Spaniards made a general hunt over the whole
illand ; and, by deftroying their game, put the buca¬
neers under, a neceflity of betaking themfelves to ano¬
ther courfe of life. Some of them turned planters ; and
thereby increafed fome of the French fettlements on
the coaft, and formed others. The reft, not relifhing
fo confined and regular a life, entered among the free¬
booters, who thereby became a very powerful body.
France, who had hitherto difclaimed for her fubje&s
thele ruffians whofe fucceffes were only temporary, ac¬
knowledged them, however, as foon as they formed
themfelves into fettlements; and took proper meafures
for their government and defence. See the article
St Domingo.
The hunting both of the bull and boar is at this day
carried on, and proves of confiderable importance.
That of the former furnifties France with the fineft
hides brought from America. The bucaneers put the
hides in packs which they call loads, mixing together
hides of full grown bulls, of young bullocks, and of
cows. Each of thefe loads is compofed of two bull-
hides, or of an equivalent; that is to fay, either of two
real bull-hides, or of one bull-hide and two cow-hides,
or of four cow-hides, or of three young bullocks
hides ; three bullocks hides being reckoned equivalent
to two full-grown bulls hides, and two cows hides
equivalent to one bull’s hide. Thefe bulls they com¬
monly call oxen in France, though they be not gelt.
Each load is commonly fold for fix pieces of eight
rials, which is a Spaniffi coin, the French coin being
but little current, or not at all, in the ifland of St Do¬
mingo.
The boar meat bucanned in the manner above men¬
tioned is fold by the bundle or pack, weighing com¬
monly 60 pounds, at the rate of fix pieces of eight per
pack. The palmetto leaves ferve to pack it up in ; but
their weight is deduced, fo that there muft be in each
pack 60 pounds of net flefh. Thefe bucaneers have al¬
fo a great trade of the lard of boars, which they melt,
and gather in large pots called Jotiches, This lard,
B U C t 7^8 ] BUG
Bncaneer. to Ills giving orders in battle, they lived in tbe greatefl;
^   confufion. Like the favages, having no apprehenfion
of want, nor any care to preferve the neceffaries of life,
they were conftantly expofed to the feverelt extremities
of hunger and third. But deriving, even from their very
dillrefles, a courage fuperior to every danger, the fight
of a fliip tranfported them to a degree of frenzy. They
never del,berated on the attack, but it was their cuftorn
to board the fhip as foon as poffible. The fmallnefs of
their veflels, and the fkill they Ihowed in the manage¬
ment of them, fcreened them from the fire of the greater
llfips •, and they prefented only the fore part of their
little veflels filled with fufileers ; who fired at the port¬
holes with fo much exaftnefs, that it entirely con¬
founded the mod experienced gunners. As foon as they
threw out the grappling, the larged veffel feldom efca-
ped them.
In cafes of extreme neceflity, they attacked the peo¬
ple of every nation, but fell upon the Spaniards at all
times. They thought that the cruelties the latter had
exercifed on the inhabitants of the new world judified
the implacable averfion they had fworn againd them.
But this was heightened by a perfonal pique, from the
mortification they felt in feeing themfelves debarred
from the privilege of hunting and fidiing, which they
confidered as natural rights. Such were their principles
of judice and religion, that, whenever they embarked
on any expedition, they ufed to pray to heaven for the
fuccefsof it; and they never came back from the plun¬
der, but they condantly returned thanks to God for
their viflory.
The drips that failed from Europe into America fel¬
dom tempted their avidity. The merchandife they con¬
tained wTould not eafily have been fold, nor been very
profitable to thefe barbarians in thofe early times.
They always waited for them on their return, when
they were certain they were laden with gold, filver,
jewels, and all the valuable produdfions of the new
world. If they met with a fingle drip, they never fail¬
ed to attack her. As to the deets, they followed them
till they failed out of the gulf of Bahama ; and as foon
as any one of the veffels wras feparated by accident
from the red, it was taken. The Spaniards, who
trembled at the approach of the bucaneers, whom they
called devils, immediately furrendered. Quarter was
granted, if the cargo proved to be a rich one 5 if not,
•all the priloners were thrown into the fea.
The bucaneers, w'hen they had got a confiderable
booty, at fird held their rendezvous at the idand of
Tortuga, in order to divide the fpoil \ but afterwards
the French went to St Domingo, and the Englidr to
Jamaica. Each perfon, holding up his hand, folemnly
proteded that he had fecreted nothing of what he had
taken. If any one among them was convifted of per¬
jury, a cafe that feldom happened, he was left, as foon
as an opportunity offered, upon fiome defert idand, as
a traitor unworthy to live in fociety. Such brave men
among them as had been maimed in any of their ex¬
peditions, were fird provided for. If they had lod a
hand, an arm, a leg, or a foot, they received 26I. An
eye, a finger, or a toe, lod in fight, was valued only
at half the above fum. The wounded were allowed
2s. 6d. a day for two months, to enable them to have
their wounds taken care of. If they had not money
enough to anfwer thefe feveral demands, the whole
2
company were obliged to engage in fome frefh expc- Bucaneer.
dition, and to continue it till they had acquired a fuf- 1 
ficient dock to enable them to fatisfy fuch honourable
contracts.
After this aft of judice and humanity, the remainder
of the booty was divided into as many fhares as there
were bucaneers. The commander could only Jay claim
to a fingle diare as the red ; but they complimented
him with two or three, in proportion as he had ac¬
quitted himfelf t© their fatisfaflion. Favour never had
any influence in the divifion of the booty ; for every
fliare was determined by lot. Indances of fuch rigid
judice as this are not eafily met with 3 and they ex¬
tended even to the dead. Their fliare was given to
the man who was known to be their companion when
alive, and therefore their heir. If the perfon who had
been killed had no intimate, his part was lent to
his relations when they were known. If there were
no friends or relations, it was didributed in charity
to the poor and to churches, which were to pray for
the perfon in whofe name thefe benefaflions were
given. „
When thefe duties had been complied with, they
then indulged themlelves in all kinds of profufion. Un¬
bounded licentioufnefs in gaming, wine, women, every
kind of debauchery, was carried to the utmod pitch
of excefs, and was dopt only by the want which fuch
profufions brought on. Thofe men who were enrich¬
ed with feveral millions, were in an indant totally
ruined, and deditute of clothes and provilions. They
returned to fea 5 and the new fupplies they acquired
were foon lavifhed in the fame manner.
The Spanilh colonies, fiatteting themfelves with the
hopes of feeing an end to their miferies, and reduced
almod to defpair in finding themfelves a perpetual
prey to thefe ruffians, grew weary of navigation. They
gave up all the powder, conveniences, and fortune,
which their connexions procured them, and formed
themfelves almod into fo many didinX and feparate
dates. They were fenfible of the inconveniences ari-
fing from fuch a conduX, and avowed them 3 but the
dread of falling into the hands of rapacious and fa-
vage men, had greater influence over them than the
diXates of honour, intered, and policy. This was the
rife of that fpirit of inaXivity which continues to this
time.
This defpondency ferved only to increafe the bold-
nefs of the bucaneers. As yet they had only appeared
in the Spanidr fettlements, in order to carry off fome
provifions when they w7ere in want of them. They
no fooner found their captures begin to diminifh, than
they determined to recover by land w-hat they had loft
at fea. The riched and mod populous countries of the
continent wrere plundered and laid wade. The culture
of lands w^as equally negleXed with navigation 3 and
the Spaniands dared no more appear in their public
roads, than fail in the latitudes which belonged to
them.
Among the bucaneers who fignalized themfelves in
this new fpecies of excurfions, Montbar, a gentleman
of Languedoc, particularly didinguifhed himfelf. Ha¬
ving by chance, in his infancy, met with a circum-
dantial account of the cruelties praXifed in the con-
qued of the new world, he conceived an averfion wffiich
he carried to a degree of frenzy againd that nation
wffiich
BUG
Sncar.eers. which had committed fuch enormities. The enthufi-
l“"’* afm this fpirit of humanity worked him up to, was
turned into a rage more cruel than that of the religious
fanaticifm, to which fo many viftims had been facri-
ficed. The names of thefe unhappy fuiferers feemed
to rouze him, and call upon him for vengeance. He
had heard fome account of the bucaneers, who were
faid to be the moft inveterate enemies to the Spanifti
name : he therefore embarked on board a ilrip, in
order to join them.
In the paffage they met with a Spanifh veffel ; at¬
tacked it ; and, as it was ufual in thofe times, imme¬
diately boarded it. Montbar, with a fabre in his hand,
fell upon the enemy, broke through them; and, hurry¬
ing twice from one end of the (hip to the other, levelled
every thing that oppofed him. When he had compelled
the enemy to furrender, leaving to his companions the
happinefs of dividing fo rich a booty, he contented
himfelf with the favage pleafure of contemplating the
dead bodies of the Spaniards, lying in heaps' together,
againft whom he had fworn a conftant and deadly
hatred.
Freih opportunities foon occurred, that enabled him
to exert this fpirit of revenge, without extinguilhing it.
The (hip he was in arrived at the coaft of St Domin¬
go ; where the bucaneers on land immediately applied
to barter fome provifions for brandy. As the articles
they offered were of little value, they alleged in excufe,
that their enemies had overrun the country, laid wafte
their fettlements, and carried off all they could. “ Why
(replied Montbar) do you tamely fuffer fuch infults i1”
“ Neither do we (anfwered they in the fame tone);
the Spaniards have experienced what kind of men we
are, and have therefore taken advantage of the time
when we were engaged in hunting. But w’e are going
to join fome of our companions, who have been ftill
worfe treated than we : and then we (hall have warm
work.” “ If you approve of it (anfwered Montbar),
I will head you, not as your commander, but as the
foremoft to expofe myfelf to danger.” The bucaneers,
perceiving from his appearance that he was fuch a man
as they wanted, cheerfully accepted his offer. The fame
day they overtook the enemy, and Montbar attacked
them with an impetuofity that aftoniflied the braveff.
Scarce one Spaniard efcaped the effects of his fury.
The remaining part of his life was equally diftinguiihed
as on this day. The Spaniards fuffered fo much from
him, both by fea and land, that he acquired the name
of the Exterminator.
His favage difpofition, as well as that of the other
bucaneers who attended him, having obliged the Spa¬
niards to confine themfelves within their fettlements,
thefe freebooters refolved to attack them there. This
new method of carrying on the war required fuperior
forces ; and their affociations in confequence became
more numerous. The firft that was confiderable was
formed by Tolonois, who derived his name from the
fands of Olones the place of his birth. From the ab-
jeft date of a bondfman, he had gradually raifed him¬
felf to the command of two canoes, with 22 men. With
thefe he was fo fuccefsful as to take a Spanifh frigate
on the coaft of Cuba. He then repaired to Port-au-
Prince, in which were four {hips, fitted out purpofely
to fail in purfuit of him. He took them, and threw all
the crew into the fea, except one man, whom he faved,
Vol. IV. Part II.
[ 769 1
BUG
in order to fend him with a letter to the governor of Bucaneers.
the Havannah, acquainting him with what he had done, ' v—J
and affuring him that he would treat in the fame man¬
ner all the Spaniards that ftiould fall into his hands,
not excepting the governor himfelf, if he ftiould be fo
fortunate as to take him. After this expedition, he
ran his canoes and prize-fhips aground, and failed with
his frigate only to the illand of Tortuga.
. Here he met with Michael de Bafco, who had
diftinguifhed himfelf by having taken, even under
the cannon of Porto-Bello, a Spanifh fhip, eftimated
at 218,500!. and by other aftions equally brave and
daring. Thefe two gave out, that they were going to
embark together on an expedition equally glorious and
profitable ; in confequence of which they foon collected
• together 440 men. 'Phis body of men, the moft nu¬
merous the bucaneers had yet been able to mufter,
failed to the bay of Venezuela, which runs up into the
country for the fpace of 50 leagues. The fort that was
built at the entrance of it for its defence was taken ; the
cannon were nailed up ; and the whole garrifon, confift-
ing of 250 men, put to death. They then reimbark-
ed, and came to Maracaybo, built on the weftern coaft;
of the lake of the fame name, at the diftance of ten
leagues from its mouth. This city, which had become
flourifhing and rich by its trade in {kins, tobacco, and
cocoa, was deferted. The inhabitants had retired with
their effects to the other fide of the bay. If the buca¬
neers had not loft a fortnight in riot and debauch, they
would have found at Gibraltar, near the extremity of
the lake, every thing that the inhabitants had fecreted
to fecure it from being plundered. On the contrary,
they met wdth fortifications lately ere&ed, which they
had the ufelefs fatisfa&ion of making themfelves mailers
of, at the expence of a great deal of blood ; for the in¬
habitants had already removed to a diftance the moft:
valuable part of their property. Exafperated at this
difappointment they fet fire to Gibraltar. Maracaybo
would have lhared the fame fate, had it not been ran-
fomed. Befides the fum they received for its ranfora,
they alfo carried off with them all the croffes, pi&ures,
and bells of the churches; intending, as they faid, to
build a chapel in the ifland of Tortuga, and to confe-
crate this part of their fpoils to facred purpofes. Such
was the religion of thefe barbarous people, who could
make no other offering to heaven than that which arofe
from their robberies and plunder.
While they were idly diffipating the fpoils they had
made on the coaft of Venezuela, Morgan, the moft re¬
nowned of the Englifh bucaneers, failed from Jamaica
to attack Porto-Bello. His plan of operations was fo
well contrived, that he furprifed the city, and took it
without oppofition.
The conqueft of Panama was an objeft of much
greater importance. To fecure this, Morgan thought
it neceffary to fail in the latitudes of Cofia-Ricca, to
procure fome guides in the ifiand of St Catharine’s,
where the Spaniards confined their malefa&ors. This
place was fo ftrongly fortified, that it ought to have
held out for ten years againft a confiderable army.
Notwithftanding this, the governor, on the firft ap¬
pearance of the pirates, fent privately to concert mea-
fures how he might furrender himfelf without incurring
the imputation of cowardice. The refult of this con-
fultation was, that Morgan, in the night-time, fhould
5 E attack
B U C [ 770
Bncaneen. attack a fort at ibme diftance, and the governor fhould to
v fally out of the citadel to defend a poll of fo much
confequence ; that the aflailants Ihould then attack him
in the rear, and take him prifoner, which would con-
fequently occafion a furrender of the place. It was
agreed that a fmart firing fhould be kept on both fides,
without doing mifchief to either. This farce was ad¬
mirably carried on. The Spaniards, without being
expofed to any danger, appeared to have done their
duty ; and the bucaneers, after having totally demolifh-
ed the fortifications, and put on board their veflfels a
prodigious quantity of warlike ammunition which they
found at St Catharine’s, fleered their courfe towards
the river Chagre, the only channel that was open to
them to arrive at the place which was the objefl of their
utmofl wifhes.
At the entrance of this confiderable river, a fort
was built upon a fleep rock, which the waves of the
lea conftantly beat againft. This bulwark, very dif¬
ficult of accefs, was defended by an officer whofe
extraordinary abilities were equal to his courage, and
by a garrilbn that deferved fuch a commander. The
bucaneers, for the firft time, here met with a refiftance
that could only be equalled by their perfeverance : it
was a doubtful point, whether they would fucceed or
be obliged to raife the fiege, when a lucky accident
happened that proved favourable to their glory and
their fortune. The commander was killed, and the
fort accidentally took fire ; the befiegers then taking
advantage of this double calamity, made themfelves
mailers of the place.
Morgan left his veflels at anchor, with a fufficient
number of men to guard them ; and failed up the river
in his (loops for 33 miles, till he came to Cruces, where
it ceafes to be navigable. He then proceeded by land
to Panama, which was only five leagues diflant. Upon
a large and extenfive plain that was before the city, he
met with a confiderable body of troops, whom he put
to flight with the greatefl eafe, and entered into the
city, which was now abandoned. Here were found
prodigious treafures concealed in the wells and caves.
Some valuable commodities were alfo taken upon the
boats that were left aground at low water 5 and in the
neighbouring forefls were alfo found feveral rich de-
pofits.
Having burnt the city, they fet fail with a great
number of prifoners, who were ranfomed a few days
after, and came to the mouth of the Chagre with a
prodigious booty.
In 1603, an expedition of the greatefl confequence
was formed by Van Horn, a native of Oflend, but who
had ferved all his life among the French. His intre¬
pidity would never let him fuffer the leaf! figns of cow¬
ardice among thofe who aflbciated with him. In the
heat of an engagement, he went about his (hips ; fuc-
ceffively obfecved his men-, and immediately killed thofe
who ffirank at the fudden report of a piflol, gun, or
cannon. This extraordinary difcipline had made him
become the terror of the coward and the idol of the
brave. In other refpe&s, he readily fhared with the
men of fpirit and bravery the immenfe riches that were
acquired by fo truly warlike a difpofition. When he
went upon thefe expeditions, he generally failed in his
frigate, whifh was his own property. But thefe new
■ defigns requiring greater numbers to carry them in-
3 BUG
execution, he took to his affillance Gramont, Bucaneers,
Godfrey, and Jonque, three Frenchmen diflinguiffied
by their exploits ; and Lawrence de Graff, a Dutch¬
man, who had fignalized himfelf (till more than they.
Twelve hundred bucaneers joined themfelves to thefe
famous commanders, and failed in fix veffels for Vera
Cruz.
The darknefs of the night favoured their landing,
which was effefled at three leagues from the place'
where they arrived without being difeovered. The go-
v ernor, the fort, the barracks, and the polls of the great¬
efl confequence ; every thing, in ffiort, that could oc¬
cafion any refillance, was taken by the break of day.
All the citizens, men, women, and children, were Unit
up in the churches, whither they had fled for fhelter.
At the door of each church w’ere placed barrels of gun¬
powder to blow up the building. A bucaneer, with a
lighted match, w^as to fet fire to it upon the leaf! ap¬
pearance of an infurredlion.
_ While the city was kept in fuch terror, it was eafily
pillaged j and after the bucaneers had carried off what
w-as mod valuable, they made a propofal to the citizens
who were kept prifoners in the churches, to ranfom
their lives and liberties by a contribution of 437,500!.
Thefe unfortunate people, who had neither ate nor
drank for three days, cheerfully accepted the terms that
were offered them. Half of the money was paid the
fame day : the other part was expected from the in¬
ternal parts of the country j when there appeared on
an eminence a confiderable body of troops advancing,
and near the port a fleet of 17 ffiips from Europe. At
the fight of this armament, the bucaneers, without any
marks of furprife, retreated quietly, with 1500 Oaves
they had carried off with them as a trifling indemnifi¬
cation for the reft of the money they expedited, the fet¬
tling of which they referred to a more favourable op¬
portunity.
Their retreat was equally daring. They boldly failed
through the midfl of the Spanilh fleet which let them
pafs without firing a Angle gun, and were in fa£t rather
afraid of being attacked and beaten. The Spaniards
would not probably have efcaped f® eafily, and with
no other inconvenience but what arofe from their fears,
if the veffels of the pirates had not been laden with fil-
ver, or if the Spanifh fleet had been freighted with any
other effedils but fuch merchandife as was little valued
by thefe pirates.
A year had fcarce elapfed fince their return from
Mexico, wffien, on a fudden they were all feized with
the rage of going to plunder the country of Peru. It is
probable that the hopes of finding greater treafures
upon a fea little frequented, than on one long expofed
to piracies of this kind, was the caufe of this expedi¬
tion. But it is fomewhat remarkable, that both the
Englilh and French, and the particular affociations of
thefe two nations, had projected this plan at the fame
time, without any communication, intercourfe, or de-
fign of afling in concert with each other. About
4000 men were employed in this expedition. Some of
them came by Terra-Firma, others by the flraits of
Magellan, to the place that was the obje£l of their
wifhes. If the intrepidity of thefe barbarians had been
diredled, under the influence of a fkilfuland refpedlable
commander, to one fingle uniform end, it is certain that
they would have deprived the Spaniards of this impor¬
tant
B U C [ 7
Eucaneers. tant colony. But their natural character \vas an invin-
cible obftacle to fo rare an union j for they always form¬
ed themfelves into feveral diltinft bodies, fometimes
even fo few in number as ten or twelve, who a£ted to¬
gether, or feparated, as the moft trifling caprice direc¬
ted. Grognier, Lecuyer, Picard, and Le Sage, were
the moil diltinguifhed officers among the French : Da¬
vid, Samms, Peter, Wilner, and Towley, among the
Engliffi.
Such of thefe adventurers as had got into the South
fea by the flraits of Darien, feized upon the firft
veflel they found upon the coaft. 'Pheir affociates, who
had failed in their own vefTels, were not much better
provided. Weak however as they were, they beat fe¬
veral times the fquadrons that were fitted out againft
them. But thefe viftories were prejudicial to them, as
they interrupted their navigation. When there were
no more Ihips to be taken, they were continually obli¬
ged to make defcents upon the coafts to get provifions,
or to go by land in order to plunder thofe cities where
the booty was fecured. They fucceffively attacked
Sep pa, Puebla-Nuevo, Leon, Realejo, Puebla-Viejo,
Chiriquita, Lefparfo, Granada, Villia, Nicoy, Teco-
anteca. Mucmeluna, Chiloteca, New-Segovia, and
Guayaquil, the moft confiderable of all thefe places.
Many of them were taken by furprife j and moft of
them deferted by their inhabitants, who fled at the
fight of the enemy. As foon as they took a town it
was diredlly fet on fire, unlefs a fum proportioned to its
value wTas given to fave it. The prifoners taken in
battle were maflacred without mercy, if they were not
ranfomed by the governor or fome of the inhabitants :
gold, pearls, or previous ftones, were the only things
accepted of for the payment of their ranfom. Silver
being too common, and too weighty for its current
value, would have been troublefome to them. The
chances of fortune, that feldom leave guilt unpunifhed,
nor adverfity without a compenfation for its fuffering,
atoned for the crimes committed in the conqueft of the
new world, and the Indians were amply revenged of the
Spaniards.
While fuch piracies were committed on the fouthern
ocean, the northern was threatened with the fame by
Gramont. He was a native of Paris, by birth a
gentleman, and had diftinguiffied himfelf in a military
capacity in Europe ; but his paffion for wine, gaming,
and women, had obliged him to join the pirates. He
•was, however, affable, polite, generous, and eloquent :
he was endued with a found judgment, and was a per-
fon of approved valour ; which foon made him be
confidered as the chief of the French bucaneers. As
foon as it was known that he had taken up arms, he
was immediately joined by a number of brave men.
I he governor of St Domingo, who had at length pre¬
vailed upon his mafter to approve of the project, equal-
'7 wile and juft, of fixing the pirates to lome place,
and inducing them to become cultivators, was defirous
of. preventing the concerted expedition, and forbade
it in the king’s name. Gramont, who had a greater
ihare of fenfe than his affociates, was not on that ac¬
count more inclined to comply, and fternly replied :
“ How can Louis difapprove of a defign he is unac¬
quainted with, and which has been planned only a
few days ago r” This anfwer highly pleafed all 'the
u ] BUG
bucaneers ; who dire611y embarked, in i68j, to attack Bucntvrers*
Campeachy.  v—
They landed without oppofition. But at fome di-
ftance from the coaft, they were attacked by 800 Spa¬
niards, who were beaten and purfued to the town ;
where both parties entered at the fame time. The
cannon they found there was immediately levelled a~
gainft the citadel. As it had very little effed, they
were contriving fome ftratagem to enable them to be¬
come mafters of the place, when intelligence was
brought that it was abandoned. I here remained in it
only a gunner, an Englifhman} and an officer of
fuch fignal courage, that he chofe rather to expofe
himfelf to the greateft extremities, than bafely to fly
from the place with the reft. 1 he commander of the
bucaneers received him with marks of diftindion, ge-
neroufly releafed him, gave him up all his effeds, and
befides complimented him with fome valuable prefents:
fuch influence have courage and fidelity even on the
minds of thofe who feem to violate all the rights of fo-
ciety.
The conquerors of Campeachy fpent two months in
fearching all the environs of the city, for 12 or 15
leagues, carrying off every thing that the inhabitants,
in their flight, thought they had preferved. When all
the treafure they had colleded from every quarter was
depofited in the ihips, a propofal was made to the go¬
vernor of the province, who ftill kept the field with
900 men, to ranfom his capital city. His refufal de¬
termined them to burn it, and demoliih the citadel.
The French, on the feftival of St Louis, were celebra¬
ting the anniverfary of their king ; and in the tranf-
ports of their patriotifm, intoxication, and national love
of their prince, they burnt to the value of a million of
logwood $ a part, and a very confiderable one too, of
the fpoil they had made. After this fingular and ex¬
travagant inftance of folly, of which Frenchmen only
could boaft, they returned to St Domingo.
In 1697, 1bucaneers were induced to join a
fquadron of feven (hips that failed from Europe under
the command of Pointis, to attack the famous city of
Carthagena. This was the moft difficult enterprife
that could be attempted in the new worldk The fitua-
tion of the port, the ftrength of the place, the bad-
nefs of the climate, W’ere fo many obftacles that fecmed
infurmountable to any but fuch men as the bucaneers
were. But every obftacle yielded to their valour and
good fortune : the city was taken, and booty gained
to the amount of 1,750,000!. Their rapacious com¬
mander, however, deprived them of the advantages re-
fulting from their fuccefs. He fcrupled not, as foon
as they fet fail, to offer 5250k for the (hare of thofe
who had been the chief inftruments in procuring him
fo confiderable a fpoil.
The bucaneers, exafperated at this treatment, refol-
ved immediately to board the veflel called the Sceptre,,
where Pointis himlelf was, and which at that time was
too far diftant from the reft of the Ihips to expe<ft to
be affifted by them. This avaricious commander was
upon the point of being maffacred, when one of the
malecontents cried out : “ Brethren, why fliould we
attack this rafeal ? he has carried off nothing that be¬
longs to us. He has left our fliare at Carthagena, and
there wx muft go to recover'd.” This propofal was.
5 E 2 received
BUG [ 772 ] BUG
Buccina
JJucaneers received with general applaufe. A favage joy at once
fucceeded that gloomy melancholy which had leized
them ; and without further deliberation all their Ihips
failed towards the city.
As foon as they had entered the city without meet¬
ing with any reiiitance, they fhut up all the men in the
great church; and exacted payment of 218,753!. the
amount of their fhare of booty which they had been
defrauded of; promifmg to retreat immediately upon
their compliance, but threatening the mod dreadful
vengeance if they refufed. Upon this, the molt vene¬
rable pried in the city mounted the pulpit, and made
ufe of all the induence his charafter, his authority, and
his eloquence gave to him, to perfuade his hearers to
yield up without referve all the gold, fdver, and
jewels they had. The colleffion, which was made after
the fermon, not furnilhing the fum required, the city
was ordered to be plundered.
At length, after amading all they could, thefe ad¬
venturers fet fail ; when unfortunately they met with a
fleet of Dutch and Englidi flnps, both which nations
were then in alliance with Spain. Several of the pi¬
rates were either taken or funk, with all the cargo they
had on board their fhips ; the red efcaped to St Do¬
mingo.
Such was the lad memorable event in the hidory of
the bucaneers- The feparation of the Englilh and
Trench, when the war, on account of the prince of
Orange, divided the two nations ; the fuccefsful means
they both made ufe of to promote the cultivation of
land among their colonies, by the aflidance of thefe
enterpridng men ; and the prudence they ftiowed in
fixing the mod didinguilhed among them, and entrud-
ing them with civil and military employments : the
proteblion they were both under a neceflity of afford¬
ing to the Spanilh fettlements, which till then had
been a general objeft of plunder : all thefe circum-
dances, and various others, befides the impoflibility
there was of fupplying the place of thefe remarkable
men, who were continually dropping off, concurred to
put an end to a fociety as extraordinary as ever exid-
ed. Without any regular fyflem, without laws, with¬
out any degree of fubordination, and even without any
fixed revenue, they became the adonilhment of that
age in which they lived, as they will be alfo of pode-
rity.
.BUCCELLARI, an order of foldiery under the
Greek emperors, appointed to guard and didribute the
ammunition bread ; though authors are fomewhat di¬
vided as to their office and quality. Among the Vifi-
goths buccellarius was a general name for a client or
vaffal who lived at the expence of his lord. Some
give the denomination to parafites in the courts of
princes, fome make them the body-guards of empe¬
rors, and fome fancy they were only fuch as emperors
employed in putting perfons to death privately.
BUCCELLA FUM, among ancient military wri¬
ters, denotes camp bread, or bifcuit baked hard and
dry, both for lightnefs and keeping. Soldiers always
carried with them enough for a fortnight, and fome-
times much longer, during the time that military dif-
cipline was kept up.
BUCCINA, an ancient mufical and military inftru-
xnent. It is ufually taken for a kind of trumpet ; which
opinion is confirmed by Feflus, by his denning it a Buceiminr
crooked horn, played on like a trumpet. Vegetius , It .
oblerves, that the buccina was bent in a femicircle, in Blice^ia ia7
which refpect it differed from the tuba or trumpet. It
is very hard to diftinguifh it from the cornu or horn,
unlefs it was fomething lei's, and not quite fo crooked ;
yet it certainly was of a different fpecies, becaufe we
never read of the cornu in ufe with the watch, but on¬
ly the buccinia. Befides, the found of the buccinia
w7as iharper, and to be heard much farther than either
the cornu or the tuba. In Scripture, the like inftru-
ment, ufed both in war and in the temple, was called
rams-horns, kiren-jobel, and fopheroth hagijobe/im.
This inilrument wras in ufe among the Jew's to pro¬
claim their fealt days, new'-moons, jubilees, fabbatie
years, and the like. At Lacedemon, notice was given
by the buccina when it w'as lupper time ; and the like
was done at Rome, wfliere the grandees had a buccina
blown both before and after they fat dowm to a table.
The found of the buccina was called buGcinus, or bu-
cinus ; and the mufician who played on it was called
buccinator.
BUCCINUM, or whelk. See Conchology 7/r-
dex. One of the fpecies, the Buccinum lapillus, or
majfy whelk, which is a Britiffi fliell, produces a pur¬
ple dye, analogous to the purpura, or celebrated Ty¬
rian purple of the ancients. By fome, it is fuppofed to
be the fame.
BUCCLEUGH, a village in the county of Selkirk
in Scotland, from which the noble family of Scott have
the title of duke.
BUCCO, the Barbet. See Ornithology In¬
dex.
BUCENTAUR, a galeas, or large galley of the
doge of Venice, adorned with fine pillars on both
fides, and gilt over from the prow to the ftern. This
veffel is covered over head with a kind of tent, made
of purple filk. In it the doge receives the great lords
and perfons of quality that go to Venice, accompanied
with the ambaffadors and counfellors of ftate, and all
the fenators feated on benches by him. The fame vef¬
fel ferves alfo in the magnificent ceremony of Afcenfion
day, on which the doge of Venice throws a ring into
the fea to efpoufe it, and to denote his dominion over
the gulf of Venice.
Bucentaur is alfo the name of a fhip, as great and.
as magnificent as that of the Venetians, built by order
of the eledlor of Bavaria, and launched on a lake
W'hich is fix leagues in length.
BUCEPHALA, or BucephAlos, in Ancient
Geography, a town built by Alexander, on the weft
fide of the Hydafpis, a river of the Hither India, in
memory of his horfe Bucephalus, which was killed in
the adlion wdth Porus, after croffing that river. Others
fay, this horfe died of age, 30 years old ; and not in
the battle, but fome time after. His being branded or
marked on the buttock with the head of an ox, gave
rife to his name, (Hefychius).—This generous animal,
who had fo long ffiared the toils and dangers of his ma¬
iler, had formerly received fignal marks of royal re¬
gard. Having difappeared in the country of the Uxii,
Alexander iffued a proclamation, commanding his
horfe to be reftored, otherwdfe he would ravage the
whole country w'ith fire and fword. This command
was
*
BUG [ 773 ] BUG
Barer was immediately obeyed. ‘‘ So dear,” fays Arrian,
I! “ was Bucephalus to Alexander, and fo terrible was
. 11C ^nnn'i Alexander to the Barbarians.”
BUCER, Martin, one of the firft authors of the
reformation at Strafburg, was born in 1491, in Al-
face ; and took the religious habit of St Dominic, at
feven years of age : but meeting afterward with the
writings of Martin Luther, and comparing them with
the Scriptures, he began to entertain doubts concern¬
ing feveral things in the Romilh religion. After fome
conferences with Luther at Heidelburg in 1521, he
adopted moft of his fentiments j but in 1532 he gave
the preference to thofe of Zuinglius. He affilled in
many conferences concerning religion ; and in 1548
was fent for to Augfburg to flgn the agreement be¬
tween the Papifts and Protelfants, called the interim.
Plis warm oppofition to this projett expofed him to
many difficulties and hardfhips ; the news of which
reaching England, where his fame had already arrived,
Cranmer archbidiop of Canterbury gave him an invi¬
tation to come over, which he readily accepted. In
1 I549» a handfome apartment was affigned him in the
univerfity of Cambridge, and a falary to teach theo¬
logy. King Edward VI. had the greateft regard for
him. Being told that he was very fenfible of the cold
of the climate, and fuffered much for want of a Ger¬
man Hove, he fent him 100 crowns to purchafe one.
He died of a complication of diforders in 1551 ; and
was buried at Cambridge w’ith great funeral pomp.
Five years after, in the reign of Queen Mary, his bo¬
dy was dug up, and publicly burnt, and his tomb de-
moliffied *, but it w^as afterwards fet up by order of
Queen Elizabeth. He compofed many works, among
which are commentaries on the evangelifts and gof-
pels.
BUCEROS. See Ornithology Index.
BUCHAN, a diftrifl of Scotland, lying partly in.
the {hire of Aberdeen and partly in that of Banffit
gives the title of earl to the noble and ancient family
of Erfkine.
BUCHANAN, George, the beft Latin poet of
his time, perhaps inferior to none lince the Auguftan
age, W'as born in February 1506. This accompliffied
fcholar and diftinguiffied .wit wras not defcended of a
family remarkable for its rank. He had no occafion
for the fplendour of anceftry. He wanted not a re-
flefled greatnefs, the equivocal, and too often the only
ornament of the rich and noble. The village of Kil-
learn, in Stirlingffiire, Scotland, w-as the place of his
nativity •, and the abjebl poverty in which his father
died might have confined him to toil at the low'eft em¬
ployments of life, if the generohty of an uncle had not
affifted him in his education, and enabled him to pur-
fue for two years his ffudies at Paris. But that ffiort
fpace wras fcarcely elapfed, when the death of his be¬
nefactor made it neceflary that he ffiould return to his
own country, and forfake, for a time, the paths of
fcience.
He was yet under his 20th year, and furrounded
with the horrors of indigence. In this extremity, he
enlifted as a common foldier under John duke of Al¬
bany, who commanded the troops which France had
fent to affift Scotland in the war it waged, at this pe¬
riod, againft England. But nature had not deftined
him to be a hero. He was difgufted with the fatigues
of one campaign ; and, fortunately, John Major, then Buchanan.
profeffor of philofophy at St Andrew’s, hearing of his * v—*-'
neceflity and his merit, afforded him a temporary re¬
lief. He now became the pupil of John Maiz, a ce¬
lebrated teacher in the fame univerfity, under whom
he ftudied the fubtilties of logic : and contracting an
attachment to his mailer, he followed him to Paris.
There, after having encountered many difficulties, he
was invited to teach grammar in the college of St
Barbe. In this flavilh occupation he was found by the
earl of Caffilis ; with whom having remained five
years at Paris, he returned into Scotland. He next
acted as preceptor to the famous earl of Murray, the
natural fon of James V. But while he was forming
this nobleman for public affairs, he found that his life
was in danger •, and from enemies, whole vindictive
rage could fuffer no abatement, and who would not
fcruple the molt dilhonourable means of gratifying it.
The fcandalous lives of the clergy had, it feems, ex¬
cited his indignation •, and, more than reafoning or ar¬
gument, had eltranged him from the errors of Popery.
The Francifcan monks, in return to the beautiful but
poignant fatires he had written again!! them, branded
him with the appellation of atheijl; a term which the
religious of all denominations are too apt indifcrimi-
nately to lavilh where they have conceived a preju¬
dice ; and, not fatisfied with the outrage of abufe and
calumny, they confpired his deftruCtion. Cardinal Bea¬
ton gave orders to apprehend him, and bribed King
James wuth a very confiderable fum to permit his exe¬
cution. He was feized upon accordingly ; and the firft
genius of his age was about to periffi by the halter, or
by fire, to fatisfy a malignant refentment, when, efca-
ping the vigilance of his guards, he fled into England..
Henry VIII. at all times the Have of caprice and paf-
fion,. wras then burning,, on the fame day, and at the
fame Itake, the Lutheran and the Papilt. His court
did not fuit a philofopher or a fatirilt. After a Ihort
Itay, Buchanan croffed the fea to France ; and, to his
extreme difappointment, found, at Paris, Cardinal Bea¬
ton, as ambaffador from (Scotland. He retired pri¬
vately to Bourdeaux, dreading, perhaps, new misfor¬
tunes, and concerned that he could not profecute his
Itudies in obfcurity and filence. Here he met An¬
drew Govea, a Portuguefe of great learning and w^orth,
with whom he had formerly been acquainted during
his travels, and who was now employed in teach¬
ing a public fchooL Pie difdained not to aCt as the
affiffant of his friend 5 and during the three years he
refided at this place, he compofed the tragedies which
do him fo much honour. It w'as here, alfo, that he
wrote fome of the molt pleafant of thofe poems,, in
which he has rallied the mufes, and threatened to for¬
fake them, as not being able to maintain their votary.
About this time, too, he prefented a copyof verfes to
the emperor Charles V. who happened to pafs through
Bourdeaux.
His enemies, meanwhile, were not inaftive. Car¬
dinal Beaton wrote about him to the archbilhop of
Bourdeaux; and by every motive which a cunning
and a wicked heart can invent, he invited him to pu-
nilh the molt peltilential of all heretics. The archbi¬
lhop, however, was not fo violent as the cardinal. On
inquiring into the matter, he was convinced that the
poet had committed a very fmall impropriety j and aL
lowed
B U C [ 774 ] BUG
Buchanan, lowed himfelf to be pacified. But fortune was not
long to continue her fmiles. Andrew Govea being
called by the king of Portugal, his mafter, to eflablifh
an academy at Coimbra, he entreated Buchanan to
accompany him. He obtained his requelt j and had
not been a year in his own country, when he died, and
left his afibciate expoied to the malice of his inveterate
enemies the monks. They loudly objedled to him,
that he was a Lutheran ; that he had written poems a-
gainlt the Francifcans ; and that he had been guilty of
the abominable crime of eating flelh in Lent. He was
confined to a monaftery till he fhould learn what thefe
men fancied to be religion : and they enjoined him to
tranflate the Pfalms of David into Latin verfe ; a talk
which every man of tafte knows with what admirable
Ikill and genius he performed.
On obtaining his liberty, he had the oflfer of a fpee-
dy promotion from the king of Portugal ; the iiTue of
which, his aversion to the clergy did not allow him to
wait. He haftened to England^ but the perturbed Hate
of affairs during the minority of Edward VI. not giv¬
ing him the promife of any lafting fecurity, he fet out
for France. There he had not been long, when he pu-
bliihed his Jephtha, which his neceffities made him de¬
dicate to the marfhal de Briffac. This patron did not
want generofity, and could judge of merit. He lent
him to Piedmont, as preceptor to kis fon Timoleon de
Colfi. In this employ he continued feveral years j and
during the leifure it afforded him, he fully examined
the controverfies w'hich now agitated Europe ; and he
put the laft hand to many of the moft admired of his
fmaller poems.
When his pupil had no longer any ufe for him, he
pa{Ted into Scotland, and made an open profefiion of
the reformed faith. But he foon quitted his native
country for France j wrhich appears to have been more
agreeable to his talfe. Queen Mary, however, having
determined that he fhould have the charge of educa¬
ting her fon, recalled him : and till the prince fhould
arrive at a proper age, he was nominated to the prin¬
cipality of St Andrew’s. His fuccefs as James’s pre¬
ceptor is well known. When it w-as reproached to
him, that he had made his majefly a pedant j “ It is
a w-onder (he replied) that I have made fo much of
him.” Makenzie relates a ftory concerning his tute¬
lage of his pedantic majefty, which fhows under what
authority Buchanan held his pupil, and at the fame
time the degree of his veneration for royalty. The
young king being one day at play with his fellow- pu¬
pil the mafter of Erfkine, Buchanan, who wTas then
reading, defired them to make lefs noife. Finding
that they difregarded his admonition, he told his ma¬
jefty, if he did not hold his tongue, he would certain¬
ly whip his breech. The king replied, he would be
glad to fee who would bell the cat, alluding to the
fable. Buchanan, in a paffion, threw the book from
him, and gave his majefty a found flogging. The old
countefs of Mar, who was in the next apartment, ruftt-
ed into the room, and taking the king in her arms, afk-
ed how he dared to lay his hand on the Lord's anointed,.
Buchanan’s anfwer is too indelicate to be repeated.
On the misfortunes that befel the amiable but im¬
prudent Mary, he went over to the party of the earl
of Murray $ and at his earneft defire he was prevailed
• .upon to write his “ Dete£!ion j” a work which his
£
greateft admirers have read with regret. Having been Buchana*
fent with other commiflioners to England, againft his , II
miftrefs, he w'as, on his return, rewarded with the ab-1 Luci‘aw.
bacy of Crofs Regal ; made director to the chancery j
and lome time after lord privy council and privy
leal. He was likewife rewarded by Queen Elizabeth
with a penfion of look a-year. The twelve laft years
of his life he employed in compofing his Hiftory of
Scotland. After having vied with almoft all the more
eminent of the Latin poets, he contefted with Livy and
Salluft the palm of eloquence and political fagacitv.
But it is to be remembered with pain, that, like the
former of thefe hiftorians, he was not always careful
to preferve himlelf from the charge of partiality. In
the year .1582, he expired at Edinburgh, in the 76th
year of his age.
Various writers who have mentioned this author,
fpeak of him in very different language, according to
their religious and political principles. From his works,
however, it is evident, that, both as a Latin poet and
profe writer, he hath been rarely equalled fince the
reign of Auguftus ; nor is he lefs deferving of remem¬
brance as a friend to the natural liberties of mankind,
in oppofition to ufurpation and tyranny. “ The hap¬
py genius of Buchanan (fays Dr Robertfon), equally
formed to excel in profe and verfe, more various,
more original, and more elegant, than that of almoft
any other modern who writes in Latin, reflects, with
regard to this particular, the greateft luftre on his
country.” To his memory an obelilk 100 feet high
w'as erefled by fubfcription in 1788, at Killearn the
place of his nativity, defigned by Mr J. Craig nephew
to the celebrated poet Thomfon.
The following is a lift of his w-orks. J. Rerum
Scoticarum, &.c. 2. Pfalmorum Davidispcraphrajispo¬
etic a. 3. De jure regni apud Scotos Dialogus. 4. Pfal-
mus civ. cum judicio Barclaii, &c. 5. Pfa/mus cxx,
cum analyji organica Bewzcri. 6. Bapti/les, Jive Ca-
lumnia. 7. Alcajlis, tragadia. 8. Dragtxd'ia faerce, et
exterce. 9. De Caleto recepto carmen, apud Stephan.
10. Francifcanus et Fratres, &c. 11. JLlegice, Silvue,
&c. 12. Defpera Herborna. 13. Poemata. 14. Satyr a
in cardinalem Lotbaringium. 15. Rudiment a gramma-
tices, Dho. Linacri ex Jlnglico fermone in Latinum verfa.
16. An admonition to the true lords. 17. Deprofudia.
18. Chamaleon, 1572. 19. sld viros fui feculi tpi/lola.
20. Literx reguur Scotica ad com. Bothvoelie. 21. A de-
tedlion of the doings of Mary queen of Scots, and of
James earl of Bothwell, againft Henry Lord Darnly.
22. Vita ab ipfo fcripta biennio ante mortem, cum com-
mentario D. Rob. Sibbaldi, M. D. 23. Life of Mary
queen of Scots. Thefe have been feverally printed of¬
ten, and in various countries. An edition of them all
colle&ed together was printed at Edinburgh in 1704,
in 2 vols. folio.
BUCHANNESS, a cape or promontory of Scot¬
land, which is the fartheft point of Buchan, not far
from Peterhead, and the moft eaftern of all Scotland.
E. Long. o. 30. N. Lat. 57. 28.
BUCHAW, a free and imperial town of Germany,
in Suabia, feated on the river Tederfee, 2 2 miles fouth-
weft of Ulm. Here is a monaftery, whofe abbefs has
a voice in the diets of the empire. E. Long. 9. 37.
N. Lat. 48. 5.
By chaw, a fimall territory of Germany, in the circle
of
BUG [ 775 ] BUG
Buchoreft of the Upper Rhine, which comprehends the diftri£t
II of the abbot of Fulda.
Sucking- BUCHOREST, a pretty large town of Turkey in
. >am' , Europe, feated in the middle of Walachia, and the or¬
dinary refidence of a hofpodar. The houfes are mean
and very ill built, except a few that belong to the prin¬
cipal perfons. In 1716, a party of Germans fent from
Tranfylvania entered this town, and took the prince
prifoner with all his court, and carried them off. This
expedition was the more eafily performed, as feveral
lords of the country had a fecret intelligence with, the
governor of Tranfylvania. This prince had no other
way to regain his liberty, but by giving up that part
of Walachia, which lies between the river Aluth and
Tranfylvania, to the emperor of Germany, by the peace
concluded at Paflarowitz in 1718. The Germans en¬
tered again to the capital of his dominions, and levied
exceflive contributions. But affairs took another turn
after the fatal battle of Crotika in 1737 ; for the em¬
peror was obliged to reftore this part of Walachia to
the hofpodar, in virtue of the treaty of Belgrade. E.
Long. 26. 30. N. Lat. 44. 30.
BUCHOM, a fmall, free, and imperial town ofSua-
bia in Germany, feated on the lake of Conftance, in
E. Long. 9. 20. N. Lat. 47. 41.
BUCIOCHE, in commerce, a fort of woollen cloth
manufa&ured in Provence in France, which the French
{hips carry to Alexandria and Cairo.
BUCK, in Zoology, a male horned bead of venery
or chafe, whofe female is denominated a doe. See
Cervus, and Buck-HuNTiNG.
Buck, is alfo applied to the male of the hare and
rabbit kind. See Lepus, and Hare-HunTiNG.
BvcK-Bean. See Menyanthes, Botany Index.
BucK-Thorn. See Rhamnus, Botany Index.
Bvcn-Wheat. See Polygonum, Botany Index.
BUCKENHAM, New, a town of Norfolk in
England, which formerly had a ftrong caftle, but now
demolilhed. It is feated in a flat, in E. Long. i. JO.
N. Lat. 52. 30.
BUCKET, a fmall portable veffel to hold water,
often made of leather for its lightnefs and eafy ufe in
cafes of fire. It is alfo the veffel let down into a well,
or the fides of fhips, to fetch up water.
BUCKING, the firft operation in the whitening of
linen yarn or cloth.
BUCKINGHAM, the chief town of Buckingham-
fliire in England, (lands in a low ground, on the river
Oufe, by which it is almoft furrounded, and over which
there are three handfome (lone-bridges. The town is
large and populous, fends two members to parliament,
and had the title of a duchy. It feems, however, to
have been but an inconfiderable place at the Conqueft j
for according to Doomfday-book, it paid only for one
hide, and had but 26 burgeffes. Edward the elder
fortified it in the year 918 againft the incurfions of the
Danes, with a rampart and turrets. It alfo had for¬
merly a callle in the middle of the town, of which no
veftiges now remain. The (brine of St Rumbald, the
patron of filhermen, preferved in the church, was held
in great veneration. The county-gaol (lands in this
town, and here the aflizes are fpmetimes kept. It was
formerly a (laple for wool, but that advantage it hath
now loft. It is governed by a bailiff and 12 burgeffes,
who are the foie ele&ors of the members. In its neigh¬
bourhood are many paper-mills upon the Oufe. W. Buckings
Long. o. 58. N. Lat. 51. 30. ham-fhire
BvcKiNGHAM-Shire, (fuppofed to derive its name Buckler,
from the Saxon word Buc, denoting a hart or buck), v—y—
an inland county of England. During the time prior
to the landing of the Romans it was included in the
divifion of Catieuchlani *, and after their conqueft it
was included in their third province of Flavia Caefa-
rienfis. During the heptarchy it belonged to the king¬
dom of Mercia, which commenced in 582, and termi¬
nated in 827, having had 18 kings; and it is now in¬
cluded in the Norfolk circuit, the diocefe of Lincoln^
and the province of Canterbury. It is bounded on
the north by Northamptonftiire ; fouth by Berkftiire ;
eaft by Bedfordftiire, Hertford (hire, and Middlefex ;
and weft by Oxfordftiire. It is of an oblong form,,
whofe greateft extent is from north to fouth. It con¬
tains 441,000 acres; has above 111,400 inhabitants,
185 pariflies, 73 vicarages; is 49 miles long, 18 broad,
and 109 in circumference. It has 15 market-towns,
viz. Buckingham and Aylefbury the county towns,.
Marlow, Newport-Pagnel, Window, Wendover, Bea-
consfield, Wiccomb, Chefliam, Amerftiam, Stony Strat¬
ford, Colnbrook, Ivingho, Oulney, Rifborough ; be-
fides the confiderable villages of Eaton and Fenny
Stratford, and 613 others inferior. It is divided into
eight hundreds, provides 560 men for the militia, fends
14 parliament-men, and pays 12 parts of the land tax..
Its rivers are the Thames, Oufe, Coin, Wicham, A-
merftiam, Ifa, Tame, and Loddon. Its chief produce
is bone-lace, paper, corn, fine wool, and breeding rams.
The moft noted places are the Chiltern Hills, Vale of
Aylefbury, Bernwood Foreft, Wooburn-Heath, and 15,
parks. The air is generally good, and the foil moftly
chalk or marie. The population of Buckinghamftnre
amounted to 111,000 perfons in the year 1801; in 1700
the number was 80,500. Increafe in a century 30,500.
Buckingham, George Vil/iers duhe of. See Vil-
liers.
Buckingham, John Sheffield duhe of. See Shef¬
field.
BUCKLE, a well known utenfil, made of divers
forts of metals, as gold, filver, fteel, brafs, &c.
The faftiion or form of buckles is various ; but their
ufe, in general, is to make faft certain parts of drefs, as
the (hoes, garters, &c.
Buckle, in Heraldry. The buckle was fo much
efteemed in former times, that few perfons of repute
and honour wore their girdle without it ; and it may¬
be confidered, in coats of arms, as a token of the fure-
ty, the faith and fervice of the bearer.
BUCKLER, a piece of defenfive armour ufed by
the ancients. It was worn on the left arm ; and com-
pofed of wickers woven together, or wTood of the lighted
fort, covered with hides, and fortified with plates of
brafs or other metal. The figure was fometimes round,
fometimes oval, and fometimes almoft fquare. Moft
of the bucklers were curioufly adorned with all forts
of figures of birds and beads, as eagles, lions; nor of
thefe only, but of the gods, of the celeftial bodies, and
all the works of nature ; which cuftom was derived from,
the heroic times, and from them communicated to the
Grecians, Romans, and Barbarians.
The fcutum or Roman buckler, was of wood, the
partsbeing joined together with little plates of iron,
and
BUG [ 776 J BUD
Bucklers and the whole covered with a bull’s hide. An iron
II plate went about it without, to keep off blows j and
Bul'ouc' . another within, to hinder it from taking any damage
bv lying on the ground. In the middle ■was an iron
bofs or umbo jutting out, very ferviceable to glance off
ftones and darts ; and fometimes to prefs violently upon
• the enemy, and drive all before them. They are to
be diftinguiffied from the clypei, which were lefs, and
quite round, belonging more properly to other nations,
though for iome little time uled by the Romans. The
fcuta themfelves were of two kinds; the ovata, and the
imbncato : the former is a plain oval figure ; the other
oblong, and bending inward like half a cylinder. Po¬
lybius makes the fcuta four feet long, and Plutarch
calls them Tro^v^ut, reaching down to the feet. And it
is very probaole that they covered almoft the whole
body, fince in Livy we meet with foldiers who flood
on the guard, fometimes lleeping with their head on
their ffiield, having fixed the other part of it in the
earth.
Votive Bucklers : Thofe confecrated to the gods,
and hung up in their temples, either in commemoration
of fome hero, or as a thankfgiving for a vi£!ory obtain¬
ed over an enemy ; whofe bucklers, taken in war, wTere
offered as a trophy.
BUCKOR, a'province of Afia, fubjeft to the
Great Mogul. It is feated on the river Indus, on
the banks of which there are corn and cattle ; but
the weft part, which is bounded by Sageftan in Perfia,
is a defert. The inhabitants are ftrong, robuft, and apt
to mutiny ; for which reafon the Mogul has a garrifon
at the chief towm called Buckor, which is feated in an
ifland made by the river Indue. They are all Maho¬
metans, and drive a great trade in cotton cloth and
other Indian commodities. E, Long. 70. 5. N. Lat.
28. 20.
BUCKRAM, in commerce, a fort of coarfe linen
cloth ftiffened with glue, ufed in the making of gar¬
ments to keep them in the form intended. It is alfo
ufed in the bodies of women’s gowns; and it often
ferves to make wrappers to cover cloths, ferges, and
fuch other merchandifes, in order to preferve them, and
keep them from the duff, and their colours from fa¬
ding. Buckrams are fold wholefale by the dozen of
fmall pieces or remnants, each about four ells long, and
broad according to the piece from which they are cut.
Sometimes they ufe new pieces of linen cloth to make
buckrams, but moft commonly old (beets and old pieces
of fails.
BUCKSTALL, a toil to take deer, which muff not
be kept by any body that has not a park of his own,
under penalties.
BUCOLIC, in ancient poetry, a kind of poem re¬
lating to (hepherds and country affairs, which, accord¬
ing to the moft generally received opinion, took its rife
in Sicily. Bucolics, fays Voffius, have fome confor¬
mity with comedy. Like it, they are pi&ures and imi¬
tations of ordinary life ; with this difference, however,
that comedy reprefents the manners of the inhabitants
of cities, and bucolics the occupations of country peo¬
ple. Sometimes, continues he, this laft poem is in
form of a monologue, and fometimes of a dialogue.
Sometimes there is a£lion in it, and fometimes only
mrration; and fometimes it is compofed both of aflion
*,nd narration. The hexameter verfe is the moft pro¬
per for bucolics in the Greek and Latin tongues. Bud,
Molchus, Bion, Theocritus, and Virgil, are the moft Buda,
renowmed of the ancient bucolic poets. f
BUD, in Botany. See the article Gemma.
BUDA, the capital city of Hungary, called Gfen
by the inhabitants, and Buden by the Turks. It is
large, well fortified, and has a callle that is almoft im¬
pregnable. The houles are tolerably handfome, being
moil of them built with fquare (lone. It was a
much finer place before the Turks had it in their
poffeflion ; but they being mailers of it 135 years,
have fullered the fineft buildings to fall to decay. The
lower city, or Jews town, extends like fuburbs from
the upper city to the Danube. The upper town takes
up all the declivity of a mountain ; and is fortified
wdth good walls, which have towers at certain dif-
tances. The caftle, which is at the extremity of the
hill, on the eaft fide, and commands the greateft part of
it, is furrounded with a very deep ditch, and defended
by an old-fafhioned tower, with the addition of new
fortifications. There is alfo a fuburb, enclofed with
hedges, after the Hungarian manner. The moft fump-
tuous ftru&ures now are the caravanferas, the mofques,
bridges, and baths. Thefe laft are the fineft in Eu¬
rope, for the magnificence of the building, and plenty
of water. Some of the fprings are ufed for bathing
and drinking ; and others are fo hot, that they can¬
not be ufed without a mixture of cold water. The
Danube is about three quarters of a mile in breadth j
and there is a bridge of boats between this city and
Pelt, confifting of 63 large pontoons. The Jew^s have
a fynagogue near the caltle-gardens. The adjacent
country is fruitful and pleafant, producing rich wines j
though in fome places they have a fulphureous fla¬
vour.
This city was the refidence of the Hungarian mo-
narchs, till the Turks took it in 1526. Ferdinand
arch-duke of Auftria recovered it the next year; but in
1529 the Turks became mailers of it again. In 1684
the Chriftians laid fiege to it; but they were obliged to
raife it foon after, though they had an army of 80,000
men. Two years after, the Turks loft it again, it
being taken by affault in the fight of a very numerous
army. The booty that the Chriftians found there
wras almoft incredible, becaufe the rich inhabitants had
lodged their treafury in this city as a place of fafety.
Howrever, part of thefe riches was loft in the fire oc-
cafioned by the affault. This laft fiege coil the Chri¬
ftians a great deal of blood, becaufe there were many
in the camp wftio carried on a fecret correfpondence
with the Turks. When the feralkier faw the city on
fire, and found he could not relieve it, he beat his head
againft the ground for anger. In 1687 this city had
like to have fallen into the hands of the Turks again
by treachery. After this, the Chriftians augmented
the fortifications of this place, to which the pope con¬
tributed 100,o©o crowns, for this is looked upon as the
key of Chriftendom, It is feated on the Danube, 105
miles fouth-eaft of Vienna, 163 north by weft of Bel¬
grade, and 563 north-weft of Conftantinople. E. Long..
19. 22. N. Lat. 47. 20.
Buda, the Begkrbeg/ic of was one of the chief go¬
vernments of the Turks in Europe. It included all
the countries of Upper Hungary between the rivers
TeiiTe and Danube, and between Agria and Novigrad;
all
BUD
"Bu^icus
all Lower Hungary from Gran and Canifca, the eafl-
ern part of Sclavonia, and almolt all Servia : but a
good part of this government now belongs to the queen
of Hungary.
BUDiEUS, William, the moft learned man in
France in the 15th century, was defcended of an an¬
cient and illuftrious family, and born at Paris in 1467.
He was placed young under mafters j but barbarifm
prevailed fo much in the fchools of Paris, that Budams
took a diflike to them, and fpent his wdiole time in
idlenefs, till his parents fent him to the univerfity of
Orleans to lludy law. Here he palled three years
without adding to his knowledge ; for his parents fend¬
ing for him back to Paris, found his ignorance no lefs
than before, and his reluctance to ftudy, and love to
gaming and other ufelefs pleafures, much greater.
They talked no more to him of learning of any kind ;
and as he was heir to a large fortune, left him to fol¬
low his own inclinations. He was paffionately fond
of hunting, and took great pleafure in horfes, dogs,
and hawks. The fire of youth beginning to cool, and
his ul'ual pleafures to pall upon his fenfes, he was
feized with an irrefirtible paffion for fludy. He im¬
mediately difpofed of all his hunting equipage, and
even abftrafted himfelf from all bufinefs to apply him-
fielf wholly to itudy j in which he made, without any
aftiftance, a very rapid and amazing progrefs, parti¬
cularly in the Latin and Greek languages. The work
which gained him greateft reputation w^as his trea-
tife de <4/Je. His erudition and high birth were not
his only advantages j he had an uncommon lhare of
piety, modefty, gentlenefs, and good-breeding. The
French king, Francis I. often fent for him ; and at his
perfuafion, and that of Du Bellay, founded the royal
college of France, for teaching the languages and
fciences. The king fent him to Rome with the cha¬
racter of his ambaffador to Leo X. and in 1522 made
him mailer of requelts. The fame year he was chofen
provolt of the merchants. He died at Paris in 1540.
His works, making four volumes in folio, were printed
at Bafil in 1557.
BUDD^LUS, John Francis, a celebrated Luthe¬
ran divine, and one of the molt learned men Ger¬
many has produced, was born in 1667, at Anclam, a
town of Pomerania, where his father was minilter
He was at firlt Greek and Latin profelfor at Colburgj
afterwards profelfor of morality and politics in the uni-
verfity of Hall j and at length, in 1705, profeflbr of
divinity at Jena, wFere he fixed, and where he died,
after having acquired a very great reputation. His
principal works are, 1. A large hiltorical German
dictionary. 2. Hijioria ecclefiaji 'ica Veteris 'TeJIamenti,
2 vols 4to. 3. Element a philofophice pra£lic<r, injlru-
mentalis, et theoreticce, 3 vols Bvo, which has had a
great number of editions, becaufe in molt of the uni-
verfities of Germany the profelfors take this work for
the text of their lefions. 4. Selecla juris naturce et
gentium, C. d\ifcelicincci fncrci, 3 vols 4to. 6. Ifagog?
hiflorico-theologica ad theologiam univer/am, Jingulafque
ejus partes, 2 vols 4to ; which is much valued by the
Lutherans. 7. A treatife on atheifm and fuperlti-
tion.
BUDDESDALE, or Bettisdale, a town of
Suffolk in England, feated in a dale or valley, and its
street takes in a good part of Ricking, all which to-
Vol. IV. Part II.
t 777 1
BUD
gether make up the town; for of itfelf it is but a ham- Budding
let, having a Imall chapel, and an endow’ed grammar- II
fchool, to which belong certain fcholarlhips, affigned
to Benuet or Corpus Chrilti college in Cambridge,'be- V
ing the gift of Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the
great feal. E. Long. 1.8. N. Lat. 52. 25.
BUDDING, in gardening. See Engrafting.
BUDDLE, in Metallurgy, a large fquare frame of
boards, ufed in w’alhing metallic ores.
BUDDLEIA. See Botany Index.
BUDELICH, a town of Germany, in the electoral
circle of the Rhine and archbilhopric of Treves, feated
on the little river Traen, in E. Long. 6. 55. N. Lat.
49. 52.
BUDGE-Barrels, among engineers, fmall barrels
well hooped, with only one head; on the other end
is nailed a piece of leather, to draw together upon
firings like a purfe. Their ufe is for carrying powder
along with a gun or mortar; being lefs dangerous,
and eafier carried, than whole barrels. They are like-
wife ufed upon a battery of mortars for holding meal-
powder.
BUDGELL, Eustace, Efq; an ingenious and
polite writer, was the fon of Gilbert Budgell, doCtor
of divinity; and was born at St Thomas, near Exeter,
about the year 1685. He was educated at Chrilt-
church college, Oxford ; from which he removed to
the Inner Femple, London : but inftead of ftudying
the law, for which his father intended him, he^ ap¬
plied to polite literature; kept company with the gen-
teelefl perfons in town ; and particularly contracted a
ftriCt intimacy -with the ingenious Mr Addifon, who
was firft coufin to his mother, and who, on his being
made fecretary to Lord Wharton lord lieutenant of
Ireland, took him wdth him as one of the clerks of his
office. Mr Budgell, who was about 20 years of age,
and had read the claffics, and the works of the belt
Engliffi, French, and Italian authors, now became
concerned with Sir Richard Steele and Mr Addifon in
writing the Tatler, as he had, foon after, a ffiare in
waiting the Spectators, where all the papers written
by him are marked with an X ; and when that wmrk
was completed, he had likewife a hand in the Guar¬
dian, where his performances are marked with an afte-
rifk. He was afterwards made under fecretary to Mr
Addifon, chief fecretary to the lords juftices of Ire¬
land, and deputy clerk of the council. Soon after,
he w'as chofen a member of the Iriffi parliament; and in
1717, Mr Addifon, having become principal fecretary
of ftate in England, procured him the place of ac¬
countant and comptroller general of the revenue in
Ireland. But the next year, the duke of Bolton be¬
ing appointed lord-lieutenant, Mr Budgell wrote a
lampoon againft Mr Webfter, his fecretary, in which
his grace himfelf U’as not fpared ; and upon all occa-
fions treated that gentleman with the utmoft contempt.
This imprudent ftep was the primary caufe of his
ruin : for the duke of Bolton, in fupport of his fe¬
cretary, got him removed from the poll of accountant-
general ; upon which, returning to England, he, con¬
trary to the advice of Mr Addifon, publilhed his cafe
in a pamphlet, entitled, “ A letter to the lord * * *,
from Eultace Budgell, Elq. accountant-general,” &c.
Mr Addifon had now refigned the feals, and was re¬
tired into the country for the fake of his health : Mr
5 F Budgell
/
Budgell
ii
Budoa.
BUD
Buc’gell had alio loft feveral other powerful friends,
who had been taken oft by death ; particularly the
- lord Halifax and the earl of Sunderland : he, how¬
ever, made feveral attempts to fucceed at court, but
was conftantly kept down by the duke of Bolton. In
the year 1720 he loft 20,oool. by the South-fea
fcheme, and afterwards fpent 5000I. more in unfuc-
cefsful attempts to get into parliament. This com-
pleted his ruin. He at length employed himfelf in
writing pamphlets againft the miniftry, and wrote
many papers in the Craftfman. In 1733, he began a
weekly pamphlet, called The Bee; which he continued
for above roo numbers, printed in eight volumes Svo.
During the progrefs of this work, Dr Tindal’s death
happened, ^by whofe will Mr Budgell had 2000I. left
him 5 and the world being furprifed at fuch a gift from
a man entirely unrelated to him, to the exclufion of
the next heir, a nephew, and the continuatcr of Ra-
pin’s hiftory of England, immediately imputed it to
his making the will himfelf. Thus the fatirift :
Let Budgell charge low Grub-ftreet on my quill,
And write whate’er he pleale except my will.
It was thought he had fome hand in publifliing Dr
I indal s Chriftianity as old as the Creation ; for he
often talked of another additional volume on the fame
fubjeft, but never publiftied it. After the ceffation of
tne Bee, Mr Budgell became fo involved in law-fuits,
that he was reduced to a very unhappy fituation. He
got himfeif called to the bar, and attended for fome
time in the courts of law j but finding himfelf unable
to make any progrefs, and being diftr'eft to the utmoft,
he determined at length to make away with himfelf.
Accordingly, in the year 1736, he took a boat at
Somerfet-ftairs, after filling his pockets with ftones j
ordered the waterman to ftioot the bridge ; and, while
the boat was going under, threw himfelf into the river.
He had feveral days before been vifibly diftrafted in
his mind. Upon his bureau was found a flip of paper,
on which were thefe words:
\vhat Cato did, and Addifon approv’d,
Cannot be wrong.
Befides the above works, he wrote a Tranflation of
I heophraftus’s Charafters. He was never married j
but left one natural daughter, who afterwards affumed
his name, and became an aftrefs in Drury-lane.
BUDINUS, in Ancient Geography, a mountain of
Sarmatia Europsea, from which the more northern
Ipring of the Boryfthenes is faid to take its rife, ac¬
cording to Ptolemy. But this is contradifted by later
accounts. Now Podolla.
BUDNiEANS, in ecclefiaftical hiftory, fo called
>rom the name of their leader, Simon Budnseus. They
not only denied all kind of religious worfhip to Jefus
Chrift, but afterted, that he was not begotten by any
extraordinary a<fl of divine power j being born, like
other men, in a natural way. Budnaeus was depofed
from his minifterial funsftions in the year 1584, and
publicly excommunicated, with all his difciples • but
afterwards abandoning his peculiar fentiments, he was
readmitted to the communion of the Socinian fefl.
Crellius aferibes the origin of the above opinion to
Adam Neufer.
BUDOA, a maritime town of Dalmatia, with a
r 778 i
B U E
Buenos.
biftiop’s fee, fubjefr to the Venetians. It is feated Budno
between the gulf of Cattaro and the city of Dulugno, 11
on the coaft of Albania j and is an important fortrefs,
where the \ enetians always keep a ftrong garrifon. In
1667, it fuffered greatly by an earthquake: and in
T 686 was befieged by Soliman, baftia of Scutari ; but
General Cornaro obliged him to raife the fiege. E.
Long. 19. 22. N. Lat. 42. 12.
BUDRIO, a town of Italy, in the Bolognefe. The
adjacent fields produce large'quantities of fine hemp,
which renders the town of more confequence than
larger places. _ E. Long. 1 1. 35. N. Lat. 44. 27.
BUD UN, is the name of one of the Ceylonefe
gods: he is fuppofed to have arrived at fupremacy,
after fucceflive tranfmigrations, from the 1 owe ft ftate of
an infedt, through the various fpecies of living ani¬
mals. I here have been three deities of this name,
each of which is fuppofed to reign as long as a bird
removes a hill of fand, half a mile high, and fix miles
round, by a fingle grain in a theufand years. See
Sakradawendra.
BUDW EIS, a royal city of Bohemia in Germanv,
It is pretty large and well built, furrounded with ftrong
walls, fortified with a good rampart, and might be
made an important place. It was taken by the king
of Pruflia in 1744, but he did not keep it very long.
E. Long. 14. 19. N. Lat. 42. 15.
BUDZIAC tartary, lies on the rivers Neifter,
Bog, and Nieper; having Poland and Ruflia on the
north, Little Tartary on the eaft, the Black fea on
the fouth, and Beffarabia on the weft. The chief
town is Oczakow. It is fubjeft to Turkey.
BUENA vista, one of the Cape de Verd Iflands,
lying in N. Lat. 15. 56. It is alfo called BonviJiay
and Bonnevue; but the firft is the true appellation,
the others being only abbreviations and corruptions of
the original name, which fignifies a good profpeB, in¬
timating the beautiful appearance it makes to fhips at
fea. This ifland is reckoned near 20 leagues in cir¬
cumference, and is diftinguifhed on the north fide by
a ridge of white rocks that bound it. The coaft that
ftretches eaft and north-w^eft is terminated with fundry
banks to the fea j but the interior part is chiefly
mountainous, from the northern point there is a large
ridge of rocks projecting near a whole league into the
fea, againft which the waves break with incredible
fury. Another point of rocks ftretches into the fea
on the fouthern point of the ifland eaftward, a league
and a half beyond that point; and in that bay is the
beft road for {hipping.
BUENOS ayres, a country of South America,
belonging to the Spaniards. This name, given from the
pleafantnefs of the climate, is extended to all that coun¬
try lying between Tucuman on the eaft, Paraguay on
the north, and Terra Magellanica on the fouth, or to*
the vertex of that triangular point of land which com-
pofes South America. The country is watered by the
great river La Plata; firft difeovered in 1515 by Juan
Diaz de Solis, who with two of his attendants was
maffacred by the natives; and partly fubdued by Se-
baftian Gaboto, who gave the great river the appella¬
tion of La Plata, from the abundance of the precious
metals he procured from the inhabitants, imagining
them to be the produce of the country, though in facl
they were brought from Peru.^—No country in the
world
Buenos
Ayres
II
Buffet.
B U F [ yyg
world abounds more in horned cattle and horfes than
Buenos Ayres, where the greatert expence of a horfe
or cow is in the catching it, and they are frequently
j to be had at the fmall price of two or three reals. In
fuch abundance are thefe ufeful animals, that the hide
alone is deemed of any value, as this conrtitutes a main
article in the trade of the country. All rove wild in the
fields ; but they are now become more difficult of ac-
cefs, the terrible havock made among them having
taught the cautious brutes to keep at a greater di-
ftance. ^ All kinds of filh are in the fame abundance;
the fruits produced by every quarter of the globe
grow up here in the utmoft perfeftion ; and for the
enjoyment of life, and the falubrity of the air, a finer
country cannot be imagined. The principal cities are
Buenos Ayres the capital, Monte Video, Corienteo,
and Santa Fe.
Buenos Ayres, Ncuftra Sennora cle, the capital of
the country called Buenos Ayres, in South America,
was founded in the year 1535, under the direftion
of Don Pedro de Mendoza, at that time governor. It
Hands on a point called Cape Blanco, on the fouth fide
of the Plata, fronting a fmall river, in S. Lat. 340
34' 38", according to the obfervations of Father Fe-
ville. The fituation is in a fine plain, rifing by a
gentle afcent from the river; and truly paradifaical,
whether we regard the temperature of the climate, the
fertility of the foil, or that beautiful verdure which
overfpreads the whole face of the country, of which
the inhabitants have a profpeft as far as the eye can
reach. The city is very confiderable in extent, con-
taining 3000 houfes, inhabited by Spaniards and others
of different complexions. The greets are ftraight,
broad, and pretty equal in the heights and dimenfions
of the buildings; one very handfome fquare adorns it,
the front being a caftle in which the governor holds
his court, and prefides over a garrilon of 3000 fol-
diers. Moft of the buildings are of chalk or brick,
except the cathedral, a magnificent ftru&ure, compofed
chiefly of Irene.
BUFALMACO, Boram ico, an Italian painter ;
the firft who put labels to the mouths of his figures,
with fentences ; fince followed by bad mailers, but
more frequently in caricatura engravings. Fie died in
1340.
BUFF, in commerce, a fort of leather prepared from
the Ikin of the buffalo ; wffiich dreffed with oil, after
the manner of ffiammy, makes what wre call b:ijf-Jkin.
This makes a very confiderable article in the French,
Engliih, and Dutch commerce at Conftantinople,
Smyrna, and all along the coaft of Africa. The Ikins
of elks, oxen, and other like animals, when prepared
after the fame manner as that of the buffalo, are like-
wife called buffs.
Of buff-fkin, or buff-leather, are made a fort of coats
for the horfe ox gens d'ortnes of France, bandaliers, belts,
pouches, and gloves.
In France, there are feveral manufa&ories defigned
for the dreffing of thofe forts of hides, particularly at
Corbeil, near Paris; at Niort, at Lyons, at Rone, at
Etanepus, at Cone.
BUFFALO, in Tloology. See Bos.
BUFFET was anciently a little-apartment, feparated
from the reft of the room by fiender wooden columns,
for the difpofing of china, glafs-ware, &c.
1
B U F
It is now properly a large table in a dining-room,
called alfo ■zfide-board, for the plate, glafles, bottles, v
bafons, &c. to be placed on, as well for the fervice of
the table as tor magnificence. In houfes of perfons of
diftinftion in France, the buffet is a detached room,
decorated with piftures relative to the fubjeft, with
fountains, cifterns, and vales. It is commonly faced
with marble or bronze.
BUFflER, Claude, a French writer, in 1661,
became a Jefuit in 1679, and died at Paris in 173-.
There are many works of this author, which ftibw deep
penetration and accurate judgment ; the principal of
which is, Un Cours des Sciences^ £kc. that is, “ a
Courfe of Sciences upon principles new' and fimple, m
order to form the language, the underftanding, and the
heart, 1732,” in folio. This colleaion includes an
excellent “ French grammar upon a new plan ; a phi-
lofophic and practical treatife upon eloquence ; an art
of poetry,” wffiich, however, is not reckoned the belt
part ol this mifcellany ; “ elements of metaphyfics ; an
examination into vulgar prejudices ; a treatife of civil
fociety ; and an expofition of the proofs of religion
all full of reflections, juft as well as new. He w as the
author of other works, in verfe and profe, of wEich no
great account is had ; and it is remarkable, that his
ftyle in both is rather eafy than accurate and correCt,
notwithftanding the precepts in his “ Grammar,” which
is really philofophic.
BUIFON, George Louis Le Clerc, Cou NT OF,
a celebrated naturaliit, was born at Montbard, in Bur¬
gundy, the 7th of September 1707 : his father was a
counfellor of the parliament of Dijon, and the fon was
deftined to the fame office, if fcience had not drawrn
him away from the law. He ftudied at Dijon ; and
his eager aftivity, his acutenefs, penetration, and ro-
buft conftitution, fitted him to purlue bufinefs and plea-
lure with equal ardour. Flis early paffion w'as for
aftronomy, and the young Le Clerc was never without
Euclid in his pocket. At the age of twenty, he went
with an Englifh nobleman and his governor to Italy ;
but he overlooked the choiceft remains of art, and, a-
midft the ruins of an elegant and luxurious people, he
firft felt the charms of natural hiftory, whole zealous
and fuccelsful admirer he afterwards proved. On his
return to France, he fought, on fome occafional quar¬
rel, with an Engliffiman, whom he w'ounded, and was
obliged to retire to Paris. He there tranflated NewT-
ton’s Fluxions from the Latin, and Hales’s Statics
from the Englifti, into the French language. He af¬
terwards came to England, at the age of 25 ; and this
journey concluded his travels: he ftaid here about
three months. At the age of 21, he fucceeded to
the eftate of his mother, which was valued at about
300,000 livres (above i2,oool. fterling^ ; and he was
one of thofe whofe eafy or affluent circumftances urge
on to literary purfuits, and clear the path of fome of its
thorns. Perhaps this was the period of his retirement
to Montbard, where he fpent much time, and where
his leifure w-as little interrupted : while in the capital,
his office of intendant of the king’s garden and cabinet
engaged much of his time. He loved much company,
and w7as partial to the fair; but he loved glory more.
He fpent 14 hours every day in ftudy ; and, when we
examine the extent of his knowledge, and the num¬
ber of his works, we wronder at his having executed fo
c F 2 much
Buffer,
Buffon.
Euffon,
Buffbon
B U F [ 78
much even in this time. At five in the morning he
_j retired to a pavilion in his vaft gardens, and he was
then jnacceffible. This was, as Prince Henry of Pruf-
fia called it, the cradle of natural hifiory ; but fire was
indifferently accommodated. The wTalls were naked :
an old writing-table, with pen, ink, and paper, and
an elbow chair of black leather, were the only furni¬
ture of his ftudy. His manufcripts were in a cabinet
in another building, and he went occafionally from one
to the other. The eras of BufFon’s works are pretty
well known. When each wurs finifired, it was put
afide, in order that he might forget it, and he then re¬
turned to it with the feverity of a critic. He was
anxious to have it perfpicuous 5 and if thofe to whom
he read his works hefitated a moment, he changed the
paflage. The works of others he at lafl read like
Magliabechi, the titles, the contents, and the moft in-
terefting parts ; but he read M. Neckar’s Compte
Rendu, and the Adminiftration of the Finances, at
length : he ipoke of them alfo with no little enthufiafm.
His favourite authors were Fenelon, Montefquieu, and
Richard fon.
M. de Buffbn’s converfation was unadorned, rarely
animated, but fometimes very cheerful. He was exahl
in his drefs, particularly in drefiing his hair. Pie fat
long at table, and then feemed at bis eafe. His con¬
verfation was, at this time, unembarraffed, and his
guefts had frequently occafion to notice fome happy
turn of phrafe, or fome deep refiehlion. His complai-
fance was very confiderable : he loved praife, and even
praifed himfelf; but it was with fo much franknefs,
and with fo little contempt of others, that it was ne¬
ver dilagreeable. Indeed, when we confider the ex¬
tent of his reputation, the credit of his works, and the
attention with which they w’ere always received, we
do not wonder that he w'as fenfible of his own value.
It wmuld perhaps have difplayed a ftronger mind to
have concealed it. His father lived to 93, and almoil
adored his fon ; his grandfather to 87 ; and the fubjeft
of the prefent article exceeded only 80. He died in
April 1788. Fifty-fix ftones were found in his blad¬
der ; but if he had confented to the operation, he
might probably have lived longer. He left one fon ;
who near a high tower in the gardens of Montbard
has placed a low column, with the following infcrip-
tion :
Excelfae Turri
Humilis Columna,
Parent! fuo
Fil. Buffon.
This fon fell a victim to the tyranny of Robefpierre du¬
ring the late revolution in France.
BUFFOON, a droll, or mimic, who diverts the
public by his pleafantries and follies. Menage, after
Salmafius, derives the word ^x&csx fuffo, a name given
to thofe who appeared on the Roman theatre with their
cheeks blown up 5 that, receiving blows thereon, they
might make the greater noife, and fet the people a
laughing. Others, as Rhodiginus, make the origin
of buffoonery more venerable ; deriving it from a
feaft inftitilted in Attica by King Ereflheus, called bu~
phonia.
Buffoons are the fame with wdiat we otherwife find
denominated fcurrcc, gelajiani, mimilogit mini/lelli, go*
o ] BUG
liardi, joculatores, &c. whole chief fcene is kid at the B»fonk
tables of great men. Gallienus never fat down to
meat without a fecond table of buffoons by him •, Til-
lemont alfo renders pantomimes by buffoons. In which
lenfe he obferves, the fhows of the buffoons were taken
away by Domitian, refiored by Nerva, and finally a-
bolilhed by Trajan.
BUFONIA, toad-grass. See Botany Index.
BUFONITA, in Natural Hifiory, the toad-ftone.
This has been received not only among the lift of na¬
tive ftones by the generality of authors, but even has
held a place among the gems, and is ftill worn in rings
by fome people j though undoubtedly it is an extrane¬
ous fofiii. I here has been a ftrong opinion in the
world, that it was found in the head of an old toad •,
and that this animal voided it at the mouth, on being
put on a red cloth. The general colour of the bufo-
nitae is a deep dulky brown ; but it varies greatly in
this relpedl in feveral fpecimens, fome of which are
quite black, others of an extremely pale fimple brown,
a chefnut colour, liver colour, black gray, or whitifti.
The bufonitae are ufually found immerfed in beds of
ftone ; and fo little doubt is there of what they have
originally been, viz. the petrified teeth of the lupus
pjfcis, or wolf-fifti, that part of the jaw of the fifti has
fometimes been found with the teeth petrified in it.
The bufonitte are faid to be cordial and aftringent :
many other fanciful virtues are afcribed to them, which
the preient practice has rejefled.
BUG, or bugg. See Cimex, Entomology
Index.
Cheap, eafy , and clean mixture for effeBually defroy~
ing Buggs. 1 ake of the higheft rectified fpirit of wine,
(viz. lamp-fpirits) that will burn all away dry, and leave
not the leaft moillure behind it, half a pint ; new di-
ftilled oil, or Ipirit, of turpentine, half a pint : mix
them together ; and break into it, in fmall bits, half
an ounce of camphire, which wfill diffolve it in a few
minutes j ftiake them well together •, and with a piece
of fponge, or a brufti dipt in fome of it, w’et very well
the bed or furniture wherein thole vermin harbour and
breed, and it will infallibly kill and deftroy both them
and their nits, although they fwarm ever fo much.
But then the bed and furniture muft be w’ell and tho¬
roughly wet with it (the duft upon them being firft
brufhed and firaken oft jf, by which means it will nei¬
ther foil, ftain, nor in the leaft hurt, the fineft filk or
damalk bed that is. The quantity here ordered of this
mixture (that cofts but about a ftiilling) will rid any
one bed whatever, though it fwarms with buggs. If
any buggs fhould happen to appear after once ufing it,
it wall only be for want of w'ell wetting the lacing, &c.
of the bed, or the folding of the linens or curtains
near the rings, or the joints or holes in and about the
bed or head-board, wherein the buggs and nits neftle
and breed ; and then their being wetted all again wdth
more of the fame mixture, wdfich dries in as faft as you
ufe it, pouring fome of it into the joints and holes
where the bruih or fponge cannot reach, wrill never
fail abfolutely to deftroy them all. Some beds that
have much wood-wrork can hardly he thoroughly clear¬
ed without being firft taken dowm ; but others that
can be drawn out, or that you can get well behind, to
be done as it ftiould be, may. The fmell this mixture
occafions will be all gone in two or three days 5 which.
BUG
78
Buj yet is very vvholefome, and to many people agreeable.
|| Remember always to (hake the mixture together very
^ Buggers. . we]| whenever you ufe it, which muft be in the day-
' time, not by candle-light, left the fubtlety of the mix¬
ture Ihould catch the flame as you are ufing it, and oc-
cafion damage.
Early in the fpring, even in February, the larva of
this infeft begins to burft from the egg •, and it is
at this feafon that attention is fo very requiftte. The
bed ought to be ftripped of all its furniture ; which
Ihould be walhed, and even boiled, if linen •, if fluff, it
Ihould be hot-preffed. The bedftead Ihould be taken
to pieces, dufted, and %vafhed with fpirit of wine in
the joints j for in thofe parts the females lay their eggs.
This done, the joints, crevices, cavities, &c. ftiould
be well filled with the bell foft foap mixed with verdi¬
gris and Scots fnuff. On this fubftance the larva, if
any efcape the cleanfing, or any, which is common in
old houfes, creep into the bedftead, will feed at firft,
and of courfe be deftroyed : this laft will effeft the
purpofe in houfes where thefe vermin are not fo nume¬
rous, by repeating the operation every three months.—
f Travels in Profeffor Kalm f mentions, that, from repeated trials,
America, he has been convinced that fulphur, if it be properly
employed, entirely deftroys buggs and their eggs in
beds or walls, though they were ten times more nume¬
rous than the ants on an ant-hill. His tranflator, Dr
Forfter, adds, that a ftill more effeftual remedy is, to
walh all the infe&ed furniture with a folution of arfe-
nic. See further the article Cimicifuga.
BUGEY, a province of France, bounded on the
eaft by Savoy, on the weft by Breffe, on the fouth by
Dauphiny, and on the north by the territory of Gex
and the Franche Comte. It is about 40 miles long
and 25 broad. Though it is a country full of hills and
rivers, yet it is fertile in fome places, the rivers abound
in trouts, and there is plenty of all forts of game. The
chief places are Belley the capital, Seifel, St Rambert,
Fort L’Eclufe, and Chateau-Neuf.
BUGGERS, (Bulgarii), anciently fignified a kind
of heretics, otherwife called Pateriniy Cathari, and dl-
bigenfes.
The word ** formed of the French Bougres, and
that from Bougria or Bulgaria, the country where
they chiefly appeared. Among other errors they held
that men ought to believe no fcripture but the New
Teftament ; that baptifm was not neceffary to infants 5
that hulbands who converfed with their wives could
not be faved j and that an oath w^as abfolutely unlaw¬
ful. They were ftrenuoufly refuted by Fr. Robert, a
Dominican, furnamed the Bugger, as having formerly
made profeflion of this herefy.
The Buggers are mentioned by Matthew Paris, in
the reign of Henry III. under the name of Bugares.
Circa dies autem illos invaluit hceretiea pr a vitas eorum
qui vulgariter dicuntur Paterini et Bugares, de quorum
erroribus nialo tacere quam loqui.
Bugger, or Buggerer, came afterwards to be
ufed for a Sodomite j it being one of the imputations
laid, right or wrong, on the Bulgarian heretics, that
they taught, or at leaft pra&ifed, this abominable
crime.
Bugger (Bulgarius), is alfo a denomination given
to ufurers; ufury being a vice to which the fame he¬
retics are faid to have been much addi&ed.
Buglofs.
i ] BUG
BUGGERY, or Sodomy, is defined by Sir Ed- Buggery
ward Coke to be a carnal copulation againft nature,
either by a confufion of fpecies, that is to fay, either a u
man or woman with a brute beaft •, or fexes, as a man
with a man, or a man unnaturally with a woman. It
is faid this fin againft God and nature was firft
brought into England by the Lombards. As to its
punilhment, the voice of nature and of reafon, and the
exprefs law of God f, determines it to be capital. Off Levit. xx.
this we have a fignal inftance, long before the Jewifh O* 14-
difpenfation, by the deftruftion of two cities by fire
from heaven ; fo that this is an univerfal, not merely a
provincial, precept. Our ancient law, in fome raea-
fure, imitated this puniftrment, by commanding fuch
mifcreants to be burnt to death ; though Fleta fays,
they ftiould be buried alive ; either of which puniih
ments w?as indifferently ufed for this crime among the
ancient Goths. But now the general puniihment of
all felonies is the fame, namely, by hanging : and this
offence (being in the times of Popery only fubjecl to
ecclefiaftical cenfures) was made felony without bene¬
fit of clergy by ftatute 25 Hen. VIII. c. 6. revived-
and confirmed by 5 Eliz. c. 17. And the rule of law
herein is, that, if both parties are arrived at the years
of difcretion, ageutes et confentientes pari poena pleBan-
tur, “ both are liable to the fame puniftiment.”
BUGIA, a province of the kingdom of Algiers in
Africa. It is almoft furrounded with mountains 5 and-
is divided into three parts, Benijubar, Auraz, and La-
bez. Thefe mountains are peopled with the moft an¬
cient Arabs, Moors, or Saracens. The province is-
very fertile in corn.
Bugia, by the Africans called Bugeiah, a maritime
town of Africa, in the kingdom of Algiers, and once
the capital of the province of that name. It is fuppo-
fed to be the Saldce of Strabo, built by the Romans,
It hath a handfome port formed by a narrow neck of
land running into the fea 5 a great part of whofe pro¬
montory was formerly faced with a wall of hewn ftone^
wdrere was likewife an aqueducl, .which fupplied the
port with water, difcharging it into a capacious ba-
fon ; all which now lie in ruins. The city itfelf is
built on the ruins of a large one, at the foot of a high
mountain that looks towards the north-eaft 5 a great
part of whofe walls run up quite to the top of it;
where there is alfo a caftle that commands the whole
town,: befides two others at the bottom, built for a fe-
curity to the port. The inhabitants drive a confider-
able trade in ploughfliares, mattocks, and other iron*
tools, which they manufa&ure from the neighbouring
mines. The town is watered by a large river, Yuppo-
fed to be the Nafava of Ptolemy. The place is popu¬
lous, and hath a confiderable market for iron work,
oil, and wax, whichr is carried on with great tranquil¬
lity *, but is no looner over than the whole place is in
an uproar, fo that the day feldom concludes without-
fome flagrant inftance of barbarity. E. Long. 4..
N. Lat. 35. 30.
BUGIE, a town of Egypt, fituated on the weftern
ftrore of the Red fea almoft oppolrte to Ziden, the port
town to Mecca, and about 100 miles weft of it.
E. Long. 36. N. Lat. 22. 15.
BUGLE. See Ajuga, Botany Index.
BUGLOSS. See Anchusa, Botany Indexs
Vipers Bugloss. See Echium. Botany Index*
BUILDINGj
B U K [ 782 ] B U K
Building
„ II '
Bukhari a
BUILDING, a fabric eiefted by art, either for de¬
votion, magnificence, or conveniency.
, Building is alfo ufed for the art of conftrudiing
and railing an edifice j in which fenfe it comprehends
as well the expences as the invention and execution of
the defign. See Architecture.
The modern buildings are much more commodious,
as well as beautiful, than thofe of former times. Of
old they ufed to dwell in houfes, mod of them with
a blind ftaircafe, low ceilings, and dark windows ; the
rooms built at random, without any thing of contri¬
vance, and often with fteps from one to another ; fo
that one would think the people of former ages were
afraid of light and frefh air : whereas the genius of
our times is altogether for light ilaircafes, fine fafh-
windows, and lofty ceilings. And fuch has been our
builders induftry in point of compactnefs and unifor¬
mity, that a houfe after the new way will afford, on
the fame quantity of ground, almofl double the con¬
veniences which could be had from an old one.
By acf 11 Geo. I. and 4 Geo. III. for the regula¬
tion of building within the weekly bills of mortality,
and in other places therein fpecified, party walls are
required to be erefted of brick or ftone, which fhall
be twm bricks and a half thick in the cellar, two bricks
thick upwards to the garret floor, &c. and other limi-
tatipns are enadled refpedling the difpofition of the
timbers, &c. And every building is to be furveyed ;
and the perfon who offends againft the ftatute in any
of the particulars recited, is liable to a forfeit of 250I.
to be levied by warrant of juflices of the peace. The
other principal ftatutes relating to building are 19
Car. II. c. 3. 22 Car. II. c. 11. 5 Eliz. c. 4. 35 Eliz.
c. 6. 6 Ann. c. 31. 7 Ann. c. 17. 33 Geo. II. c. 30.
and 6 Geo. III. c. 37.
Building of Ships. See SniT-Building.
BUILTH, or Bealt, a town of South Wales in
Brecknockfhire, pleafantly feated on the river Wye,
over which there is a wooden bridge that leads into
Radnorfhire. W. Long. 3. 10. N. Lat. 52. 8.
BUIS, a territory of France, in Dauphiny. It is a
fmall mountainous country, but pretty fertile ; and
Buis and Nions are the principal places.
BUKARI, a fmall well-built town of Hungarian
Dalmatia, fituated on the Golfo di Bikeriza, in E.
Long. 20. 53. N. Lat. 45. 20.
BUKHARIA, a general name for all that vaft
tra<ff of land lying between Karazm and the great Ko-
hi, or fandy defert bordering on China. It derives
its name of Bukharia from the Mogul word Bukhar,
which fignifies a learned man ; it being formerly the
cuflom for thole who wanted inftruftion in the langua¬
ges and fciences to go into Bukharia. Hence this
name appears to have been given to it by the Moguls
who under Jenghiz Khan conquered the country. It
is nearly the fame with that called by the Arabs Maw-
aralnahr, which is little other than a tranflation of the
word Tranfoxana, the name formerly given to thofe
provinces.
This region is divided into Great and Little Buk¬
haria.
Great Bukharia (which feems to comprehend the
Sogdiana and Ba&riana of the ancient Greeks and Ro¬
mans with their dependencies) is fituated between the
34th and 46th degrees of north latitude, and between
I
the 76th and gzd degrees of call longitude. It is
bounded on the north by the river Sir, which fepa-
rates it from the dominions of the Elutbs or Kalmucs ;
the kingdom of Kafhgar in Little Bukharia, on the
eaft ; by the dominions of the great Mogul and Per-
fia on the fouth ) and by the country of Karazm on
the weft: being about 770 miles long from weft to
call, and 730 miles broad from fouth to north. It is
an exceeding rich and fertile country j the mountains
abound with the richeft mines j the valleys are of an
aftonilhing fertility in all forts of fruit and pulfe ; the
fields are covered with grafs the height of a man ; the
rivers abound with excellent filh j and wood, which is
fcarce over all Grand Tartary, is here in great plenty.
But all thefe benefits are of little ufe to the Tartar in¬
habitants, who are naturally fo lazy, that they would
rather go rob and kill their neighbours than apply
themfelves to improve the benefits which nature fo li¬
berally offers them. This country is divided into
three large provinces, viz. Bukharia proper, Samar-
cand, and Balk } each of which generally has its pro¬
per khan. The province of Bukharia proper is the
moft weftern of the three j having on the weft Ka¬
razm, on the north a defert called by the Arabs Gu%-
nah, on the eaft the province of Samarcand, and on
the fouth the river Amu. It may be about 390 miles
long, and 320 broad. The towns are Bokhara, Zam,
Wardanfi, Karakul, Siunjbala, Karlhi, Zaruji, Ner-
fem, Karmina, &c.
Little Bukharia is fo called, not becaufe it is lefs in
dimenfions than the other, for in reality it is larger 5
but becaufe it is inferior to it as to the number and
beauty of its cities, goodnefs of the foil, &c. It is fur-
rounded by deferts : it has on the weft, Great Bukha¬
ria } on the north, the country of the Kalmucs ; on
the eaft, that of the Moguls fuhjeft to China 5 on the
fouth, Thibet, and the north-weft corner of China. It
is fituated between the 93d and 11 8th degrees of eaft
longitude, and between 350 30' and 450 of north la¬
titude being in length from eaft to weft about 850
miles, and in breadth from north to fouth 580 : but if
its dimenfions be taken according to its lemicircular
courfe from the fouth to the north-eaft, its length will
be 1200 miles. It is fufficiently populous and fertile ;
but the great elevation of its land, joined to the height
of the mountains which bound it in feveral parts, par¬
ticularly towards the fouth, renders it much colder
than from its fituation might naturally be expedled.
It is very rich in mines of gold and filver •, but the in¬
habitants reap little benefit from them, becaufe neither
the Eluths nor Kalmucs, who are mafters of the coun¬
try, nor the Bukhars, care to work in them. Never-
thelefs, they gather abundance of gold from the beds
of the torrents formed by the melting of the fnow in
the fpring ; and from hence comes all that gold duft
which the Bukhars carry into India, China, and Sibe¬
ria. Much mulk is likewife found in this country j
and all forts of pre'cious ftones, even diamonds ; but
the inhabitants have not the art of either cutting or
polilhing them.
T he inhabitants both of Great and Little Buckha-r
ria, are generally thofe people called Bukhars. They
are commonly lun-burned and black-haired *, although
fome of them are very fair, hand feme, and well made.
They do not want politenefs, and are addi&ed to com¬
merce j
Bukharis.
B U K [ 783 ] B U K
Bukhana ^ meicc } w hich they carry on with China, the Indies, more or lefs according to their handfomenefs} fo the Bukharia.
^" v " Perfia, and Ruffia : but thofe who deal with them will fureft way to be rich is to have many daughters. The v—' ^
be lure of being overreached, if they do not take great perfons to be married mull not fee or fpeak to each
care. 1 he habits of the men differ very little from other from the time of their contrail to the day of
thole of the T artars. I heir girdles are like thofe of marriage. This is celebrated with three days feaft-
the Poles. I he garments of the women differ in ing, as they do great annual feftivals. The evening
nothing from thole of the men, and are commonly before the wedding, a company of young girls meet
quilted with cotton. I hey wear bobs in their ears 12 at the bride’s houle, and divert themfelves till mid-
inches long 5 part and twill their hair in treffes, which night, playing, dancing, and finging. Next morning
they lengthen with black ribbands embroidered with the guelts affemble, and help her to prepare for the
gold or filver, and wffth great taffels of filk and filver, ceremony. Then, notice being given to the bride-
which hang dowm to their heels ; three other tubs of groom, he arrives foon after, accompanied by ten or
a fmajiei fize cover their breads. Roth fexes carry twelve of his relations and friends. Thefe are follow-
about with them prayers written by their priefts, which ed by fome playing on flutes, and by an sttus (a kind
they keep in a fmall leathern purfe by way of relics. of pried), who fings, while he beats two little tim-
i he girls, and fome of the women, tinge their nails brels. I he bridegroom then makes a horfe race j
red with the juice of an herb called by them kena: which being ended, he didributes the prizes, fix,
they dry and pulverize it; then mixing it with pow- eignt, or twelve, in number, according to his ability,
dered alum, expofe it in the air for 24 hours before they They confid of damafks, fables, fox-fkins, calico, or
ufc it, and the colour lads a long time. Roth fexes the like. I he parties do not fee each other while the
wear clofe breeches, and boots of Rufiia leather, very marriage ceremony is performing, but anfwer at a di-
light, and without heels, or leather foies y putting on dance to the quedions alkcd by’the pried. As food
galloches, or high-headed dippers like the 1 urks, as it is over, the bridegroom returns home with his
when they go abroad. They wTear alfo the fame fort company ; and after dinner carries them to the bride’s
of bonnets and covering for the head ; only the wo- houfe, and obtains leave to fpeak to her. This done,
men let off theirs with trinkets, fmall pieces of money, he goes back, and returns again in the evening, when
and Chinefe pearls. Wives are didinguilhed from he finds her in bed ; and in prefence of all the women,
maids by a long piece of linen worn under their bon- lays himfelf dowm by her in his clothes, but only for a
nets; which folding round the neck, they tie in a moment. The fame farce is a&ed for three days fuc-
knot behind, fo that one end of it hangs dowm to the ceflively ; but the third night he paffes with her tm
tirely, and the next day carries her home.-
The Bukhar houfes are of Hone, and pretty good 5 Although the prevailing religion throughout all
but their moveables confill moftly of fome China trunks Little Bukharia is the Mahometan, yet all others en-
plated with iron. Upon thefe, in the day-time, they joy a perfect toleration. The Bukhars fay, that God
fpread the quilts they have made ufe of at night, and firll communicated the Koran to mankind* by Mofes
cover them with a cotton carpet of various colours. and the prophets; that afterwards Mahomet explained,
l hey have likewife a curtain fprigged with flowers and and drew a moral from it, wdiich they are obliged to*
various figures ♦, alfo a fort of bedftead half a yard receive and pra£life. They hold Chriit to be a prophet,
high, and four yards long, which is hidden in the day- but have no notion of his fufferings. Yet they believe
time with a carpet. They are very neat about their in the refurreblion, but cannot be perfuaded that any
vidluals; which are drefled in the mafter’s chamber by mortal fliall be eternally damned : on the contrary, they
his Haves, whom the Bukhars either take or buy from believe, that as the daemons led them into fin, fo the
the Ruffians, Kalmucs, or other neighbours. For puniihment will fall on them. They believe moreover,
this purpofe there are in the chamber, according to that at the laft day every thing but God will be an’
the largenefs of the family, feveral iron pots, fet in a nihilated ; and, confequently, that all creatures, the
kind of range near a chimney. Some have little devils, angels, and Chrift himfelf, wall die. Likewife,
ovens, made, like the reft of the walls, with a ftiff that, after the refurredlion, all men, excepting a few of
clay or bricks. Their utenfils confift of fome plates the eledl, will be purified or chaftifed by fire, every one
and porringers made of Cagua wood or of China, and according to his fins, which will be weighed* in the ba-
fome copper veffels. A piece of coloured calico ferves lance. They fay there will be eight different paradifes
them inftead of a table -cloth and napkins. They ufe for the good ; and feven hells, where finners are to be
neither chairs nor tables, knives nor forks; but fit purified by fire : that thofe w’ho wall fuffer molt are
crofs-legged on the ground ; .and the meat being fer- liars, cheats, and others of that kind : that the *eledl
ved up, they pull it to pieces with their fingers. who do not feel the fire will be chofen from the good •
Their fpodns referable our wooden ladles. Their ufual viz. one out of too men, and one out of icoo women •
food is minced meats, of which they make pies of the which little troop will be carried into one of the para-
form of a half moon : thefe lerve for provifions when difes, where they fliall enjoy all manner of felicity till
the Bukhars go long journeys, efpecially in winter. it ftiall pleafe God to create a new world. It is a fin
They carry them m a bag, having firft expofed them according to them, to fay, that God is in heaven!
to the froft ; and when boiled in water, they make God, fay they, is everywhere 5 and therefore it dero-
very good broth. Tea is their common drink, of gates from his omniprefence to fay that he is confined
which they have a . black fort prepared with milk, to any particular place. They keep an annual faft of
tait, and butter 5 eating bread with it, when they have 30 days, from the middle of July to the middle of Au-
any* . , guffj during which time they tafte nothing all day ;
As the Bukhars buy their wives, paying for them but eat twice in the night, at funfet and midnight j
« nor-
‘B U L [ 784 ] B U L
But nor do they drink any thing but tea, all llrong liquors
Bulam bdng forbidden. Whoever trangrefles thefe ordinances
— - is obliged to emancipate his moft valuable flave, or to
give an entertainment to 60 people : he is likevvife to
receive 85 ftrokes on the back with a leathern ftrap
called dura. The common people, however, do not
obferve this faff exaftly, and workmen are allowed to
eat in the day-time. The Bukhars fay prayers five
times a-day 5 before morning, towards noon, after
noon, at funfet, and in the third hour of the night.
Jenghis Khan, who conquered both the Bukharias
from the Arabs, left the empire of them to his fon Ja-
gatay Khan. He died in the year 1240, and left the
government to his fon Kara Kulaku, and of Little
Bukharia to another called AmulKhoja Khan. A long
fucceffion of khans is enumerated in each of thefe fa¬
milies, but their hiftory contains no interefting parti¬
culars. They are long fince extinft, and the Kalmuc
Tartars are maflers of the country.
BUL, in the ancient Hebrew chronology, the eighth
month ;of the ecclefiaftical, and the fecond of the civil,
year ; it has fince been called Marjhevan, and anfwers
.to our October.
BULAC, a town of Egypt, fituated on the eaftern
fhore of the river Nile, about two miles weft of Grand
Cairo, of which it is the port town, and contains about
4000 families. It is a place of great trade, as all the
veffels going up and down the Nile make fome ftay
here. It is alfo at this place that they cut the banks
of the river every year, in order to fill their canals and
overflow the neighbouring grounds, without which the
foil would produce neither grain nor herbage. E.
Long. 32. N. Lat. 30.
BULAFO, a mufical inftrument, confifting of fere-
ral pipes of wood tied together with thongs of leather,
fo as to form a fmall interftice between each pipe. It
is ufed by the negroes of Guinea.
BULAM,, or Bulama, an ifland on the weftern
coaft of Africa, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, in
N. Lat. ii° and W. Long. 150. This ifland, which
is about 18 leagues long, and four broad, forms part of
a clufter of iflands, which have been knowm by the
name of BiJJagos, and are fuppofed to be the Hefperides
of the ancients.
This ifland w^as purchafed in 1792 by a fociety in-
ftituted for fimilar purpofes with thofe of the Sierra
Leone afibciation. The fum of 9000I. was fubfcribed
for the eftablifhment of the colony, and the management
of it intrufted to a committee who failed from Spit-
head in April 1792, and having arrived at Bulama,
took poffeflion of the new purchafe, and left a body of
1'ettlers confifting of 49 men, 13 women, and 25 chil¬
dren, under a fuperintendant, with a fupply of ftores
and provifions neceflary for an infant fettlement. The
following account of the climate, foil and produttions
of Bulama, drawn up by Mr Johanfen, gives a flatter¬
ing piffure of this ifland. “ The climate, fays he, on the
whole, may be deemed falubrious, and will become
more fo in proportion to the increafe of cultivation. The
mornings and evenings are temperate and pleafant ;
the middle of the day is hot, but the fine fea breeze
which then fets in tends greatly to cool and refrefh
the air. The heat of the fun is not fo exceflive or into¬
lerable as has been generally fuppofed ; indeed nature
has moft admirably adapted our mechanical and phyli-
2
cal qualities to the exigencies of different regions; and Bulam.
man, who is the inhabitant of every climate, may, in l——y—^
fome meafure, render himfelf indigenous to every foil.
Here the only danger arifes from too fudden an expo-
fure to the operation of the vertical rays of the fun, or
an excefs of labour ; both of which the firft fettlers
ought moft ftudioufly to avoid.
“ It appears from Mr Beaver’s obfervations at noon,
between the 20th of July 1792, and the 28th of April
1793, that the thermometer, when loweft, was at 74 ;
the medium heat 85 j and that it never exceeded 96,
except at one time when it rofe to 100, during a calm
that occurred in the interval between the north-eaft
breeze in the morning and the fouth-weft in the even¬
ing of the 19th of February 1793. The difference be¬
tween the heat of noon and that of the morning and
evening is from 20 to 30 degrees. On the 23d of Oc¬
tober 1792, hail of the fize of a pin’s head fell during
two minutes, although not a cloud was to be feen du¬
ring this phenomenon. The mercury in the thermo¬
meter then flood at 85 ; the wind was at north-eaft in
the morning and fouth-weft in the evening.
“ Immediately after funfet a dew conftantly begins
to fall, which induces fome to light a fire in their
houfes; they at the fame time put on warmer cloth¬
ing. There is little or no twilight; and night and day
are nearly equal : the earth has therefore time to cool
during twelve hours abfence of the fun.
“ None of thefe terrible and deftruffive hurricanes fo
frequently experienced in the Weft Indies are to be
met with here. The tornadoes, which arife chiefly from
the eaftern point of the compafs, are but of ftiort dura¬
tion, feldom lafting above an hour, and may be readily
forefeen fome time previoufly to their commencement.
They occur at the beginning and clofe of the wet fea-
fon, and are highly beneficial, as they purify the air,
and difpel the noxious vapours with which it would
otherwife abound.
“ The rains fet in about the latter end of May or
the beginning of June, and difeontinue in Offober or
November. They do not fall every day, for there is
often a confiderable interval of clear weather, during
which the atmofphere is beautifully ferene ; the (bowers
in the firft and laft month occur but feldom, and are
far from being violent $ while, on the other hand, they
fometimes refemble torrents, more efpecially towards the
middle of the feafon. During the whole of this period,
Europeans fliould, if poflible, confine themfelves to
their habitations, as the rains prove injurious to health,
more efpecially if thofe expofed to them negleft to wipe
their bodies dry, and to change their clothes immedi¬
ately on their return home. It is deemed prudent alfo
not to dig the earth until the expiration of a month af¬
ter the return of fair weather, as this is confidered to
be unhealthy.
“ During the continuance of the dry feafon, a dew
falls during the night, in fufficient quantity to anfwer
all the purpofes of vegetation,
“ Every ftranger is generally here, as well as in the
Weft Indies, fubje<!ft to a fever or feafomng on his ar¬
rival. This is not infeflious; it proceeds perhaps from
an increafed perfpiration and a fudden extenfion of the
pores of the human body, in confequence of the heat,
by which means it is rendered more liable to imbibe
the abundant exhalations that arife from the animal, ve¬
getable.
B U L
BuUm. getable, and mineral kingdoms ; but even this, (light as
“■“‘V-""-' it is, might doubtlefs be avoided by means of a proper
regimen, and a fhort feclufion from the full aftion of
the open air, more efpecially at noon, and during the
evening, until the climate has been rendered familiar.
“ Bulama is admirably adapted for all the purpofes
of an extenfive commerce, being not only happily (itu-
ated at the mouth of the Rio Grande, but in the vici¬
nity of feveral other navigable rivers j fo that a trade
with the internal parts of Africa is thereby greatly fa¬
cilitated. The landing is remarkably eafy and fafe, there
being no furge ; the ebb and flow is regular, and there
is an increafe of 16 feet of water at fpring tide. The
bay oppofite the Great Bulama is adorned with a num¬
ber of iflands, covered with trees, and forms a mofl: ex¬
cellent harbour, fufficiently capacious to contain the
whole navy of Great Britain, which might ride there
in fafety. The fettlement in general is well fupplied
with water. A number of fprings have been lately dif-
covered in different places; and befides a draw-well in
the fort which was erefted for the defence of the
colony, there is a fmall dream, which runs into E-
lewfis bay, near the new fettlement called Hefper
E/ewJts: this is admirably fituated for the fupply of
dripping.
“ The ifland is beautifully furrounded and interfper-
fed with woods : lofty fruit and fored trees, modly free
from underwood and brambles, form a verdant belt, in
fome places two or three miles broad, which entirely
encircles it, in fuch a manner as to reprefent a planta¬
tion artificially formed around a park. Within this
the fields are regularly divided by trees, fo as to refem-
ble the hedge-rows in England. The beach has in fome
places the appearance of gravel walks j it is fringed
with mangrove trees, which, forming a line with die
high-water mark, dip their branches into the fea, and
thus afford nourifhment to the oyders that often adhere
to their extremities.
“ The foil is abundantly rich and deep ; dones do
not here impede the labours of the farmer ; and indeed
none have hitherto been difcovered, but a fmall fort,
refembling pieces of ore, which are to be met with on
the fhore. There are many favannahs or natural mea¬
dows, fo extenfive that the eye can fcarcely defcry their
boundaries. Thefe are admirably adapted for the rear¬
ing of dock and feeding of cattle of every kind.
“ Cotton, indigo, rice, and coffee, grow fpontane-
oufly on this coad ; the fugar cane is indigenous to
many parts of Africa, and might be cultivated here by
the labour of freemen, in equal perfeftion, and to much
greater advantage, than in the exhauded iflands of the
Wed Indies. All kinds of tropical produ£lions, fuch
as pine-apples, limes, oranges, grapes, plums, caffada,
guava, Indian wheat, the papaw, water melon, mufic-
melon, the pumpkin, tamarind, banana, and numbers of
other delicious fruits, alfo flourifli here. The adjoin¬
ing territories produce many valuable forts of fpices,
gums, and materials for dying : all of which, it is but
fair to fuppofe, might be readily cultivated in a kindred
climate and a congenial foil.
“ The neighbouring feas abound with a variety of
fi(h, highly agreeable to the palate. The lion, tyger,
jackall, &c. are natives of the continent; but in Bula-
ma no animals have been difcovered, the wolf, fome
Vol. IV. Part II.
[ 785 ]
B U L
buffaloes, a few elephants, and a fpecies of the deer, ex- Eulsrchuss
cepted. Bulb.
f‘ The woods abound with doves, guinea fowls, and y—
a variety of birds, celebrated for the beauty of their
plumage.
BULARCHUS, a Greek painter 5 the fiift who in¬
troduced (among the Greeks at lead) different colours
in the fame jfi&ure. He flourilhed in 740 B. C.
BULB, in the anatomy of plants, a kind of large
bud, generally produced under the ground, upon or
near the root of certain herbaceous plants, hence deno¬
minated bulbous,
A bulb is defined by Linnaeus to be a fpecies of hy-
bernaculum, produced upon the defcending caudex or
root ; confiding of (hpulte, petioli, the rudiments of
the former leaves, and fcales or bark.
Lo elucidate this definition, it is proper to remark,
that every bud contains, in miniature or embryo, a
plant, in every refpeft fimilar to the parent plant upon
which it is feated. Plants therefore are perpetuated in
the buds, as well as in the feeds j and the ipecjes may
be renewed with equal efficacy in either way.
The tender rudiments of the future vegetable of
which the bud is compofed, are enclofed, and during
the feverities of winter defended from cold and other
external injuries, by a hard bark or rind which gene¬
rally confiffs of a number of (bales placed over each
other like tiles, and faftened together by means of a
tenacious, refinous, and frequently odoriferous, fub-
ftance. Thus defended, the buds remain upon differ¬
ent parts of the mother plant till the enfuing fpnng j
and are, therefore, with great propriety, denominated
by Linnaeus the hybernaculum or winter-quarters of the
future vegetable.
V ith refpebl to their place, buds are fituated either
upon the ftem and branches, or upon the roots : the
former are ftyled gemrnt, or buds properly fo called $
but as they fubfift feveral years by their roots, may be
furnifhed with the other fpecies of hybernaculum called
bulbs, which, according to the definition, are feated
upon the defcending caudex or root.
Again, trees which are perennial, with a wmody and
durable ftem or trunk, have generally proper buds or
gemmae, but no bulbs.
In bulbous plants, as the tulip, onion, or lily, what
we generally call the roo/, is in fa ft a bulb or hyberna¬
culum, which enclofes and fecures the embryo or fu¬
ture (boot.
At the lowrer part of this bulb may be obferved a
fleftiy knob or tubercle, from whence proceed a num¬
ber of fibres or threads. This knob, with the fibres
attached to and hanging from it, is, properly fpeak-
ing, the true root ; the upper part being only the
cradle or nurfery of the future ftem, which after the
bulb has repaired a certain number of times, it pe-
rifties ; but not till it has produced at its fides a num¬
ber of fmaller bulbs or fuckers for perpetuating the
fpecies.
One part of Linnaeus’s definition ftill remains ob-
feure. . 1 he bulb, fays he, is compofed of the remains
or rudiments cf the former leaves of the plant; <? rudl-
mento foliorum preeteritorum.
It is eafy to comprehend that buds contain the ru¬
diments of the future leaves ; but how can bulbs be faid
5 G v to
B U L
[ 736 ]
B U L
Bulb to contain the rudiments of leaves that, to all appear-
B lbfta ance’ are already periflied ? To explain this, let it be
rmm "obferved, that, in the opinion of very eminent bota-
i v— 1 the root, in a very great number of perennial
herbs, is annually renewed or repaired out of the trunk
or ftalk itfelf; in wdiich lenfe only, roots are properly
faid to defcend.
In the perennials alluded to, the bafis of the ftalk
continually, and by infenfible degrees, defcends below
the furface of the earth, and is thus changed into a
true root •, which root, by the continuance of the faid
motion of the ftalk, alfo defcends j and thus, according
to the durablenefs of its lubftance, becomes a longer or
* fhorter root; the elder or knver part rotting off" in pro¬
portion as the upper is generated out of the ftalk.
Thus, in browmw’ort, the bafis of the ftalk, finking
dowm by degrees till it is hid under the ground, be¬
comes the upper part of the root; and continuing ftill
to fink, the next year becomes the low;er part, and the
following year rots away.
This is exactly what obtains in bulbous roots, as
well as in the far greater number of other herbaceous
perennials ; as arum, valerian, tanly, famphire, prim-
rofe, woodforrel, iris, and others.
The immediate vifible cauie of this defcent is the
firing-roots which this kind of trunks frequently puts
forth ; wrhich defcending themfelves direclly into the
ground, ferve like fo many ropes for pulling the trunk
after them. Hence the tuberous roots of iris are
fometimes obferved to reafcend a little upon the rot¬
ting or fading away of the ftring-roots which hang
at them.
In bulbous roots, where the ftalk and former leaves
of the plant are funk below, and formed into what is
called the bulb or wintering of the future vegetable,
the radicles or fmall fibres that hang from the bulb are
to be confidercd as the root } that is, the part which
furnifhes nourilhment to the plant : the feveral rinds
and ftiells, whereof chiefly the bulb confifts, fucceffively
periftr, and {brink up into fo many dry Ikins ; betwixt
which, and in their centre, are formed other leaves and
flrells, and thus the bulb is perpetuated.
What has been faid of the defcent of roots by the
finking of the ftalk, is further confirmed by the ap¬
pearance of certain roots ; as of valerian, plantago ma¬
jor, and devil’s-bit, in which the lower part appears
bitten or chopped off". In thefe the lower part rotting
off as the upper defcends, the living remainder becomes
Humped, or feems bitten.
All bulbous roots, fays the learned Dr Grew in his
anatomy of plants, may be confidered as hermaphrodite
roots, or root and trunk both together : for the ra¬
dicles or firings only are abfolute roots ; the bulb ac¬
tually containing thofe parts which fpringing up make
the body or leaves of the plant; fo that it may be re¬
garded as a large bud under ground.
Bulbous roots are faid to be folid, when compofed
of one uniform lump of matter : tunicated, when form¬
ed of multitudes of coats furrounding one another ;
fquamofe, wdien compofed of, or covered with, leffcr
flakes ; duplicate, when there are only two to each
plant : and aggregate, when there is fuch a congeries
of fuch roots to each plant.
B U L BOC AST AN UM.
Index.
See Bunium, Botany
BULBOCODIUM, mountain saffron. See Bo¬
tany Index.
BULBOSE, or Bulbous. See Bulb.
BULEUTAx, in Grecian antiquity, were magi-v
ftrates anfwering to the decuriones among the Romans.
See Decurio.
BULFINCH. See Loxia, Ornithology Index.
BULGARIA, a fmall province of Turkey in Eu¬
rope, bounded on the north by Wallachia, on the eaft
by the Black fea, on the fouth by Romania and Ma¬
cedonia, and on the weft by Servia. It is very narrow,
but 325 miles long on the fide of the Danube, from
Servia till it falls into the Black fea.
The Bulgarians anciently inhabited the plains of
Sarmatia that extended along the banks of the Volga.
Thence they migrated, about the middle of the 7th
century of the Chriftian era, in queft of new fettle-
ments. A large body of them paffed the Danube, and
took poffeftion of the country adjacent to the weftern
coaft of the Euxine fea. Several attempts were made
by the Romans to difpoffefs and extirpate them : But
they defended themfelves with equal refolution and iuc-
cefs. Conllantine III. being defeated and intimida¬
ted, concluded an ignominious peace with them (A.
D. 678), and purchafed their friendihip by the payment
of an annual tribute. Juftinian II. refuted to comply
with thefe diftionourable terms, and invaded their ter¬
ritories (A. D. 687) ; but he was defeated, and con-
ftrained to renew the treaty. War was carried on, al-
moft without interruption, between them and the eaft-
ern emperors, during the courfe of feveral centuries.
After a long and doubtful ftruggle, the Romans pre¬
vailed ; and the emperor Bafil reduced Bulgaria to the
form of a province (A. D. 1019). From this time the
Bulgarians remained in fubjection, and were governed
by Roman dukes, until the reign of liaac Angelus,
when they revolted (A. D. 1186.)
The hiftory of Bulgaria, in the fubfequent period,
fcarcely merits attention. Stephen IV. king of Hun¬
gary, having defeated the Bulgarians, obliged them to
acknowledge him as their fovereign. His fucceflors
were ftyled kings of Flungary and Bulgaria •, and this
title was tranfmitted, together with the kingdom of
Hungary, to the houfe of Auftria.
By the aid of the eaftern emperors they threw' oft’
the Hungarian yoke ; and, in return, they aflifted their
ally in an attempt to recover Adrianople ( A. D. 1369).
Provoked by this combination, Amurath invaded their
country •, and Bajazet, his fucceflor, completed the
conqueft ol it (A. D. 1396).
Bulgaria ftill remains a province of the Ottoman em¬
pire. The inhabitants are Chriftians ; but extremely
ignorant, infomuch that they feem to know nothing
of Chriftianity but baptifm and falling. It is divided
into four fangiacates j Byden, Sardice, Nicopolis, and
Siliftria. The chief towns are of the fame names, ex¬
cept Sardice, which is now called Sophia.
Bulgarian Language, the fame with the Sclavo-
NIC'
BULIMY, a difeafe in w hich the patient is aftedled
with an infatiable and perpetual defire of eating ; and,
unlefs he is indulged, he often falls into fainting fits-
It is alfo called fames canina, canine appetite. See Me¬
dicine Index.
EULITHUS, a ftone found either in the gall-blad¬
der,
Bulboco-
dium
II
Bull thus.
Bulk
I!
Bull.
B U L [ "87 1
der, or In tire kidneys and bladder, of an os. See Englifli court,
Bos.
BULK of a Ship, the whole content in the hold for
the ftowage of goods.
BuLK-Heads are partitions made athwart the (hip
with boards, by which one part is divided from the
other ; as the great cabin, gun-room, bread-room,
and feveral other divifions. 1 he bu/k-head afore is the
partition between thefore-caftle and gratings in the head.
BULL, Dr John, a celebrated mufician and com-
pofcr, was born in Somerfetdiire about the year 1563,
and, as it is faid, was of the Somerfet family. He was
educated under Blitheman. In 1586, he was admitted
at Oxford to the degree of bachelor of mufic, having
practifed in that faculty 14 years ; and in 1592, was
created dodlor in the univerfity of Cambridge. In 1 591,
he was appointed organift of the queen’s chapel, in the
room of his mailer, Blitheman.
Bull was the firft Grelham profeffbr of mufic, and
was appointed to that llation upon the fpecial recom¬
mendation of Queen Elizabeth. However Ikilful he
might be in his profeffion, it feems he was not able to
read his leftures in Latin •, and therefore, by a fpecial
provifion in the ordinances refpedling the Grelham
profeflbrs, made anno 1597, it is declared, that be-
caufe Dr Bull is recommended to the place of mufic-
profeffor by the queen’s moll excellent majelty, being
not able to fpeak Latin, his lectures are permitted to
be altogether Englifti, fo long as he lhall continue mu-
fic-profeffbr there.
In the year 1601, he wrent abroad for the recovery
of his health, which at that time was declining 5 and
during his abfence was permitted to fubllitute, as his
deputy, a fon of William Bird, named Thomas. He
travelled incognito into France and Germany ; and
Wood takes occafion to relate a llory of him while
abroad, which the reader lhall have in his own words.
“ Dr Bull hearing of a famous mufician belonging
to a cathedral in St Omer’s, he applied himfelf, as a
novice, to him, to learn fomething of his faculty, and
to fee and admire his works. This mufician, after
fome difcourfe had paffed between them, conduced
Bull to a vellry or mufic-fchool joining to the cathe¬
dral, and Ihowed him a leffon or fong of 40 parts ; and
then made a vaunting challenge to any perfon in the
world to add one part more to them, fuppoflng it to
be fo complete and full, that it was impoffible for any
mortal man to correft or add to it. Bull thereupon,
deliring the ufe of pen, ink, and ruled paper, fuch as
we call mufical paper, prayed the mufician to lock him
up in the faid fchool for two or three hours \ which
being done, not without great difdain by the mufi¬
cian, Bull, in that time or lefs, added 40 more parts
to the faid lefibn or fong. The mufician thereupon
being called in, he viewed it, tried it, and retried it;
at length he burft out into a great ecftafy, and fwore
by the great God, that he that added thefe 40 parts
mull be either the devil or Dr Bull. Whereupon Bull
making himfelf known, the mufician fell down and
adored him. Afterwards, continuing there and in
thofe parts for a time, he became fo much admired,
that he was courted to accept of any place of prefer-
1 ment fuitable to his profeffion, either within the do¬
minions of the emperor, the king of France, or Spain j
but the tidings of tbefe tranfadlious coming to the
B U L
Queen Elizabeth commanded him Bull-
home.” Fajli, anno 1586.
Dr Ward, who has given the life of Dr Bull, in his
lives of the Grelham profeffors, relates, that upon the
deceafe of Queen Elizabeth he became chief organift to
King James, and had the honour of entertaining his
majefty and Prince Henry &t Merchant Taylors hall
with his performance on the organ. The fame author
proceeds to relate, that in 1613 Bull quitted En-
land and went to refide in the Netherlands, where he
was admitted into the fervice of the archduke. He
fuggefis, as the reafon of Bull’s retirement, that the
fcience began to fink in the reign of King James; which
he infers from that want of court-patronage, which, it
feems, induced the muficians of that day to dedicate
their works to one another. But furely Bull had none
of thefe reafons to complain of being {lighted that
others had. He was in the fervice of the chapel, and
at the head of the prince’s muficians ; and in the year
1604 his falary for the chapel-duty had been augmented.
The circumftances of his departure from England may
be collecled from the following entry now to be feen in
the cheque book : ‘‘ 1613, John Bull dodlor of mufic
went beyond feas without licenle, and was admitted
into the archduke’s fervice, and entered into paie there
about Mich, and Peter Hopkins a bafe from Paul’s
was fworn into his place the 27th ©f December fol¬
lowing. His wages from Mich, unto the day of the
fwearing of the laid Peter Hopkins was dilpoled oi
by the "deane of his majefty’s chapel.” Wood fays,
that Dr Bull died at Hamburgh : others have faid at
Lubeck.
The only works of Bull in print are lefibns in the
“ Parthenia, or the maidenhead of the firft mufic that
ever was printed for the virginals.” An anthem of his,
“ Deliver me, O God,” is to be found in Bernard’s
colleftion of church-mufic. Dr Ward has given a long
lift of compofitions of Dr Bull in manufcript in the col-
leclion of the late Dr Pepufch, by which it appear*
that he was equally excellent in vocal and inftrumental
harmony. By fome of the leffons in the Parthenia it
feems that he was polfeffed of a power of execution on
the harpfichord far beyond what is generally conceived
of the mafters of that time. As to his leffons, they
were, in the eftimation of Dr Pepufch, not only for
the harmony and contrivance, but for air and modula¬
tion, fo excellent, that he fcrupled not to prefer them
to thofe of Couperin, Scarlatti, and others of the mo¬
dern compofers for the harpfichord.
Bull, George, biftiop of St David’s, was born'at
Wells, in 1634; and educated at Exeter college, in
Oxford. The firft benefice he enjoyed was that of St
George’s, near Briftol, whence he rofe fucceftively to
be redlor of Suddington in Gloucefterfhire, prebendary
of Gloucefter, archdeacon of Llandaff, and in I7°5
biftiop of St David’s. This dignity he enjoyed about
four years, and died in I7°9- During the ufurpation
of Cromwell, he adhered fteadily, though ftill with
great prudence, to the forms of the church of Eng¬
land ; and in the reign of James II. preached very
ftrenuoufiy againft the errors of Popery. He wrote,
I. A defence of the Nicene faith. 2. Apoftolical har¬
mony. 3. Primitive apoftolical tradition; and other
works.
Bull. See Bos, Mammalia Index.
5 G 2
Wild
B U L [ 788 ] B U L
Wild Bulls. The wild bulls, now fo numerous on
the continent of America, are faid to have fprung from
one bull and feven cows, which were carried thither by
fome of the firft conquerors. For the manner of hunt¬
ing thefe, fee Bucaneers.
Bull, in AJlronomy. See Astronomy Index.
Bull's Eye, among feamen, a fmall, obfcure, fub-
lime cloud, ruddy in the middle, that fometimes ap¬
pears to mariners, and is the immediate forerunner of a
great ftorra at fea.
BvLi-Fighting, a fport or exercife much in vogue
among the Spaniards and Portuguefe, confiding in a
kind of combat of a cavalier or torreadore againft a
wild bull, either on foot or on horfeback, by riding at
him with a lance. The Spaniards have bull-fights, i. e.
feafts attended with (hows, in honour of St John, the
Virgin Mary, &c. This fport the Spaniards received
from the Moors, among whom it was celebrated with
great eclat. Some think that the Moors might have
received the cuftom from the Romans, and they from
the Gr eks. Dr Plot is of opinion, that the Txvpr.ct-
among the Theffalians, who firft inftitut-
ed this game, and of whom Julius Caefar learned and
brought it to Rome, were the origin both of the
Spanilh and Portuguefe bull-fighting, and of the Eng-
lifh bull-running. This praftice was prohibited by
Pope Pius V. under pain of excommunication incurred
t/>/b faElo. But fucceeding popes have granted feveral
mitigations in behalf of the torreadores.
From the following account of a bull-feaft in the
Colifeum at Rome 1332, extrafted from Muratori by
Mr Giobon, the reader may form fome idea of the
pomp, the ceremonies, and the danger which attend¬
ed thefe exhibitions. “ A general proclamation as far
as Rimini and Ravenna invited the nobles to exercife
their Ikill and courage in this perilous adventure. The
Roman ladies were mar(hailed in three fquadrons, and
feated in three balconies, which on this day, the third
of September, were lined with fcarlet cloth. The fair
Jacova di Rovere led the matrons from beyond the
Tiber, a pure and native race, who ftill reprefent the
features and character of antiquity. The remainder
of the city was divided between the Colonna and Ur-
fini families : the two faftions were proud of the num¬
ber and beauty of their female bands: the charms of
Savella Urfini are mentioned with praife 5 and the Co¬
lonna regretted the abfence of the youngeft of their
houfe, who had fprained her ancle in the garden of
Nero’s tower. The lots of the champions were drawn
by an old and refpe&able citizen j and they defcended
into the arena, or pit, to encounter the will bulls, on
foot as it fhould feem, with a Angle fpear. Amidft
the crowd, our annalift has fele&ed the names, colours,
and devices of 20 of the moft confpicuous knights.
Several of the names are the moft illuftrious of Rome
and the ecclefiaftical ftate *, Malatefta, Polenta, della
Valle, Cafarello, Savelli, Cappoccio, Conti, Annibaldi,
Altieri, Corfi. The colours were adapted to their tafte
and fituation. And the devices are expreffive of hope or
defpair, and breathe the fpirit of gallantry and arms.
“ I am alone, like the youngeft of the Horatii,” the
confidence of an intrepid ftranger : “ I live difconfo-
late,” a weeping widower : “ I burn under the allies,”
a difcreet lover : “ I adore Lavinia ©r Lucretia,” the
ambiguous declaration of a modern paflion ; “ My
faith is as pure,” the motto of a white livery : Who Bull,
is ftronger than myfelt ?” of a lion’s hide : “ If I am '-•-v—
drowned in blood, what a pleafant death !” the wilh
of ferocious courage. The pride or prudence of the
Urfini reftrained them from the field, which was oc¬
cupied by three of their hereditary rivals, whofe in-
fcriptions denoted the lofty greatnefs of the Colonna
name : “ Though fad, I am ftrong “ Strong as I
am great j” “ If I fall (addrefling himfelf to the fpee-
tators) you fall with me —intimating (fays the wri¬
ter), that while the other families were the fubje&s of
the Vatican, they alone were the fupporters of the
Capitol. The combats of the amphitheatre were dan¬
gerous and bloody. Every champion fucceflively en¬
countered a will bullj and the viftory maybe afcribed
to the quadrupeds, fince no more than eleven were left
on the field, with the lofs of nine wounded and 18
killed on the fide of their adverfaries. Some of the
nobleft families might mourn 5 but the pomp of the fu¬
nerals, in the churches of St John Lateran and St
Maria Maggiore, afforded a fecond holiday to the peo¬
ple.—-Doubtlefs it was not in fuch conflicts that the
blood of the Romans Ihould have been ftied j yet, in
blaming their rafhnefs, we are compelled to applaud
their gallantry ; and the noble volunteers, who difplay
their magnificence and rifk their lives under the bal¬
conies of the fair, excite a more generous fympathy
than the thoufands of captives and malefa&ors who
were relu&antly dragged to the fcene of flaughter.”
A ftriking relick of barbarity in the Spanilh man¬
ners of the prefent day, is the exceflive attachment of
that nation to bull-fights, a fpeflacle which (hocks the
delicacy of every other people in Europe. Many Spa¬
niards confider this practice as the fure means of pre-
ferving that energy by which they are charafterized,
and of habituating them to violent emotions, which
are terrible only to timid minds. But it feems diffi¬
cult to comprehend what relation there is between bra¬
very and a fpettacle wffiere the affiftants now run no dan¬
ger; where the aftors prove by the few accidents which
befal them, that theirs has nothing in it very intereft-
ing; and where the unhappy vidlims meet only with
certain death as the reward of their vigour and courage.
Another proof that thefe fpe&acles have little or no
influence on the difpofition of the mind is, that chil¬
dren, old men, and people of all ages, ftations, and
charafters, affift at them, and yet their being accu-
ftomed to fuch bloody entertainments appears neither
to correft their weaknefs and timidity, nor alter the
mildnefs of their manners.
The bull-fights are very expenfive ; but they bring
great gain to the undertakers. The worft places coft
two or four rials, according as they are in the fun or
in the lhade. The price of the higheft is a dollar-
When the price of the horfes and bulls, and the wages
of the torreadores, have been paid out of this money,
the reft is generally appropriated to pious foundations :
at Madrid it forms one of the principal funds of the
hofpital. It is only during fummer that thefe combats
are exhibited, becaufe the feafon then permits the fpec-
tators to fit in the open air, and becaufe the bulls are
then more vigorous. Thofe which are of the beft
breed are condemned to this kind of facrifiee; and
connoiffeurs are fo well acquainted with their diftin-
guilhing marks,, that as foon as a bull appears upon the
arena,
B U L
Bull.
J
arena, they can mention the place where he was rear-
mJ ed. This arena is a kind of circus furrounded by about
a dozen of feats, rifing one above another j the high-
eft of which only is covered. The boxes occupy the
lower part of the edifice. In fome cities, Valladolid
for example, which have no place particularly fet apart
for thefe combats, the principal fquare is converted in¬
to a theatre. The balconies of the houfes are widen¬
ed, fo as to project over the ftreets which end there j
and it is really a very interefting fight to fee the diffe¬
rent claffes of people affembled around this fquare, wait¬
ing for the fignal when the entertainment is to com¬
mence, and exhibiting every external fign of impa¬
tience and joy. The Ipeflacle commences by a kind
of proceffion around the fquare, in which appear,
both on horfeback and on foot, the combatants who
are to attack the fierce animal ; after which two al-
guazils, drefled in perukes and black robes, advance
with great gravity on horfeback j who go and alk
from the prefident of the entertainment an order for
it to commence. A fignal is immediately given ; and
the animal, wdiich was before (hut up in a kind of
hovel with a door opening into the fquare, foon makes
his appearance. The officers of juftice, who have
nothing to do with the bull, prudently haften to re¬
tire, and their flight is a prelude to the cruel plea-
fure which the fpe6lators are about to enjoy. The bull,
however, is received with loud fhouts, and almoft ftun-
ned by the noify expreflions of their joy. He has to
conteft firft againft the picadores, combatants on horfe-
b.ack, who, drefled according to the ancient Spanifh
manner, and as it were fixed to their faddles, wait for
him, each being armed with a long lance. This ex-
ercife, which requires ftrength, courage, and dexterity, is
not confidered as difgraceful. Formerly the greateft
lords did not difdain to practice it ; even at prefect
fome of the hidalgos folicit for the honour of fight¬
ing the bull on horfeback, and they are then previouf-
ly prefented to the people, under the aufpices of a pa¬
tron, who is commonly one of the principal perfonages
at court.
The picadores, whoever they may be, open the feene,
It often happens that the bull, without being provoked,
darts upon them, and every body entertains a favour¬
able opinion of his courage. If, notwithftanding the
fharp-pointed rveapon which defends his attack, he re¬
turns immediately to the charge, their fhouts are re¬
doubled, as their joy is converted into enthufiafm ; but
if the bull, ftruck with terror, appears pacific, and
avoids his perfecutors, by walking round the fquare in
a timid manner, he is hooted at and hifled by the
whole fpedlators, and all thofe near whom he pafles
load him with blows and reproaches. He feems then
to be a common enemy, who has fome great crime to
expiate ; or a vidlim, in the facrifice of which all the
people are interefted. If nothing can awaken his
courage, he is judged unworthy of being tormented
by men; the cry of perros, perros, brings forth new
enemies againft him, and large dogs are let loofe upon
him, which feize him by the neck and ears in a furious
manner. The animal then finds the ufe of thofe wea¬
pons with which nature has furnifhed him ; he tofles
the dogs into the air, who fall down ftunned, and
fometimes mangled j they however recover, renew the
combat, and generally finifh by overcoming their ad-
[ 789 1
B U L
verfary, who thus perifhes ignobly. If, on the other
nand, he prefents himfelf with a good grace, he runs
a longer and nobler, but a much more painful career.
The fli ft adf of the tragedy belongs to the comba¬
tants on horfeback j this is the moft animated and
bloody of all the feenes, and often the moft difgufting.
1 he irritated animal braves the pointed fled which
makes deep wounds in his neck, attacks with fury the
innocent horfe who carries his enemy, rips up his fides,
and overturns him together with his rider. The lat¬
ter, then difmounted and difarmed, would be expofed
to imminent danger, did not combatants on foot, called
chit/os, come to divert the bull’s attention, and to pro¬
voke him, by fhaking before him different pieces of
cloth of various colours. It is, however, at their own
lifh tnat they thus fave the difmounted horfeman j for
the bull fometimes purfues them, and they have then
need for all their agility. I hey often efcape from him
by letting fall in his way the piece of fluff which was
their only arms, and againft; which the deceived animal
expends all his fury. Sometimes he does not accept
this fubftitute, and the combatant has no other refource
but to throw. himfelf fpeedily over a barrier, fix feet
high, which inclofes the interior part of the arena.
In fome places this barrier is double, and the interme¬
diate fpace forms a kind of circular gallery, behind
which the jaurfued torreadore is in fafety. But when
the barrier is fingle, the bull attempts to jump over it,
and often fucceeds. The reader may eafily imagine
in what confternation the neareft of the fpe&ators
then are 3 their hafte to get out of the way, and to
crowd to the upper benches, becomes often more fatal
to them than even the fury of the bull, who, Humbling
at every ftep, on account of the narrownefs of the
place and the inequality of the ground, thinks rather
of his own fafety than of revenge, and befides foon
falls under the blows which are given him from all
quarters.
Except in fuch cafes, which are very rare, he im¬
mediately returns. His adverfary recovered, has had
time to get up 3 he immediately remounts his horfe,
provided the latter is not killed or rendered unfit for
fervice, and the attack commences 3 but he is often
obliged to change his horfe feveral times. Expreflions
cannot then be found to celebrate thefe a£ts of prow-
efs, which for feveral days become the favourite topic
of converfation. The horfes, very affefting models of
patience, courage, and docility, may be feen treading
under their feet their own bloody entrails, which drop
from their Tides half torn open, and yet obeying, for
fome time after, the hand which condu&s them to new
tortures. Spectators of delicacy are then filled with
difguft, which converts their pleafure into pain. A
new aft is however preparing, which reconciles them
to the entertainment. As foon as it is concluded that
the bull has been fufficiently tormented by the comba¬
tants on horfeback, they retire and leave him to be
irritated by thofe on foot. The latter, who are called
banderilleroS) go before the animal 3 and the moment
he darts upon them they plunge into his neck, two by
two, a kind of darts called banderil/as, the points of
which are hooked, and which are ornamented with
fmall ftreamers made of coloured paper. The fury of
the bull is now redoubled 3 he roars, toffes his head,
and the vain efforts which he makes ferve only to in-
creafe
Bull.
B U L
.'Bull. creafe the pain of his wounds: this laft fcene calls forth
all the agility of his adverfaries. The fpeftators at
firft tremble for them, when they behold them braving
fo near the horns of this formidable animal j but their
hands, well exercifed, aim their blows fo Ikilfully, and
they avoid th^ danger fo nimbly, that after having
feen them a few times, one neither pities nor admires
them, and their addrefs and dexterity feem only to
be a fmall epifode of the tragedy, which concludes in
the following manner : When the vigour of the bull
appears to be almolh exhaufted ; when his blood, ifluing
from twenty wounds, ftreams along his neck and moi-
ftens his robuft fides ; and when the people, tired of
one objeft, demand another viflim^ the prefident of
the entertainment gives the fignal of death, which is
announced by the found of trumpets. The matador
then advances, and all the reft quit the arena f with
one hand he holds a long dagger, and with the other
. a kind of Hag, which he waves backwards and for¬
wards before his adverfary. They both ftop and gaze
at one another : and while the agility of the matador
deceives the impetuofity of the bull, the pleafure of
the fpedftators, which was for fome time fufpended, is
again awakened into life. Sometimes the bull remains
motionlefs, throws up the earth with his foot, and ap¬
pears as if meditating revenge.
The bull in this condition, and the matador who
calculates his motions and divines his projects, form a
group which an able pencil might not difdain to deli¬
neate. The affembly in filence behold this dumb fcene.
The matador at length gives the mortal blow ; and if
the animal immediately falls, a thoufand voices pro¬
claim with loud fhouts the triumph of the conqueror j
but if the blow is not decifive, if the bull furvives and
feeks ftilb to brave the fatal fteel, murmurs fucceed to
applaufe, and the matador, whofe glory was about
to be raifed to the Ikies, is confidered only as an un-
Ikilful butcher. He endeavours to be foon revenged,
and to difarm his judges of their feverity. His zeal
fometimes degenerates into blind fury, and his parti-
zans tremble for the confequences of his imprudence.
He at length direfts his blows better. The animal vo¬
mits up blood ; he flaggers and falls, while his con-
.queror is intoxicated with the applaufes of the people.
Three mules, ornamented with bells and ftreamers,
come to terminate the tragedy. A rope is tied around
the bull’s horns, which have betrayed his valour, and
the animal, w'hich but a little before was furious and
proud, is dragged ignominioufly from the arena which
he h as honoured, and leaves only the traces of his
blood and the remembrance of his exploits, which are
foon effaced on the appearance of his fucceffor. On
each of the days let apart for thefe entertainments,
iix are thus facrificed in the morning, and twelve in
the afternoon, at leart in Madrid. The three laft are
given exclufively to the matador, who, without the
afliftance of the picadores, exerts his ingenuity to va¬
ry the pleafure of the fpeftators. Sometimes he caufes
them to be combated by fome intrepid ftranger, wdio
attacks them mounted on the back of another bull,
and fometimes he matches them with a bear; this laft
method is generally deftined for the pleafure of the po¬
pulace. The points of the bull’s horns are concealed
by fomething wrapped round them, which breaks their
force. The animal, which in this ftate is called Em-
[ 79° 1
B U L
bolado, has power neither to pierce nor to tear his an-
tagonift. The amateurs* then defeend in great nurn-v
bers to torment him, each after his own manner, and
often expiate this cruel pleafure by violent contulicns ;
but the bull always falls at length under the ftroke of
the matador. 'I he few' fpeftators who are not in-
fedled with the general madnefs of this fport, regret that
thole wretched animals do not, at leaft, purchafe their
lives at the expence of fo many torments and fo many
efforts of courage ; they would willingly aflift them to
efcape from their perfecutors. In the minds of fuch
fpedlators diigulf fucceeds compaffion, and fatiety fuc-
ceeds difguft. Such a feries of uniform feenes makes
that intereft become languid, which this fpedfacle, on
its commencement, feemed to promife. But to con-
noiffeurs, who have thoroughly ftudied all the ftrata-
gems of the bull, the refources of his addrefs and fury,
and the different methods of irritating, tormenting, and
deceiving him, none of thefe feenes refembles another,
and they pity thofe frivolous obfervers who cannot re¬
mark all their varieties.
The Spanilh government are very fenfible of the
moral and political inconveniences arifing from this
fpecies of frenzy. They have long fince perceived,
that among a people w hom they wifh to encourage to
labour, it is the caufe of much diforder and diflipation j
and that it hurts agriculture, by deftroying a great
number of robuft animals, which might be ufefully
employed : but they are obliged to manage with cau¬
tion a tafte which it might be dangerous to attempt
to abolifh precipitately. They are, however, far from
encouraging it. The court itfelf formerly reckoned
bull-fights among the number of its feftivals, which
w'ere given at certain periods. The Plaxa-Mayor was
the theatre of them, and the king and the royal fa¬
mily honoured them wuth their prefence. His guards
prefided there in good order. His halberdiers formed
the interior circle of the fcene : and their long wea¬
pons, held out in a defenfive pofture, were the only
barrier which they oppofed againft the dangerous ca¬
prices of the bull. Thefe entertainments, which by
way of excellence, w'ere called Fiejias Reales, are be¬
come very rare. Charles III. wdto endeavoured to po-
lifh the nation, and to direft their attention to ufeful
objedffs, wTas very defirous of deftroying a tafte in which
he faw nothing but inconveniences 5 but he was too
wufe to employ violent means for that purpofe. He,
howrever, confined the number of bull fights to thofe,
the profits of which were applied to the fupport of fome
charitable inftitution, with an intention of fubftituting
for thefe other funds afterwards. Bull-fights, by
thefe means being rendered lefs frequent, will, per¬
haps, gradually lofe their attra&ions, until more fa¬
vourable circumftances permit the entire abolition of
them.
BvLL-running, denotes a feudal cuftom obtaining
in the honour of Tutbury in Staffordffiire ) where, an¬
ciently, on the day of the affumption of our Lady, a
bull is turned loofe by the lord to the minftrels } who,
if they can catch him before he paffes the river Dove,
are to have him for their own, or, in lieu thereof, to
receive each 40 pence 5 in confideration of which cu¬
ftom they pay 20 pence yearly to the faid lord.
Bull and Boar. By the cuftom of fome places, the
parfon is obliged to keep a bull and boar for the ufe
of
Brill.
B U L [ 79i ] B U L
of his parifliioners, in confideration of his having tithes
of calves and pigs, &c.
BuLL-Frog. See Rana, Erpetology Index.
BuiL-Head or Millar''s Thumb. See Cottus,
Ichthyology Index.
Bull, among ecclefiaftics, a written letter, dif-
patched, by order of the pope, from the Roman chan¬
cery ; and fealed with lead, being written on parch¬
ment, by which it is partly diftinguilhed from a brief :
fee the article Brief.—-It is a kind of apoftolical re-
fcript, or edi£t ; and is chiefly in ufe in matters of ju-
flice or grace. If the former be the intention of the
bull, the lead is hung by a hempen cord ; if the lat¬
ter, by a filken thread. It is this pendent lead, or
feal, which is, properly fpeaking, the bull, and which
is impreffed on one fide with the heads of St Peter and
St Paul, and on the other with the name of the pope
and the year of his pontificate. The bull is written
in an old, round, Gothic letter, and is divided into five
parts, the narrative of the, fact, the conception, the
claufe, the date, and the falutation, in which the pope
flyles himfelffervus fervorum, i. e. the lervant of fer-
vants. Thefe inftruments, befides the lead hanging to
them, have a crofs, with fome text of fcripture, or re¬
ligious motto, about it. Bulls are granted for the con-
fecration of biflrops, the promotion to benefices, and the
celebration of jubilees, &c.
Bull in Cana Domini, a particular bull read every
year, on the day of the Lord’s fupper, or Maundy
Thurfday, in the pope’s prefence, containing excom¬
munications and anathemas againft heretics, and all who
difturb or oppofe the jurifdidtion of the holy fee. Af¬
ter the reading of the bull, the pope throws a burning
torch in the public place, to denote the thunder of this
anathema.
Golden Bull, an edidl, or imperial conftitution, made
by the emperor Charles IV. reputed to be the mag-
na charta, or the fundamental law of the German
empire.
It is called golden, becaufe it has a golden feal, in
the form of a pope’s bull, tied with yellow and red
cords of fiik : upon one fide is the emperor reprefented
fitting on his throne, and on the other the capitol of
Rome. It is alfo called Caroline, on Charles IV.’s ac¬
count. Till the publication of the golden bull, the form
and ceremony of the elcftion of an emperor were du¬
bious and undetermined, and the number of the eledlors
not fixed. This folemn edidt regulated the fundlions,
rights, privileges, and pre-eminences, of the eledlors.
The original, which is in Latin, on vellum, is preferved
at Francfort : this ordonnance, containing 30 articles
or chapters, was approved of by all the princes of the
empire, and remains fiill in force.
Silver Bulls were not in fo frequent ufe ; though we
do not want inftances of them.
Leaden Bul^s were fent by the emperors of Conftan-
tinople to defpots, patriarchs, and princes ; and the
like were alfo ufed by the grandees of the Imperial
court, as well as by the kings of France, Sicily, &c.
and by bifiiops, patriarchs, and popes. It is to be ob-
ferved, that the leaden bulls of thefe laft had, on one
fide, the name of the pope or bifiiop infcribed. Poly-
dore Virgil makes Pope Stephen III. the firft who ufed
leaden bulls, about the year 772. But others find
inftances of them as early as Silvefter, Leo I. and
Gregory the Great. The latter popes, befides their Bulb
own names, ftrike the figures of St Peter and St Paul
on their bulls, a practice firft introduced by Pope Paf- ^ ‘ .
chal II. But why, in thefe bulls, the figure of St Paul
is on the right, and that of St Peter on the left fide,
is a queftion which has occafioned many conjectures
and difputes.
Waxen Bulls are faid to have been firft brought
into England by the Normans. They were in fre¬
quent ufe among the Greek emperors, who thus fealed
letters to their wives, mothers, and fons. Of thefe
there were two forts, one red, and the other green.
BULLA, or dipper, in Conchology : A genus be¬
longing to the order of vermes teftaceae. It is aa
animal of the fnail kind : the fhell copfifts of one
valve, convoluted, and without any prickles; the aper¬
ture is narrowifh, oblong, longitudinal, and entire at
the bafe ; the columella is fmooth and oblique. There
are 23 fpecies ; four of them found in the Britiflx
feas; the reft chiefly natives of the Afiatic and Atlantic
oceans. See Conchology Index.
BULLiE, in Antiquity, a kind of ornaments much
in ufe among the ancient Romans. Mr Whittaker J t e/"
is of opinion that they were originally formed of leather Manchejitr^
among all ranks of people 5 and it is certain that they*,P-'79'
continued fo to the laft among the commonalty. He
alfo imagines, that at firft the bulla was intended as an
amulet rather than an ornament; as a proof of which
he tells us that the bullae were frequently imprelfed with
the figure of the fexual parts. It is univerfally aflerted
by the critics, that the bullas were made hollow for the
reception of an amulet j but this Mr Whittaker con-
tradidls from the figure of a golden one lately found at
Manchefter, which had no aperture whereby an amu¬
let could have been introduced.-—Pliny refers the ori¬
ginal of the bulla to the elder Tarquin, who gave one
with the prastexta to his fon, becaufe at the age of 14.
he had with his own hand killed an enemyy and in
imitation of him it was afterwards afiumed by other
patricians. Others affirm that the bulla was given by
that king to the fons of all the patricians who had
borne civil offices. Laftly, others allege, that Ro¬
mulus firft introduced the bulla, and gave it to Tul-
lus Hoftilius, the firft child born of the rape of the
Sabines.—As to the form of the bulla;, Mr Whit¬
taker informs us that they were originally made in the
fliape of hearts ; but they did not always retain the
form of a heart, any more than they were always
made of leather. As the wealth of the ftate and the.
riches of individuals increafed, the young patrician di¬
ftinguilhed himfelf by a bulla of gold, while the com¬
mon people wore the amulet of their anceftors. The
figure of the heart then became lb generally round,,
fome even having the impreflion of an heart upon them,
that there are not many of the original form to be
found in the cabinets of the curious. The form is na¬
turally varied from a complete circle to that of a feg-
ment; and this was the lhape of the above-mentioned
bulla found at Manchefter. When the youth arrived
at 15 years of age, they hung up their bullae about tlie
necks of their gods lares. We are further infoimed,
that the bullae were not only hung about the necks of
young men, butof horfes alfo. We may add, that bul¬
lae were fometimes allowed to ftatues; whence the
phrafe Jlatu* bulla!#.
Bull .Si
Sulla
II
Sulleyn.
B 17 L [ 792
Bullje, was alio the denomination given to diverse- his
B U L
ther metalline ornaments made after the fame form j and
in this fenfe bu//s feem to include all gold and filver or¬
naments of a roundifh form, whether worn on the ha¬
bits of men, the trappings of horfes, or the like. Such
were thofe decorations ufed by the ancients on their
doors and belts. The bullge of doors were a kind of
large-headed nails fattened on the doors of the rich, and
kept bright with great care. The doors of temples
were fometimes adorned with golden bull*. Mr Ban-
delot takes the bull* worn by foldiers on their belts to
be fomething more than mere ornaments. They feem
to have been conlidered as prefervations from dangers
and difeafes, and even means of acquiring glory, and
other advantages. The like may perhaps be extended
to the bull* on doors, which w*re probably placed
there as a fecurity to them from being broken or vio¬
lated.
Bull.® alfo denotes a table hung up in the pub¬
lic courts, to diftinguilh which days were fafti, and
which nefafti ; anfwering in fome meafure to our ka-
lendar.
BULLET, an iron or leaden ball or (hot, wherewith
fire arms are loaded. Bullets are caft in iron-moulds,
confifting of two concave hemifpheres, with a handle
whereby to hold them $ and between them is a hole,
called the gate, at which to pour in the melted metal.
The chaps or hemifpheres of bullet-moulds are firft
punched, being blood-red hot, with a round ended
punch, of the fliape and nearly of the fize of the in¬
tended bullets. To cleanfe the infides, they make ufe
of a bullet bore, which confifts of a fteel (hank, having
a globe at one end, wherewith to bore the infide of a
mould clean, and of the intended fize.
BULLEYN, William, a learned phyfician and
botanift, was born in the ifle of Ely, in the former part
of the reign of Henry VIII. and educated at Cam¬
bridge. Botany being his favourite ftudy, he travelled
through various parts of England, Scotland, and Ger¬
many, chiefly wuth an intention to improve his know¬
ledge in that fcience. In the reign of Edward VI. or
of Queen Mary, Mr Bulleyn appears, from his re¬
marks on the natural produftions of that country, to
have refided at Norwich, or in that neighbourhood, and
alfo to have fpent fome time at Bloxhall in Suffolk j
but he afterwards removed into the north, and fettled at
Durham, where he pradifed phyfic with confiderable
reputation and fuccefs. His great patron at this time
was Sir Thomas Hilton, knighr, baron of Hilton,
who was governor of Tinmouth cattle in the reign of
Philip and Mary. In 1560, became to London, and,
foon after his arrival, was accufed by William Hilton
of Bidick of having murdered his brother Sir Thomas,
our author’s friend and patron. He was arraigned be¬
fore the duke of Norfolk, and honourably acquitted.
This Hilton afterwards hired fome villains to affaffinate
the do&or; but this attempt proving ineffeaual, he had
him arretted on an a6tion for debt, and he remained for
a long time in prifon. During this confinement, Dr
Bulleyn compofed feveral of thofe works which raifed
his reputation as a medical writer. He died in January
1576. and was buried in St Giles’s Cripplegate, in the
fame grave with his brother the divine, who died 13
years before, and in which John Fox the martyrologift
was interred 11 years after. Dr Bulleyn appears from
Bullion.
citings to have been well acquainted with the Eullialdus
works of the ancient Greek, Roman, and Arabian phy-
ficians. According to the modern practice, his books,,
were they generally knowm, would be of little ufe j but
as he w as a man ot genius and fertile imagination, they
are by no means barren of entertainment. He wrote, i.
The government of health, 1559, 8vo. 2. Aregimena-
gaintt the pleurify, 8vo. London, 1562. 3. Bulleyn’s
bulwark of defence againft all ficknefs, forenes, and
wounds that dooe daily affault mankinde, London print¬
ed by John Kingfton, 1562, folio. This includes,
The government of health. 4. A dialogue both plea-
fant and pietifull, wherein is a goodlie regimen againft
the fever peftilence, with a confolation and comfort
againft death, London, 1564, 8vo. 1569, 8vo very
fcarce. There is a wooden print of the author prefixed
to the firft edition of his government of health ; alfo a
fmall one engraved by Stukeley in 1722.
BLLLIALDUS, Ismael, an eminent aftronomer,
was born at Laon in the Ifle of France in 1605. He
travelled in his youth for the fake of improvement j and
afterwards publilhed feveral works, among which are,
1. Be nature lucis. 2. Philolaus. 3. AJlronomia philo-
iaica, opus novum, in quo motus planetarum per novam
et yeram hypothejin demonjlrantur. 4. AJlronomit philo-
laiccv fundamenta clarius explicata et aJJ'erta adverfus
Zethi Wardi impugnationem. He alfo wrote a piece or
two upon Geometry and Arithmetic. In 1661, he
paid Hevelius a vifit at Dantzic, for the fake of fee¬
ing his optical and aftronomical apparatus. After¬
wards he became a prefbyter at Paris, and died there
in 1694.
BULLINGER, Henry, born at Bremgarten in
Swutzerland in 15045 was an eminent Zuinglian mini-
fter, a great fupporter of the reformation, and em¬
ployed in many ecclefiaftical negotiations. He compo¬
fed many books, one againft Luther in particular. He
died in 1775.
BULLION, uncoined gold or filver in the mafs.
1 hofe metals are called fo, either when fmelted from
the native ore, and not perfeftly refined; or W’hen they
are perfectly refined, but melted down in bars or in¬
gots, or in any unwrought body, of any degree of fine-
nefs.
When gold and filver are in their purity, they are fo
foft and flexible, that they cannot well be brought into
any fafhion for ufe, without being firft reduced and
hardened with an alloy of fome other bafer metal.
To prevent thefe abufes which fome might be tempt¬
ed to commit in the making of fuch alloys, the legif-
lators of civilized countries have ordained, that there
Ihall be no more than a certain proportion of a bafer
metal to a particular quantity of pure gold or filver, in
order to make them of the finenefs of what is called the
ftandard gold or filver of fuch a country.
According to the laws of England, all forts of
wrought plate in general ought to be made to the le¬
gal ftandard j and the price of our ftandard gold and
filver is the common rule whereby to fet a value on
their bullion, whether the fame be ingots, bars, dull, or
foreign fpecie : whence it is eafy to conceive that the
value of bullion cannot be exaftly known, without be¬
ing firft eflayed, that the exa£l quantity of pure metal
therein contained may be determined, and confequent-
ly whether it be above or below the ftandard.
Silver
BUN [ .
*tCk r Si‘lrer and goia' whether coined or uncoined (though
Bunting- , for a common meafure of other things), are no
ford. ^eis a commodity than wine, tobacco, or cloth 5 and
y—- niay, in many cafes, be exported as much to the nation¬
al advantage as any other commodity.
BULLOCK, the fame with an ox, or gelded bull.
See Bos, Mammalia Index.
BULTER, a term ufed to denote the refufe of meal
after dreffmg, or the cloth wherein it is dreffed, other-
wife called bulter-cloth.
BULWARK, in the ancient fortification. See
Rampart.
BUMICILLI, a religious fedl of Mahometans in
Egypt and Barbary, who pretend to fight with devils,
and commonly appear in a fright and covered with
wounds and bruifes. About the full moon they coun¬
terfeit a combat in the prefence of all the people, which
lafts for two or three hours, and is performed with afia-
gaias, or javelins, till they fall down quite fpent j in a
little time, however, they recover their fpirits, get up,
and walk away.
BUNDLE, a collcftion of things wrapped up toge¬
ther. Of balle-ropes, harnefs-plates, and glovers knives,
ten make a bundle 5 of Hamburg yarn, twenty fkeans:
of bafket rods, three feet the band.
BUNEL, Peter, a native of Tbouloufe, was one of
the moll elegant writers of the Latin tongue in the 16th
century, but was Hill more confpicuous for the regula¬
rity of his manners. He did not feek either for riches
or lucrative employments •, but, contented with the bare
neceflaries of life, applied himfelf wholly to the im¬
provement of his mind. He died at Turin in 1547,
aged 47 ; and has left behind him fome Latin epiltles,
which are written with the utmoft purity. The- magi-
ftrates of Touloufe have a bull of him in marble, pla¬
ced in their town-houfe. The moll correft edition of
his Letters is that of Henry Stephens in 1581.
BUNGAY, a market town of Suffolk, fituated on
the river Wavenny, about 32 miles north-eall of Bury,
E. Long. 1. 35. N. Lat. 52. 35.
BUNIAS, in Botany^ : A genus of the 39th natural
cider, Siliquofce, belonging to the tetradynamia clafs of
plants, for which there is no Englilh name. The fili-
cula is deciduous, four-fided, muricated, or lhagreened
with unequal pointed angles. There are eight fpecies $
all of them annual plants, but none of them poffeffed of
any remarkable property.
BUNIUM, pig-nut, or earth-nut. See Botany
Index.
BUNT of a Sail, the middle part of it, formed de-
fignedly into a bag or cavity, that the fail may gather
more wind. It is ufed mcllly in top-fails, becaufe
the courfes are generally cut fquare, or with but fmall
allowance for bunt or compafs. The bunt holds much
leeward wind ; that is, it hangs much to leeward.
BvNT-Ltnes, are fmall lines made faff to the bottom
of the fails, in the middle part of the bolt- rope, to a
cringle, and are fo reeved through a fmall block, feized
to the yard. 1 heir ufe is to trice up the bunt of the
fail, for the better furling it up.
BUNTING. See Emberiza, Ornithology In¬
dex.
BUNTINGTORD, a town of Hertfordfliire, with
-a market on Mondays, and. two fairs, on June 29th,
.and November 3Cth, for pedlars wares. It is a good
Vol. IV. Part II. 8
33 ] BUO
thoroughfare tdwn, but fmall, and is accounted only a Buntzel
large hamlet. W. Long. o. 6. N. Lat. 51. 55. H
BUNTZEL, otBuntzlau, a town of Silefia, in Buo>'s
the duchy of Jauer. The greateft part of the houfes
are built with Hone, and there w'ere formerly rich
mines in the neighbourhood. It is in the common
road to Leipfic $ and the trade is in earthen ware, of
which great quantities are made. E. Long. 1 c. to
N. Lat. 51. 12. 5 3 •
BUNYAN John, author of the Pilgrim’s Pro-
grels, was born at Elftowq near Bedford, in 1628. He
w as the fon of a tinker ; and, in the earlv part of his
life, was a great reprobate, and a foldier in the parlia¬
ment army : but being at length deeply ffruck with a
lenle of his guilt, he laid affde his profligate courfes,
became remarkable for his fobriety, and applied himfelf
to obtain fome degree of learning. About the year
I^55> he was admitted a member of a Baptiil congre¬
gation at Bedford, and was foon after chofen their
preacher : but, in 1660, being taken up, and tried for
prefuming to preach, he was cruelly fentenced to per¬
petual banifhment j and in the mean time committed
to jail, where necefiity obliged him to learn to make
long-tagged thread-laces for his fupport: to add to his
dilliefs, he had a wife and leveral children, among
whom was a daughter wLo was blind. In this unjuff
and cruei confinement he was detained tw7elve years
and a half, and during that time w'rote many of his
trails; but he w7as at length difeharged by the hu¬
mane interpofition -of Dr Barlow7. When King James’s
declaration for liberty of confcience w7as publilhed, he
was chofen pallor of a congregation at Bedford. He
at length died of the fever at London, on the 31ft of
Augult 1688, aged 60. He alio wrote an allegory,
called The Holy IVar. His Pilgrim's Progrefs has
been tranllated into moll European languages^ and his
works have been colleded together, and printed in two
volumes folio.
BUONOCARSI, or Pierino del Vaga. See
Pi ERING.
BUOY, in fea affairs, a fort of clofe calk, or block
of wmod, faffened by a rope to the anchor, to deter¬
mine the place w7here the anchor is fituated, that the
Ihip may not come too near it, to entangle her cable
about the Hock or the flukes of it.
Buoys are of various kinds ; as,
Can-Raors : thefe are in the form of a cone ; and
of this conftrudlion are all the buoys which are floated
over dangerous banks and fhallows, -as a warning to
pafling Ihips, that they may avoid them. They are
extremely large, that they may be feen at a diftance;
and are faftened by ftrong chains to the anchors which
are funk for this purpofe at fuch places.
Nun-Buors are fiiaped like the middle fruftum of
two cones, abutting upon one common bafe, being
calks, which are large in the middle, and tapering near¬
ly to a point at each end.
. Wooden-Bvors are folid pieces of timber, fometimes
in the ffiape of a cylinder, and fometimes in that of a
nun-buoy •, they are furnilhed with one or tw'o holes,
in w hich to fix a Ihort piece of rope, whole two ends,
being fpliced together, make a fort of circle or ring,
called the ftrop.
Cable-Bvors, are common calks employed to buoy up
the cables in different places from rocky ground. In
fH the
B U P [ 794 1 BUR
?5uoy tlie harbour of Alexandria in Egypt, every Hiip is
li . moored with at leaft three cables, and has three or four
i aP^oma’ 0f ^gfg buoys on each cable for this purpofe.
Slings of the Buoy, the ropes which are faflened
about it, and by which it is hung : they are curioufly
fpliced around it, fomething refembling the braces of
a drum.
To fream the Buoy, is to let it fall from the {hip’s
fide into the water 5 which is always done before they
let go the anchor, that it may not be retarded by the
buoy rope as it finks to the bottom.
BuoY-Rope, the rope which fafiens the buoy to the
anchor : it thould be little more than equal in length
to the depth of the water where the anchor lies, as it
is intended to float near, or immediately above, the bed
of it, that the pilot may at all times know the fituation
thereof. See Plate XXXIII. Fig. 1. N° 3, where b
is the anchor, c the buoy-rope, and d the buoy floating
on the furface of the water. The buoy rope is often
extremely ufeful otherwife, in drawing up the anchor
when the cable is broke. It fhould always, therefore,
be of fuflicient flrength for this purpofe, or elfe the an¬
chor may be loft through negligence.
Buoy of the None, is a buoy placed at the mouth of
the river Thames, to direft mariners how to avoid a
dangerous land.
BUOYANT, fomething which, by its aptnefs to
float, bears up other more ponderous and weighty
things. See Buoy.
BUPALUS, a celebrated fculptor, and native of the
ifland of Chios, was fon, grandfon, and great grandfon
of fculptors. He had a brother, named Athenis, of the
fame profeffion. They flouriflred in the 60th Olympiad :
and were contemporary with Hipponax, a poet of an
ugly and defpicable figure. Our fculptors diverted
themfelves in reprefenting him under a ridiculous form.
But Hipponax wrote fo {harp a fatire againft them,
that they hanged themfelves, as fome fay. Pliny, how¬
ever, does not allow this \ but fays, on the contrary,
that, after Hipponax had taken his revenge, they made
feveral fine ftatues in feveral places ^ particularly a Diana
at Chios, which was placed very high, and appeared
with a frowning countenance to thofe that came in, and
with a pleafant one to thofe that went out. There were
feveral ftatues at Rome made by them; a*id they work¬
ed only in the white marble of the ifle of Paros. Pau-
fanias mentions Bupalus as a good architedl as well as
fculptor ; but fjiys nothing of Athenis.
BUPHAGA. See Ornithology Index.
BUPHONIA (from /Sy? ox, and q>un faughter, in
antiquity, an Athenian fealt or ceremony, denominated
from a bullock {lain therein, with quaint formalities.
For the origin of the buphonia, w^e are told it W'as
forbidden by the laws of Attica to kill an ox : but it
once happened, at the feaft of the diipolia, that an ox
ate the corn, others fay the cakes, which had been
drefled for the facrifice. Thaulon the prieft, enraged
at this, prefently killed him, and fled for it. On
which the Athenians, fearing the refentment of the
gods, and feigning themfelves ignorant Vho had com¬
mitted the fadf, brought the bloody axe before the
judges, where it was folemnly arraigned, tried, found
guilty, and condemned. And, in memory of this
event, a feaft was inftituted under the denomination of
buphonia *, in which it was ftill cuftomary for the prieft: Buphthal,
to fly, and judgement to be given about the {laughter mum
of the ox. „ li
BUPHTHALMUM, ox eye. See Botany Index,
BUPLEURUM, hare’s ear. See Botany Index.
BUPRESTIS. See Entomology
BUQUOI, a town of Artois, in the French Ne¬
therlands, fituated on the confines of Picardy. E. Long.
2. 40. N. Lat. 50. 1 2.
BUR, a broad ring of iron, behind the place made
for the hand on the fpears ufed formerly in tilting ;
which bur w7as brought to reft when the tilter charged
his fpear.
BURBAS, in commerce, a fmall coin at Algiers,
with the arms of the dey ftruck on both fides : it is
worth half an afper.
BURCHAUSEN, a town of Germany in the
Lower Bavaria, fituated on the river Saltz. E. Long.
13. 25. N. Lat. 48. 5.
BURDEGALA, or Burdigala, in Ancient Geo¬
graphy, a trading port town of Aquitania, fituated
on a lake of the fea, formed by the mouth of the Ga-
rumna. It was a famous feat of the Mufes, as appears
by Aufonius’s book entitled Brofeffores; and birth¬
place of Aufonius: Now Bourdeaux, capital of the
Bourdelois, on the river Garonne. W. Long. o. 40.
Lat. 44. 54.
BURDEN, or Burdon, in mufic, the drone or bafe,
and the pipe or firing w’hich plays it: hence that part
of a fong that is repeated at the end of every ftanza,
is called the burden of it.—A chord which is to be di¬
vided, to perform the intervals of mufic, when open
and undivided, is alfo called the burden.
Burden properly fignifies a heavy weight or load.
Ringelberg recommends the bearing burdens as the
belt fort of exercife : efpecially to {Lengthen men of
ftudy. To this end, he had a gown lined with plates
of lead, which he could juft lift with both his hands.
This load he bore fix or (even days together, either in-
creafing or diminiftiing it as he found occafion ; by
which means he could both write and exercife at the
fame time.
Burden alfo denotes a fixed quantity of certain
commodities. A burden of gad-fteel is two fcore, or
1 20 pounds.
Burden of a Ship is its contents, or number of tons
it will carry. The burden of a fhip may be determi¬
ned thus : Multiply the length of the keel taken w ith-
in board, by the breadth of the {hip within board, ta¬
ken from the midftiip-beam, from plank to plank ; and
multiply the produft by the depth of the hold, taken
from the plank below the keelfon, to the under part
of the upper deck plank ; and divide the lart produdl
by 94 : the quotient is the content of the tonnage re¬
quired. See Freight.
BURDOCK. See Arctium and Xanthium, Bo¬
tany Index.
BURELL, or Civita Burrella, a town of Italy
in the kingdom of Naples, and in Abruzzo Citra, near
the river Sangro. E. Long. 15. 5. N. Lat. 41. 56.
BUREN, a town of the United Provinces, in Guel-
derland. It gives the title of count de Buren to the
prince of Orange. E. Long. 5* 22. N. Lat. 52* o.
Euren, a town of Germany, yi the circle oi Weft-
phalia>
J
fitirgau-
dine.
* See Sc;-
tare*
 BUR l 79S
aiuiford p'lialia, and bifliopric of Paderborn, It is feated on
the river Alme, five miles fouth of Paderborn. E.
Long. 8. 25. N. Lat. 51. 35.
j BLJRFOK-D, a town of Qxfordfliire, feated on an
afcent on the river Windrufh, is a handfome place,
chiefly noted for the making of faddles. The downs
near it, noted for horfe-races, are of great advantage
to the town. Burford is an earldom in the family of
St Albans. It is 23 miles well north-weft of Banbuiy,
and 85 weft of London. W. Long. 1. 43. N. Lat.
51* 4°*
BURG, Burgh, or Dun, in northern topography.
See Dun.
Burg, a town of Lincolnftiire, feated in a marfli 12
miles fouth-eaft of Bofton, and 127 north of London.
E. Long. o. 5. N. Lat. 53. 12.
Burg, a town of the Dutch Netherlands, in Zut-
phen, feated on the Old Iffel, 18 miles eaft of Nime-
guen. E. Long. 6. 12. N. Lat. 52. o.
BuKG-CaJlle, or Borough-cq/ile, a fortrefs on the
edge of the county of Suffolk, three miles weft of
Yarmouth, where the rivers Yare and Waveny meet.
It was formerly a delightful place •, but now only the
ruins of its walls remain, near which Roman coins are
often dug up.
BURGAGE, or Tenure in Burgage., is where the
king, or other perfon, is lord of an ancient borough,
in which the tenements are held by a rent certain. It
is indeed only a kind of town foccage $ as common foc-
cage*. by which other lands are holden, is ufually of
a rural nature, A borough is diftinguiihed from other
towns by the right of fending members to parliament ;
and where the right of eleflion is by burgage-tenure,
that alone is a proof of the antiquity of the borough.
Tenure in burgage, therefore, or burgage tenure, is
where houfes or lands which were formerly the fcite of
houfes in an ancient borough, are held of fome lord in
common foccage, by a certain eftabliftied rent. And
thefe feem to have withftood the ftiock of the Norman
encroachments principally on account of their infigni-
ficancy, which made it no£ worth while to compel them
to an alteration of tenure, as 100 of them put together
would fcarce have amounted to a knight’s fee. Be-
ftdes, the owners of them, being chiefly artificers, and
perfons engaged^n trade, could not with any tolerable
propriety be put on fuch a military eftablifhment as
the tenure in chivalry was. The free foccage, there¬
fore, in which thefe tenements are held, feems to be
plainly a remnant of Saxon liberty ; which may alfo
account for the great variety of cuftoms affefting ma¬
ny of thefe tenements fo held in ancient burgage ; the
principal and moft remarkable of which is that called
Borough Englijh. See the article BoROUGH-Eng/i/h.
BURG AU, in Natural Hi/lory, the name of a large
fpecies of fea-fnail, of the lunar or round-mouthed kind.
It is very beautifully lined with a coat, of the nature
of the mother-of-pearl; and the artificers take this
out, to ufe under the name of mother-of-pearl, though
fome call it after the name of the ftiell they take it
from, hurgaudine.
BURGAUDINE, the name given by the French
artificers to what we call mother-of-pearl. In their
works they do not ufe the common nacre-ftrell for this,
but the lining of the American burgau. Hence fome
] BUR
call the mother-of-pearl hurgaudine, and others the hut- Eurgdow
gaudine mother-of-pearl. ||
BURGDORF, a handforne and pretty large towm Burggravg;
of Switzerland, in the canton of Bern, feated on an
eminence. The river Emma is about a piftol-ftiot from
the town j and as it often changes its bed, it frequent¬
ly does a great deal of mifchief. It runs at the foot of
a rock of a prodigious height, and there is a ftone-
bridge over it. Near the town there is a fulphureous
fpring which fupplies their baths with water, which is
good againft palfies and difeafes of the nerves. E.
Long. 7. 35'. N. Lat. 47. 6.
BURGEON, in gardening, a knot or button put
forth by the branch of a tree in the fpring. The word
is formed from the French bourgeon, which fignifies
the fame, formed from the Latin burrio, of hurra.
Bourgeon amounts to the fame with what is otherwife
called eye, bud, or germ. Frofts are chiefly dangerous
when the burgeons begin to appear. The burgeons
have the fame fkin, fame pith, fame ligneous body,
and the fame infertions as the ftalk ; that is, all the
parts are the fame jn both, only more contraifted in
the former.
BURGESS, an inhabitant of a borough, or walled
town, or one who poffeffes a tenement therein. The
word is alfo applied to the magiftrates of fome towns,
as the bailiff and burgeffes of Leominfter.
Anciently, burgeffes were held in great contempt;
being reputed fervile, bafe, and unfit for war j fo that
the gentry were not allowed to intermarry in their fa¬
milies, or fight with them; but, in lieu thereof, w’ere
to appoint champions. A burgefs’s fon was reputed
of age, when he could diftindlly count money, meafure
cloth, &c.
Burgess is now ordinarily ufed for the reprefen-
tative of a borough-town in parliament. Burgeffes
are fuppofed to reprefent the mercantile part, or trad¬
ing intereft of the nation. They w^ere formerly al¬
lowed, by a rate eftabliflied in the reign of Edward III.
two (hillings a-day as wages. It is much to be re¬
gretted, that the members for boroughs bear above a
quadruple proportion to thofe for counties. The right
of eleftion of burgeffes depends on feveral local char¬
ters and cuftoms: though by 2 Geo. II. c. 24. the
right for the future Ihall be allowed according to the
laft determination of the houfe of commons concern¬
ing it : and by 3 Geo. III. c. 15. no freeman, except
fuch as claim by birth, fervitude, or marriage, fhall
be entitled to vote, unlefs he hath been admitted to
his freedom twelve months before. No perfon is eli¬
gible as a burgefs, who hath not acleareftate of 300k
a-year.
BURGGR AVE, properly denotes the hereditary
governor of a caftle, or fortified town, chiefly in Ger¬
many. The wmrd is compounded of bourg, town, and
graf or grave, count. The burggraves were originally
the fame with what w7e otherwife call cajlellans, or Ca¬
nutes cajlellani', but their dignity was confiderably ad¬
vanced under Rudolph of Hapfburgh ; before his time
they were ranked only as counts, and below the prin¬
ces, but under him began to be efteemed on a footing
with princes. In fome parts, the dignity is much de¬
generated, efpecially in the palatinate. There were
formerly, according to Leti, 15 families who enjoyed
5 H 2 the
¥
BUR [ 796 J BUR
Bur^h the title of burggraves, 13 of which are now extinft.
H, But this is differently reprefented by others. In Bo-
. urSiar>-i hernia the title of burggrave is given to the chief
officer, or to him that commands in quality of viceroy.
In Pruffia, the burggrave is one of the four chief offi¬
cers of the province. In Guelderland, the burggrave of
Nimeguen is prefident of the ftates of the province.
BURGH. See Borough.
Burgh, or Dun. See Dun.
BvRGH-Bote fignifies contribution towards the build¬
ing or repairing of caftles, or w’alls, for the defence of
a borough or city.
By a law of King Athelflan, the caflles and wTalls
of towns were to be repaired, and burgh-bote levied
every yearwuthin a fortnight after rogation days. No
perfon whatever wras exempt from this fervice; the king
himfelf could not exempt a man from burgh-bote ; yet,
in after times, exemptions appear to have been fre¬
quently granted ; infomuch, that, according to Cowel,
the wmrd burgh-bote came to be chiefly ui’ed to denote
not the fervice but the liberty or exemption from it.
Burgh- Breche, or brech, a fine impofed on the com¬
munity of a town, or burgh, for the breach of peace
among them.
BuRGH-Mails, were yearly payments to the crown of
Scotland, introduced by Malcolm III. and refembling
the FKE-farm rents of burghs in England. See Mail.
BvRGH-MciJIer, an officer in the tin mines, who di¬
rects and lays out the meers for the w'orkmen, &c.
otherwife denominated bailiff and bar-mufter.
BURGHERMASTER. See Burgomaster.
BURGHMOTE, the court of a borough. By the
law’s of King Edgar, the burghmote w’as to be held
thrice in the year 5 by thofe of Henry I. 1 2 times.
BURGLARY, or nocturnal house-breaking,
(burgi latrocimutn), which by the ancient Englifh law
was called hamefucken, a word alfo ufed in the law of
Scotland, but in a fomewhat different fenfe, has always
been looked upon as a very heinous offence : not only
becaufe of the abundant terror it carries with it, but
alfo as it is a forcible invafion and difturbance of that
right of habitation which every individual might ac¬
quire even in a ftate of nature j an invafion wffiicb, in
fuch a ftate, would be fure to be punifhed with death,
unlefs the affailant were ftronger. But, in civil fo-
ciety, the law’s come in to the affiftance of the weaker
party : and, befides that they leave him this natural
right of killing the aggreffor if he can, they alfo pro-
teft and avenge him in cafe the affailant is too power¬
ful. And the law has fo particular and tender a regard
to the immunity of a man’s houfe, that it ftyles it his
cajfle, and W’ill never fuffer it to be violated w ith impu¬
nity •, agreeing herein with the fentiments of ancient
Rome. For this reafon no outward doors can in gene¬
ral be broken open to execute any civil procefs, though
in criminal caufes the public fafety fuperfedes the pri-
* See the vate *• Hence alfo in part arifes the animadverfion of
article the law’ upon eaves-droppers, nufancers, and incendia-
Aneji. ries : and to this principle it muft be affigned, that a
man may alfemble people together lawfully (at leaf!
if they do not exceed 11), without danger of railing
a riot, rout,, or unlawful affembly, in order to proteft
his houfej which he is not permitted to do in any
other cafe.
The definition of a burglar, as given us by Sir Ed¬
ward Coke, is, 11 he that by night breaketh and en- Burglary,
tereth in a manfion-houfe, with intent to commit a ‘““'V“’■ILI-
felony.” In this definition there are four things to be
confidered j the time, the place, the manner, and the
intent.
1. The time muft be by night, and not by day ; for
in the day-time there is no burglary, i. e. if there be
day-light or crepufculum enough, begun or left, to dif-
cern a man’s face withal. But this does not extend to
moonlight ; for then many midnight burglaries would
go unpunifhed : and befides, the malignity of the offence
does not confift fo much in its being done in the dark,
as at the dead of night} when all the creation, except
beafts of prey, are at reft ; when fleep has difarmed the
owner, and rendered his caftle defencelefs.
2. As to the place. It muft be, according to Sir
Edw’ard Coke’s definition, in a manfion-houfe : for no
diftant barn, warehoufe, or the like, are under the
fame privileges, nor looked upon as a man’s caftle of
defence ; nor is a breaking open of houfes wherein no
man refides, and which for the time being are not
manfion-houfes, attended with the fame circumftances
of midnight terror. A houfe, however, w herein a man
fometimes refides, and which the owner hath left on,
ly for a fhort feafon, ammo revertendi, is the objefl of
burglary, though no one be in it at the time of the faft
committed. And if the barn, liable, or warehoufe,
be parcel of the manfion-houfe, though not under the
fame roof or contiguous, a burglary may be commit¬
ted therein ; for the capital houfe protects and privile¬
ges all its branches and appurtenants, if within the
curtilage or homeftall. A chamber in a college, or an
inn of court, wdrere each inhabitant hath a diftindl pro-
perty, is, to all other purpofes as well as this, the man-
fion^houfe of the owmer. So alfo is a room or lodging
in any private houfe the manfion for the time being
of the lodger *, if the owner doth not himfelf dw’ell in
the houfe, or if he and the lodger enter by different
outward doors.. But if the owner himftlf lies in the
houfe, and hath but one outward door at which he and
his lodgers enter, fuch lodgers feem only to be inmates,.
and all their apartments to be parcel of the one dwel-
ling-houfe of the owner.
3. As to the manner oi committing burglary t there
muft be both a breaking and an entry to complete it.
But they need not be both done at once ; for if a hols
be broken one night, and the fame breakers enter tho
next night through the fame, they are burglars. There
muft be an adlual breaking ^ as, at leaft, by breaking,
or taking out the glafs of, or otherwife opening, a win,
dow ; picking a lock, or opening it with a key ; nay,
by lifting up the latch of a door, or unloofing any other-
faftening which the owner has provided. But if a per-
ion leaves his doors or windows open, it is his own folly
and negligence ; and if a man enters therein, it is no
burglary 5 yet, if he afterwards unlocks an inner or
chamber door, it is fo But to come down a chimney;
is held a burglarious entry : for that is as much clofed
as the nature of things will permit.. So alfo, to knock
at a door, and, upon opening it, to rufti in with a felo¬
nious intent 5 or under pretence of taking lodgings, to
fall upon the landlord and rob him \ or to procure a
conftable to gain admittance in order to fearch for
traitors, and then to bind the conftable and rob the
houfe} all thefe entries have been adjudged burglari-
ous^
BUR [ 797 ] BUR
Burgomo- ous, though there was no actual breaking : for the law
mtilter WJ11 not fuffer itfelf to be trifled with by fuch evafions,
Burgos, especially under the cloak of legal procefs. As for the
L—-yl—J entry, any the lead degree of it, with any part of the
body, or with an inltrument held in the hand, is fuffi-
cient: as, to Hep over the threfhold, to put a hand or
hook in at a window to draw out goods, or a piflol to
demand one’s money, are all of them burglarious en¬
tries. The entry may be before the breaking, as well
as after-, for by liatute 12 Anne c. 7. if a perfon en¬
ters into the dwelling-houfe of another, without break¬
ing in either by day or by night, with an intent to
commit felony, or, being in fuch houfe, (hall commit
any felony ; and fhall in the night break out of the
fame ; this is declared to be burglary.
4. As to the intent; it is clear that fuch breaking
and entry mud be with a felonious intent, otherwife it
is only a trefpafs. And it is the fame, whether fuch
jntention be a&ually carried into execution, or only
demondrated by fome attempt or overt aid, of w'hich
the jury is to judge.
Burglary is a felony at common law, but w-ithin the
benefit of clergy. Burglary in any houfe belonging to
the plate-glafs company, with intent to deal the dock
or utenfils, is by datute 13 Geo. III. c. 38. declared
to be Angle felony, and puniflied with tranfportation
feven years.
BURGOMASTER, Burghermaster, Bourger-
tnejler, or Burgmejler, the chief magidrate of the great
towns in Flanders, Holland, and Germany. The pow-er
and jurifdidtion of the burgomader is not the fame
in all places, every town having its particular cu-
doms and regulations : at Amderdam there are four
chofen by the voices of all thofe people in the fenate
wdio have either been burgomaders or echevins. They
difpofe of all under offices that fall in their time, keep
the key of the bank, and enjoy a falary but of 500
guilders j all feads, public entertainments, &c. being
defrayed out of the common treafury. The w-ord is
formed from the two Flemilh words, border, burgefs,
or citizen ; and mejier, majler. Some exp refs it in Latin
by conful, others by fenator.—Mr Brenau obferves,
that burghermajler in Holland, anfwers to wdiat is
called alderman and Jherij} in England,, attorney at
Compeigne, capitoulat Thouloufe, conful at Languedoc,
&c.
BURGOO, or Burgout, a fea-faring diffi, made
of whole oatmeal, or groats, boiled in water till they
burd ; then mixed with butter. It is a cheap and
drengthening diet. Burgoo, otherwife called loblolly,
is held by Cock burn very proper to correft that thick-
nefs of humours and codivenefs to which the other diet
of failors much difpoles them. Yet the burgoo vi(dual¬
ling is the lead liked of all their provifions, becaufe
of the fcanty allowance of butter to it. The fame
author thinks it might be worth the confideration of
thofe to whom the care of the feamen is commit¬
ted, to contrive to render this food more agreeable to
them.
BURGOS, a city of Spain, the capital of Old Ca-
dile, with an archbifhop’s fee, ere&ed in 1574. It is
furrounded with mountains, which render the air very
cold nine months in the year, and the other three ex-
ceffively hot. It is feated on the declivity of a hill, on
x
the top of which there is a drong cadle, and the lower- Burgtm-
part of the towm is watered by the river Alangon. The dioiies
principal avenue to the city is by a handfome bridge R "•
over this river, which leads to a beautiful gate, adorn- 1 U'ia
ed with the datues of fevefal kings of Spain. The
town is large and populous ; but the houfes are ill built,
and the dreets are narrow and dirty, except fome few
efpecially that which leads to the cathedral. There are'
feveral fquares adorned with fountains and datues.
The great fquare in the middle of the city is furround ¬
ed with fine houfes, with piazzas to each." The cathe¬
dral church is a maderpiece of Gothic architecture,
and one of the fined in all Spain. The church of the
Augudines is remarkable for its beautiful and rich cha¬
pel of the holy crucifix. There are feveral fine con¬
vents and nunneries 5 one of which lad contains 150
nuns, who mud all be of noble extradlion. They have
likewife a royal hofpital, very richly endowed ; and*
at this place they fpeak the bed Caftilian, that is, the
purred Spanilh, in the kingdom. W. Long. 4. 7. N. Lat.
42. 20.
BURGUNDIONES, a part or branch of the Vin-
dili or Wandili. Cluverius places them about the
Warta, a river of Poland : though the conjeidures on
the feat of thefe people are doubtful ; and no wonder,
becaufe the Roman expeditions terminated at the Elbe_
They afterw-ards removed to the Cifalbin Germany,
and at length to Celtic Gaul, and gave name to the
duchy and county of Burgundy.
BURGUNDY, a late province or government of
France, which now forms the three departments, of Cote
d’Or, Saone and Loire, and Yonne. It contains, befides
the government of Burgundy, La Brefie, La Bugy, and-
the didrift of Gez 5 having Champagne on the north,
Lyonnois on the fouth, Tranche Comte on the ead,
and Nivernois and Bourbonnois on the wHl. Its length
from north to fouth is about 45 leagues, and its breadth
from ead to w-ed about 30. It is very fertile in corn,
wine, fruit and tobacco ; being watered by the Seine,
the Dehune which falls into the Saone, the Brebince
or Bourbince, the Armancon, the Oucke, and the
Tille. There are fome noted mineral fprings in it,
with fubterraneous lakes, and plenty- of ochre. For a
long time it had dukes of its own,. fubordinate to the
crown of France y but at- lad, Louis XL upon the
failure of the heirs male, feized upon it, and annexed
it to his crown. The principal places are Dijon, Aux-
erre, Autun, Bourbon 1’Ancy, &c»
BURIAL, the interment of a deceafed perfon.
The rites of burial are looked upon in all countries,
and at all times, as a debt fo facred, that fuch as ne-
glefled to difcharge- it were thought accurfed : hence
the Romans called them Jufa, and the Greeks vopt
(au, 'Stx.cctx, etrix, words implying the inviolable obliga¬
tions which nature has laid upon the living to take
care of the obfequies of the dead. Nor are w'e to
ivonder that the ancient Greeks and Romans u’ere ex¬
tremely folicitous about the interment of their deceafed
friends, fince they wrere drcugly perfuaded that their
fouls could not be admitted into the Elyfiau fields till
their bodieswere committed to the earth ; and if it hap¬
pened that they never obtained the rites of burial, they
were excluded from the happy manfions for the term
of 100 years. For this reafon it was confidered as a
-duty
BUR [
£ *F?al duty incumbent upon all travellers who ftiould meet
i*'m' y ' 1 ’ with a dead body in their way, to call dud or mould
upon it three times; and of thefe three handfuls one
at lead was call upon the head, The ancients likewife
confidered it as a great misfortune if they were not laid
in the fepulchres ol their fathers j for which reafon,
fuch as died in foreign countries had ufually their athes
brought home, and interred with thofe of their ance-
dors. But notwithftanding their great care in the
burial of the dead, there were fome perfons whom
they thought unworthy of that laft office, and to whom
therefore they refufed it ? fuch were, t. Public or pri¬
vate enemies. Z- Such as betrayed or confpired againft
their country. 3. Tyrants, who were always looked
Upon as enemies to their country. 4, Villains guilty
of lacrilege, $. Such as died in debt, whofe bodies be¬
longed to their creditors. And, 6. Some particular
offenders, who fuffered capital punifhraent.
Of thofe wdio were allowed the rites of burial, fome
were diftinguilhed by particular circumftances of dif-
grace attending their interment : thug perfons killed
by lightning were buried apart by their,felves, being
thought odious to the gods; thqfe who wafted their
patrimony forfeited the right of being buried in the
fepulchres of their fathers 5 and thofe who were guilty
of felf-murder were privately depofited in the ground,
without the accuftomed folemnities. Among the Jews,
the privilege of burial was denied only to felf-murder-
ers, who were thrown out to rot upon the ground. In
the Chriftian church, though good men always delired
the privilege of interment, yet they were not, like the
heathens, fa concerned for their bodies, as to think it
any detriment to them, if either the barbarity of an
enemy, or fome other accident, deprived them of this
privilege. The primitive Chriftian church denied the
more folenin rites of burial only to unbaptized perfons,
ielf-murderers, and excommunicated perfons who con¬
tinued obftinate and impenitent, in a manifeft contempt
of the churches cenfures,
fhe place of burial among the fews was never par¬
ticularly determined. We find they had graves in the
town and country, upon the highways, in gardens, and
upon mountains. Among the Greeks, the temples were
made repofttories for the dead in the primitive ages 5
yet the general cuftom in latter ages, with them, as
798 1 BUR
well as with the Romans and other heathen nations,
was to bury their dead without their cities, and chiefly
by the highways, Among the primitive Chriftians, bu-
rying in cities was not allowed for the flrft 300 years,
nor in churches for many ages after, the dead bodies
being firft depoftted in the atrium or churchyard, and
porches and porticoes of the church : hereditary bury-
ing-places were forbidden till the lath century,’ As to
the time of burial, with all the ceremonies accompany¬
ing it, fee the article FvNKRAL-Rites,
BURICK, a town of Germany, in the circle of
Weftphalia, and duchy of Cleves, fubjeft to the king
of Prufha, It was taken by the French in 1672, who
demolifhed the fortifications. It is agreeably Rated on
the river Rhine, over againft Wefel, in E. Long, 6, 8.
N.Lat. 51.38. 8
BURIDAN, John, a native of Bethune, in Artois,
was one of the moft celebrated phiiofophers of the 14th
century. He taught in the univerfity of Paris with
great reputation ; and wrote commentaries on logic,
morality, and Ariftotle’s metaphyfics, Aventinus re¬
lates, that he was a difeipie of Ockam ; and that, be¬
ing expelled Paris by the power of the Realifts, which
was fuperior to that of the Nominalifts, he went into
Germany, where he founded the univerfity of Vienna.
From him came the proverb of the afs of Buridan, fo
famous in the fchools, Buridan fuppofed a hungry
afs fixed at an exaftly equal diftance between two by.
ftiels of oats ; or an als, as much prefled by thirft as
hunger, between a bulhel of oats and a pail of water,
each of them ading equally on his fenfes. Having
made this iuppofttion, he defired to know what the aR
would do \ If he was anfwered that he would remain
immoveable, then he concluded he would die of hunger
between two bulheis of oats, or of both hunger and
thirft, with both corn and water within his reach. This
appeared abfurd, and brought the laughter on his fide j
but if it was replied, that the afs would not be fo ftu-
pid as to die of hunger or thirft in fuch a fituation,
Then (fald he), the afs has free will, or is it poflible
that of two equal weights one fhould outweigh the
other ? Thefe two confequences appeared equally ab¬
furd j and thus Buridan, by this fophifm, perplexed
the phiiofophers, and his afs became famous in tbs
fchools.
Burick,
Buridan.
mD Of THE FOURTH VOLUME,
DIRECTIONS for placing the PLATES of Vol. IV.
Part I.
Plate XCIV. to face
XCV.—XCVIII.
xcix.-xxxvm.
Part II.
-CXXIX. CXXX.
Page
64
72
334
424
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